the potential of transportation demand management in brasilia...

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THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSPORTATION DEMAND MANAGEMENT IN BRASILIA Camila de Carvalho Pires Lammers Federal District Government - Brazil 1 [email protected] Summary: Over the last years, Brazil has faced a dramatic rise in the number of private automobile and a decrease of public transport use. In Brasilia, this process is aggravated by the city’s disperse occupation and land use. The research presented in this paper shows that there is an absence of conditions to discourage automobile use and highlights the importance of adopting an integrated approach - spatial and transport planning - in order to reverse the increasing trend of automobile dependence. The objective of this report is to assess how Brasilia’s government can develop a Transport Demand Management (TDM) program to discourage the use of private automobiles and achieve a more efficient and balanced use of transportation infrastructure. Recommendations are offered following the analysis of the current situation in addition to the identification of future perspectives, potentials and constraints. Key Words: Transportation Demand Management, mobility management, automobile dependence, Brasilia, Brazil 1 The analysis and recommendations expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the Federal District Government.

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Page 1: THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSPORTATION DEMAND MANAGEMENT IN BRASILIA …siteresources.worldbank.org/INTURBANDEVELOPMENT/Resources/336387... · Sixth Urban Research and Knowledge Symposium

THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSPORTATION DEMAND

MANAGEMENT IN BRASILIA

Camila de Carvalho Pires Lammers Federal District Government - Brazil

1

[email protected]

Summary: Over the last years, Brazil has faced a dramatic rise in the number of private

automobile and a decrease of public transport use. In Brasilia, this process is aggravated by the

city’s disperse occupation and land use. The research presented in this paper shows that there is

an absence of conditions to discourage automobile use and highlights the importance of adopting

an integrated approach - spatial and transport planning - in order to reverse the increasing trend

of automobile dependence. The objective of this report is to assess how Brasilia’s government

can develop a Transport Demand Management (TDM) program to discourage the use of private

automobiles and achieve a more efficient and balanced use of transportation infrastructure.

Recommendations are offered following the analysis of the current situation in addition to the

identification of future perspectives, potentials and constraints.

Key Words: Transportation Demand Management, mobility management, automobile

dependence, Brasilia, Brazil

1 The analysis and recommendations expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the

official opinion of the Federal District Government.

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THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSPORTATION DEMAND

MANAGEMENT IN BRASILIA

I. INTRODUCTION

The process of urban development and its spatial configuration is influenced by people’s needs

and preferences (Berg 1999; Petersen 2004). Equally, the city’s configuration influences

people’s behavior and contributes to automobile dependence, creating a constant demand for

more infrastructure supply that reinforces the cycle of people’s habits and land use patterns

(Squires 2002; Neuman 2005; Gwilliam 2002). In this cycle, Transportation Demand

Management (TDM) is a tool that can affect all three factors – land use, people’s needs and

infrastructure supply - that are related to urban mobility.

International evidence suggests that TDM can be adopted to rebalance the use of existing

infrastructure by different modes of transportation and promote more sustainable mobility

(Goodwin 1995; VTPI 2010; Newman & Kenworthy 1989). It aims to maximize the efficiency

of urban transport systems by discouraging unnecessary private automobile use. For Black &

Schreffler (2010), TDM assumes the implementation of complementary interventions to balance

peoples’ travel needs with the capacity of available services and facilities. It consists of a set of

measures to influence traveler behavior in order to redistribute travel demand (Broaddus, Litman

& Menon 2009).

A broad variety of TDM measures are being implemented mainly in developed countries. TDM

has a special advantage in developing countries because of its low cost compared to the

investment for increasing the capacity of roads and parking facilities. In addition, it can

implement pricing reforms that are particularly useful at improving transport system efficiency,

financing public transport, the improvement of streets, and safety measures for non-motorized

modes (Broaddus, Litman & Menon 2009).

There is a variety of stakeholders that can perform TDM; however, governments have a special

role in developing policies, programs and involving other actors (Litman 2010b; KpVV 2005). A

range of measures and strategies, classified by different categories, are available and can be

tailored according to the reality of local conditions. Careful planning is necessary to elaborate a

comprehensive TDM strategy (Litman 2003; Tight, Site & Meyer-Rühle 2004).

