the social status of the negro a thesis the university of ... · the social status of the negro in...
TRANSCRIPT
THE SOCIAL STATUS OF THE NEGRO
IN PASADENA, CALIFORNIA
A Thesis
Presented to
the Faculty of the Department of Sociology
The Univers ity of Southern California
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts
by
James E. Crimi
June 1941
This thesis, written by
........................... JA�.fL.�"-···QR.+.��---·-······························
under the direction of h .. '=� Faculty Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been
presented to and accepted by the Council on
Graduate Study and Research in partial fulfill
ment of the requirements for the degree of
..................... MAS.XER. .. QF. .. .AB..T.S ....................................... . . ·>-----._ � / /t··__;> /\"-"'/� l-L ... ��
·--�·-"·-··-···· • Dean, Secretary
Date ............. �!!�.�-'--��!?: .............. .
Faculty Committee
-
2.\11-C.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I . THE PROB�1 AND DEFIN ITIONS OF TERMS USED • • •
I I.
I I I .
The .problem • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Statement oi' the problem . . . . . . . . .
I mportance of the study • • • • • • . . . .
Review of the literature • • • • • • • • •
Definitions of terms used • • • • • • • • • • •
Social status • • • • •
The N egro • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • •
. . . . . . . . . .
Organization and techniques ot' the study
THE BACKGROill\l"D OF THE PROBLEM • • • • • • •
• •
• •
Population trends in Pasadena • •
Birth rates in Pasadena • • • • •
• • • . . .
. . • • • •
The process of segregation • • • • • • •
THE OCCUPATIONAL POSITION OF THE NEGRO
I N PASADENA • • • • . . . . . . . . . .
Dis$r1bution of the gainfully employed
• • •
PAGE
1
1
1
2
3
4
4
4
4
7 8
12
15
23
by sex • , • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 24
The occupations of Negroes in Pasadena today
Parents of Pasadena Junior College students
City employees • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Defense industries
Unemployment • • • •
. . . . . . . . . . . .
• • • • • • • • • • • •
26
28
36
38
39
CHAPTER
i ii
PAGE
IV .
Ocaupat i onal interests o f Pasadena Junior
C ollege student s • • • • • • • • • • • •
ATTITtWES OF THE WHITES TOWARD THE NEGROES •
• •
. .
Evidenc e of antagoni sm • • • • • • • • • •
Hi s t orical case s of prejudic e against
the Negro e s • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
41
48
48
48
R esult s o f the writer ' s que s t ionnaire study 50
The Pasadena Improvement Assoc iation
T he Bro okside Plunge cas e • • • • •
• • • •
. . . ' . . .
Racial pol i c i e s o f ce�tain loc al in stitutions
and organi zat ions
Schools • • • • . •
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
• • • • • • • • • • • • •
72
75
79
79
Youth c lubs and social s.ervice or!§ani zations 80
V. VALIDITY OF THE OPINIONS OF THE WHITES CONCERN-
VI.
ING THE RELAT ION OF THE NEGRO TO C ERTAIN
SOC IAL PROBLEMS • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Juveni l e delinquency •
Adult crime • • • • •
Infeatious di sease • •
• • • • •
• • • • •
• • • • •
Need for financial aid and rel i e f
• • • • • • •
• • • • • • •
• • • • • • • •
• • • • • •
THE REACTI ON OF THE NEGRO TO HI S STATUS • • • •
The Negro ' s evaluati on o f himself a s a c it i z en
Crime • . • • • . • • • • . • • • . • • . . •
85
85
92
95
98
100
101
101
iv
CHAPTER PAGE
102
102
107
V II .
Infectious disease • • • . •
Financial relief • • • • •
• • • • • • • •
• • • • • •
The N egro's evaluati on of hi s own ability •
The Negro's reaction to certain factors in
his social s tatus • • • • • • • • • • • • 107
Occupational position • • • • • • • • • • 109
Educational opportuni t i e s • • • • • • • •
Contact s with Whit e s in residential and
social sit uat i on s • • • • • • • •
Negro attitude s toward the total rae�
. . .
problem in Pasadena
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSI ONS
• •
. . .
• • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • •
113
114
BI BIII OGRAPHY • •
APPENDIX • • • •
• • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • •
• • • • • • •
• •
• •
117
121
12'7
131
LIST OF TABLES
TABLE PAGE
I. Number and Percentage of Negroes in Pasadena
Population , 1890-1939 . , • . . . . . . .
II . Live Births-in Pasadena • • • • • • • • • • •
III . Distribution by Sex o f Whites and Negroes
Gainfully Employed in Pasadena , Cali fornia ,
and Springfield, Massachusetts: 1930 • • • •
I V . Comparison o f the Occupations-of Parents o f
Eighty-four Negro and White Students at
9
14
25
Pasadena Junior College • . • • • • • • • • • 30
v. Occupations of the Parents o f Eighty-four
Negro Student s in Paaadena Junior COllege • 31
VI. Occupations of the Parents of the White
Control Group , Eighty-four Junior
College Students • • • • • • • • • • • • •
VII . Comparison of the Vocational Preference of
Eighty-four Negro Students at Pasadena
Junior College with the Occupations
of Their Parents • • • • • . . • • • .
VIII. Vocational Preferences of Eighty-four Negro
Students at Pasadena Junior College • •
I X . Vocational Preferences of Eighty-four White
Students at Pasadena Junior College • •
. •
• •
. •
33
42
43
44
vi
TABLE PAGE
X. Groups Contacted in the Questionnaire Study,
Number of Responses , and Key Used in
Reporting Results • • • • • • • • • • • • • 52
XI. Estimates of Negro Population in Pasadena • • 53
XII. Effect of Negroes on Residentia� Value
of the City • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 55
XIII. Attitudes toward Negro Neighbors • • • • • • 57
XIV. Attitudes toward Negro Segregation • • • • • 59
XV. Preference in Regard to Negroes in Schools • 61
XVI. Opinions of Whi tea Regarding Negro Crime
in Pasadena • • • • • • • • . . . . • • • •
XVII. Opinions Regarding Infectious Disease
Among Negroes in Pasadena • • • • • • • • •
XVIII.
XIX.
x.x.
Opinions Regarding Financial Relief Among
Negroes in Pasadena • • • • • • • • •
Comparison of Negro and White Juyenile
Delinquency Among Pasadena Students . •
Type of Offenses Committed by Negro and
• • •
• • •
63
64
66
88
White Juvenile Delinquents in Pasadena • • 91
XXI. Bookings by the Pasadena Police Department,
February l,to November 30, 1939 • • • • • • 94
XXII . Negroes in Certain Infectious,_ Diseas.es;
in Pasadena, 1920 and-1925 • • • • • • • • 96
TABLE
XXIII. Negroes in Certain Infectious Diseases
in Pasadena, 1930 and 1935 • • • • •
XXIV . Comparison of Negro and White Opinions
• • •
Regarding Crime in Pasadena • • • • • • •
XXV . Comparison of Negro and White Opinions
vii
PAGE
97
103
Regarding Infectious Disease in Pasadena • 104
XXVI. Comparison of Negro and White Opinions
Regarding Financial Relief in Pasadena • • 105
XXVII. Opinions of Pasadena Negroes Regarding the
Capability of Negroes and Whites in
Different Occupations • . • • • • • • • • • 108
LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
1.
2.
Distributi on of Negroes in Pasadena
in 1955 • • • • • • • • • • • • • . .
Distribution or Minority Racial Groups
in Pasadena in 1935 • • • • • • • • •
PAGE
. . . . . 16
• • • • • 17
OJ:iAP'l'ER I
THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED
The social problems that aris e when a small rac ial
minority lives in the midst of a community occupied pre
dominantly by another race have long aroused the interest
ot·social investigators. This situation has been a common
one in the United States , where many races have at one time
or another played the role of the minority in some community.
Proba�ly most fre quently , however, it has been the Negro who
has fa�ed the necessity of adj usting himself to this role o f
a minority group member.
I. THE PROBID
Statement 2! the problem . It was the plan of this study
{1) to invest igate the hi story and growth of the Negro minor
ity in Pasadena , California, (2) to exa�ine the occupat ional
posit ion of the Negroes in this community , (3) to gather data
concerning the present attitudes of t he White population
toward the Negroes , (4) to study the extent to which t he
Negroes.contribute to the problems of j uvenile delinquency,
crime , financial relief, and infectious disease in the city,
and (5) to study the reaction of the Negroes t o the prevailing
White attJ1tudes toward them.
2
Importance of !.!!! study. For a number of years there
has existed in Pasadena a soc ial situat ion to which the local
residents usually refer as the " Negro problem" . In rec ent
years this problem has been brought before the public through
the pub1icity given several minor " rac e riot s" , as they were
termed, in the public s ohools;;through a move to re strict pro
perty along rac�al lines;·and through a court case involving
the right of Negroes to use a municipal swimming pool. At
present another source of interrac�al ill-will is,developing
in c onnection with the occupational position of the N egroes in
the National Defense Program. The Negroes maintain that they
are not being given ao adequat e plac e in defense industrie s .
All of these c ircumstances have aroused c onsiderable public
discussion , and indirect ly were the stimuli which occasioned
the present study.
The study it self has made use of material gathered
almost entirely from original sources---interviews , quest ion
naires , polic e records, health records , and other source
mat erials. Thus it has resulted in the systemat ic collection
and analysis of a body of facts bearing upon an important ,
well-defined social problem which , a s far a s the writer knows,
has not been studied heretofore in any comprehensive manner.
Review .2!, the literature. Although a great deal has
been written on the broad subject of racial attitudes, and
particularly on Negro-White relations in the United States,
the local problems created by the Negro minority in Pasadena
have been almost untouched by scientifi� s�udy.
As far as the writer has been able to discover, only
one social investigator has dealt with the Pasadena problem.
In his survey made for the social agencies of Pasadena,1
Cott�ell included one chapter on "Racial Groups". In this
chapter he described the place of various racial minorities--
Negro, Mexican, Japanese, Chinese, and Filipino---in the com
munity, pointed out several sources of conflict between the
�te and non-White populations, and made some specific recom
mendations.
Chief among Cottrell's suggestions is the recommenda
tion that a recreational center be constructed in the
northwest portion of the city to serve the large proportion
of the non-White population living in that area. He also
suggested a program of adult edUcation designed especially
for the non-Wbite group.
All other literature used:in connection with the
present study served solely as background material and as
such will be found lis�ed in the bibliography.
1 Edwin A. Cottrell, Pasadena Social Asencies Survey (Stanford University Pressf 1940) , p. 320.
II. DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED
Social status. A concise, but adequate, definition
of the term "social status• is that given by Bogardus, uthe
personal rating given one person by his fellows•.2 Thus
defined, social status has its origins to a large extent
in the mores, and is revealed constantly through the voice
of public opinion. In the present study the term refers
specifically to the standing of the Negroes·of Pasadena in
the eyes of the rest of the community.
4
� Negro. It is .. not essential for the purpose of
this study to define the word "Negro11 in terms of biological
inheritance. The social nature of the problem makes it nec
essary to accept the decision of the community on the subject
of race, whether or not this decision is biologically accu
rate. In other words, we are concerned here with the race
with which individuals are identified socially, not scienti
fically. Thus, the term "Negro" will be used here to refer
only to individuals who are looked upon by the community as
belonging to the Negro group.
III. ORGANIZATION AND TECHNIQUES OF THE STUDY
The two chief objectives of the study were (l) to
2 Emory 8. Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes (New York: D. O. Heath and Company, l9�8�p. 30.
discover the attitudes of the Wbite citizens toward the
Negroes, and (2) to discover the reactions of the Negroes
to the status imputed to them by the Whites.
The history of the Negro minority in Pasadena, the
present make-up of the population, the birth rates for the
races, and the story of their ecological distribution are
background materials contributing to a more complete under
standing of the problem.
The occupational position of the Negroes was stu died
because of its importance both as a cause and a result of
social status.
The part played by Negroes in the city's juvenile
delinquency, adult crime, financial relief, and infectious
disease was investigated in order that actual conditions
might be compared with the opinions of both Negroes and
Whites on these matters. These opinions were considered to
be important indications of status.
5
Data used in those sections of the study just de
seribed were gathered primarily from interviews and from such
statistical sources as the United States census reports, the
files of the Pasadena City Planning Commission, the Pasadena
Police Department, the Pasadena Health Department, and the
state and county relief agencies. -
The race attitudes of both Negroes and Whites were
s�udied chiefly through the use of questionnaires, which
were constructed by the writer and were distributed to both
races. The results of the questionnaires were supplemented
by interviews,and by case studies of incidents and organi
zations throwing additional light an Negro-White relations
in the o:tty.
6
CHAPTER II
THE BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM
After a long history of Indian, Spanish, and M exican
ownership the land on which Pasadena is nOW'lOcated became
the property of a group of Indiana colonists in 1873. These
people moved immediately to the site of their purchase with
their families• The total population of the city in 1874
was about 36. It increased to over 1,000 by 1883, and in
1890, the time of the first United States census which in
cluded P�sadena, 4,882 persons were recorded.
The written histories are almost entirely silent on
the subject of the Negroes among these early settlers. How
ever, Mr. William Prinee, a Negro resident of Pasadena today,
informed the writer that he came to Pasadena in 1886 and that
there were already two Negro families here at that time.l
Thus Negroes were among the first families to settle in the
city. Their earliest appearance in the records is in the
1890 census, which recorded 75 Negroes in P�sadena at that
time.
The motives which brought these early colored citizens
are somewhat uncertain. The opinion that seems to be most
prevalent among contemporary White residents is that in those
1 Personal interview with the writer, April 12, 1941.
8
early days .�the great ma jority of the Negroes came as servants
of the wealthy families from the East and the South who mi
grated to Pasadena. Opposed to this acc:ount is.the ci.aim of
some of the older Negro residents who say that most of those
first Negro Pasadenans came here as independent settlers to
farm and to work out their own future in the new land.
Mr. Prince estimates that about seventy-five per cent
of those Negroes who came before 1890 were independent settlers,
though many did find work as servants in the wealthy homes
soon after arriving.
In the absence of more ade quate records it is saf'e to
conclude that both independent settlers and domestic servants
were among the early Negro residents of Pasadena.
Population trends � Pasadena. S$nce 1890 every fed
eral census enumeration has disclosed an increase in the
number of Negroes in Pasadena during the previous decade.
Similarly there has been a slo� but steady, rise in the pro
portion of Negroes in the city's total population as.is shown
in Table I.
Accurate figures beyond 1930 are not available at the
present time, and the three estimates given here for 1938 and·
1939, while undoubtedly the best available, are aertainly open
to question.
The figure used by the Health Department in 1938
assumes the same racial proportions as were found in the
Date
1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1938� 1939 1939c
TABLE I
NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF NEGROES IN PASADENA POPULATION� 1890-�939
Total pop?lation Negro Percentage of Paaadtma population Negro
4, 882 15 1.5 9,117 218 2. 4
30, 291 744 2.4 45,354 1, 094 2. 4 76;0S6 3, 015 4.0 84, 311 3,372 4.0 85,920 3,806 4.42 85,920 4,026 4.68
a Est�mate used by Pasaden$ Health Department.
b Es1iimate by City Planning Ot>mmission based on school population.
c Estima'lie by City PJ:arm1ng Commission based on percentages or increase from 1920-30 applied to 1930-39·
9
10
population in 1930. Obviously there is no reason to expect
that this�is accurate in view of the Negro increase of 1.6
per cent during the previous �decade •,
Of the two estimates made in 1939 the following qqota
t ion from &"memorandum in the City Planning Comm±ssion•s
offi ce will indicate the me�ho d used to obtain the latte r.
In the period between the Federal Census o f 1920 and 1930, the total population of the city increased 67.6 per cent . In the same period the Negro population increased 175.8 per cent, or 2.6 times faster than the total population of the c ity .
If we assume that the Negro population between the years 1930 and 11939 inc.reased 2.6 times faster than the total population increase tor the city in the same period , an estimate can be made as follows:
1930 c ensus------76, 086 1939 estimate----85, 920°
·Increase-----------12.9%
12.9,% x,2.6 = 33.5� 33·5� ot 3, 015 (1930 c ensus) = 1, 011 increase in
Negro population 3, 015 + 1, 011 = 4, 026 ( or 4.68%), the 1939 estimate
of the Begro population
The other estimate given tor 1939 was based"on,the
growth in sehool population . Another quotation from the
Planning Commission reports explains the method of arriving
at this figure .
Assuming that the Negro population increased at the same rate as the Negro enrollment in schools, i.e . , '19.92 per c ent between 1934 and-1939:
Negro population in 1934---3, 174 (estimate) 19.92% of 3, 174 • 632 3, 174 + 632 = 3,806 ( or 4.42%) = Negro population
in 1939 .
11
These two estimates are the best available for the
year 1939 • . In the absence of exact stat i s�ic s , which will
not be available in time for use in thi s study, we shall arbi
trarily use the figure o f 4.5 per cent a s a convenient and
rea sonably accrurate working estimate. Wherever possible,
co mpari sons will be made als o in the years for which there
are exact stati stics avai lable, that i s; 1920 and 1930 .
The steady growth in the proportion o f Negroes has
been noted. I t i s the c onscio usness o f thi s trend, with all
i t s social and economi c i mpli c ations, which has aroused the
fear and d i spleasure o f many Whites • . One person commented,
uThe Negroes are steadily growing in numbers i n Pasadena, re
strictions have n ot been adequate ; ·the Negroes are so acat
tered and the value of property has dropped to low levels.n2
Typical o f the att itude o f local residents i s the
statement made by Cottrell in h i s recent s tudy: "Pasadena,
i n c ommon with other �ommunities , has a growing and di sturbing
problem i n the increase o f the non-White population.'!3
The reasons behind the influx o f Negroes into Pasadena
are beyond the scope o f thi s i nvestigati on. The claim i s made
by many White c iti zens that Pasadena has been adverti sed i n
2 C omment written o n a questionnaire.
3 Edwin A• Cottrell , ££· �·� p. 320.
Negro papers and journals all over the country as an ideal
location for Negroes Who wish to migrate to Calii'ornia. It
is certain that this has been done to some extent, but how
tar-reaching its effects have been is·,not known.
one other contributing and aggravating factor in this
connection may be mentioned here. Undoubtedly PasadEtna's
problem is"a:f':f'ected by the fact that almost every one of the
surrounding communities---Glendale and Eagle Rock on the west,
South Pasadena and San Marino on the south, and Arcadia on the
east---has some method of discouraging would-be Negro resi
dents• Glendale is noteworthy in this respect and serves as
a model which many Pasadenans would like to emulate. The
following statements reveal this feeling.
Study Glendale's rules for Negroes; Stop h1rihg Negroes"in the homes • . • •
Neighboring cities with no Negro population have lesa trouble with race questions than Pasadena.
Would suggest that realtors agree not to sell property to Negroes as is the case in Glendale. No Negroes !!!! there.4
Undoubtedly the pattern of race relations in Pasadena
is affected by these all�White surrounding communities.
Btrth rates � Pasadena. According to the statistics
of the P*sadena Health Department for 1938 , 1939 , and 194o
4 Comments written by Whites on the questionnaire.
13
the percentage of Negroes�in the city's births is less than
one per cent higher than the percentage of 'Negroes in the
total population. That is,· for the periods included in the
figures, the Negro birth rate was slightly higher on the
ayerage than would be· -necessary to maintain the present ratio
in the population, not taking into consideration death or
immigration rates. In 1940 it was actually lower. The fol
lOwing figures have been correc$ed for residence---children
born 1n Pasadena to parents residing elsewhere were omitted,
and children born outside of the city to parents living in
Pasadena were ada-d.
The figures in Table II are too limited to be made the
basis for any valid broad generalizations, but it may be sare
ly conciuded from them that the increase in the Negro propor
tion of the eity ln recent years, if there has been an increase,
has come through migration. This s1tuation in the birth rate
is contrary to the assumptions of many �te residents who
expressed the belief in interviews with the writer that the
Negroes in Pasadena are more fecund than the Whites. The situ
ation is also unexpected in view of the birth rates in other
sections of the country and in the United States as a whole.
FUrther statistics would be of value in arriving at
conclusions, but those available for years prior to 1938 are
not corrected for residence. These, it was found, give a
badly distorted picture, for many Negro residents ot·Pasadena
14
TAB� II
LIVE BIRTHS IN PASADENAl
To'tial Negro Per cen-t; of Per cent of Year live live Negroes in Negroes in
births births live bir'tihs population
1938 777 39 5.0 About 4.5 1939 813 43 5., About. 4.5 1940 956 41 4.3 About 4.5
1 Fi'gures from the tiles of the Pasadena Health Departmeat. V11ial 81iatist1cs.
15
go out of the aity for childbirth, often to the county hoe
pi tal, wh ile many Whi tea from surrounding areas make use of
the Pasadena hospitals. Thus the uncorrec�ed statistics are
very misleading.
!a! process of segregation. One more factor in the
general picture must be considered---the present ecological
distribution of the Negroes and its probable causes.