This paper reports on research2 conducted to assess how Brasilia’s government can develop a

Transportation Demand Management (TDM) program to discourage private automobile use.

Case study strategy is used to investigate the current situation (automobile dependence analysis),

future perspective (policies and programs), and to evaluate constraints and potentials for the

application of a TDM program in Brasilia. At the end, recommendations are offered.

The research method is qualitative and based on primary and secondary data. Validity is

accomplished by the triangulation technique of different data collection methods: interviews with

thirteen selected actors from local government, universities and NGOs; observation; content

2 This paper is based on a master degree thesis conducted by the author (Lammers, 2011) in the Institute of Housing

and Urban Development Studies (IHS) under the supervision of Msc. Giuliano Mingardo.

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analysis of planning documents and a literature review of Brasilia. To ensure that reliability is

achieved, more than one research tool was used to allow for cross-validation of information.

Moreover, interviews were held with different actors of relevant organizations about the same

subject and information.

1. Transport pattern in Brazil

Over the last years, a dramatic rise in the number of private automobiles has been reported in

Brazil. Between 2001 and 2010, while the population growth rate in the majority of the Brazilian

metropolitan areas was of 10.7%, the increase in the number of automobiles was of 66%. If this

tendency continues the same, it is predicted that the national automobile fleet will be doubled by

2025 (IPEA 2010).

The increase in automobile and motorcycle fleet has occurred especially as consequence of the

rise of the population average income (growing representativeness of the middle class), the

higher national government support for private vehicles by taxes incentives, and the growing

inefficiency of public transport.

There is a cycle of high prioritization of the private automobile that causes a loss on demand and

revenue to the public transport system, which impacts the tariff and generates a higher loss in

demand, decreasing the productivity and attractiveness of public transport. In this context, the

transport demand is attracted to individual modes: Lowest income groups travel by bicycle or by

foot even for large and inappropriate distances; there is an increase in the use of motorcycles;

and middle and high income groups do not consider using public transport.

As consequence, it is perceived a decrease in public transport use (from 68% in 1977 to 51% in

2005) and a rise in the use of automobiles (from 32% in 1977 to 49% in 2005) (IPEA 2010), see

Graph 1, considering the total of motorized trips. This change in travel modes generates higher

user costs, a higher consumption of energy and exacerbates the externalities, such as pollution,

congestion and accidents.

Graph 1: Estimation of public transport share in total trips(motorized trips) for Brazilian

Metropolitan Regrions

Source: ANTP in IPEA 2010

Public Transp.

Private Transp.

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2. Brasilia spatial configuration

In Brasilia3, the long distances traveled are a consequence of the city’s physical configuration:

separation of functions in sectors connected by highways, generous surface parking lots and

green spaces that separate isolated buildings, see Figure 1 Figure 2. This pattern is controlled by

rigorous spatial plans and building codes that aim to protect the characteristics and principals of

the original plan (Costa, 1957), responsible for nominating Brasilia the first modern city included

in the world heritage list of UNESCO.

Figure 1: Main north-south axe road in the central

part of Brasilia

Figure 2: Roadway system in the center of

Brasilia

Source: Correio Braziliense 2007

It results in one of the most dispersed cities in the world (Bertaud & Malpezzi 2003), with low

density in the city center and relative higher density around it. Consequently, there is a great

pressure towards the center, which cannot accommodate natural market forces and therefore

drives the development and new housing demands to the periphery. Considerable distances

separate different activities and also the planned satellite cities that still depend on the main core

as the principal place for work and services. The center accommodates 82% of the formal jobs

and 44% of total jobs, while just 15% of the households live in the 10 km radius around it

(Tenorio & Júnior 2009), aggravating social inequality.

Although Brasilia has a configuration that favors automobile use and car ownership is increasing,

approximately 61% of the population still uses public transport and non-motorized modes

because of their inability to afford a car. In other words, the use of more sustainable modes of

transport is not a choice, but the only option available for a significant portion of the population.

In effect, public transport is seen as inadequate, inefficient, uncomfortable and unsafe, being

therefore, unattractive for middle and high income groups that do not consider shifting from car

to other ways of transport.