Figures 1 and 2 show the distribution of Negroes in
1935, the latest information available. !he great bulk of the
Negro population l ives in two fairly compact areas, both on
the west side of the c�ty, one in the northwest and the other
in the southwest.
The southern Negro district is considerably smaller
than the one in the northwest section of the eity and is more
or less secondary to it. Hereafter, for convenience, we shall
call the northwest area, bounded by Walnut Street, Fair Oaks
Avenue, Howard Street, and the Arroyo Seco, the primary Negro
area. The district lying south of ablorado Boulevard, west of
Fair Oaks Avenue, north of California Avenue, and east of
Pasadena Avenue we shall designate the secondary Negro area.
The secondary Negro area is located in the part of the
city in which we are accustomed to expect immigrant and non
�te groups. It is similar to what Burgess calls the trans
ition zone, although Pasadena's social and economic structure
.FIGURE 1
.JISTHIBUTION OF NEGHOJ!;S IN PASADBNA IN 1935
0urvey made in January, 1935, by the
Pasadena Planning Commission. Each do.t
represents ten individuals, except in the
case of isolated families.
.·
�&VIsta - ..
'-... �· ..
' \
t-
X 0 •
Legend
Mexican Family
Oriental Family
Negro Family
.__ __ f(�. Park
� School
�-
0 o 0o
0 0
/' I '
..1 '\ \ I
,,
. . �
� I
1 i . '
u
o+--� -+
o
D
0
)(
0
)( )(
FIGUHB 2
\
l
0
DISTRIBUTION OF MINORITY RACIAL GROUPS IN PASAD}.;NA IN 1935
Pasadena City Planning Commission Map
�--., I I I I_ l_l
JC I
_.J._-
18
makes it impos s ible to apply the zonal hypothes i s to any far
reaching ext ent . Tais parti cular area , however, doe s l i e
betwe en the c entral busine s s area along Colorado Boulevard
and t he industrial and warehouse section directly t o the so uth .
I t l i e s b etween the main line of the Santa Fe Railroad and the
spur track of the Union Pacifi c· Railro ad . I t s re sidenc:es.are
old , frequently run-down frame buildings .
The primary Negro area, in the northwes t , lies in a
di fferent surrounding. I t occupies re latively hi gh , desirable
land and i s surrounded on every side by either middle class
or wealthy White resident ial sect ions . On the we st it runs
within a block of Arroyo Boulevard with i t s wealthy homes:
overlooking the Ros e Bowl and the golf cnurs e. Pot ential ly
most of the land n ow occupi ed by the primary Negro area i s
very de sirable residential property and henc e valuable real
e state. Undoubtedly this account s in part for the antagonism
of some of the Pasadena real e s tate men toward the Negro e s .
Ttte explanation of the pro c e s s e s that c aused the Ne..:
groe s to s ett l e in thes e two sections i s not ent i re ly clear,
but several fac t s s eem to be veri fiabl e . At the time that
the Negro e s began t o settle that area which we have t ermed
the primary area it was out side of the �1ty limit s , had very
little in the way of public utilities , and therefore was con
sidered relat ively undesirable. For thes:e r eason s it was in
expensive and within the reach of the Negro's financial means'-
19
Subsequent city growth has roun4 the Negro remaining where he
first settled, and has surrounded him with White residences.
One other factor was undoubtedly active, particularly
in the secondary area and to a lesser extent in the primary
area. I'& has already been noted that some of the early· weal
thy White residents brought Negro servants. Most of these
wealthy families settled in the western part or Pasadena,
along what is now Orange Grove Avenue, or close to that sec•
tion . The Negro servants or these folks had to live crlose,
but not too close, to their employers, and thus were started
some of the Negro neighborhoods which still persist.
It is interesting to note ln passing that there is
very little, lf any, tendency to denote either of these Negro
areas as "Black Town•• or "Nigger Town" as :;is. true in many
urban communities. As tar as the writer could discover these
areas have no special designation in the vernacular of Pasa
dena.
Figure 2 also lndio.ates the tendency of Japanese,
Chinese, and Mexicans to reslde in, or on the fringe of, the
Negro areas. However, the largest Mexican settlement is en ..
tirely apart from these sections, in the extreme east end ot
the city.
In addition to the two Negro districts discusaed, there
are about half a dozen other neighborhoods in the city in
which one or more Negro families live. This scattering of
20
non-White residents,:in otherwise White neighborhoods consid
erably alarms many White c�tizens, particularly real estate
men.
It was to prevent further dispersion that the Pasadena
Improvement Association was formed. This organization is en
gaged in persuading property owners to restrict their prop
erty against non-White occ:upancy. Its work is -:fully described
in Chapter IV.
Tnere is some difference of opinion on the matter of
these isolated Negro groups. Unfortunately, the 1935 distri
bution map is:-the only one available;- so it is not possible
to verify either viewpoint without recourse to the property
deeds and records. One of the chief off"'icers in the Pasadena
Improvement Association told the writer that the "infiltration"
of Negroes into the several White neighborhoods scattered all
over the c�ty was a comparatively recent movement.5 This
c-laim was also endorsed by other prominent White citiz-ens,
all of whom felt that in recent years the Negroes bad encroach
ed on hitherto White neighborhoods in rapidly increasing
numbers.
Shedding a somewhat different light on the matter was:
the statement of William Prince, one of the original colored
c�tizens of Pasadena, who came to the city from Tennessee in
5 Personal interview with the writer, April 10, 1941.
2l.
1886 and has lived there ever since . 6 Mr. Prince stated that
the majority o f those Negroe s living scatt ered in the eastern
part of �he c ity have been there for many years . He cit ed
some examples. Mr. Prince, himself, bought land near the
c orner o f Mountain and Worce ster Streets in 1887. Thi s i s
now one of tho se i solated Negro neighborhoods in a White area,
but in 1887 i t was open country . The Negro famil ies living
on Oak Knoll Avenue in the well-to-do southern part of" t he
city have been there for thi rty years according to Mr. Princ e .
On Sierra Bonita Avenue i s another group of several Negro
families , who se moving there "lowered the value or surrounding
property11 according to White inrormant s. Here again Mr.
Prince says the colored inhabitants owned and lived there
before the city had developed to any e�tent in that area. A
similar situat i on i s found on Fi ske Avenue in the northern
part or Pasadena , where one Negro postman and hi s family live
in a White neighborhood . They are considered int ruders by
many White residents, although according to s everal Negro in
formant s thi s family ha s"res1ded t here tor at least twenty
five years , and the White neighbors built up to them from
every di rection after they had been e stablished for some time.
Undoubt edly it i s t rue that many or these scatt ered
Negro families have a long- standing claim to their locat ions,
6 Personal interview With the writer , April 12, 1941.
22
and yet there can be no doubt that their presence, dispersed
throughout the White community, is one o r the chief factors
in alarming many White persona and in bringing on discrimi
natory action .
C RAP'l'ER I I I
THE OCC UPATIONAL POSITION OF THE NEGRO
IN PASADENA
One o r the most important indicati ons o r the status
or the Negro in any community is the placB he occupies in its
ec onomic structure . The Negro's Job is ln some cases a clue
to an understanding or his ability , but more often it i s an
index or the place he occupies in the thinking or �he domi
nant White group , for it is rrequently the 1'1h1te attitua.e that
prescribes and 11m1�s the areas in Which the Negro may work .
In metropolitan areas , where t he Negro ccmmunity is
large enough to have a relat ively independent social and eco
nomic structure of its own , the White intluence is not so great
and the Negro has much more lat itude in his choice of a voca
tion. He may choose , for example , to become a doctor, and if
h is training and ability are adequate he may pra�tice success
fully within his own racial group. Or he may becDme a teach
er 1n a Negro school , or operate a small business success�
tully , catering to Negro trade .
The circumstances in Pasadena are somewhat diffePent
from those in such large Negro communiti es. In Pasadena the
Negro population is small enough so that its internal economicr.
structure i s nec essarily limit ed . Its relat ion to the White
community, and also the nature of the economic organization of
24
that White community, make the Pasadena N egro peculiarly de
pendent upon the �te for his livelihood. This tact lends
special value to a brief statement of the Negro's occupational
position as one alue to his soe�al status;
D-ISTl!liBUTION OF THE GAINFULLY EJ4PLOYED BY SEX
Underlying the whole economic and ocaupational ques•
tion 1n Pasadena is the somewhat abnormal sex distribu,ion of
the gainfUlly employed. This sex distribution 1St in the
opinion of the writer, one or the results of the general eco
n omic situation in Pasadena rather than one of its causes.
Nevertheless, it 1s described· at this point because it makes
clearer the data to follow.
Table III compares the sex distribution of the gain
fully employed with the sex ratio of the entire population
of Pasadena for both �tea and Negroes• Similar statis�ics
are also presented tor Springfield, Massachusetts, for the
purpose of comparison. Springfield was chosen because its
Negro population is ap�roximately the same size as Pasadena's'
and because it represents an industrial type of community as
contrasted with Pasadena's residential Character.
In aommon with most urban communities Pasadena has
more women than men. This is true for both Negroes and Whites.
However, it is noteworthy that whereas in the total urban
population in the United States in 1930 there were 97. 8 males
Both sexes
Pasadena, all races 32,207
. Vw'hite 29,150 Negro 1,636
Springfield ' 66,518 all races
\Vhite 64,864 Negro 1,576
TABLE III
DISTRIBUTION BY SEX OF WHITES AND NEGROES GAINFULLY ZLIPLOYED IN PASADEKA, CALIFORNIA Aim SPRINGFIELD, l'lASSACHUS:i£TTS: 19301
Gainfully employed2 Population statistics
Per Per Both Per Male cent Female cent Male cent Female
ma.le female sexes male
..
20,857 64.8 11,350 35.2 76,086 33,740 44.3 42,346
18,702 64.2 69,143 43.6 10,448 35.8 30,133 39,010 899 54.9 737 45.1 3,015 1,353 44.9 1,662
46,949 70.6 19,569 29.4 149,900 72,688 48.5 77,212
45,843 70.7 19,021 29.3 146,665 71,031 48.4 75,634 1,032 65.5 544 34.5 3,141 1,574 50.1 1,567
1 Statistics from the Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930.
2 All gainful workers ten years old and over.
Per cent
female
55.7
56.4 55.1
51.5
51.6 49.9
1\) \.11
26
per 100 females;·in Pasadena there were only 79 .5 males per
100 females • This unusual preponderance of' females further,
emphasizes the fact that Pasadena is a residential community,
with an unusually high proportion of retired persons; and an
absence or industry which would employ men .
An analysis of the sex. ratios among the gainfully em
ployed reveals a noticeable difference between �tes and
Negroes in Pasadena. Among the White workers 64.2 per cent
are men and 35·8 per cent are women·. In contrast, Negro work
ers are only 54 . 9 per cent men and 44.1 per cent women . This
difference is seen more ciearly when it is considered that
44.3 per cent of all Negro women in the city were listed as
gainfUlly employed whereasl:;only 26 .a per cent of the White
women were so registered on the 1930 census.
Some of' the reasons for this high proportion of' Negro
women workers will be pointed out in the following section.
Its implications for the social 1ife of the Negro group, par
ticularly with regard to juvenile delinquency, are great .
They are dealt with in Chapter v.
THE OCCUPATIONS OF NEGROES IN PASADENA TODAY
Several studies of occupations in Pasadena have been
conducted in recent years. None of these, however, distin
guished between Negroes and Whites. Nor are the oacupational
statistics of the Federal census broken down racially for
aities of less than one hundred thousand population.
The analysis of occupations here is based upon in ter
views with persons intimately connected with the employment
situation in Pasadena, and upon a study of the occupations
of the parents of eighty-four Negro students 1n the Pasadena
J\Ulior College. The limited scope of these data is acknow
ledged, but the picture presented is clear enough to provide
a basis for a reasonably accurate estimate of the entire
occupational problem.
All available evidence points to the conclusion that
the majority of Negroes. in Pasadena earn a living in one o t
two general fields. A s one Negro wrote on the bottbm of his.:
questionnaire, " Negroes don't have a chance to prove their
skill at most trades. Their work is limited to. • • 1m skilled
labor, and personal and domestic work. Very few are given
anything else."
Mrs. De Parr, director of.' the office of the State Em
ployment S8rv1ce in Pasadena,. stated the fields or Negro em
ployment in different terms but included approximately the
same occupations.l She observed that most or the jobs avail
Able to Negroes are in �(1) domestic� (�) maintenance, or
(3) 1ns�itut1onal" work. Whatever names are given to these
1 Interview with the writer, Karen 21, 1941.
28
fields of endeavor, the fact. is that such Jobs ·as chauffeur,
maid, butler, Janitor, gardner, truok driver, and common
l.aborer, maJte up 'the bul.k of Negro work in Pasadena.
The_two fields which occupy many Negroes in other
sections of the cotmtry fail them in Pasadena. Agricul. t ur.e,
which supports the bulk of Negroes in the South, is_ al.most
entirel.y lacking. So also is most or the heavy industrial.
work, which provides jobs for them in many Eastern cities.
In the absence of these two fields the Negroes are foreed in
large numbers into domesti� service, another one of their
traditional areas or work. The comparatively large number of
wealthy �te familiess1n Pasadena, able to hire servants,
provides a further impetus to this trend.
Parents 2f Pasadena Junior Oollese students. Tables
IV, V, and VI present the materials gathered in a study or
the occupations of the parents of eighty-four Negro students
at Pasadena Junior College.2 The oceupations used ar..e those
stated by each student in registering, and recorded on his .
permanent record'sheet.
The writer went through all permanent record sheets
on the East Oampus for the semester beginning September, 1940.
From the record of eaah Negro student his occupational inter-
2 The Pasadena Junior College includes the el.eventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth grades. All students in this study were on the East Campus • .
•
29
est, his father's·ocoupation, and his mother's occupation were
secured. For a control group a number of White boys and White
girls---equal to the number of Negro boys and Negro girls---
were selected. This was done by taking the card of the first
White boy following each Negro boy, and of the first White
girl follOwing each Negro girl in the alphabetic flle. The
same data were recorded for each group. Table V, pages 31
and 32, presents the analysis of the data for the Negro group,
and Table VI, pages 33 and 34, presents the analysis or the
Wh.1. te control group. In Table IV all of the material. dealing
with the parents' occupations is summarized. For the s tatis�
tics dealing with occupational interests of the students see
pages 42 to 45.
It might be-argued that the parents of these students
would represent the 11Upper" classes of the Pasadena Negroes
rather than the entire group • . This may be true to a minor
degree, but the fact that most or the students are below the
thirteenth grade, and many or them still below the com.ptll-
sory school age, reduces the importance or the selective faa-tor.
The summary, in Table IV, substantiates the general
statements that have already been made about Negro employment
in Pasadena, particularly with regard to personal and domestia
work. Thirty-three and three tenths per cent or the fathers
and 2 5 per cent of the mothers are personal and domestic
servants.
30
TABDE IV
COMPARISON OF THE OCCUPATIONS OF PIRENTS OF EIGHTY-FOUR NEGRO AND WHITE STUDENTS .AT PASADENA JUNIOR COLLEGE
Negroes Whites Occupations
:fer cent :fer cent l'er o_ent Per cent fathers mothers fathers mothers
Professions- 2.4 4.S 10. 7 10.7 Proprietors, managers 6.0 4.S 39.3 2.4 Clerical work 1.2 o.o 7.1 1\.2 Skilled work 17.9 6.0 16.6 1. 2 Unskilled work 15.4 o.o 1.2 o.o Personal and domestic-: 33-3 25.0 3.6 1.2 Miscellaneous 4.8 o.o 3.6 o.o Housewife o.o 38.1 o.o 58.3 No occupation stated 19.0 21.3 17.9 25.0
Total l.OO.O 1.00.0 100.0 100.0
31
TABLE V
OCCUPATIONS OF THE PARENTS OF EIGHTY-FOU�NEGRO STUDENTS I N PASADENA JUNIOR COLLEGE
Occupation
Professions
Muslcian Pharmacist Teacher
Proprietors , managers, etc • .
Busines s man Cdntrac:tor Salesman
Clerical .!2£! Post o frice
clerk
Skilled � Barber Cosmetologist Lfitter car-
rier Mechanic Plasterer Seamstre s s
Unskilled � Garbage col-
lector Laborer Odd Jobs Truck worker
Number or rathers
2
1 1 0
_2_ 1 2 2
ll
. 1
!2_ 2 0
4 7 2 0
1 9 1 2
Per cent or rathers
1.2_ 1.2 o.o
1.2
2.� o.o
4.e B.� 2 . 4 o.o
1�2 10.7
1.2 2.4
Number or mothers
4
3 0 1
4
3 0 1
0
0
0 2
0 0 0 3
0 -
0 0 0 0
Per cent or mothers
4.S
3.6 o.o 1. 2
o.o
o.o
6.0
o.o o.o o.o 3 .6
o.o
o.o o.o o . o o.o
1 These data were taken from the individual record sheet for each student filed in the school records offic _e .
32
TABLE V ( CONTINUED )
OCCUPATIONS OF THE PARENTS OF EIGHTY-FOUR NEGRO STUDENTS IN PASADENA JUNIOR COLLEGE
Occupati on Num.ber Per cent Number Per cent of fathers of fathers of mothers of mothers
Persona l and domestic. 28 - 33·' � 25.0
H�otblaok 2 2.4 0. o.o Butler 4 4.8 0 o.o Caretaker l 1 .2. 0 o.o Chauffeur 9 10.7 0 o.o COok 2 2.4 2 2.4 Gardener 4 4.8 0 o.o. Janitor 5 6.0 1 1.2 Laundress 0 o.o 3 3.6 Maid and day
work 0 o.o 15 17.9 Porter 1 1�2 0 o.o
M1sc1t11aneous . · . 4 4.6. 0 o.o -Plano tuner 1 1�2 0 o.o Sailor and
soldier 3 3.6 0 o.o
Housewife ....Q_ o.o ...R. 38.1
No occn.tpat1on •
stated 16. 1�.o 18 21��
'I'Otal 84 100.0 84 100.0
33
TABLE VI
OCCUPATIONS OF THE PARENTS OF THE WHITE CONTROL GROUP, EIGHTY-FOUR JUNIOR COLLEGE STUDENTS
Oeeupat1on Number Per cent Number Per cent
of' fathers of fathers of mothers or mothers
Professions 10.7 10.7
Doct.or or nurse 1 1 .2 3 3.6
Engineer 4 4.8 0 .. o.o Lawyer 1 1 . 2 0 o . o Minister 1 1.2 0 o .o Teacher 2 2.4 5 6.0 liriter 0 o.o 1 1.2
Proprietors; m&n!£Sers1 en •. 2L 39.3 2 2.4-
Business man 10 1 1.9 2 2 . 4 Farmer 4 4.8 0 o.o Miner 1 1. 2 0 o.o PUblisher 1 1.2 0 o.o Salesman and
manager 17 20.2 0 o.o
Clerical work 6 7.1 __L 1.2
Bookkeeper or accountant 4 4.8 1 1.2
·Clerk 1 1 . 2 0 o .o StenographeP
or secretary 1 1.2 _ 0 o.o
34
TABLE VI { CONTINUED )
OCCUPATIONS OF THE PARENTS OF THE WHITE CONTROL GROUP, EIGHTY-FO'UR JUNIOR COLLEGE STUDENTS
Occupations Number Per c ent Number Per c.ent o f fathers o f fathers , o f mothers of mothers
Skilled work 14 16 . 6 1 1. 2 . - - -
Barber 1 ' 1 . 2 0 o.o Carpenter 2 2 . 4 0 o . o Co smetologist 0 o .o 1 1 . 2 Mechanic 5 6 . 0 0 o . o Oi1 field
worker 1 1 . 2 0 o . o Painter 1 1 . 2 0 o . o Plumber 1 1 . 2 0 o . o Telephone
c ompany 3 3.6 0 o . o
Unskilled � 1 1 .2 _Q_ o . o -
Odd j obs 1 1 . 2 0 o.o
Personal and domestic l 3 . 6 ...!... 1 . 2
Chauffeur 2 2 . 4 0 o .o Cook 0 o .o 1 1 . 2 Gardener 1 1 . 2 0 o . o
M i s ce11a.neous _L 3 . 6 0 o.o -
Movie worker 1 1 .2 0 o . o Retired l 1 . 2 0 o . o Watchman 1 1 . 2 0 o . o
Housewife 0 o.o ...!±2_ 58.;,? N o occupat ion
stated 12 11·2 21 22 . 0
Tota1 84 100. 0 84 100. 0
35
Unskilled work is listed for 15 .4 per cent of' the
fathers . Tfiis figure may well be higher in reality, for
students tmdoubtedly tend to describe their parents ' posit ions
as advantageously as possible .
In comparing the oc�upations of the Negroes with the
Whites it is found that only in the field of skilled work are
the percentages approximately the same . When the percentages
for professions , proprietors, managers, and clerical workers
are combined it is found that a total of 47 .1 per cent of the
White fathers are included in these occupe�.tions , but only g . o
per cent of the Negro fathers . , On the other hand, 53 · 5 per
cent of the Negro men are classified as unskilled , personal,
domestic, or miscellaneous, while only 8 . 4 per cent of the
White men are found in these fields .
No attempt was made to study the incomes of these va
rious groups, but it is safe to conclude that the Negroes
tend to hold positions which pay lower salaries than those
olf' the Whites . That the Negroes feel this to be the case is
illustrated by the comment of one Negro woman who wrote on
her questionnaire , 11 1 wish something could be done about the
ter�1ble working hours domestics face . Makes us almost hate
White people who have so much money and don ' t want to be de
cent to colored help when it comes to pay ! t ! t They hire us
meaning tO' pay us less.�·
One other fact that is revealed in Table IV should be
36
pointed out. We have already discussed the relatively hi�
proportion o f Negro women who work . This �:seems to hold true
for the mothers of the Negro Junior Cbllege students also .
Only 38.1 per cent or the Negro mothers were listed as house�
wives, as compared with 58 .3 per c ent of the White mothers .
If we add to these figures the number or mothers for whom no
other occupation was stated� assuming most of these to be
housewives,· the discrepanc7 between Negroes and 'lhites is still
greater . The totals thus obtained are 59 . 4 per cent of the
Negro mothers ( not gainfully employe�) , compared to 83.3 per
cent of the White mothers .
The r eaction of the Negroes to this whole occupational
problem is discussed in Chapter VI.
City employees. One point in the occupational prob1em
at which feelings have been stirred rather deeply is in re
gard to the hiring of Negroes by the eity . These facts are
inc:lud.ed here because they provide another valuable crlue to
the social status of the Negroes in Pasadena .
The following paragraph is quot ed from an ed1tor1al in
the California Eag1e, a Negro newspaper published in Los
Angeles.
FDr some months we have been having our attention called to the critical econom1c:: plight which the Race is experienc ing. Consideration has been given to the fact that the C 1ty of Pasadena 4oes not hire a single policeman, fireman , regular day -t ime sehool teacher , meter-reader,
or any other type of employee for the utilities ; no� not even a j anitor or an elevator boy in the City Hall.
The editorial goes on to q�ote a letter " from a· Pasa
dena c�tizen" who complains - that " • • • with few an d notable
exceptions, positions filled by Negro citizens are to be
found in the street-cleaning , sewage-disposal, and garbage
can divisionS •'"
A1though this statement is made by an indignant N egro
citizen it is by no means an overstatemen�. In fact . the
writer was unable to discover even the 11 few an d notable ex•
ceptions" mentioned .
37
One of the Pasadena C�ty Dtrectors confirmed this 1n
formation .4 He stated that all Negroes employed by the ci ty
are in the park, s-treet, and refuse departments . All of
these are employed as laborers, none as skilled workers , and
none as janitors, elevator men , stenographers, or in more
advanced posttions . The reason given for the fact that no
Negro girls are hired as steno�phers was that it just
" wouldn ' t work out" to have a Negro and a Wllite girl wo rking
s 1 de by side in the office .
According to this _ dty official there is n o special
etrort to employ Negroes on a n qq.ota•�. basis---that is , in pro
portion to their numbers in the population . At the present
3Editorial in the California Ea51e , August l, 1940.
4Personal interview with the writer, April 10, 1941 .
38
t ime about 49 Negroe s are on the city pay roll . Thi s con
s$itut e s about 6 per c ent o r the t otal number o f c ity em
p loyees .
There are at leaa� three publi c agenci e s in Pasadena
that do hire Negroes to a l imited ext ent . On the staff' o f
t he Pasadena o ffice o f' the County Department of' Chariti e s
there i s one full-time Negro case worker. In the Pasadena
of'f'i c e o f' the Stjate Employment Servi c e i s another full-time
s ocial worker . The latter works with both Whit e and N egro
c l i ent s , and i s a highly respected member of the starr . The
Federal Post Offic e in Pasadena al so hires a number o f N egroes .
The Post O ffic e J obs are greatly sought after by the Negroes,
and are widely c onsidered to be among the best local pos itions
open t o Negroe s.
Bef'ense industrie s . The employment s i tuation in " de
fense industri es" i s not speci fi cally a Pasadena problem .
It i s ,mentioned briefly here, however , because it does t ouch
the live s o f Pasadena Negroe s and has aroused considerable
di scus sion among them.
The claim has been made by Negroes that at pre sent
they are being discriminated against by factories engaged in
def'ense production , part icularly airplane manufacturing plant s •
The exi stence of thi s c ondition was admitted by the dire�tor
of the Pasadena offi ce of the California State Employment
39 S6rviee, 5 who said that the office is eontinually approached
by competent Negro mechanics who desire j obs : in airplane
factories. These men can seldom be placed although they
possess skills for which the airplane tac:t.ories are searching.
In order to further verify these reports , the writer
talked with one of the personnel men engaged in hiring work
ers for one of the major airplane producing companies in
Southern California, located not far from Pasadena. Accord
ing to this informant, although the company has hired many
thousands of men in the past year and is still badly in need
of skilled workers, " there isn ' t a Negro in the entire plant•• . 6
The company has a definite policy of not hiring Negroes be
cause "many of the White men would ob ject to working with a .
Negro" .
UNDPLOD4ENT
Pertinent to the whole question or occupations, and
also to the larger issue of social st atus, is the unemployment
problem. The following da.ta , are taken from the Federal Cen
sus or Partial Employment, Unemployment, and Occupations made
in 1937·
A total of 3 , 518 persons in P4sadena registered as
5 Interview with the writer, April 21 , 1941.
6 Interview with the writer, April 11, 1941 .
40
totally unemployed and wanting work. Of these, three hundred
and ten, or 8. 81 per cent, were Negroes. Under " emergency
workers" , " working at Y.P .A. , N .Y.A. , 0 � 0 e'O � , or other emer
gency work11 there were 1, 297 Pasadenans registered . Of these
199 , or 15. 54 per cent , were Negroes.
From these figures it will be seen that the proportion
o f Negroes among the totally unemployed is almost double their
proportion in the population. Although this comparison is of
doubtful value, it is indicative of the Negro' s uncertain
economic position. In the emergency projects the Negroes
held in 1937 considerably more positions than t.neir numbers
in the population would aoeount for.
In the introduction to the census report it is sug
gested that those persons who registered as " totally unem
ployed" and those who registered as " emergency workers" might
be considered as a single class for general purposes where
one summary figure on " unemployed" is desired. When this com
bination is made for Pasadena the result is a total unemploy
ment figure of 4, 815 , or which 509 , or 10. 6 per c ent, are
Negroes • This is to be compared with the figure of 4. o8 per
cent which 1 s , the es�imate of Negroes in Pasadena ' s population
at that time .
OCCUPATIONAL INTERESTS OF PASADENA
JUNIOR COLLEGE STUDENTS
41
Having inves tigated the present ocaupational position
o f the adul� Negroes in Pasadena , i� i s interesting and worth
while to examine briefly the vocational plans and interests
o f some of the younger generation or Pasadena N egroes . The
data used were collected in the s�udy or eighty-four Pasadena
Junior College Negroes described earlier in t his chapter.
Tlie results are presented in Tables VII , VIII , and IX.
The mos t obvious and s triking fact revealed by an
analysis of �he da�a i s that Negro youths in Pasadena are
aiming at an economic and occupa�ional level far " above" �hat
of t heir parents . Needless. to say, this is : true of the youth
or all race s in American schools . The White control group in
t he present study also shows a t endency to aim at the upper
rungs or the occupational ladder. The dis crepancy betwe en
s�udents ' interests and parents ' job s , however, i s more marked
in tne Negro group than in the White group, mainly because or
tne lower occupational s tanding or the Negro parents.
There is remarkably little difference between the voca"'P.
t ional choices of the Negro student s and �he White student s .
a s will be seen i n a comparison o f Tables VIII and IX. . For
example, sa.4 per cent or the Negroes and 54. e per cent or the
Whites expect to go into profess ions. The greatest difference
Occupations
Professions Proprietors,
managers , etc . Clerical work Skilled work Unskilled work Personal and
domestic Miscellaneous Housewife No occupation
stated
TABLE VII
COMF ARISON OF THE VOCATIONAL PREFERENCES OF EIGHTY-FOUR
NF.GRO STUDENTS AT PASADENA JUNIOR COLI.l�GE lHTH
THE OCCUPATIONS OF THEIR PARENTS
Preferences of students Occupations of parents
Per c ent of Per c ent of Per c ent of Per cent of Per c ent of both sexes boys girls fathers mothers
52. 4 5 5 . 2 50. 9 2 . 4 4 .8
1 .2 3 . 4 o . o 6 .0 4.8 3 . 6 o . o 5 . 5 1 .2 o . o 7 .1 6 .9 7 . 2 17 . 9 6 .0 o . o o .o o . o 15 .4 o . o
o . o o . o o·.o 33 .3 25 .0 1 . 2 3 . 4 o . o 4.8 o . o o . o o .o o . o o . o 38.1
34. 5 31. 0 36. 4 19. 0 21. 3
� 1\)
TABLE VIII
VOCATIONAL PREFERENCES OF EIGHTY-FOUR NEGRO STUDENTS AT PASADENA JUNIOR COLLEGE
Voc-s. tional Both [Per cent Boy s Per cent
Girls preference sexes of total o f boya
Professions 44 52 .4 ..J&.. 55 . 2 _g§_ -Architect 2 2 . 4 2 6 . 9 0 Arti st 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0 Doctor and
nurse 9 10 . 7 2 6 .9 7 Engineer 2 2 . 4 2 6 . 9 0 Lawyer 3 3 . 6 2 6 . 9 1 Librarian 2 2 . 4 0 o.o 2 Musician 11 13 . 1 2 6 . 9 9 Optometrist 1 1 . 2 1 3 .4 0 Pharmaci st 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0 Scientist 2 2 . 4 0 o.o 2 Social
worker 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0 Teacher 8 9 .5 1 3 . 4 7
Proprietors , managers _!_ 1 . 2 1 3. 4 0 -Business mar 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0
Clerical ,!2!:! ..2. 3 . 6 0 o . o _L -Office work 2 2 . 4 0 o .o 2 Stenographel 1 1 . 2 0 o . o 1
Skill ed � _§_ 7· 1 2 6.2 4 - -Cosmetolo-
gist 1 1 . 2 0 o . o 1 Craft work 1 1 .2 0 o . o 1 Mechanic 1 1 . 2 1 3 .4 0 Postal car-
ri er 1 1 . 2 1 3 .4 0 Seamstress 2 2 .4 0 o . o 2
lU scel1aneous ..J:._ 1 . 2 _!_ 3.4 0 -BOxing 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0
!i£ ;ereference � 34-i _2_ 21 .0 20
Totals 84 100 . 0 29 100 .0 5 5
43
Per cent of girl s
50 .9
o.o o .o
12. 7 o.o 1 .8 3. 6
16. 4 o .o o . o 3 . 6
o .o 12 . 7
o.o
o .o
5 · 5 3 . 6 1 . 6
7· 2
1 . 8 1 . 8 o . o
o . o 3.6 o . o
o .o
36. 4 100. 0
TABLE IX.
VOCATIONAL PREFERENCES OF EIGHTY-FOUR WHITE STUDENTS AT PASADENA JUNIOR COLLEGE
Voeat.ional BOth Per c ent Boys Per cent Girl s
preference sexes o f to:ta.l of boys
Profe s s i ons 46 54 .8 16 22· 2 _2Q_ -
Ac:tor o r speaker 2 2 . 4 0 o . o 2
Architect 2 2.4 2 6 . 9 0 Doctor or
nurse 6 7 • 1 0 o .o 6 Engineer 10 1 1 � 9 10 34.5 0 Laver 2 2 . 4 1 ,; . 4 1 Librarian 2 2 . 4 0 o . o 2 Music i an 4 4 . 8 1 3 . 4 3 Scientist ,
mathema-t i c ian 3 3 .6 1 3 .4 2
Teacher 15 17 · 9 1 3.4 14
Proprietor s , managers , etc . __!_ 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0 - -
Bustness man 1 1 . 2 1 3 .. 4 0
Olerical � _§_ 7 . 1 0 o .o __§_ -
Stenographer o r s ecre-tary 6 7 · 1 0 o . o 6
Per c en o f girl
24. 6
3 . 6 o . o
10 . 9 o .o 1 . 8 3.6 5 . 5
3 . 6 25 . 5
o . o
o .o
10 . 9
10. 9
t s
TABLE IX ( CONTINUED )
VOCATIONAL PREFERENCES OF EIGHTY-FOUR WHITE STUDENTS AT PASADENA JUNIOR COLLEGE
vocat i onal Both Per cent Boys Per cent Girls preference sexes of tota1 o f boys -
Skilled � 11! 13. 1 6 20 .7 _2_ Aviator 2 2 . 4 2 6 .9 0 Commercial
art ist 2 2 . 4 2 6.9 0 Cosmetolo-
gist 1 1 .2 0 o .o 1 Costume
design 3 3 . 6 0 o . o 3 Draftsman 1 1 .2 1 3 . 4 0 Electrician 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 4 0 Linotype
operator 1 1 . 2 0 o .o 1
lfisc:el1aneous 1 1 . 2 - .l:... 3 . 4 _Q_ Soldier 1 1 .2 ( 1 3 . 4 0
Housewife 1 1 .2 0 o . o 1 - - -
No preference stated _lL 21 . 4 _2_ 11·2 _!2_
Totals , 84 100. 0 29 100 . 0 55
Per cent of girl s
9 . 1
o .o
o . o
1 . 8
s . s o . o o . o
1 .8
o . o
o .o
1 .8
2� . 6
100 . 0
46
between the vocational choices o f the two races lie s in the
fact that 34. 5 per c ent of the Negro youth stated no pre fer
enc e while only 21 .4 per c ent of the Whites were undecided • .
Thi s , no doubt , i s a reflect ion o f the dilemma �acing the
Negro student .
A comparison of the vocationa1 choic e s of the Negro
students with the occupations o f the i r parents , as shown 1n
Table VII , reveals the extent of the difference betwe en the
t•o . Fifty-two and four t enths per c ent of the youth expect
to ent er profe s s ions , whereas only 2 .4 per cent ct the fathers
and 4.8 per c ent of the mothers are l i st ed as professional .
None of the young people expect t o go into unskilled work,
but 15 .4 peri c ent of the fathers are un skilled workers . Again , .
none of the students expect to be personal o r domestic: worke rs ,
but 33 .3 per c ent of the fathers , and 25 per c ent o f the moth
ers are in thi s field . Obviously , the maj ority of -thes e young
people are going t o face a difficult adjustment in a few years
unle s s the s ituation into which they will step changes rad1-
c a11y before they leave school .
A s has already been noted, this problem i s not pecu
liar to the Negroes , but it i s perhaps unusually acute in
their case . In order to t ry to prepare them for what i s like
ly to come , the school counselors attempt to guide them into
non-professional fields . Thi s well-meaning e ffort , however,
frequently 1s mi sunderstood . One Negro boy t old the writer,
47
" • • • When my counse lor tried to persuade me t o put cooking
in my s chedule , you know, that hurt me . " He added that many
Negro youths had noti ced that counselors t ri ed t o put them
into such courses and that many of them re sented it .
That a great deal o f f rustration and personality mal
adj ustment must re sult when the se young people face the nec
e s sity o f accommodat ing themselve s to the actual world o f
work cannot b e doubted . Some o f thei r reaction s to the prob
lem are rec orded in Chapter VI.
In summari zing the oc cupat ional po sition o f Pasadena
N egro e s it may be concluded that : first , domestic and person
a l s ervi c e , and un skilled labor provide the maj ority of j obs
held by Negroes ; second, there i s an unusuall7 high propor
t ion o f Negro women gainfully employed : thi rd , there is a
con siderably higher rate o f unemployment among the Negroe s
than among the Whi te s ; and fourth , the N egro young people are
planning on entering vocat ions much higher in the economic
s cale than those in whi ch their parent s work • .
CHAPTER IV
ATTITUDES OF THE WHITES TOWARD THE NEGROES
Writing of the Negro youth in the South, Charles s .
Johnson rec ently said,
It has been impos sible to escape the shadow of the whit e world over their li vee ,· whether in thei r contact s with the econ omic institut i on s o f the area o r i n the int imacy o f the i r own humble homes . The whole acmplex o f li fe fOr the s e youth and t heir families , their work , the i r p�ay , their relat i on s with their fellows generally , their outlook and aspi rat i on s , their o pportuniti e s for development and self-expression , their att itude s . and sent iment s , are conditioned in one .way or another by the tradit 1onfl ly sanctioned patterns o f rac e relat ions in the area • .
In Pasadena, as in the South and elsewhere in Ameri ca
where Negro minoriti e s live , the c onstant and all -powerful
impaot of White dominanc e i s probabl1 the stronge st influence
on N egro live s . This in fluenc e i s somet imes con struc tive ,
o ft en not . It i s · the purpo se of thi s chapter t o de scribe
some o f the factors in Pasadena that furni sh c lues to the
prevailing attitudes among the White s toward the Negro e s .
I • EVIDENCE OF ANTAGONISll
Historteal case s 2! prejudice against � Negroe s .
As has already been stated, the written hi stori e s of Pasa�
dena • s . early y ears are a1mo st silent on the subJ ect of Negroes
1 Charle s s . J ohnson , Growing Y2 !a � Black Belt ( Washington , D. C � . Ame.ri can Counc i l on Educati on , l94ry-;-p . 274.
49 and their relati ons with the White s � However , from one brie f
epi sode related i n a history o f Pasadena b y J . W . Wood, i t i s
t o be gathered that even in the earlie st days o f the c i ty
t here was feeling again st the N egroes . The following quota
tion i s taken from the book.
The story of the founding or the first church built by the colo red people in Pasadena , i s of more than pas s• ing interest because o f the dif ficult i es that beset the little band of earnest men and women engaged in the endeavor. Many obstacles and much hostility had to be overcome, one in stance of whi ch was an effort to burn the i r house of worsh1p,) and a l s o e fforts to prevent attempted purchas e 'O f site s . These attempts were met with determinat ion and frustrated, happily , and the t'irst church i s now a prosperous c ongregation
2with property valued at more
than tlo , ooo , t·ree from debt .
The pre sent writer was abl e t o int erview the Negro who
was respons ible for purchasing that f i rst piece of property,
He i s William Prince , already quoted in earli er chapt ers . The
0 determinati on" whi ch Mr . Wood described in his account re-
sult ed in Mr . Prince and his brother guarding the property
for a number or night s with rifle s in tne1r hands .
However , acacrding to Mr . Prince , such act s o f vandal
i sm and attempted intimidat i on were perpet rat ed by a c.ompara
t ively small number of peopl e . Many White friends of the
Negro e s came to their defense . Nevertheless ,, the story indi
cates that present antagoni sm had its roots years ago in the
earliest days of the city.
2 J . w. Wood , Pasadena , Historical and Personal ( Publi shed by the author, 1917 ) , PP • 325-6:--
50
Result s .9! !!!! writer ' s questi onnaire s.t,udy . Yor the
purpo se of determining to some degree the present attitude s
or the 1fh1 te re sident s in Pasadena toward their Negro feller••
citizens a questionnaire was rormula�ed and c irculated . I t
i s , of course , acknowledged here that such a questionnaire ,
bec aus e of it s very nature , will inevitably have weakne sses .
It s re sults are open to questi on . However , in the absence o f
any bet t er way o f measuring pubiic re eling on the s ubj ect , i t
was expedi ent to res ort to the questionnaire as one indica
t ion of the prevailing sent iment .
The questions in most eases were de signed to approach
the problem from the standpoint of pot ential and practical
s ituations rather than abs�ract value j udgment s . A copy of
the questi onnaire us ed is appended to thi s report .
In order to make possible a . :general stat ement regard
ing the att itude of Pasadena ' s citizens , it would have been
neces sary to di st ribute the que stionnaire to a scient ifi cally
s elected sampling of the ent ire population , bas ed on age ,
occupat i on , and other factors . Such a task being beyond the
seope or thi s proj ect , c:u�rtain group s repre senting vari ous
elements in the populati on were sele cted arbitrarily . The
conclusions , then , to be drawn from the quest ionnaire are not
tiO be construed as repre sent ing accurately the to�al public
opinion , but rather th�y must be rest ricted to the groups
contacrted .
51:
A t otal o f 244 quest ionnai res were answered and t abu
lated . Not every quest ion was an swered in each que stionnaire ,
whi ch will acc:ount for seeming di sarepanci es i n the resul t s .
Tabla X presents the list o f groups cooperat ing• The l ett er
berore each group i s the key to be used in the t able s summar
i zing the re sult s •
The analy ses 9f the result s and the conc lus i ons are
pre sented separat ely for each que sti on and in the order in
whi ch t he que st ions appeared on t he que sti onnaire .