3. Key Problems

In Brasilia, increasing automobile ownership contributes to congestion and creates pressure for

the adoption of road extension and new parking areas as solution for traffic problems. In

addition, the use of transport infrastructure is not efficient, since its capacity is full and congested

during peak hours and empty during other periods of the day. Also, the importance and space

provided for the different modes of transport is not balanced, with clear preference given to

private automobiles.

3 In this paper, Brasilia refers to all Federal District unity.

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Therefore, the following problems can be identified: First, the use of automobiles is stimulated

by the city’s physical configuration. Second, the tendency of growth in private automobile use

cannot be reversed if the same public policies and projects that favor the private car by road

expansions continue. Finally, no importance has been given to the management of mobility and

its demand, only to the provision of extra infrastructure.

II. FINDINGS

1. Present : Automobile dependency analysis

Studies about the implications of Brasilia’s spatial configuration and its development are in

place, but there is little focus about its relationship with automobile use, its causes and

consequences. A study with global cities conducted by Newman & Kenworthy (2001) revealed

that the patterns of automobile dependence, based on infrastructure, transportation and land-use,

follow a consistent path with the same pattern of economic and environmental costs; while cities

committed with sustainable transportation are doing better at reducing direct and indirect costs of

transportation. Moreover, Sakamoto, Dalkmann & Palmer (2010) stress the necessity to reverse

the urban sprawl paradigm trend, whereby developing countries shall cultivate a sustainable

transport system with enhanced accessibility without requiring the same level of motorization

seen in developed countries.

Hence, this section analyzes the spatial structure of Brasilia and the automobile use. The present

situation was studied considering the attributes that influence car dependence level, according to

the classification suggested by the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (2010)4. It used primary

data from interviews with local actors, and secondary data: academic researches and papers,

reports, official documents, and transport surveys.

1.1. Vehicle ownership

The first indicator analyzed was vehicle ownership, measured by per capita motor vehicle

ownership (per 1000 population). For Brasilia, the number of 355.52 is classified as medium

automobile dependent - multi-modal, see Table 1.

Table 1: Vehicle ownership per 1,000 pop. – classification of automobile dependence

Results Low Medium High Data Source

355.52 (2010) Less than 250 250-450 450+ DETRAN/DF & IBGE

Nevertheless, the tendency is that this index rises, since in the last decade, the number of cars

increased 86.6% while the population grew 20.4% in the metropolitan region (Ribeiro &

Rodrigues 2011). The Graph 2 shows the growth in fleet in comparison with the population.

4 The “Vehicle Travel” indicator was excluded as not data was found for it.

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Graph 2: Fleet, population, and motorization index for the Federal District, 2000 to 2009

Source: DETRAN/DF in Secretariat for Transport of the Federal District 2010a

1.2. Vehicle Trip

Vehicle trip is measured by the portion of automobile trips in relation to total personal trips. In

Brasilia, automobiles represent 39.05% of total trips and 50.98% of motorized trips

(ALTRAN/TCBR 2009), being classified as low automobile dependent, see Table 2.

Nevertheless, this indicator does not reflect directly automobile dependence in Brasilia since the

portion of automobile trips is related to income. In fact, the Technical Report nº3

(ALTRAN/TCBR 2009) based on the Origin Destiny Survey of 2009 mentions that the

percentage of automobile trips increases according to the income increment, while the number of

public transport trips decrease. It is suggested that there has been a substitution of public

transport for automobiles, with the values getting stable above the higher income levels.

Table 2: Vehicle trips in relation to total personal trips – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

- 39.05% of total trips - 50.98% of motorized trips

Less than 50%

50-80% 80%+ OD 2009 (ALTRAN/TCBR 2009) - +80% of total trips in the central area

- 78% of trips in high income neighborhoods - Less than 10% in the poorest neighborhoods

1.3. Quality of Transportation Alternatives

‘Quality of transportation alternatives’ is evaluated according to convenience, speed, comfort,

affordability and prestige of walking, cycling and public transit relative to driving. The

alternative modes were classified as very inferior compared to automobile based on the reports

evaluation (TCDF 2009; Secretaria de Transporte 2008, 2010, 2010b; CNI 2011); and the

opinion of interviewed (none considered the alternative modes competitive and 8 of 13

considered them very inferior). The results are shown on Table 3.