Question l , shown in Table XI , asked for an est imate
of the number of Negroes in Pasadena . Thi s que st ion was in
cluded becaus e before t he pre sent study t he writer was � under
the impre s sion that there were more Negroe s in Pa sadena than
there are . It was felt that any wide s pread t endency thus to
overest imate t he Negro populati on would be sign ificant from
t he standpoint of thi s "· study . About 40 per c ent did ove resti
mat e , about 29 per c ent were approximately accurate , and 10
per c ent underestimated . Such a tendency to judge the Negro
populat ion high might be due t o a vari ety of caus e s . C e rtain
ly it indicat e s at l east a det·ini te awareness on the part of
tne- Whit e c1t 1zens of t he presenc e of tnis racial minority .
Thi s awareness could reflect either a favorable or an un t·avor
able impression , but in the case o f Pasadena it indi cat e s a
predominantly unfavorable reaction a s subsequent que sti ons
show .
'fABLE X
GROUPS CONTACTED IN THE QUESTIONNAIRE STUDY, NUMBER OF RESPONSES, AND KEY USED IN REPORTING RESULTS
Key Group Number of people
A - - An avarage mi�dle-clas s neighborhood •
a� -- Young people of high school and junior
• • • 37
college age • - • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 52
c An adult church group • • • • • • • • • •
D A group of teachers selected because of
• 26
experienc e with the Negro student s
E - - An unseleated group of teachers from
• • • • 43
the entire Pasadena system • • • • • • • . 48
F -- A small women ' s group including both pro
fessional and non-professional women • • • 12
G -- Nurses in a Pasadena hospital • • • • • •
Total • • •
• 26
244
52
53
TABLE XI
ESTIMATES OF NEGRO POPULATION IN PASADENA
Que stion !• Would you estimat e the number of Negro es
in Pasadena ' s 84, 000 people at :
Answer Groups A B c D E F G T�taa Per ce nt
About 1, 700 ( or 2%> ' 3 5 3 4 7 1 2 25 10. 4
About 3 , 500 { or 4% ) 11 13 5 13 16 3 8 69 28 .8
About · 6 , BOO ( or B% } 7 10 5 17 14 4 12 69 28 . 6
About 12 , 500 ( or 15%) 1 9 7 5 2 1 25 10. 4
Have n o idea 14 15 5 3 10 2 3 52 21 . 6
54
The second question , shown in T able XII , asked how the
Negroes .. effect the desirability of the city as a residential
community" . Thi s is the most general and qualitative question
asked . Perhaps the faet that it i s not specific or wel l
defined makes it a better indicator of real feelings than a
que stion which evokes more rational thought in answering . At
any rate a strong maj ority , 77 . 6 per cent, indi cated that they
felt that the Negroes lower the residentia� value of Pasa
dena---in spite of the fact that many who answered live in
sect ions far removed from Negro residences . Only one person '
out of the 244 answered that the Negroes ' improve the city .
The remaining 22 per c ent felt that the presence of Negroes
makes no difference .
The church group and the t eachers who were selec t ed
because of experience with Negro students are the two groups
showing the most marked degree of feeling again st Negroes on
thi s question . The unselected teachers show the greatest
tolerance .
I t would be the j udgment of the writer that this parti
cular distribution of answers i s probab�y caused by the faat
tha� both the particular church and the school which figure in
this question are located clo se to the primary Negro area.
Presumably many of the church members and many of the selected
t eachers also reside in that vicinity , c�ose to the Negro
neighborhood. In thi s �espect they differ from most of the
TABLE XII
EFFECT OF NEGROES ON RESIDENTIAL VALUE OF THE CITY
Quest ion g. How do the N egro e s in Pasadena e ffect
the desirability ot the city a s -a re sident ial community?
Answer Groups. A B 0 D E F G TetaJ.
Improve it 1 1
:Make no di fference 9 12 2 4 18 4 4 53
Make it le s s desirable 27 40 24 38 29 8 21 187
55
Per c ent
. 4
22. 0
77• 0
56 other groupe considered , which are scattered quit e generally
throughout the eity .
I t i s the writer • a,� observat i on that the greate st part
o f the Negro area in t he c ity i s well-kept and attractive .
Most of i t could not be dist ingui shed from an average White
neighborhood by outward appearanc e s alone . There:rore the ob
j ections o f Whites di splayed in thi s question must in mo st
cases be bas ed on reason s other than neighborhood appearance .
The next question , shown in Table XIII , deale with. the
problem o f a Negro family moving into a Whi�e neighborhood .
I t has all of the weaknesses to be found in any hypothetical
question but i s , nevertheles s , an indication of attitude . I t
i s significant that 7 2 per c ent o f those who answered believe
that they would e ither move away i f a Negro fami ly entered
their neighborhood, or would agitate to have tne Negroe s re
moved . We assume that these two answers i ndicate about the
same feeling and that the particular react ion would depend
upon c ircumstane� s , such as home ownership .
None of the pePaons answering would be please� t o have
Negroes ' move into the neighborhood, and only 14 per cent would
aceept them as neighbors .
Although the questionnaire did not ask for the reasons
which lie behind the att itude s revealed in this que st ion ,
interviews and comment s written on the questionnaires point
to t.he influenc e of Negroes on property values a s the basic.,;
57
T.A:BLE XI II
ATTITUDES TOWARD NEGRO NEIGHBORS
Question z. I f a Negro family were to move into your
neighborhood, would you : "
Answers A
Be pleased
Accept them as neighbors 4
Just ignore the ir pre sence 6
Agitate to have them removed - 17
Move yourself 10
B
11
10
24
7
Groups C D
3 4
2 4
1 2 16
8 16
E F G Total Per cent
0 o . o
5 2 4 J3 14.0
7 1 3 33 14.0
19 4 5 97 41 .1
14 5 13 73 30.9
58
di ffiaulty . One person commented on the questionnaire ,
" · • • the value of property has dropped to low level s . I am
a property owner and I have felt the stigma in my section . "
Another said, " I think i t i s a .known ract that Negroes bring
the value of property down. " And one unusually candid teacher
wrote , " Property rights make one favor inJustice at time s . "
Thi s hypothesi s , that property values are at the root
o f the problem, i s further substantiated by the fact that of
all those contacted the persons shoWing the least prejudice
on this q,uest ion were the st.udents , who probably are les s
conscious of property values than the adults .
Question 4 , shown on Table XIV, asks directly whether
or not Negroes ought to. be required by " regulations11 to live
in a section of the c ity. by themsel.ves• Needless to say , such
" regulations" are impossible under the Constitution and do not
exist legally anywhere in the United States . In spite o f this
fact , the greatest unanimity or opinion di splayed in the entire
questionnaire was found in the answer to thi s que stion . Eighty
nine per c ent of those answering favored regulations segregat
ing Negroes . Only 5 . 5 per c ent disapproved, and the remaining
5 . 5 per c ent "don ' t know" .
Of especial interest i s the n�ct that the church group
was unanimous in concurring with the suggestion . Here again
1t should be pointed out that the church 1 s located not far
from the N egro area, and many of its members are property own
ers in that part of the city .
59
TABIIE XIV
ATTITUDES TOWARD NEGRO SEGREGATION
Question �· Would you favor regulations requiring
the Negroes to live in a section of the city by themselves?
Answers A B
Yes 34 45
No 3
Don ' t know 3 4
Groups 0 D E
26 35 40
3 5
4 2
F G Total Per cent
11 24 215 89 .0 1 1 13 5 · 5
l 14 5 · 5
60
�he neighborhood group , although living at a con sider
abl e di stance from the Negro sect ion s , was also unanimously
in favor of enforc:ed s egregat ion , with the exception· of thre e
persons who were unc�rtain . No one in thi s group disapproved .
Here again is a property owning alas s .
Que stion 5 , Table XV , asks for opinions regarding
Negroes in t he school s . Of those answering thi s questi on
58 .6 per c ent would ra.vor a school with no Negroes ; 26 . 9 per
c ent believe that " a few" Negroes in the school are desirabl e ,
o r a t least allowable ; : and 14. 5 per c ent say i t "doesn ' t matter" .
Here , of course , the teachers• and student s ' att itudes
are e specially signi ficant . Of all thos e groups answering ,
the teachers are by far the least opposed t o having Negroes
in the schools . The student s are t he next mo st tolerant gro�
on thi s i s sue . It i s worthy o f note that tho se two groups
most concerned with the raci al situati on 1n the schools , and
mo st familiar with 1t, are also the most willing to have
Negroes in the schools .
The s e result s would seem t o indicat e that the strongest
feeling for s eparat e schools for the Negroe s i s to be found
among those least familiar with the situat ion , and least af
fected by i t .
With regard to the two different teachers • group s , it
will be noticed that there is very little difference evidenc ed . I
between the selected and the unselect ed groups •
TABLE XV
PREFERENCE IN REGARD TO NEGROES IN SCHOOLS
Question .2.• Ir it were po s s ible and convenient ,
would you prefer to attend ( or have your children att-snd)
a school having :
61
An swer Groups
T otal Per c ent A B c D E F G
:Many Negroes 0 o . o
Only a rew 10 8 5 15 19 2 3 65 26 . g
No Negroes 23 29 19 20 21 9 21 142 58 . 6
Doe sn ' t matt er 4 15 2 4 7 1 2 35_ 14. 5 --
62
It is interesting to compare the results on thi s ques�
tion with thos e on the two que stions regarding re sidential
preferences . It is evid ent that the teachers are much more
willing to mingle with Negroes � in school than they are to live
near them . This again indicate s that probab�y ecronomic con
s iderations are more act ive than personal antipathies in form
ing Pasadena rao.e attitudes.
The next three questions asked for opinions regarding
the part Negroes play in cBrtain of the social problems of
the city.
Question 6, shown in Table XVI , has to; do with the com
parison of Negroes and Whit e s in regard to crime in Pasadena.
In view o f the answers to the preceding ques tions it is some
what surprising to discover that those answering the question
naire showed only a very slight tendency to attribute more
c rime to Negroe s than to White s •·
A , majority, 57 . 5 per cent, answered, " about the same " .
The remainder were divided between the feeling that Negroe s
commit "more" and the belief that the y commit 11 fe1t'er11 crime s
than Whites in proportion to their numbers. About 25. 6 per
cent were of the opinion that the Negro crime rate is higher,
and 17 per c ent believed that it is lower than the Whit e rate .
Question 7 , Table XVII, asked the opinion of tho s e
an swering about the relative amount of infectious disease
among White s and Negroes • There was a dec ided tendency to
TABLE XVI
OPINIONS OF WHITES REGARDING NEGRO CRIME IN PASADENA.
63
Que stion 6 . . D<? you think that the Negro e s in Pasadena
commit more , about the same , or fewer crimes than the White s
in proportion t o their numbers?
Answer Groups
Tdtal Per cent A B c D E F G
More 10 16 7 10 6 1 8 59 25 . 6
About the same 16 28 18 20 30 6 15 133 57 . 5 Fewer 6 8 l 10 8 5 1 39 16 . 9
TABLE XVII
OPINIONS REGARDING INFEGTIOUS DISEASE AMONG NEGROES IN !»ASA.DENA
64
Ques tion 1• Do you believe that the Negroes in Pasa
dena are more healthy, about the same , or less healthy than
the Whites in regard t o infectiou s di seases?
Answer Groups.-
T otal Per cent A B c D E F G
More healthy 1 1 2 1 5 2 .:3
About the same 14 20 1 1 21 22 11 5 104 47 . 3
Les s healthy 16 31 13 15 19 1 20 111 50 . 4
65
attribute more infectious di s ea se to the Negroes than to the
Whites i n proport i on to their number s . Fi fty and four tenths
per cent i ndicated that they believe t he Negroes in Pasadena
t o be les s healthy than the Whi tes, and almost all o f the re
mainder answered that the two races are " about the same" .
I t i s interesting t o note that i n the nurse s ' group
the proportion who felt the Negroes to be les s healthY than
the Whi te s , 80 per cent , i s considerably larger than in any
other group, and larger than the proportion for the question
as a whole. On the other hand , the teachers were inclined t o
believe that the Negroes and the Whit.es are " abo ut the same11 • •
The last quest i on, number 8 , shown in Table XVII I ,
asked a similar question regardi ng financial relief i n the
city . Here again the result s show a c onsiderable tenden�y
on the part o f tho se answering to attri bute more o f t he bur
den of relief to the Negroes than to the Whites . This view
was held by 50 . 6 per cent . However , a substantial 40 . 3 per
cent considered the two races to be about t he same in thi s
respect and there was even a minority o f 9 . 1 per cent who)
felt that the Negroes were les s dependent on reli ef than the
Whites . There was comparative agreement among the vari ous
gro up s on thi s point with the excepti on of the small women ' s
o rgani zation whose dev i at i on from the mean i s not particularly
s igni ficant as the membership i s so small and diver s i fied that
TABLE XVIII
OPINIONS REGARDING FINANCIAL RELIEF AMONG NEGROES IN PASADENA
66
Question �· Do you believe that the Negroes in Paaa�
dena obtain more , about the same, or leas} financial relief
and charity than the White s in proporti�n to their numbers?
Answer Groups
Total Per cent A B c D E F G
:More 17 26 15 20 19 3 12 112 50 . 6
About the same 1' 21 8 14 16 7 10 89 40.3
Leas 2 5 2 3 5 3 20 9 .1
67
no conclusions can be drawn .
In Chapter V the results or the last three questions
are compared with the actual statist ics on these three social
problems , and in Chapter VI the White opinions are compared
with Negro opinions on the same questions .
At the end or the questionnaire a blank space was
provided for anyone who wi shed to make additional comments .
A number of persons availed themselves o f this opportunity.
The following are the statemen�s made . They are not sorted
by attitude, and are not c.ommented upon or edited in any way.
T�ey are simply presented as random opinions upon the subject
at hand and as such are of some value here .
These comment s run the entire gamut from a very broad
tolerance to a vindictive antagonism. On the whole they
reflect about the same attitudes as were shown in the questions ,
t hemselves , and in about the same proportions . their chief
value lies in the fact that they were entirely anonymous and
were completely voluntary . Thus they probably represent
expression s as frank as o._ould be obtained in any way .
68
Neighborhood groUR ·
" They are all God ' s . children same as the whi tar-skinned folks . They are capable of high scholarships and leaderships even under restri cted opportunities ...
" I think the Negroe s to a great extent are much better o ff than are the Whites in thi s city . They seem to ba� better c ar s , homes , and clothee than many o f the White people who consider themsel.ves above the lower cla s s. l evel . "
" I think they are j ust about the average of the human rac e . � North C arolina, -- 20 year s . ( In each case thi s repres ents former residence . )
" I beli eve the Negro l e s s obj ectionable than the Whites who sell liquor. '! Illinoi s -- 21 years ; N ebraska -- 45 yean .
" Study Glendal e ' s rule s for N egroes . Stop ,the hiring of Negroes in the homes as thi s t ends to make them feel superior to the average Whit e . " Pennsylvania - - 18 year s .
" Having grown up in the South , I realize that Negroee given an opportunity to develop among the i r own rac e are much happier than in being throom in with other rac e s on a supposed e qual rating and yet being ignored or even snubbed by the other raees . " Kentucky -- 22 years •
"With liberti e s granted them they become too o ff i ci ous and domineering , in fact unbearable . 11 Mi s souri - - 30 years .
" Can you see any reason for White chi ldren using a plunge at same t ime as Negroes? I can not . " T enne s se e l8 y ears ; Golorado - - 3 years .
" The Negro i s � in our midst , through no fault of his own . The White man brought him here against hi s will and made him a citi zen o f our Uni t ed Stat e s , so the least the Whit e man c.an d o now , i s to tolerate him and treat him a s a brother American . n
Church group .
0 Negroes should definitely have the i r own social and educational functions . I have noti c ed in publi c places many times Negro girls are very haughty . Negro children in school s abuse their privi lege s and have a tendency to
69
c reate disre spect ror order among the �te children . A bad i nrluenc e on tne i r grow1ng mind s . u New York - -
2 years ; Connecticut - - 8 years .
" The Negro of Pasadena reels n o inferiority bec ause or his colo� . He has b e en so educated . He has greater l ib erty here than in any city in the country . " I llinoi s - - 2 0 years .
• Ne ighboring c it i e s with n o N egro populati on have l e s s t rouble with race quest i on s than Pasadena .
" Re cent t rouble about our Brookside Plunge convinc e s u s that t o give an inch t o the Negro , they will demand a foot , and expect a yard .
"N egro e s have a place in t ne world and on equal bas i s nth White s , but not on soc ial bas i s and should be c ompelled t o live apart rrom Whi t e s . " Minnesota - - 5 years J WaShington - - 22 years .
" I could never p ermit myself to become d i sturbed over the N egro s ituat ion any more than other racial di fference s • We have to l earn to live with all peop�es regardle s s o f where we are l oc ated . Everything pertaining t o our living i s a s s oc iated somewhere along the line with peo p l e s o r certain rac e s and count ri e s . I f then , we can ' t get along without them, we c ertainly should not make thei r problems more diffi cult f o r them because o f our foo l i sh pride and s i l ly prej ud ic e s � I have always found that a friendly relationship with N egroe s without becoming int i mate can c ertainly do no harm and i s c onduc ive to b ett er understanding b etween the two rac e s . " Ohi o - - 23 years •
Nurses group .
" Please have the N egroes s egregated in Pasadena . .. Canada •.
" I believe the Negro e s should have the i r own s chools . They bring the standard of any school down . "
Student group.
" I don ' t think the Negroe s should b e given as many privileges a s they get . I don ' t think they should be allowed to mingle with the Whit e people . " I l lino i s -
li years .
70 " I believe they should be segregat ed ."
" The N egroes are steadily growing in numbers in Pasadena , restrictions have not been adequate ; ; the Negroes are so sci�tered and the value o-r property has dropped to low levels . I am a property owner and I have felt the sti�a in my s ectlon .
I think the Negroes would be happi er and the Whites would respect them more if they were segregated . "
" I never knew before I came here that so many Negroes lived in California. I thought o f them as only in the cotton state s . " Montana -- 17 years .
11 I have lived in C4li forn1a for slx .. years , but alae rais ed by parents who lived by stri ct southern customs . The way I regard Negroes i s very di fferent than one whe has l ived in the North all o-r his life . I personally bel i eve in the s egregation of the two race s . " Virginia . --12 years .
" I think they are given too much freedom in the city and especially in the· school s . I think Pasadena should furni sh a school for the Negroes . " Illinoi s -- 5 years .
" It would certainly improve our beauti ful Pasadena i f Negroe s were moved out altogether. The admini stration think more of the N egroes than the White peopl e . I f they must live in Pasadena arrange it so they attend the i r own scho ol , l ive in the i r own secti on ." Mis souri -- 5 years ; ; Cblorado -- • years .
" I believe that there should absolutely be a school for Negroes only and not have them mixed wi th Whites not only for our benefit but theirs also . "
" In the first place I think it i s a known fact that N egroes bring the value o f property down , therefore to most people it would be undesirable but for mysel f I don ' t care . I think there should be no rac e pre judice but I myself j ust di sregard them. " Delaware -- 3 years .
" Send them baek to Africa. .. "
" Send them back to Africa•" New York -- 5 years .
" The Negro situation in Pasadena in regards to schools i s an unfortunate one and one which mo st of us 'deplore !"
71
"On the maj ority , I find that the N egroes in Pasadena keep themselve s up a s well or better than some Whit e people . "
T eachers group.
" Tolerance i s the desired end, not race equality . " Iowa - - 40 years .
" Something should be done t o improve the Negro quest ion in this city . " Texas -- 4 years .
"Property rights make one favor inJusti c e at t imes . • Illinois - - 27 years , Florida, _-- 1 year.
" The Negroes in Pasadena are of a very fine type , comparatively speaking, and naturally achieve a somewhat hi gher s�atus than do Negroes in other places in the Uni ted Stat e s . " Oragon -- 4 years ; I owa -- 23 years .
" I am keenly int ere st ed in the betterment of the Negroes . I think , compared to what I have seen in other stat e s , such as the southern , they are making strides here . I earnestly encourage their ri sing above race prejudi c e by means of educati on and personality development . When they ' arrive ' they will find the i r plac e s • I t may take several generat ions . I also think that the unescapable fact o f amalgamation will modi fy types and render the individual more acceptable . " Lived in six states and many place s .
u i hold no brief' for N egroes , for the mo st part t hey are good cit izens , some superior to Whit es . I think there is more caus e for real c oncern over Jews than :Negro es . " I owa -- 4 years ; Minnesota - - 2 1 years .
" In my opinion I believe the N egro e s of Pasadena have more privileges than Negroe s in any other c ity o f i t s size . I also wish this c ity had a separate school for Negro es . " Canada - - 11 years .
" I think it would be wiser for them to have their own district , thei r own schools , and their own park s , p laygrounds , swimming pools , theatre s , etc . " Iowa -- 18 years ; China -- li years .
" I believe that , as a clas s , the Negroes of Pasadena are not inferior to the Whi t e race . Thi s i s e speci ally true of the school populati on in ' manners and morals ' ,
72 . but for living and recreation I b el i eve the races should be segregated . " Oregon - - 1 year.