Motorization index

Population

Fleet

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Table 3: Quality of Transportation Alternatives – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

- Bus system: Full coverage, but with bad results on waiting time, reliability, travel time, tariff, and users evaluation.

- Metro system: Well evaluated, but small coverage and representativeness.

- Bicycle: Small coverage, poor infrastructure facilities, no priority, and no integration.

- Walking: Bad evaluated on distances, continuity of infrastructure, safety, comfort, and prestige.

- Driving: Full coverage, good infrastructure, and well evaluated by users.

Alternative modes are of competitive quality.

Alternative modes are somewhat inferior.

Alternative modes are very inferior.

- Reports - Satisfaction

surveys - Interview

1.4. Relative mobility of non-drivers

Relative mobility of non-drivers is evaluated by mobility of personal travel of non-drivers

compared with drivers. Considering the mobility index5, see Table 4, public transport users were

considered as moderately disadvantaged compared to drivers, while non-motorized modes were

evaluated as severely disadvantaged. Secondly, considering the interviews, the majority (9 of 13)

evaluated non-drivers in general as severely disadvantaged compared to drivers, while no one

considered them in equal or superior conditions. Therefore, the relative mobility of non-drivers

was classified as severely disadvantaged.

Table 4: Relative Mobility of Non-Drivers – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

Personal Mobility: - Auto: 0.59 - Public Transport: 0.48 - Pedestrian: 0.32 - Bicycle: 0.03 - Most interviewed evaluated non-

drivers as severely disadvantaged.

Non-drivers are not severely disadvantaged.

Non-drivers are moderately disadvantaged.

Non-drivers are severely disadvantaged.

OD 2009 (ALTRAN/

TCBR 2009) Interview

1.5. Land Use Patterns

‘Land Use Patterns’ is evaluated by land use density (residents and jobs per acre) and mix

(proximity of different land use types). The result was classified as dispersed and homogeneous -

high automobile dependent, Table 5, because of the results regarding to low density (Holanda

2010) and inverse profile that cause long transport distances and commuting trips (Bertaud

2010); the imbalance between jobs concentration and housing places (ALTRAN/TCBR 2009);

the discontinuity of urban fabric and the restrict zone use (Holanda 2010); the low accessibility

(Holanda 2010) and very high dispersion index6 (Bertaud & Malpezzi 2003); as well as the

evaluation of the majority of the interviewed (9 of 13).

5 Mobility index is the average number of trips made in relation to the number of inhabitants.

6 Bertaud & Malpezzi (2003) calculate the dispersion index by the ratio between the average distance per person to

the CBD.

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Table 5: Land use patterns - land use mix and density – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

- Concentration of jobs; - Low density; - Inverse profile; - Discontinuous occupation; - Very dispersed; - Fragmented; - Most interviewed evaluated as dispersed.

Very compact and mixed.

Moderately compact and mixed

Dispersed and homogenous

- Papers - Report - Interview

1.6. Transport System

‘Transport System’ is evaluated by type of transportation facilities and services available. The

research showed that although there is a range of transportation facilities available – roads, bus,

metro, bicycle paths and sidewalks – the alternative modes lack extension (Secretaria de

Transporte 2010a, 2010b), improvement and integration (Pontes 2010; Correio Braziliense

2011), while the automobile facilities are dominant, as also evaluated by all the actors

interviewed. Therefore, the transport system was classified as mainly for automobile. Results are

shown on Table 6.

Table 6: Transport system (facilities and services available) – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

- Mainly automobile – complete coverage of the road system and provision of public parking;

- No public transport integration; - Few bus corridors; - Poor bus’ terminal maintenance; - Low extension of the metro system; - Incomplete implementation of the bicycle system

(less than 35%); - Discontinuity of sidewalks and bad maintenance; - All interviewed evaluated as mainly automobile.

Mainly non-motorized and public transit

Very mixed: non-motorized, public transit and automobile.

Mainly automobile (roads and parking facilities).