"Would suggest tnat realtors agree not to sell property to Negroes as i s the ease in Glendale . No Negroes live -there . " Mi ssouri - - 19 years ; Colorado - - 3 years .
" I f buying a home I would be sure it was restricted . " Wi sconsin - - 15 years .
" I believe the Negro e s should be taught in separate schools . 11 Pennsylvania -- 20 years .
!h! Pasadena Improvement Assoc i at ion . There are two
othe r indi cation s of the present feeling toward Pasadena Ne
groe s that are worthy of note . The f i rst is an organization
called the Pasadena Improvement Assoc iation .
Thi s i s a body o f Pasadena' s " busines s and profes si onal
men" , to use their own phrase , who have been incorporated as
the Pasadena Improvement As sociat i on since July 1 , 1939· The
di rectors of the associat ion include nine bankers , six real
e s tate men , three attorney s , one Pasadena C ity Director, and
others . The organizati on i s endorsed formally by the Pasadena
Chamber o f Commerce, Pasadena Junior Chamber of Commerce , Pasa
dena Merchants ' Associat ion , Pasadena Civi tan Club, Pasadena
Realty Board , and Pasadena Property OWners • Division . The
association maintains offi c e s in a downtown o ffic e building.
The purpese o f this organi zation is to persuade and
assist property owners to plac e restri ction s upon the1r prop
erty which wil l " limi t use and occupancy of property to mem
bers of the Elite or Caucasian Race only" . Although o aten• ·
73
sibly this i s not aimed at any parti cular rac e the commonly
unders tood purpos e , as expre s s ed by one o f the associat i on ' s
o ffic ers in an interview, i s " to re strict property again st
N egro occupancy" .
The reasons for �he program are , in the frank words
of the associat i on ' s offi c e r who was 1nt erviewe� " purely
material i stic" . Tha� i s , according t o thi s informant , the
p roperty values in Pasadena are being de stroyed by Negro e s
moving in . Wherever a N egro family ent er s a n e ighborhood,
values go down . Just at t hi s point i t i s inte resting t o make
not e o f the comment s o f s everal N egro leaders in the c i t y Who
c omplained t o the wri t er that the Negro e s almo st invari ably
have t o pay higher rent s than Whi t e p eople do for comparable
property and fac�li ti e s � A further s tudy along thi s line
would be required to verify thi s cont enti on .
The methods used in the program o f property re st riction
are s imple . "An Agreement and Declarati on o f Race Re stri ct i ons"
has been drawn up and prin� e d . The heart o f thi s agreement i s
t o b e found in the following quot at ion :
That n o port i on or part o f said lot s or parcels of land shall be used or occupied by , or be permi tted to be used or oc cup i ed by , any person not o f the whi� e or Caucasian race . That no person shall l ive upon said p roperty a� any t imEr who se blood i s not ent irely �hat o f the Caucas i an rac e , but i f persons not of t ne C aucas ian rac e are k ept thereon by such Caucasian oc�pant stric�ly in the c apacity of s e rvant s or employ e e s of such oc cupant , such c ircumstances shall not eonstitut e a vi olati on of thi s covenant .
74
It may be pointed out that no provision is made for the means
of determining whose blood l.s " entirely that of the Cauo.asian
race" , not an easy distinction to make .
At present this agreement is being carried to Pasadena
home-owners by a group or men who work for the association on
a commission basis . Each person who signs pays five dollars
to meet orfice expenst1s, printing , notary , recording, and in
cidental expense&.:. Of this five dollars a percentage goes to
the worker who makes the solicitation .
One officer of the association expressed the feeling
that some people are objecting to the plan on the basis of
the price, but not on moral or ethical grounds. One of the
commission workers also commented on these obj ections . When
asked on what grounds people object, he replied, "Briefly ,
there are too many nigger-lovers in Pasadena .u
However, in spite of scattered obj ections of this kind,
about 7, 500 pieces of property have been restricted, or about
60 per cent of all residential property in the city. Part of
this property was restricted prior to the present drive, but
the ma jority of the work has been done since the Pasadena
Improvement Association was organi zed .
The land on all sides of both large Negro areas has
been restricted • . However, the restricted sections seldom
approach closer than one block from present Negro dwellings .
Obviously, people owning residences immediately adJ acent to
Negro families can see little to gain by restricting their
property.
75
This widespread movement to re strict property, which
i s designed primarily to protect property values , i s another
indication of the tremendous part played by economic factors
in determining rac ial attitudes . The writer talked with many
�te residents whose entire prej udice against the Negroes
seemed to b e based on this one di fficulty---the maintenance
of property values .
Needless to say , this organisation and its work does
not repres ent the whole of Pasadena ' s population , and yet its
succes s , it s personnel, and its endorsements are significant
indicators of the att itude s of a large group .
A copy of the "Agreement and Declaration of Race Re
strictions" i s appended to thi s report .
The Brookside Plunge Case . There i s in Pasadena a
munic ipal park called Brookside Park , in which is located a
public swimming pool . One day a week, Tuesday, i s designated
a s " International Day" , on which anyone may use the pool . On
other days only Caucasians are admitted .
In 1939 , suit was brought by six individuals o f the
N egro race who applied for a writ of mandate addressed to the
Board of Directors of the City of Pasadena, as a board and
severally � and also to other offi cials of the city , including
76
the City Manager, Supervisor of Parks , and Superintendent of
Plunges . The suit sought to compel the city of Pasadena t o
allow the Negro petitioners to swim i n the B�ookside Park
Plunge on every day that it is open t o the public .
The opinion was voiced to the writer by several pro
minent men, Wi1ose names are withheld at theJ.r request, that
the case was instigated and supported by the National Assoc1..
ation for the Advancement of Cclored People . Thi s judgment
i s based partly on the fact that Mr . Griffith, lawyer for the
Negroes , i s �an officer of that body, and that Mr . Pickens ,
also an officer, " flew here from New York and sat WJ.th Griffith
during the trial" . The latter contention was denied by sev.
eral Negro leaders in interviews with the writer. These men
maintained that Pickens was on his regular t rip to the West
coast and that the N .A.A .C � P . i s naturally interested in the
case but i s -not acti�e in it .
The following are brief summaries of some of the city ' s
arguments as given to the writer in interview with Harold P.
Hula, City Attorney , December 29 , 1939 .
1 . �he segregation of Negroes and Caucasians in this
instance i s a valid exercise of police power and i s not offen
sive to the " equal protection" clause or the United Stat es
Constitut ion ( the fourteenth amendment ) as _ long as substan
tially equal facilities are provided for both races . The city
argues that since the Negroes constitute only about 4.68 per
77
c ent o f the population and are allowed in th� plunge one day
a week or about 14 per c ent of the time they really have more
than the u equal" fac i liti es or right s guaranteed under the law.
2 . The 14th amendment guarante e s e qual political and '
civil- right s , but not equal social ri ght s . The right t o swim
i s a social right according to the city . Here the city uses
a '. stat ement by Booker T . Washington , " In all things that are
purely soci al we can be as s eparate as the fingers , yet one
as the hand in all things es sential to mutual progres s . ..
Mr. Hula said that to hi s knowledge swimming pool
right s have never before been made the i s sue in a court case
so there are no legal precedent s .
3 . Because the White people would not use the pool
with Negroes , the c ity claims that it would lo se money by
grant ing the privi leges asked.
4. The Negroes challenged the c ity under stat e a s
well as federal statut e s • . Thi s , the c ity maintains, cannot
be done as ,a munic ipality i s not sub ject to state sta�utes
unle s s such a provision is definitely made in the statute.
The Superi or Court before which the case was tried de
c ided in ravor ot' the c ity, but not on the substantive i s sue .
The rul ing made was �hat the Negroes had t echnically erred in
bringing an application for mandamus which i s not the proper
remedy in such a cas e .
The case has been appealed and i s now awaiting a hear-
ing before the Appellate Court . The new briefs argue both
the t echnical and tne real i ssues .
The opinion of the Pasadena Negroes in general on the
c ase was not determined for thi s study . However, several lead' ers among them were interviewed . The feeling of some was that
it was a mi stake to bring suit as interracial relat ions are
being strained and the net result will inevitably be bad.
Other leaders took the opposite viewpoint and supported the
petitioners .
One solution to the entire problem has been suggested
by s everal prominent White business men and city offlc�al s .
It i s that a separate Negro community and recreational c enter,
including a housing pro j ect and a swimming pool , be erected by
the city . This has not been endorsed or acted upon officially.
In ment ioning thi s suggestion to some o f the Negro
leaders , t he writer was surpri sed to rec eive an emphati c dis
approval of the ent i re idea . One man , a leading Negro pastor,
said that in hi s opinion , the majority of the Negroes in Pasa
dena would not be sat i sfi ed with separate facilities , even
though they were equal . He expressed the belief that such a
plan would be considered di scriminating and that nothing would
be entirely sat i sfactory short of equal and unrest!Jiated use
of the same facilities as the White s . A questionnaire given
to Negroes , the results of which are reported in Chapter VI,
throws further light on this problem.
79 The enti re case , wi th it s attendant publ icity, has un
doub�edly re sulted in an increased awareness of the Negro�
Whi te problem in Pasadena . Beth rac e s have experienced a
de epening of exi sting prej udices , and feeling has undoubtedly . .
been aroused in some ca ses where it did not exist before .
II . RACIAL POLICIES OF CERTAIN LOCAL INSTITUTIONS
AND ORGANI ZATIONS
Another sourc e of informa� i on about the at�itude s of
Whites � owa.rd Negroes is �o be found in the poli c i e s that
have been adopted by c ertain public inst itut i ons of Pasadena,
such as the school s , and by some of the soc i al and servi c e
organi zati ons such as the Y. M . C .A . , the scout s , and others .
Schoo l s . Techni cally , at least. , there i s no dif fer
enc e what soever in the treatment given Negroe s and Whit e s
i n the school s . They at tend the same institut i ons under
exactly the same c ondi t i ons . Even for the purpose of s chool
records the rac es are not separat ed or tab'tllated in any way .
In one of the largest s aho ol s in Pasadena �he rec ords office
was unable �o t ell the wri ter how many Negroes were regi stered.
It was explained that this i s the re sult of a de finit e pol icy
a1med at avo iding any di stinction s .
I n the Pasadena Junior Coll ege phls1cal education de-
partment all classes are open to all races • The swi�ng
80
pool i s us ed by members o :r both rao•s at the same ,1:-ime . The
only raoa re striction in c la s s e s - in s oc i al danc ing i s that
there must be a N egro couple enrolled , not an individual .
N egro e s can att end all sehool dances .
However, these statement s o f seno ol pol i cy obvio usly
cannot guarante e equal t reatment by all' teachers in the
sonools . The fact that almost half o f the teachers answering
the questionnaire would prefer school s with no Negroe s make s �
one wonder about the probab i lity o f the i r giving Negro e s and
Whi t e s equal t reatment , although such a preference by n o
mean s makes fair t reatment an impo ssibili ty . The feelings
of the Negro e s on thi s matter are revealed in the que st i on
naire result s in Chapter VI .
Youth c lubs and soc ial s ervice organizat i on s . The
following bri e f stat ement s o f pol i cy were obtained by the
writ er in interviews with l eaders in the respecti ve o rgan i
zati ons . They are pres ented here a s further indicati on s of
the prevailing White attitude .
There are forty-seven �Y Scout troops i n Pasadena . ,
One . of the s e i s a N egro tro o p , and one o ther Negro t roop i s
being formed at pres ent . Out o r a total o f 98o B oy so�ut s
in Pasadena fourte en are now N egro e s , or about 1 . 4 per c ent
of the t otal number or· s«o ut s .
In spite o f thi s low percentage it i s claimed that
81
there i s no at tempt made t o d i s c riminate against Negro t roops .
All privileges o f s cout i ng, i nc luding the sumaer camp , are
available to both races .
In the Girl Scout s there are no Negro t roops in Pasa.
d ena . One such group which funct ioned last y ear i s now
d i sbanded. There i s a ruling now in force , though, to the
e.ffect. that girl s of any race may form a t roop i f they have
faci l i t i e s and l eadershi p . One reservati on i s made , however,
barring N egro t roops from the Girl Scout Camp rec ently com
plet ed near Pasadena . In general , i� may be ·said that N egro
girl s are allowe d to becom e scout s , but are n ot e specially
enc ouraged t o do so .
The s ituati on at the Y .M . C . A . i s intere s ting . T he re
are no Negroe s who are regular memb er s . They are not a ll owed
to j oin , nor to use any of the Y . M . C .A . fac i litie s , as indi
vidual s . Thi s ruling was made by the board or directors , and ,
according t o a Y .M . C .A . offi c ial , was introduced because o f
f ear that Negro members would cause a drop i n total member
Ship , whi ch in turn would result in financial di ffi cult i es .
Onc e more t he finan cial c on s ideration i s a t the root o r a
d i sc riminatory measure .
However, there i s another s ide t o tne picture . Under
tne auspi c e s of the Y .M . C .A . an ext ens ive program of boys '
c lubs has been developed . The boys range in age from twelve
to twenty- five , and are o rgani zed in churche s , nel.ghborhoods ,
82
and schools . They operate with a typical Y .M . C .A . program
o f athlet i c s , camping, social and rel igious activitie s , and
make frequent use of the Y .M .C .A . faciliti es as group s .
•
A t otal of 440 boys were actively part i cipating as
members :: o f these clubs in March , 1941 . Of this number 9l, or
2 0 . 7 per c ent , were Negroe s . Thi s , of c ours e , i s c onsider
ably above the percentage of Negroes . in the o .ommuni ty .
Most of the Negro olub members are in 100 per c ent
N egro clubs , but a few of the groups :are mixed . The oiub
leaders are older boys , both Whit e and Negro , and they meet
together in l eadership c las ses i meet ings , and other funct i ons .
On s everal occasions during the year all o f the clubs
meet together at the Y .M . G.A . f&r an aft ernoon or evening or
act ivitie s . On these occa s i on s the N egroes and White s swim
together , play basketball , and engage in other activi t ie s
with n o color line drawn . The writer attended one such even
ing meet ing at which about one hundred boys , age s twelve to
f i fteen , were present . At l east 40 per c ent were N egro e s .
One problem which att ends thi s program ari ses in the
fact that Negro teams consistently win the greate st portion
of the ath1eti c cont e s t s • . Thi s is true to such an extent
that Whit e boys sometimes become di s couraged . The director
o f t he club activiti e s explained this Negro athletic supre
macy , which i s al so very evident in publi c scho_ol athlet i c s ,.
as due to two factors . The first o f these i s natural ability,
83
and the second , compensati on for lack o f a real chance t o com
p ete with Whit e s in other line s .
In the- Y .W . O .A. Negro e s are allowed as members , but
are den i ed the use o f the s wimming po o l , except in case s where
a large group re s erve s it at a spec i fi ed t ime . Negro e s are
also di scouraged from staying overnight in the Y .W . C .A . rooms .
TWo adult Negro club s ,. numbering about twenty five each, are
s ponsored in the Y .W . program, and there are Negro unit s in
the Girl Rese rves .
The Camp Fire Girls have no N egro groups in the c ity
although there are some Negro Camp Fire Girls in other cit ies .
The statement made by one of the o f f ic ers was , ••we felt there
were more girls than we could reach among the Whit e s so there
was no reason for going beyond them . " I f a reques t came f rom
a Negro group and they could provide ade quate leadership , they
would be allowed t o organi ze , but the offi c e would not b e like
ly to sugge st such a move . The request would have t o c ome from
t he Negro e s themselv e s .
One more youth o rganization deserves ment i on . The Boys '
C lub , affi liated with the Boys ' Clubs of America , has 442 mem
bers in Pasadena . The ages range chi e fly from twelve to seven
t een ; activities inc lude hobbi e s , art , recreat i on , athlet i c
t eams , and othe r lei sure-time pursuit s . The purpo s e i s t o
provide rec reational facilities for boys unable to j oin the
more expensive organi zat i ons .
84
It i s the policy of the Boys ' Club to allow 15 per
cent of it s members to be Negroes • . In former years thi s pro
portion was much higher . The 15 per cent ruling was set up
because of the obj ecUons of some of the adult White contribu
tors who did not care to give to a group containing so many
Negroes . As a result or thi s financial pressure the 15 pe r
cent limit was placed in effect .
One other organi zation mus• b e mentioned for i t s work
in bringing about bett er Negro-White relat ions in Pasadena .
The Fellowship or Reconciliation has helped at least one
ne ighborhood Negro youth club , and is active in other inter
rac ial endeavors .
The organi zat ions described in this sect ion , in spite
of the fact that they have racial restrictions in varying
degrees , must be c lassified �& cons�ructive agencies on the
whole . With all of the ir limitat ions , most of them are doing
something to improve the racial picture in Pasadena. Their
work along these line s would probably expand considerably if
it were not for the attitude held by so many adult leaders in
Pasadena, expres sed to the writer by one man in the following
words , " If we weren ' t doing so much for the Negroes here , we
wouldn ' t have so many of them coming to the city and causing
thi s problem . "
CHAPTER V
VALIDITY OF THE OPINIONS OF THE WHITES CONCERNING
THE RELATION OF �HE NEGRO TO CERTAIN SOCIAL PROBLEMS
In the questionnaire reported in Chapt er IV the Whites
were asked their opinion s regarding Negro participation in
PasadenaJ s crime , infect ious disease , and relief problems .
There was a definite tendency on the part of those answering
to attribute to the Negroes a larger part in these social
problems than the number of Negroes in the population would '
j ust ify . The Negroes were thought to commit more crimes ,
have more infectious di sease , and require mo re financial re-
lie f than the Whites in proportion to their numbers .
The statistics pre sented in the present chapter were
gathered t o t e st the val idity of these White opinions . It
i s assumed, however, that the opinions thus expressed were
based, in most cases , on general att itudes toward the Negroes
rather than on real acquaintance with the fact s • .
The sources used make it necessary to break down the
c rime statistics in� o j uvenile delinquency and adult crime • .
Juvenile delinquency. Two sourc es of data on juve
nil e delinquency in Pasadena were used : the Juvenile Crime
Prevention Bureau or tne Pasadena Police Department and the
o ff·ice of the Supervisor of Attendance oi' the Pasadena C-1 ty
86
School s . These two sets of data are pre sent ed separately here .
The Juvenile Crime Prevention Bureau statistic s had
not been broken down rac ially , but the writer was allowed to
do thi s . Before thi s was done , Captain Morgan, head of the
Bureau, expressed the opinion that Negro young people give les s_
trouble than the White s . He has also made this stat ement in
public addre sses • . Last year , at'ter Hal lowe ' en, he personally
congratulated Mrs . Mary Reese Johnson , a Negro youth worker,
on the fact that the police had had little, if any , trouble
with Negro youths on Hallowe ' en . These fact s are recDrded be
cause it is signi ficant that this is the attitude of the Bu
reau, and will partially answer any ob j eation that might be
raised claiming that White orricers will be unduly strict with
Negro ofranders .
The period covered is January 1 , 1939 , to December 22 ,
1939 . Previous to thi s peri od records were not available .
Age s are up to and inc luding eighteen years . Off'ense s cover
everything bringing police action---including traffic o ffenses ,
mi sdemeanors , and felonies .
The total number of of'fenses during this period was
1764. or these 119 , or 6 .7 per cent , were committed by Negroes: ..
Thi s proportion i s somewhat higher than the 4 . 68 per cent of
Negroes in the estimates or total populati on . However, these
populat ion estimates do not apply part icularly to thi s age
group and therefore may be inaccurate .
87
The other sourc e of delinquency stat i stics , the office
of Earl Smith, Supervi sor of Attendance for the City Schools ,
gives figures that are more valid for s everal reasons . The
definition of delinquency in t erms of the types of o,ffens e s
i s more satisfactory because t raffic offenses are not inciuded
unless they entail manslaughter, felony , hit -and-run driving,
or repeated driving a:t'ter suspen sion ot· lic ense . The Police
Department statistic s , on the other hand, included all traf-
fic offenses . The other offenses included in the Att endance
Office records are petty theft , grand theft , burglary , morals
and sex offense s , t ruancy , incorrigibility , and liquor offenses.
Another point of superiority lie s in the fact that the
Att�ndance Office count s the number of delinquent s , while the
Police Department records the number of offens es . Thus in
the Attendance Offic e figure s a delinquent who commits eight
offenses appears only once , not eight time s , as in the Pol i c e
stat i stics .
Table XIX compa.;-es the Negroes and Whites in Pasadena ' s
school population with regard to delinquency . The figures
for Mexicans and Orientals , which would be needed to complete
the picture , are omitt�d b ecause they do not bear on the pre
sent problem . The stat i st i c s pre sented make it very clear
that Negro youth are guilty ot· , or at l east are apprehended
in c onsiderably more acts or delinquency than Whi te youth.
During the school year 1956-37 , 14. 3 per cent of all delin-
TABLE XIX
COMPARI SON OF NEGRO AND WHITE JUVENI� DELINQUENCY AMONG PASADENA STUDENTS
A . Whites
Per c ent School of Whites Number of' Per cent
Year in school Whit e Of total population del inquent s delinquent s
1936-37 89.6 187 67.0 1937-38 89 . 9 291 72 . 4 1958-39 89 . 7 321 76 . 8
B . Negroes
Per cent School of Negroe s Number of Per cent
Year in school Negro or total populationl delinquent s delinquents
1936-37 3 .7 40 14.3 1937-38 3 . 7 41 10 . 2
1938-39 3 · 9 46 11 . 0
88
1 The proportion of Negroes in the schools i s smaller than in Pasadena as a whole because t he school dist ri�t includes s everal nearby communit ies in which no Negroes live.
89
quent s were Negroe s , while only 3 .7 per cent of the s chool
populati on was Negro . A s imilar condition exi st ed in 1937-38
and in 1938-39 . On the other hand, the White delinquency was
67 per cent of the total in 1936 -37 , whi le Whit e s con stituted
89 . 6 per c ent of the school populat ion .
The se three years were the only one s for which such
statistics are available and do not cover a suffi cient period
to allow conc lusions to be drawn concerning trends . However,
it is worthy of note that the White percentage s of delinquency
inc reased during the se three years while the Negro proport ion
had a net drop . Inc reased ac:tivi ty among youth organizat ions
that serve Negroes i s the only reason suggested for thi s t rend .
A separat e study of the problem would be required i n
order to aseerta1n the particular cause s of the high rate o r
delinquency among Pasadena Negroes . However , on the basi s o f
the pre sent inve stigation several probabl.e causes can be
pointed out . Three or these are rather certain in their e f
fect . First , it was noted in Chapt er I I I that an abnormally
high proportion of Negro mothers are gainfully employed, whi ch
obviously lessens parental supervis ion . Second, many or the
recreati onal fac ilities available to Whit e youths are clo s ed
to Negro e s , thus making the problem o f lei sure -time activities
a serious one . And, thi rd , the occupat ional po si tion of the
Negroe s increases delinquency in two ways , by lowering the
general economic level of the Negro community , and by making
90
it more difficult for Negro youth to find part-time j obs that
would occupy their spare t ime . Under these circ�umstanoes it
is not di fficult to account for the di fferential noted between
Negro and Whit e delinquency .
The stat i stic s of the Federal Children ' s Bureau, as
quoted by Elliott and Merrill, l reveal that the Pasadena situ
ation i s · s imilar to that o f t he nation as a whole . According
to 1930 stat i stics the Negro e s contributed 18 per cent of the
nation ' s delinquency ; whereas , Negroes aons�ituted only 9 . 7
per c ent o f the total population .
The much lower proportion o f Negroes shown in the Pasa
dena Police Department ' s stat i stics can probably be explained
largely by the fa�t that all traffic offenses were included .
The White youth are frequent offenders in this category.
Table XX opmpares the frequency of different types of
delinquency among Negroes and Whi tes . The most out standing
di fference shown i s that there i s a much higher proportion of
petty theft among Negroes than among White s . In the three
years for which we have data, petty theft constitut ed only
47 . 9 , 42 .1 , and 41 . 0 per cent of Whi te o ffenses, but for the
same years 78 . 1 , 63 . 6 , and 60 . 9 per cent of Negro oases were
petty theft . White delinquents ran much more to grand theft ,
l Mabel A . Elliott and Franci s E . Merril l , Social Di s-
organi zation ( New York : Harper and Brothers Publi shers , 1934) , p . 87 .
TABLE XX
TYPE OF OFFENSES COMIIITTED BY NEGRO AND WHITE JUVENILE DELINQUENTS IN PASADENA l
Type of Whit e s Negroes -o f tense
1937 1938 1939 1937 1938 1938 1939 1940 1938 ' 1939
91
1939 1940
Total 100.0 100. 0 100 . 0 100 .0 100 . 0 100 . 0
Petty theft 47 . 9 42 . 1 41 . 0 78 . 1 63 . 6 Grand the ft 9 . 4 15 . 1 5 · 7 4 . 9 6 . 8 Burglary 12 . 8 1 6 . 0 23 . 8 4. 9 15 .9 Sex & mora1s 18 . 9 19 . 7 10 . 7 7 - 3 11 . 4 Truancy 3 . 4 1 . 4 4 . 6 2 .4 o .o Incorrigi-
b111ty 3 .8 2 .7 9 .3 2 . 4 2 . 3 Liquor 3 .0 2 . 3 1 . 9 o . o o . o T raffic: . 4 ·1 1 . 5 o . o o .o Arson and
ra1se alarm . 4 o . o 1 . 5 o . o o . o
1 Stat i stics from the office of the Supervisor of Att endance of the Pasadena U�ty Schools .
60 . 9 6 . 5 6 .5
10 . 9 2 .3
4.3 4 . 3 o . o
o .o
burglary, and sex offenses than did Negroes . On the whole ,
therefore , we may say that Negro offenses , although more
numerous than White, tended to be of a les s serious nature ,
in the eyes of the law at least .
92
Caution must be used in interpreting data o f thi s type
because of the possibility that Negro o f fenders , because of
thei r racial status, may be apprehended more readily and dealt
with more severely than White youth. However, the present
study did not di scover any direct evidence of this type of
discrimination in Pasadena .
Adult c rime . In order to study the crime record in a�.
year for which accurate �pulation stat istics were available
for compari son , the Pasadena Jai l Record for the year 1930
was examined and N egro offenses were separated from all othe rs .
The se offenses include all oases which involved a Jail record.
They are not entirely aeourate for the purposes of this ' a:tudy
because they include some oase s of vagrancy and some out-o f
town offenders arreated for other jurisdi<rt.ion s • Howev:er ,
the se will tend to be cancelled and the figures should be of
soma value .
There were 2 , 525 . jail cases in Pasadena in 1930 . Of
these 168 , or 6 .6 per cent of the t otal , were Negroes. At
that t ime 4 per cent of the city ' s population was Negro; so
the percentage of crimes committed by N egroes was only slightly
higher than would be expected on the bas i s o f populat ion .
Thi s differential of only 2 .6 per -cent i s remarkably
low when compared with the c ountry as a whole, where a dis
proportionate number of Negroes c ome into conflict with the
law. In Detroit , for example, Negroes made up 7 . 4 per cent
of the population in 1924, but figured in 24 .4 per cent of
the arre st s . 2
93
In explaining the high crime rate among Negroes , Elliott
and Merrill point out a number of underlying causes . Among
thes e are un favorable economic and social conditions and ra-
cial discrimination . When it i s taken into consideration that
both of these factors are operating in Pasadena, it i s re
markable that the Negro crime rate should be so little above
that o f the Whites . This i s e specially true when the rela�
tively high economic and social status of Pasadena' s Whit e
population i s considered .
T able XXI presents the Police Department bookings for
most o f the year 1939 by type ox offense . In this year the
proportion Of Negroes booked was about 4 per cent above thei r
proportion in the total population .
For many type s o f offen s e the figures are much t oo
small to be s ignificant , and perhaps even the totals cover
192 6 , cit . ,
2 The Negro in Detroit , Mayor' s Int e rracial Committ ee ,
unpublished report , cited by Elliott and Merrill, 22 • p . lj6 .
TABLE XXI
BOOKINGS BY THE PASADENA POLICE DEPARTMENT , FEBRUARY 1 ' TO NOVEMBER 30, 1939
Offen s e T otal Negroes
'Homicide 7 1 Rape 10 2 Robbe:ry 2 0 Aggravated a s sault 6 1 Burglary 26 2 The ft 58 6 Auto theft 22 1 Other assault s 21 8 Forgery 27 0 Embezzelment abd fraud 1 0 Sto l en property 2 0 Weapons a 0 Sex. o ffen s e s ( except rape ) 83 1 9 Fam i ly and chi ldren 50 12 Drug laws l- 0 Li quor laws 23 4 Dr1mkennes s 882 33 Di sorderly conduct 74 18 Vagrancy 169 8 Gambling 93 18
T eJtal s 1559 133
94
Per c e nt Negro
14. 3 20 . 0
o . o 16. 6
7 . 7 10. 3
4. 5 38 . 1
o . o o . o o .o o . o
22 . 9 24. 0
o . o 17 . 4
3 . 7 24.:-s
4. 7 19. 3
8 . 5
Negro e s in t otal populati on about 4. 68 per c ent
95
too short a . . period to make it pos sible to draw valid c.onclu
s i ons . It will be noti c ed , however , that wherever the t otal
number o f o f fenses i s la:rge , a s in drunkenne s s and vagrancy,
the perc entage of Negro offen s e s is not far from the popula
tion e stimate , 4 . 68 per c ent . On the other hand, in sex o f
fen s e s ( except rape ) , di sorderly conduc.-t , and gambling the
Negro percentage i s : high and the total number of offenses i a=;
large enough to give some validity to the re sult s .
I t mus t be c oncluded that the available stat isti c s
show a sl ightly higher crime and j uvenile delinquency rat e
in Pasadena for Negroe s than for White s . Ttie dis crepancy iso
greater for delinquency than for adult c rime , but the delin
quency rat e appears to be on the dec rea s e �
Intec.tious di seas e . Ta.tiles JCXII and XXIII present sta�
t i stioB c�mpiled by the writer from the records o f the Pasa
dena Health Department . They repre sent cases which were re
port ed, under law• . by the doctors . Some error i s inevit able
in thi s system of reporting di s ease s , but the resulting figures::
are the mo st accurate available .
In the tot al result s , for the di seases s elect ed, the
Negro e s played just about the part the i r numbers would lead
one t o expe ct in 1920 , 1925 , and 1930 . In 1935 their per
c entage was slightly above the normal expectancy .
An examinat ion of the separate diseases , however , re-
Year
1920 --
1925 --
1
TABLE XXII
NEGROES IN CERTAIN INFECTIOUS DI�EASES IN PASADENA , 1920 AND 1925 -
Total N egro Di sease cases cases
Scarlet fever 104 0 Chicken pox 464 6 Measles 728 30 Pneumonia 71 0 Tuberculos i s 108 3
Total s 1475 39
96
Per cent Negro
o . o 1 . 3 4 . 1 o . o 2 . 8
2 . 6
N egroes in total populat ion • • • • • 2 . 4 per cent
Scarlet fever 28 0 o . o Chicken pox 456 1 0 . 2 Measles 35 0 o . o Pneumonia 81 6 6 . 6 Tuberculosis 77 4 5 .2 Syphili s 65 9 13 . 8 Gonorrhea 37 3 8 . 1
Totals '(89 23 2 •. 9 -
Stati stics from the Pasadena Health Department .
�
Year
1930 --
1935 --
TABBE XXIII
NEGROES IN CERTAIN INFECTIOUS DISEASES IN PASADENA, 1930 AND 19351
Total Negro Disease case s oases
Scarlet fever 41 0 Chicken pox 343 3 Measles 734 23 Pneumonia ·r3 0 Tuberculos i s 163 7 Syphilis 123 28 Gonorrhea 50 4
TotaJ..s 1527 65
97
Per cent Negro
o . o o .e 3 . 1 o . o 4. 3
23 . 7 8 . 0
4. 2
Negroes in to tal populat ion • • • • • 4 . 0 per cent
Scarlet fever 120 4 .) . } Chicken pox 382 31 8 . 1 Measles 142 4 2 . 8 Pneumonia 37 0 o . o Tuberculosis 115 4 3 . 3 Syphilis 103 27 2o . c Gonorrhea 106 21 19. 8
Totals 1005 91 9 . 1
1 Statistics from the Pasadena Health Department .
veal s a noti ceable ine quality . In the two venereal di seases,
syphilis and gonorrhea ; Negro cases are cons iderably more
numerous than White cases in pro,ortion to numbers in the pop-
ulation . However , in every other di sease li sted , except
tuberculosis , the Negroes had a markedly better rec_ord than
the Whites . They seem to have been notably free from pneu
monia and scarlet fever , for in both of these di seases they
had a perfect record in three out of' the four years. In spite
of thi s , the N egroes • high rat e or venereal disease brings the
average for all of t he di seases down to a point where it i s
just about proport ionate t o the N egro populati on .
Venereal di sease has long been a problem of great
magnitude among Negro groups in every part of the country .
Pasadena i s evidently no except ion .
N eed for financ ial aid and rel i e f . Two source s were - - - - .;;;..;;..=..;;....:;;;..
used to determine the financial relief given to the Negroe s
i n Pasadena by publi c agenc ies : t�e County Department o f
Charities and the S.R.A . These do not , o f course , represent
the enti re field of relie f but were the only agencies with
applicable statistics .
Aca.ording to Mrs .- Mary Jane St rong, social case worker
for the Los Angeles County Department of Chari t i e s , Pasadena
Di strict , the following are approximately accurate figures
for December 28 , 1939· The total number of cases on the rolls
or the County Rel i ef Agency in Pasadena on that date was 716.
99
Of thi s · total, 64, or 8 . 9 per cent , were Negroes . At thi s time
about 4 . 68 per cent of Pasadena ' s population was Negro .
On December 27, 1939 , aca:ording to Mr . Phillips , eta;;.
tistic ian t'or the S .R.A . o:ffice in Lo s Angele s , there were
2392 cases o:f relief in Pasadena handled by that agency . Of
these , 185 , or 7 . 7 per c ent , were Negroes .
Here again , as in the crime and disease stat i sti c s . the
Negroes show a slightly higher rate than their proportion in
the population would j ustify . However, again it seems evident
that the traditionally accepted ocaupational po sition o:f the
Negro in the c�ty , with i t s low salaries and high rate of
unemployment , is the probable explanation . It i s impos sible
to predict the results which would follow a change in the
Negro ' s oaaupat ional status , but all indications point to
this one circumstance as the root o f many of their problems .
The comment o f Mr . Ransome Carver, Director o f the
Pasadena C ommunity Ohest , was , " the Negro is the last man
hired and the first man :fired . " Assuming that thi s i s fre
quent ly true , i t i s surpri sing that Negro relief rates are
not higher than the records show them to be .
Nevertheless, whatever the causes may be , it must be
concluded from the evidence presented here that the Negro e s
are responsible for slightly more o f Pasadena ' s delinquency,
crime, infect ious disease , and financial relief than the
Whites in proportion to their numbers in the population .
CHAPTER VI
T HE REACTION OF THE NEGRO TO HI S STATUS
In hi s di s cus s i on of status and personal i ty Bogardusl
l i s t s four factors which enter i nt o status . Tlie last o f
the s e i s t he react ion o f the individual t o the status imputed
t o him by the group . No diseuss1on o f status i s complete
without the c on siderat i on of thi s important facto r . There
fore , the pre sent chapt er i s devot ed to a cons iderat i on of the
reactions o f s ome o f Paeadena � s Negro es to the various a s pects
o f their s o c ial and economic l i f e in Pa sadena, part i cularly
with referen c e to the i r relat i on s . with the Whi t e s .
THe mat erial used in thi s chapter was s ecured in int er
views with Negro e s and with Whites who are wel 1 aaquainted
with the Negro e s ; from unpubli shed pape rs writ t en by a N egro
student in high sehool. ; · from editorials p ubli shed i n ac Negro
newspaper ; and from a que sti onnaire con st ruct ed for thi s study
and di st�ibut ed t o one hundred and e leven Negro es in Pasadena.
The results of the quest ionnai re study , because they come
from a relat ively small group o f Negro e s s el ected at random,
cannot be made the basi s for b road generali zat ion s . However ,
the att ituQe s re corded in the que stionnaire s parallel. elo s el.y
tho s e reveal ed by the other sourc e s and therefore may be
l Emory S . BOgardus , Fundamental s o f Social Psycb.OlOf!j
( se c ond edi t ion ; New York : : D . A�pleton-Century CompanJ , 1931l, p . 84 .
101 assumed to represent reasonably well the feeling of a large
share of the N egro group ..
THE NEGRO ' S EVALUATION OF HIMSELF AS A CITIZEN
In Chapter IV t he opini on s of Whi t e s regarding N egro
crim e , diseas e , and reli e f were recorde d ; and in Chapter V
the validity of tho se opinion s was tested by a study of the
Negro ' s rec o rd in the s e soc i al probl ems . Tc complete thi s evi
denc e it i s nece s sary to see how the Negro evaluate s himsel f .
on the se matters , and to compare hi s opinion s with the opin
ion s of the Whites and with the facts themselve s . The follow
ing Negro opinion s were reveal ed in the questionnaire st udy.
Crime . The best available records showed that the
Negro i s re spons ible for a slight ly disproport ionate amount
of Pasadena ' s erime and j uven i le delinquency , e specially the
latter . However, i f t he maj o rity o f Negroe s are cogni zant
of thi s fact , they are unwilling to admit it , even on an anony
mous que stionnaire .
Only 7 .4 per c ent o f the Negro e s answering the que stion
indicated a. belief that N egro e s commit more crime than White s
in proporti on to their numbers in Pasadena . Only 28 . 7 p er
c ent felt that the two race s were about the same , and the maj or
ity , 63 . 9 per c ent , believed that Negro e s have a bette r crime
record than the White s .
102
Compari son o f thi s Negro reaction with the an swers of
Whit e s t o the same que st i on s e em s to reveal a s t ronger rac e
pre j udice o n the part o f the Negro e s than on the part o f the
Whi t e s . See Table XXIV . The latter answered " about the sam e"
on 57 . 5 per cent of the ques t i onnai res as c ompared with 28 . 7
per c ent o f the Negroe s who were o f thi s opini on . Only 25 . 6
p e r cent o f the Whi t e s att ribut ed more crime t o Negro e s than
to thems elve s , whereas 63 . 9 per c ent of the Negro e s were in
c l ined t o the v i ew that Whi t e s are the most frequent o ffenders .
Infect ious di sease . In regard t o infect ious disea s e ,
a s shown in Table XXV , both Negro e s and Whit e s were inc lined
to att ribute a highe r proport i on o f c a s e s to the other race .
The N egroe s showed l e s s incl inat i on to do thi s than the Whi t e s • .
Only 36 . 4 per c ent o f the Negro e s said that Whi t e s were l e s s
healthy , but 50 . 4 per c ent o f the Whit e s said Negro e s were
l e s s healthy . The Negro e s thought the t wo race s to be " about
t he same" on 60 per c ent o f the ques t i onnaire s , whi l e only
47 . 3 per cent of the Whi t e s answered in thi s way .
Financial rel i e f . Table XXVI c ompare s the White and
N egro opin i on s regarding f inancial rel i e f • . Each race was
strongly inc lined to att ribute to the o the r the large st share
o f the c i ty ' s relief and charity case s . Approximately the
same proport i on o f each group, 40 . 3 pe r c ent and 42 . 7 per cen t ,
thought the two race s to b e about equal i n regard t o reli ef,
TABLE XXIV
COMPARISON OF NEGRO AND WHITE OPINIONS REGARDING CRIME IN PASADENA I
103
Que st i on . De you t hink that the Negro e s in Pasadena c ommi t more , about the same , o r fewer c rime s than the Whi t e s i n propo rt ion t o thei r numbers?
Answer
N egro e s commit more
Negro e s commi t about t he same
Negro e s c ommit fewer
Per c ent of Whi te s '
answers
25 . 6
57 · 5
16 . 9
Per c ent o f Negro e s '
an swers
7 • A
28 .7
63 .9
1 Re sult s o f the writ er ' s que s�1 onnai re study .
TABIIE XXV
COMPARISON OF NEGRO AND WHITE OPINIONS REGARDING INFECTIOUS DISEASE IN PASADENA
104
Quest ion . Do· you beli eve that the Negroes in Pasadena are more healthy , about tne same , or less healthy than the Whites in regard to infectious disease?
Per cent Per cent Answer of Whites ' of Negroes '
answers answers
N egroes more healthy 2 . 3 36 . 4
Negroes about the same 47· 3 60.0
Negroes less healthY !::>0.4 3 . 6
TABLE XXVI
C OMPARISON OF NEGRO AND WHITE OPINIONS REGARDING FINANCIAL RELIEF IN PASADENA
Que stion . Do you b e l i eve the Negroe s in Pasadena obtain more , about the same , or les s· financial relief and charity than t he Whi tes in proport i on t o tneir numbers?
Per c ent Per c ent Answer of White s ' o f N egro e s '
answers answer s
N egro e s reo:eive more 50 . 6 5 . a
Negro e s receive about the same 40 ., 42 .7
N egro e s rec eive l e s s:: 9 . 1 51 . 5
105
and about half o f each group said that the other race con
tributes a di sproporti onate part of the charity cases .
106
In summary , then , roughly half o f the Negroe s tend to
attribute more of Pasadena ' s o�ime , infectious disease, and
relief to the Whites than to their own rac e in proportion to
their numbers . On the other hand, approximately this same
perc entage of Whites believe that Negroes are re sponsible for
a di sproporti onate part o f these social problems . The other
half o f each group is made up mo stly of those who believe the
two races are "about the same" . A few in each group bel i eve
the members o f their own rac e to be the worst offenders.