- Reports - Journals - Interview

1.7. Design Feature of Roads

The evaluation of design feature of roads considers modes prioritization and facilities. The result

was classified as automobile oriented, see Table 7, because most of the roads in the central

region and the planned peripheral neighborhoods are designed to prioritize automobile

circulation and speed. The city structure is based on highway engineering principals (Costa

1957) with elimination of intersections on level, hierarchical division of road system to optimize

speed, and generous quantity of parking places. On the other hand, the road system configuration

limits the accessibility and mobility of pedestrians because of distances, physical barriers and

discontinuation of paths (Kohlsdorf, Kohlsdorf & Holanda 2003). In accordance, most of the

actors interviewed (9 of 13) considered that the features of roads are designed to maximize

automobile traffic speeds and volumes.

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Table 7: Design features of roads – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

- City structure based on highway engineering principals;

- wide roads and facilities for cars; - generous quantity of parking places; - poor or inexistent sidewalks; - physical barriers to pedestrians’ movement; - Most interviewed evaluated as favoring car

Highly pedestrian oriented

Mixed

Designed to maximize auto

traffic speeds

and volumes

- Papers - Interview

1.8. Shopping Options

‘Shopping Options’ is evaluated by the location of retail and other public services, if along

public streets, near transit areas, or in private malls along major highways. In Brasilia, it was

identified a mixed situation, with occurrence of local commerce along public streets and a great

number of private malls in the central region and middle income neighborhoods; while there is a

predomination of shops along public streets in the low income areas. Therefore, the result was

classified as being both “mainly along public streets near transit areas” and in “private malls”,

Table 8.

Table 8: Location of retail and other public services – classification of automobile dependence

Results Low Medium High Data Source

Difference between neighborhoods: - Center: mixed - Satellite cities: Along streets - Private condominiums and single houses

neighborhoods: private malls Also influenced by income level, and land use

restrictions. Interviewed evaluated equally as multi-modal and

auto dependent.

Along public streets

Mainly along public streets near transit areas

In private malls, located along major highways

- Maps analysis

- Interview

1.9. Market Distortions Favoring Automobile Use

‘Market Distortions Favoring Automobile Use’ is evaluated by the relative advantage provided

to automobile transportation over other modes in planning, funding, tax policy, etc. Although

there are some incentives to encourage public transport and investments in alternative modes,

there is still a strong bias favoring automobile use, as shown on Table 9. Among the actors

interviewed, the majority (9 of 13) agreed that there is a significant bias favoring automobile,

and no one considered that there is a minimal bias favoring it.

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Table 9: Market distortions favoring automobile use – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source

Planning: - Plans, regulations and practice give priority to automobile flow and facilities; - New developments overestimate traffic congestion impact, with absence of other modes feasibility studies. Funding: - Similar investments in motorized transport (individual and collective); - Little investment in non-motorized transport; Tax policy: - Public transport subsidy for minority groups; - Reduced taxes for automobile acquisition and registry; - Free parking; Interviewed evaluated that there is significant bias favoring automobile.

Minimal bias favoring automobile travel.

Moderate bias favoring automobile travel.

Significant bias favoring automobile travel.

- Reports - Papers - Journals - Interview

1.10. Automobile commute mode split

‘Automobile commute mode split’ is evaluated by how people travel to work and study places,

measured by the relative share of modes. Considering all commute trips, individual automobile

represents 35% of total, being classified as “medium” regarding to automobile dependence, see

Table 10. Nevertheless, it is important to note that this share can vary significantly according to

each neighborhood and income considered. Higher income neighborhoods located in the central

region have 80% of commute trips done by automobile; while in lower income neighborhoods,

the public transport is dominant and represents more than 60% of all modes (ALTRAN/TCBR

2009). Similarly, around 60% of the students of private schools are driven by automobile, while

70% of public school students’ use buses (Bertazzo & Jacques 2010).

Table 10: Automobile commute mode split – classification of automobile dependence

Results Low Medium High Data Source

- By auto (Work: 43%; Study: 23%): Total: 35%

- By public transport (Work: 39%; Study: 30%): Total: 31%

- Walking: Total: 24% - By bicycle: Total: 2% - Others: 8%

Less than 35%

35-65% More than 65%

- OD 2009 (ALTRAN/ TCBR 2009) - Papers

1.11. Errand travel

‘Errand travel’ is evaluated by how people normally travel to stores, professional appointments,

recreation activities, etc., measured by the relative share of modes. For Brasilia, the errand trips

are mostly done by cars, being classified as ‘high’ automobile dependent, see

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Table 11. The dominance of automobile trips for general activities can be explained not just by

the location of those activities, but by the income level that can restrict the type of trips a person

does.