THe slight difference that doe s appear to exist between
the opinions of the two race s point s to the Whites as being
perhaps a little less prej udic ed against the Negroes on these
matt�:trs than the Negroes are against the White s . I n addit ion
to thi s fact , the slightly disproportionate part played by
the Negroes in the se social problem s , a s revealed in Chapt er
V, makes the White opinions somewhat the more accurate o f
the two.
It may be concluded from these fact s that the Pasadena:
Negro has approximately the same degree of pride and faith
in hi s own rac e as the White has in his , at least in regard
to these part icular · problems . This i s undoubt.edly t rue unless
the answers placed on the quest ionnaire s are to be branded
as rationalization or decept i on . The writer has disc.overed
107
no reason to discount thus the result s .
THE NEGRO ' S BVALUATION OF HIS OWN ABILITY
Typic al o f the o pinions o f Pasadena Negroe s regarding
the o ccupati onal ability of thei r rac e i s the following c om
ment wri tten on one que stionnaire , " The N e gro e s in Pasadena
are given little chanc e to p rove the i r skill • • • , but in any
field they a re equally capable i f given a fair chance . n
T he wide&pread bel i e f among Negroe s that they are j ust
a s c apable a s Whi t e s when given an e qual opportunity i s shown
in Table XXVII . In every occupat ional field li sted , except
one , the ma jo rity of Negro e s answered that u Negroe s and Whites
are equally capable" . The one exce pti on was in personal and
domest ic work , where the maJor ity checked N egro e s a s being
more capable than Whit e s . Tlie r e was a alight tendency t o feel
that in pro f e ss i ons and in bus in e s s the Whi t e s have more abi l
ity . About one third o f tho s e answering gave N e groe s the ad
vantage over Whit e s in un skilled labor . On the whole , how
ever, t he t endency was to judge the two races e qually capable .
THE NEGRO ' S REACTI ON T O CERTAIN FACTORS I N HIS SOCIAL STATUS
The react ion o f the Pasadena. N egro to hi s social status
can b e st be de scribed by treat ing hi s attitudes t o ward each
of the several racial problems s eparat e ly . The most important
of the s e are discus s ed here .
108
TABLB XXVII
OPINIONS OF PASADENA NEGROES REGARDING THE CAPABILITY OF NEGROES AND WHITES IN DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONal
Believe Believe B&lieve Negroes Negroes and N egro e s
Occupation more capable Whites equally less capabl than Whites capable than Whites
Professions l 84 10 Skill ed work 11 78 10 Bus iness 5 68 19 ClePical work 6 6'7 1 1 Unskilled WOPk 36 58 3 Personal and
domestic woPk 58 34 2 .
1 Results of the questionnai re study .
e
109
Occupat ional posit i on . The previous sect i on estab
li shed the faet that the Negro regards himself to be the equal
of the White in most vocat i ons . Needles s to say , the di s
crepancy between thi s faith in himself and t he actual occupa
t i onal position that he has in the city i s a source of con
siderable di ssati sfact ion. He usually arrive s at the conclu
si on that hi s relatively low economic status 1s ent irely the
re sult of widespread discrimination against hi s rac e by the
dominant White group .
The following comment s written by Negroes on the q�es
t i onnaire illustrate their feeling.
To get the same opportunit ies or positions a White person get s , the Negro must not only be equally quali fi ed as a White but he must be better qualifi ed .
I believe the Negro i s not given an equal chance t o show what he can do . I f given the chanc e he would be able t o do just as good as the White person , or any other person or better.
• • • the crime of our democracy i s that out side o f professional fields and personal and domestic work, the N egro does not have the same opportunity to demonstrate such capac iti e s .
All men are created equal and i f given a chance can do anything they so desire .
I do think if the Negro i s given an equal chance to use their professional and bus iness training there will be a more democratic feeling between the Negro and other races .
A Negro boy now in high school was graphi c in deserib
ing hi s dilemma in regard to vocati onal plans . He said dur
ing the intervi ew that " the White folks j ust think of Negroes
110
a s cooks and servant s . " However , he definitely believes
that whenever Negroes are given a chance they might do even
better than Whites , " as they do in athlet i c s" . He outl ined
his problem thus :
I ' m twenty years old . I want to get married , but I say to my girl , "You got to work for two or three years i f we get married . " If I t ry to get a j ob the best I can hope for i s #18 or f20 a week as a caretaker or city laborer and no chance to advance . A man can ' t get married on that .
In an autobiography written for a high school Engli sh
class thi s same young man said
I have, during the last two year s , drawn some definite conclusions . Among them i s the fact that my opportunity to succ eed i s measured not by my ability but rather by my color. Thi s conclusion has now taken the form of an acute problem .
Thi s statement seems to sum up rather well the thinking
or many of the N egroes with wttom the writer talked.
Another indication of the attitude toward thi s problem
i s found in that section of the questionnaire which asked the
Negro to compare hi s occ upational chances with those o f other
races in Pasadena. As would be expected all of those answer-
ing ra�ed the White as having the be st chance . I t i s signi
ficant , however, that 53 . 8 per cent of the Negroe s thought
that a Negro has a poorer chance of getting a j ob than has a
Japanese , a Mexican , or a Filipino of equal abi lity . I n o ther
words , all of the Negroes marked the Whites first in choice,
and a majority of them marked themselves as last choic e , w ith
J apanese , Mexicans , and Filipinos coming in between .
111
A separat e study would be required to ascertain the
t rue relation o f the N egro to the s e other minoriti e s wi th
regard to occupati onal compet it i on . The important tact for
the purpos e s o f this study i s that the Negro rate s hims elf
at the bottom of the scal e , for in doi ng so he reveal s . hi s ··
strons feel ing on the matt e r o f hi s o ccupat ional po s i t i on .
Another point at which the Negro has expre s s ed himself
with regard to employment i s c· in connect ion with " city j obsn .
Thi s s ituati on was described in Chapt er I I I . Many o f the
Negro e s have reacted to it rather strongly . The following
quot ati on , ob jecting to what i s t ermed the " quotatt or " per
capita" arrangement in hiring Negro e s , i s perhaps as good a
statement o f the feel �ng o f a large number of Negroes a s could
b e found.
T�i s ' pe r capita l stuff has long seemed to us a bit o f non s ense ! Am I , a N egro , t o b e one-tenth a s loyal a s my whit e neighbo r? Am I , a Negro , t o b e one-t enth a s saholarly as my white cla s smate? Doe s the Star Spangled Bann er cover but a part o f me---Just b ec ause I am a Negro? At tax p&Jing t ime , we Negro e s are t ax payers • . In t ime o f war, we are soldi ers . I n =urt , w e are offenders . And b e fore a bombasti c , lying polit ic ian who seek s our votes , we are e.i ti zens � But , my friend, when we go to get j obs w1 th the beauti ful city of Pasadena, our status bec ome s': changed . We b1tcome N egro e s . And , i f we are good, and plenty lucky , we can get on ' with the iarbage b oy s ' to fill an ' opening under a Negro Q,uota ' l
Undoubtedly the bitt erne s s o f �hi s statement exc eeds
2 Quot ed from an open lett er from a Pasadena c i t i zen, publi shed in the Cali fornia Eagle , a Lo s Angeles N egro n ewspaper; August l , i940.
t hat f elt by some Pasadena Negro e s . Neverthele s s , it i s
repre s entative o f many , and milder t han some .
112
Pbr the purpos e or i llustrating the growth of re s ent
m ent in t he minds of Negro e s who c ome up against the color
bar, i t will be worthwhile to examine the story of one young
Negro . His name will be withhe ld .
The young man in queBtion was brought up in Pasadena
and attended high school there . He was graduated with a high
scholastic standing and with the respect and admirati on o f
hi s teachers and his fellow stude nt s . I n spite of lack o f
money he chose t o continue hi s educat ion . By working long
hours in the afternoon and at night , he put himself through
t he university , and again was graduated with a high standing .
Returning t o Pasadena he s earched for work . After
s ome months o f vain applicati ons for other posit i on s , he fi
nally was forced to accept a j ob on t he city ' s garbage di s
posal forc e .
In interviewing Whit e leaders on other matters p er
t aining t o the study the writ er was s urpri sed at the frequency
with which thi s young Negro was brought into the c onversat ion
by int e rviewe e s . Finally one prominent educator was a sked,
"What is there about thi s boy that causes everyone to b ring
up hi s story?'' A:t'ter some thought the answer was , "Wel l , I
gues s we all have him on our conscienc e . " Thus it will b e
s een that hi s inability to r1nd work was probably not due to
113
l ack o f appreciat i on for hi s worth.
However , the fact that he was forced int o garbage col
l ec t i on i s not the s igni fi cant fac.t , for at thi s part icular
t im e many Whi t e boys were a l s o unable to f fnd good po sit ions .
The important thing i s that in hi s mind hi s race i s the fac
tor which has clo sed the door s of opportunity t o him .
On his que stionnaire , in an swer t o the question , " in
what o ther stat e s be s i de s Cali fornia have you livedn , h i s
answer was , 11 Chao s u . And a t the end of the questi onnai re he
added a statement that reveals all t o o clearly the depth o f
t he baffled, re s entful p e s simism t o which hi s experienc e has
driven him .
The remainder of hi s que st i onnaire was filled out with
unusual thoughtfulnes s and a remarkable degree of toleranc e .
Hi s reac.t ion t o the whol e situation s e em s t o b e one o f hurt ,
bitt er resentment .
Thi s case differs from many others like it only in the
unusually high calibre of the young man involved, and hi s
reacti on differs from the usual one chie fly in the degre e of
intell igence with whi ch he analyz e s the difficulty and ex�
p re s s e s himself .
Educati onal opportun i ti e s . In regard t o e quipment ,
buildings , t eachers , and all other t angible a spect s o f the
educat ional system Negro e s and Whi t e s are e qually privil eged
in Pasadena . The two race s use all o f the same school facil1-
114
t i e s toge-ther.
Neverthele s s , many of the adult N egro e s feel that the
children o f the i r race are - not accorded e qual t reatmant with
in the scho ol s . In answer to the question , " Do you believe
that Negro student s in local schools are given a fai r chance? " ,
only 8 per cent answered 11 Yes� 43 .8 per cent answered " Not
quite" , and 48 . 2 per c ent answered " Definitely not" .
I n spite of thi s , no marked t endency was s hown to pre
fer s eparate Negro school s . Tpe great maj ority of Negroe s
i ndicated that i t would not matter t o them whether the schoo l s
had " no Whit e student s " , " a f e w Whit e student s" , or ••mo stly
Whit e student s" .
C ontact s with Whites in re s idential and social s i tu-�----� ---- -- --- �
ation s . White citizens in Pasadena fre quently expres s the
o pinion that the Negro ' s chi e f ambit i on s are to m ingle with
Whit e people soci ally and to live i n Whit e neighborhoods .
The whol e que s t i on o f Negro attitudes toward personal i nter
raci al c ontact s i s important to the present study .
In the quest ionnaire study the Negro e s were a sked which
they would pre fer to have as neighbors---Whit e s , Negro e s , or
both. Of tho se answering only 1 per cent said "Whites" ,
11. 4 per c ent checked "Negro e s" , 37. 1 per c ent checked " bo th" ,
and the remainder , 50 . 5 per c ent , said that it a.oe sn ' t matter.
If these answers were reliable there is l ittle tendency to
prefer Whi t e neighborhoods .
115
Closely rela�ed to thi s q�estion is the work of the
Pasadena Improvement Associat i on, which was described in Chap
t er rv. Thi s organi zation ' s drive to restrict property against
N egro occupancy has aroused c.ons1derab1e antagonism on the
part o f the Negroes • . In frequent editorials within the last
year the California Eagle, a Los Angeles N egro newspaper, bas:
used such terms as " un -Ameri can" , .. race -baiting" , " racket11 ,
11 Slums" , .. ghetto" , and " segregated area" in discussing the
activiti e s of the association . Although the s e comments did
not come from Pasadena N egroe s , they are similar to tho se
heard in Pasadena .
An o fficer of the Pasadena Improvement Association
.stat ed in an intervi ew that the restricti ons being impo sed
are aimed at helping the Negroe s as well as the White s . As
a whole the Negroes are unable to int erpret the situat ion in
this way . Their content ion i s that while they have no partic•
ular desire to live in White neighborhoods , they do want the
privilege of living wherever they choose .
The attitude of some Negroes t oward the use of public
swimming pools with Whites has already been revealed in the
di sclls sion of the court case involving the right of Negroes
to use Brookside Plunge . Opinion among the Negroes is evi
dently divided on the advisability of having brought suit
against the city .
This division i s indio:ative of two basic:; philosophies
1 16
which split the Negro group into two s ect ions on many i s sues .
There are tho se �egro e s , many o f them young, who feel that
only 'b7 fighting every step of the waJ will their race receive
recognit ion . Oppo sed to thi s group i s another element in the
Negro population whi ch feel s that an open fight with the
White s for equal rights can only re sult in ill will and fur
t her curtailment of ex1 s1Jing right s.o Needl e s s :to say , the
lines are not c learly drawn between these two c ontrasting
groups , but in general they are to be found on oppo site sides
of any such que st ion as the Brooks ide Plunge case .
A simi lar divis ion of Negro opinion i s di splayed on
the question of the de sirabi lity of having a recreat ional
c enter and swimming pool e qually as. fine as Bl'Ookside con
structed exclusively tor Negroe s .. Thi s - plan has been sug
gested by s everal Whit e leaders as a solut ion to the present
problem. On the que st ionnaire the Negroes were asked whether
or not they wo�_d favor such a pro j e ot . They were almo st
e qually divided, 41 . 7 per cent answering "Ye s "· and 39 . 8 per
c ent replying " No" . The r�ining 18 . 5 p er c ent were undecided.
Ther:, reas on for opposing such a recreat ional center,
as expre s sed by s everal Negro es in int erviews , i s that any
thing which segregate s the two rac es i s another wedge between
them and has a bad effect .
It may be concluded that the chi ef element in the
reaction of Negro es to interrac ial c ontact s is an insistence
117
that no c olor line be drawn , not because the individual Negro
pre fers to associate with or live near Whit e s , but because
he feels that any other arrangement is a needl e s s and dan
gerous curtailment of hi s liberty .
NEGRO ATTITUDES TOWARD THE TOTAL RACE PROBLI£M IN PASADENA
The foregoing di s cus sion has indicat ed Negro att itude s:::
t oward part i cular aspect s of the race problem. A c�nelud1ng
s ection on the fee lings .. of Negroes toward the situation taken
as a whole i s now necessary t o complete the picture of the
N egro ' s reaction to hi s status.
I n the questionnaire the Negroes ·were a sked how they
felt that " the position of Negro e s in Pasadena c ompares with
that in other cities o r the c ountry , taking into c ons iderati on
employment , educat i onal , polit ical , and soc ial factors" .
They were given five choices in the i r answers . Of those that
replied , 39 . 3 per cent said that Pasadena i s about average .
Very f ew believed that i t i s better than average---only 2 .8
per cent checked " among the best" and only 1 . 8 per cent
checked "bett er than most" . All of the rest •ere on the
other side of the questi on . 31 . 7 per c ent saying that Pasa
dena i s " worse than mo st• c it ie s , and 24 . 3 per cent saying
that i t i s " among the worst " . Thi s makes a total o f 55 per,
cent who feel that Pasadena i s below the average in treatment
o f Negroe s .
��8
Although these opinions cannot be taken as a t rue in
dicat ion of the actual comparison of Pasadena with other
cities , they do point out a strong degree of dissati sfaction
on the part of the Negroes . This is a significant facLor
regard�ess of its . justificat ion .
These results are especiaLly interesting in view of
the fao� that over half of those who answered the question
naire indicated that they have lived in the South at some t ime .
One of these former southern Negroe s exp�a1ned hi s statement
that Pasadena i s }'among the worst" by saying that in the South
the Negro ' s social position i s well-defined, and within h1 sc
sphere he has con,1derable freedom. In Pasadena, however,
there i s a strong pretense made of complete racial tolerance ,
but very little tolerance actually practiced .
Tne Negroes were also asked what they thought to be
the trend of race relation s in Pasadena . Thi s question pro
duced the greate st una�imity of answers shown on the ent ire
questionnaire . Of those answering, 70 . 4 per c ent said that
in the past five years Negro-White relations have 11become
more strained" . Most of the remaining 29 . 6 per cent said that
relation s had remained about the same , or that they did not
know. Only about 7 per cent said that conditions have improved.
These results will i�lustrate to a certain degree the
seriousness with which racial i ssues are regarded by Pasadena
N egroes . The attitudes of' individual Negroes faced by this
119 problem fall largely into t•o opposing out look s , as has al
ready b.een suggested . One o f these i s the somewhat bellig
erent stand taken by some Negroes who feel that only by stand
ing up for their right s will they progress. , The other i s the
belief that moderation and gradual improvement of conditions ,
with no open conflict , will produce more lasting result s .
But , whichever view i s t aken , the feeling that under
lies it tends to be one of uneasiness , of t ensenes s , of strong
and continual awarene s s of racial pressure s . Thi s s ense o f
impending trouble i s illustrated by the following comment
written on a questionnaire :
I would like to see a labor relations board and an Inter-racial Commission made up where problems of such could be worked out . Then there wouldn ' t be tha� feeling of something going to happen between the Whites and the N egroes ! Relat ionships are terribly strained in Pasadena • .
Another Negro also suggested a j oint Negro-White coun
cil as a solut ion .
I would like to see all the religious groups set up an Interraci al Oouncj,.l to work out social problems . Then our people would have no prej udices and vic e-versa . Definitely our folk can ' t help but hate Whites when they constantly do so much to make us unhappy .
A young Negro who also s ensed what he believed to be
a growing seriousness in the situation wrot e :
Pasadena White s should awaken to the realization that THEY are creating a minority problem ! One which is growing in intensity and one which will be tremendous if they don ' t awaken and attempt to do something about it .
It may be safely said that a great many of the N egroes
are perplexed by the enti re problem, unable to see any way out
120
of the di fficulty , and thus are forced into a sort ot' hope
less acc eptance o f the conditions . This does not mean that
they are , as one White person put it , " happy and sat i s fi ed
as long as they stay in their place" . Thi s study did n ot
reveal many Negroes who feel that they have a 11 place11 apart
from other races .
Perhaps the feelings of that large part of the Negro
group who are more or less overwhelmed by the problem i s best
expressed by one of them who wrote on her questionnaire :
" May God help the situation as a whole . 14
'l'he chi ef divi sion of Negro thinking, then , seems to
be between those who endors e thi s sentiment in it s general
spirit , and those who have came to the belief that there will
be no such powerful assi stance to their caus e , that the y must
help themselves .
CHAP'l'ER VII
SUIOIARY AND CONCLUSIONS
The first Negro families came to Pasadena very early
in its hi story---within the first t en years after the c.'ity
was founded in 1873 · By 1890 there were seventy-five Negro
res ident s . This number has grown unti l today there are ap•
proximately 4, 026 Negroes . They constitut e about 4. 68 per
cent of the c ity ' s pre sent population according to recent
e stimat e s .
Even in the early days . 'of Pasadena ' s hi story there
was frict ion betwe en the Negroe s and the White s , and at least
one efrort was made prior to ].900 to disc:rourage the Negroes
from moving in . Stnce then, the pattern of race relati ons
in the city has varied from time to t ime , and from group to
group . At pre sent Negro-White contac t s and con flict s are
among the most vital of Pasadena ' s problems .
Land value s , the plans of real estate men , the location
o f available work , property restriction s • and other economic·
and social factors caused the N egro populat ion to settle
largely in two areas in the c i ty . The se sections are not far
apart , one in the northwest and t he other in the southwe st
part of the city ; but they are separated by an extension of
the central busine s s • district . Although mo st of PAsadena ' s
Negroes live in one of these two area s . there are also a num-
122.
ber or fami l. i e s scatt ered about in o ther sect i ons . The s e
i sol.ated N egro groups are the cause or considerabl.e di s s at i s
faction o n t he part o f s ome Whites who fear a further di s
persion of the col.ored populat i on .
An investigati on of the occupat ional pos ition of the
N egro e s revealed that they find work mo st frequently as per
sonal and domest ic s ervant s . Approximat e ly one thi rd o f the
gainful.J.y employed men and a. larger proport ion o f the women
are employed in thi s field . Next in importanc� i s the gen
eral c1ass i f icati on o f un skilled work which provide s j ob s for
at least 15 per cent of the men . Arousing cons iderable dis
s at i s faction among the Negroe s , i s the raot that the c ity
hire s Negroe s only a s laborers . Anothe r aggravat ing circum
stance i s the pol i cy o f nearby airplane manufacturing planta'
not to hire N egro e s in any capaci ty .
Foreshadowing future personal di sappointment i s the
fact , revea1ed in the study , that the maj ori ty of Negro high
school and junior college students are planning to ent er
fields in which there i s very little opportunity for a Negro .
A s might be expected none o f the student s expeets t o enter
dome st i c or unskil.led wo rk , the two field s i n which mo s t o f
thei r parents work .
The i nve stigati on revealed that many Whit e resident s
of Pasadena have a c onsiderable degree o f antagoni sm against
the Negroes . The questionnai re study showed that the Whit e s
123
tend to regard the Negroes as a detriment to the city as a
residential community . If a Negro family moved into their
neighborhood, most Whites would eithe r move away or agitate
to have the �egroes moved. In fact , most of them would go
stlll further and advocate some · type of 11 regula.tionsn reqt,tir
ing that l�egroes live in a section by themselves . The Whi tes .
al so tended to attribute to the Negroe s . & disproportionate
part in the city ' s crime , infectious disease , and financial
relief problems .
Another indic.ation of the prejudi ce against Negroes
is a well-organi zed and successful drive by prominent White
business men to restrict all re sidential property against
N egro occupancy . About 60 per cent of the city has now been
restricted • .
A sui t , now pending in court , was brought by aeve ral
Negroes last year to forc.e the c1. ty to allow Negroes to use
a municipal swimming pool on the same basis as Whites . . This
again illustrates the poli cy o f many White people in Pasaaena
and the antagonism which result s among the Negroes .
Although schools do not discriminate against Negroes ,
many youth organi zation s in Pasadena do . The scout s , the
Y . M .C .A. , and other such groups make a limit ed place in their
programs for Negroes, but seldom on the same basi s as Whites�
On test ing the validity of the White opini ons regarding
Negro crime , infectious disease, and relief i t was found that
124
the Negro e s contribute slightly more to each of �he s e p rob
lems than t he i r proport i on in the population would just i fy .
I n most c a s e s the difference between t he Negro perc entage in
a part i cular p roblem and the Negro percentage in the popula
t i on was not more than 3 t o 5 per c ent . Juveni le delinquency
and venereal di sease were the two place s at whi ch the Negro
re cord wa s most out o f proport i on t o their numbers .
The reaction o f the N egro t o hi s status 1n Pasadena
vari es with hi s individual experience and hi s t emperament • .
However, there was revealed a very defin i t e conseiousn e s s o f
the racial problem o n the part of p racti callY all Negro e s .
Many o f them feel very strongly on the sub j ect of what they
claim t o be Whit e injust i c e s . Mo st o f t he m feel that N egro es,
are not given a fai r opportunity to c ompet e wit h Whi t e s on
an e qual basi s in occupat i onal fields .
Some o f the N egro e s reveal a bitt er and belligerent
atti tude , while som e are much more mi ld in the i r reaction
and are inc l ined t o make the best o f the s it uat ion . Almost
all are c onscious of the strained N egro -Whit e relations and
display c on siderable conc e rn over the growing an�agoni sm
s hown by both rac e s .
Conclusion s . The scope o f thi s study i s too lim i ted
t o permit the drawing o f conclus ion s whi ch c ould be applied
t o any but the local si tuat i on . I t c annot be said that the
resul t s represent accurat ely even the att itude s o f all Pasa-
125
dena c i t izens , for the data used were not taken from a s c i-
ent ifically det ermined sampling . Neverthel e s s , c ertain t en
tative c onclus ion s can be stat ed which apply at l east to tho se
part icular s i tuat ions and groups of �erson s studied.
It has long been rec ogni zed by student s of race rela
� ions that one of the fundamental eauses of pre j udic e i s
economic competition . l The present study reveal s that thi s
i s al so true of the Pasadena rac e problem . Competition for
j ob s and the e ffect o f Negro occupancy on property values
appear t o the writ er to be the chief c ause s o f anti -Negro
feeling among Pasadena White c i t i zen s . Many White pers ons
wha have no personal obj ections to Negro e s have allowed con
c ern over property value s to influenc e them to s ign restriction
agreement s and otherwise t o take steps t o s egregate t he Negroe s .
Another common source o f race antagonism, adverse
s ensory react1ons , 2 i s also found in the Pasadena probl em.
The opposition of Whi t e s to the use o f swimming pools by
Negroe s i s undoubtedly based largely on thi s factor, al though
in thi s c as e the adverse s en s ory reactions are coupled with
the fear of los s o f revenue because of decreased Whit e
patronage .
1 Emory s . Bogardus , 11 Cause s of' Rac e Antagonism, .. �-i ology and Social Re search, 24 :166-70 , November-Dec ember, 1939 ·
2 Ibid.
126
It ma� be c oncluded t hat on t he whole Negro e s in Pasa
dena are normal and des i rabl e citi zens when judged on the
basi s o f their relat ive part i c ipat i on in c rime , delinquency ,
i nt· ect ioua di sease , and reli ef . I t s e ems safe t o conclude
that the s light exce s s of Negroe s over Whi t e s in thes e soc
i a l problema can b e attributed largely t o the comparati vely
more difficult economic situat i on in whi ch t he Negro i s plac.ed
by v i rtue of hi s rac e . When the ext ent of thi s factor i s �on
s idered, it i s remarkable that there i s not a greater di ffer
ent ial between Negro and Whit e records in crime , d i sea s e , and
relief .
I t i s c ertain al so that the impact a£ rac ial d i s c·rim
inat ion , parti cularly in the matter of occupat i onal o pportuni
t i e s , i s having a not i ce able e ffect upon the attitudes o f many
Pasadena N egroes . I n t he ease of s ome , part icularly young
men and women , thi s e ffect amount s to a seri ous personal ity
di sorgani zat i on .
The pre sent study doe s not warrant any conclus i on s
regarding a solut ion t o the problem . However, it very def
initely indi cat e s that , in t he face ot· pre sent t rends , s ome
intelli gent measure s t o promot e better Negro-Whit e relation s
will be required t o avoid more s e ri ous soc ial malad justments .
BIB LIOGRAPHY
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
( Background Materials )
A . BOOKS
Baker, Paul E . , �-Whit e Adj ustment . Pre s s , 1934 . 267 pp .
New York : Association
Baker , Ray Stannard , Following the Color Line . New York : Doubleday , Page and dompany:-1908 . �pp .
Beasley , Delilah L . , Negro T rail Blazers .£! Cal i fornia . Los Angel e s , Cali forni a : Times-Mirror Printi ng and Binding House , 1919 . 323 pp �
Biggers , John D . , Admini s trator, Census of Partial Employment , Unemployment , � Occupat ions . Washington , D.C : Uni ted States Government Print ing Office , 1937 .
Boaz, Fran z , The Mind of Primi t ive Man . New York : · The Macmillan Company , 1921:- 294 PP • .
Bogardus , Emory S . Fundamental s of Soc ial Psychology, New York : D. Appleton-Century Company , 1931 • . 444 pp • .
, Immigrat ion and Rac e Attitude s . Boston : D . O . ------�H�e-a�th� and Company , 1928:--268 pp .
Bond , J . M . , "The Negro in Los Angeles . " Unpubli shed Doctor ' s di s sertation , The Universi ty o f Southern Cal i fornia , Lo s Angele s , 1938 . 365 l eave s .
Brown , Julia E . , " Soc ial Di stance Between Whi t e s and Negroes in the United States Today . " Unpubli shed Mast er ' s thesi s , The University o f Southern Cali fornia, Lo s Angeles , 1938 . 139 leaves .
Chicago Commi ssion on Rac e Relat i ons , The Negro In Chicago . Chi cago : The University o f Chi cago Pre s s , 1�2 . 672 pp .
Cottrell, Edwin A . , Pasadena Social Agenc i e s . Stanford Uni versity , 1940 . 378 pp • .
Dowd , Jerome , The Negr6 In American Life . t ury Company , 192 • 61 1 PP •
New York : The Cen-
F1not , Jean , Race Pre,judic e . New York : E . P . DUtton andi 0dmpany , -r9Q7 . 320 pp .
Gregory , John W . , The Kenaae £! Colour . London : Seeley , Service , and Company , Limited, 192 5 . 264 pp �.
Holmes , Samuel J . , '!'he Negroes " Stru55le for Survival . Berkeley , California : · University of Cal ifornia Pre.s.s·j 1937 . 296 PP •' ·
Horowit z , Eugene L� , The Dev.elopment £! Att-itudes Toward :!ill,! Negro . New York , l936. 47 PP •' .
129
Johnson, Charles s . , Growing QE. .!!!, the Black �· Washington , D . 0 � American Council on Eduaat1on , 1941 • . 360 PP •
Mathews , Basll J . , The Cla sh o f Color. New York : George H . Doran COmpany, 1924. 18lpp .
Muntz, Earl E . , Raae Contact . New York : The Century Company , 1927 . 407 �
Reid, Ira De A . , In a. . Minor �·1· Washington, D . C : Ameri can Council on EdUaation , 1 4 •
Reuter, Edward ff'• , Tne Ameri can Race Problem . New York : Tlitomas ·· Y . Crowi!'I COmpany, Iffl. 44S pp •.
Thompson , Edgar T � , editor , Race Relati ons and t he Race Prob� · Durham , N . 0 : Duke University Priii(,�39:--3)8pp.: .
Weatherford , Willi s D . , Race Relation s . Boston : D . c . Heath and Company , 1934. -;90 P P • ·
Wood, J . w . , Pa sadena , California. Hi storical � Personal . Publi shed by the author, 1917 .
B �: ARTICLES
Boaz , Fran z , 1 1 Rac�e Prej udice from the Scientist ' s Angle , .. Forum, 98 :90-4, August,, 1937 .
BOgardus , Emory s . , "Causes of Rac e Antagonism, " Sociolo� and Social Research, 24 :166-70 , November-December, r ;;g .
Ferguson , George o . , " The Psychology of the Negro , " Archives of Psychology, No . 56 . New York : The Science Press-, April , 191 6 .
130
Horowi t z , E:tJ.gene L . , .. The Development of Attitude toward the N egro , " Archives o f Psychology , No . 194 . New York : The Sc� ence Pre s s , January , 1936 .
John son, G . B .' , "Net?ro Racial Movements and Leader ship in the United Stat e s , American J ournal o f Soc iology , 43 :57 -71 , July , 1937 ·
Thomas , W. I . , "The Psychology o f Rac e Prej udi c e , n American Journal £! Sociology, 9 :593-611 , March, 1904 • .
Villard , o . G . , " Justice for the Negro ; Rac.e D i scriminati on in the Army , Navy , and Industry, " Christian C entury, 57 : 1582-84 , Dec ember 18 , 1940 .
Young , Erle F . , ttlihat I s Race Pre j udice , 11 Journal o f Appli ed Sociology, 10 :134-40 , November-December, 1925 .
Zeli gs ,, Ros e , " T racing Racial Att itudes Through Adole sesnc e , •! Sociolog� and Social Res earch, 23 : 45 -54, SeptemberOctober, l� • .
APPENDIX
AGREEMENT AND DECLARATION OF RACI IISTRICTIONS
;:: �!�r tt,tl32
THIS AGREEMENT made and entered into this ..............•. day of---····----····· · · · ··············-··-· 19-., by and between the subscribers hereto,
W I T N E S S E T H : THAT, WHEREAS each of the parties hereto is the owner of or has an int.nlt or estate in, or a lien or �
upon, the real property designated and particularly described opposite their reqective signatures, all of which aa1d real property is situated in that portion of the City of Pasadena, County of Loa Anareles, State of California, aDd within a certain district therein which is described as follows, to-wit :
Bounded on the North by ...... ·-···'················ · · · · · ········································-··-·-··············································-··--
on the East by ..... ... . ..... : .... .................. . ... ................... ................ �·-·· ·-········· ·····-······-··-·················· ········ ···· ···· ··· ··· ····--·-···
on the South bY······························································································· ·········-······-···················································
and on the West bY···································· ··············································· ·············-······-··················· ·······························-
WHEREAS, the several parcels of land within the above described area which are now occupied are occupied, with only a few exceptions, exclusively by persons of the White or Caucasian race ; and
WHEREAS, it is for the mutual benefit and advantage of each of the parties hereto, and for the benefit and advantage of each and every parcel of land within the district aforesaid, whether the same are now occupied or not, that each and every parcel of land within said area shall be limited and restricted to occupancy by, and that the same shall be occupied exclusively by persons of the White or Caucasian Race : .
NOW THEREFORE, in consideration of the premises, and in consideration of the advantages to be derived by each of the parties hereto by the making of this agreement, and further, in consideration of the benefits which will accrue to the real property of the undersigned, respectively, or in which they are respectively interested, IT IS HEREBY MUTUALLY COVENANTED AND AGREED by and between the parties hereto that up to and including the first day of January, 19 ...... .... , each and every of the lots or parcels of land designated and particularly described opposite the respective signatures of the parties hereto shall be subject to the following restriction and covenant which shall apply to and be binding upon the parties hereto, their and each of their heirs, devisees, executors, administrators, successors and assigns, namely :
That no portion or part of said lots or parcels of land shall be used or occupied by, or be permitted to be used or occupied by, any person not of the White or Caucasian race. That no person shall live upon said property at any time whose blood i s not entirely that of the Caucasian race, but if persons not of the Caucasian race are kept thereon by such Caucasian occupant strictly in the capacity of servants or employees of such occupant, such circumstances shall not constitute a violation of this covenant.
IT IS UNDERSTOOD AND AGREED that said covenant is made for the benefit of each lot or parcel of land described after the respective signatures of the parties hereto as against each and every other of said parcels or por· tions thereof, and that said covenant is made for the benefit of each party hereto, and that said covenant shall operate as a covenant running with the land, and that the same is created as mutual, equitable servitude in favor of each of said lots or parcels as against each and every other of said lots or parcels.
IT IS FURTHER UNDERSTOOD AND AGREED, and it is hereby expressly declared, that the foregoing cov· enant shall inure to the benefit of and bind each and all of the parties hereto ; and that said covenant shall extend to and shall bind the heirs, devisees, executors, _administrators and assigns of the parties hereto, and of each of them, and that any breach of said covenant or agreement may b e enjoined, abated or remedied by appropriate proceedings by the parties hereto, or by any of them, their and each of their heirs, devisees, executors, administrators and as· signs ; or compensation recovered for any and all damage which may be occasioned by any such breach.
IT IS FURTHER COVENANTED AND AGREED that, in case it shall be found convenient or expedient to do so, the signature of any party or parties may be subscribed upon separate instruments containing substantially the same covenants and agreements as herein contained, instead of having all of · such signatures appended to one single copy of the same, and that when thus executed all such instruments and copies of the same shall be resd together and shall be deemed to be and that the same shall constitute one single instrument, and that the covenants and agreements as contained and set forth in any and all such instruments shall be deemed to have been made with and shall bind, and shall inure to the benefit of each and every other person who shall have signed this agreement or duplicate copies of the same, his and each of their heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, and shall have the same force and effect as though the signatures of all parties had been appended to a single cov:v of this agreement.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, �e have hereunto set our bands and have set opposite our respective names a description of the property owned by us, respectively, or in which we are interested, and which is affected by the covenants of this agreement.
X A STUDY OF NEGROES IN PAS.ADENA
Inst ruct iona : ( 1 ) Do not sign your name . ( 2 } If you have l ived for more than one year in another stat e or
country please indi cat e places and approximat e l ength of t ime .
__years
__years
( 3 ) Che ck the answers which bf! 11t f i t �rour i!"J'led ie.to reac t ion to the que stion . Please � B£i att empt !£ reason � rat ional i z e , but answer according to your f irst f eel ing react i on.
( 1 ) Would you e st imate the number of Negro es in Pasadena ' s 84, 000 pe ople at :
About 1 , ?00 ( or 2%) Jl.bout 3 , 500 ( or 4%) hbout 6 , 800 ( ora%) About 12 , 500 ( or 15%) Have no idoa
( 2 ) How do the Negro e s in Pasadena effect tho desirab i l i ty of the c i ty as a re s i dent ial c ommun ity?
Improve i t Make no diff erence Make it l e ss des irable ----
( 3 ) If a Negro family were t o move into your ne ighborho od would you :
Be :pleased i .. c c cpt them as na ighbors Just ignore the ir presence Ag itat e to have them removed
Move yourself
( 4 ) Would you favor regulat ions requiring the Negroes to l ive in a se c t ion o f the c it y by themselve s?
Ye s No Don ' t know -----
( 5 ) If it were :po s s ible and conve nient would you orofer that your children att end a sch ool having :
Many Negroes Only a fow No Ne groes Do o c n ' t natt or _________ _
133
A STlJDY OF NEGROES IN P.ASJ:J)ENA ( 2 )
( 6 ) Do you think that the Negro e s i n Pasadena commit more , about the same , or fewer , crime s than the wh ite s in proport ion to the i r numbers?
More About the same
Fewer
( 7 ) Do you believe that the Negroes in Pasadena are more healthy , ab out the same , or less �eal thy , than the wh it0 s in re gard t o infect ious d iseas es?
More heal thy About the same
Lc so healthy
(8 ) Do you believe that the Negroe s in Pasad ena obtain more , about the same , or le s s , financ ial rel ief and charity than the wh ites in proportion to the ir numbers?
More About tho same ____ __
Los s
( q ) If thoro are any other c omment s you wi sh t o make you may d o s o here :
134
RACE ATTITUDES IN PASADENA
Ins truc tions :
1 . Do not s i gn your name . 2 . The following gene ral information is impo rtant .
(a ) Sex: �� le Femal e •
(b ) Occupation :--
•
( c ) Place of wo rk : I n Fisadena Outside o f Fis adena •
(d ) List a� state s be s i de s Cal iPo rnia in which you have ----
l ived f o r more than one year . 3 . In the foll owing que s tions plea se che�c�k�t�h�e-a-n�swe�r--Wh�i�c�fi�b-e-s�t---
f i ts � fi r s t fe el ing you � upon reading the ques tion.
1 . If you ha d your cho i ce woul d you pre fe r t o work for a Ne gro or a Vfui te employe r, if the pay and t he working conditions we re equal ?
Negro_
White Doe sn' t matte r •
2 . If the re we re a Ne gro , a White , a Japane s e , a Mexican, and a Filip ino , all of equal abili ty, seeking work in Pasadena which woul d have tho be s t c hance , next be st, e tc . Numbe r 1 , 2, 3 , etc .
Ne gro Vlhi to -
Japane se Mexican Fil ipino
3 . I f you had your cho i co , and the s cho ol fac ilitie s we re all equally good, would you pre fe r to attend, or have your chi l d ren atte nd, a school with
No Vihi to s tudonts A fow Whi to s tudents ·Mos tly White srud"ents _ Doo sn ' t matte r
4 . Do �you bel ieve thn t Ne gro s tudents in l ocal scho o l s a ro given a fai r chnnco 7
Yo s Not qui to Dofinite ly not
5 . If you had your choice whi ch woul d you p re fe r t o have as ne ighbors ?
Vfhitc s Negroes Both Doe s n ' t matter
6 . VToul d you favo r having tho c ity p rovide a re cre ationa l contor and swimmi ng poo l equal ly as fine as Drooksido excl us ive ly � Negroe s ?
Ye s No Don' t know -
135
7. Ho>·r d.o you fo o l tho.t tho p o sition of Negroes in Pasadena compa re s wi th that in o the r c itie s of tho countr,y. tak ing into cons ide rat ion empl oyment , aducat iona 1 , pol iti cal and s o cial facto rs ?
Pasadena i s among the be st Betto r than mos t about ave rage Worse than mo st Among tho worst •
-
s . In the po.st f i� year s woul d you any that Ne gro-Whi to re l a ti ons in Paso.deno. have
Improve d Don' t know-
Rema ined about tho s �e •
Be c ame mo re s trained
136
9 . Do you thirik that tho Negroe s in Pasadena commit moro, about tho same , o r f'owo r , c r ime s than t h o i!Vhi to s i n p rop o rtion t o the i r numbe rs ?
More About tho some Fewe r
1 0 . Do you be l ieve t hnt t he Negroe s i n Po.s ndona o:rc m o ro heal thy, o.bout tho sa...'!lo , o r lo s s hc !:l.l thy, t hem tho 'White s in re gard to infe c tious disease s ?
J.!o ro he c. l t by About the s c..:mo Lo s s hco.l tey
11 . Do you bel ieve that the Ne groes in Pa sadena obto. in mo re , about the sumo , o r lo s s , f'in.."..nc inl re l ief on d chnri ty tho.n tho Whi to s in p roportion t o the i r numbers ?
More About tho s ame Lo s s • -1 2 . After onch type of work check the c olumn you bel ieve to be c o rrec t .
Take into cons ide ration t ho entire ra cial p i cture , not j us t tho l o cal conditi ons .
Prof'o s s ionnl
Ne g ro e s more Ne groes and ca.po.blc tho.n '\'Thito s equal ly
��ito s co.po.b l o
Ski l l e d wo rk (mo cheni ca, etc . ) Bus inG s s
--------Clo ri c n l work
(s tcno g raphc rs , e t c . ) Unskil l ed lab o r Po rs ono.l c.nd dome s tic work
Ne groe s l o s s cnpo.bl o than
Whi to s
13. I f t he re u ro o.:ny comments you wi s h t o mo.ko you may d o s o he ro :