Table 11: Errand travel – classification of automobile dependence

Results Low Medium High Data Source

- 55% Auto - 35% Public Transport - 7.5% Pedestrians - 0.9% Bicycle - Others: 1.6%

Mostly walking, cycling and public transit.

Walking, cycling, public transit and automobile.

Mostly automobile.

OD 2009 (ALTRAN/ TCBR 2009)

1.12. Results

The results for automobile dependence in Brasilia are all under the classification of ‘medium’

and ‘high’ automobile dependent, with exception of “vehicle trips”, which is influenced by

income and therefore does not directly explain automobile dependence in Brasilia. Similarly, the

“vehicle ownership” and “automobile commute trips” classified as ‘medium’ are influenced by

income.

The results reinforce studies and perceptions that Brasilia is an automobile oriented city.

Moreover, it shows that the combination of different attributes makes Brasilia ‘high’ automobile

dependent, although not everybody can afford to have a car. Nevertheless, it is important to

highlight that there is a tendency to alter the attributes related ‘vehicle ownership’ and the share

of vehicles’ trips due to the rise of population average income.

Therefore, this investigation indicates that there is an urgent problem that deserves better

attention from the public sector in order to reverse this tendency and to avoid future problems

that will occur due to the increase in automobile fleet. Next, a picture of the future perspective

based on the analysis of plans and policy allows the reflection about how the attributes here

studied can be influenced.

2. Future: Plans and Programs analysis

The assessment of how policy and plans affect the increasing number of cars was done by

analyzing official documents: Spatial Master Plan (PDOT), Urban Transport Master Plan

(PDTU), regulations and laws. In addition, interviews were also used. The measures predicted in

policy, plans and regulations were classified according to the time of implementation, present or

future, and the categories suggested by Broaddus, Litman & Menon (2009): “Pull” measures –

‘Improve Mobility Options’, “Push” measures – ‘Economic Measures’, “Push and Pull”

measures – ‘Smart Growth and Land Use Policies’. In addition, measures that encourage

automobile use were also indicated. The identified measures and its classification are shown on

Table 12.

The analysis shows that there is a concentration of positive incentives to reduce driving, “Pull”

Measures, but there are no economic incentives, “Push Measures”, with exception of the subsidy

for public transport users, which cannot be considered a negative incentive. In opposition, there

are economic incentives to automobile use, such as free parking and tax deductions.

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Broaddus, Litman & Menon (2009) state that for greatest effectiveness and benefits, a

comprehensive TDM strategy requires both positive (“pull”) incentives, such as improved

transport quality, and negative (“push”) incentives, such as fees and tolls. While on one hand,

just positive incentives may result in little modal shift, on the other hand, negative incentives can

cause frustration and reactions against the policy. In accordance, TDM specialists (Tight, Site &

Meyer-Rühle 2004; KpVV 2005) state that it is important to have complementary strategies with

embedded measures to achieve greater results.

Table 12: Plan and Projects classification

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PRESENT Improve Mobility Options “PULL” MEASURES

Economic Measures “PUSH” MEASURES

Land Use Policies “PUSH AND PULL” MEASURES

Spatial M. Plan (PDOT)

Transport M. Plan (PDTU)

OTHERS

- Bicycle Improvements – (policy and project)

- Bike/Transit Integration (some metro stations)

- Taxi Service - Universal Design - Provision of school buses for

public school kids. - Some Special Event Management

- Public transport subsidy for students, disabled and elderly people.

- Public transport subsidy to public service workers.

Incentives to Driving

- No bicycle parking

- No tax for new vehicle registration (regulation)

- No parking pricing

- No parking management - Requirement of minimal

number of parking places (building code)

FUTURE Improve Mobility Options “PULL” MEASURES

Economic Measures “PUSH” MEASURES

Land Use Policies “PUSH AND PULL” MEASURES

Spatial M. Plan (PDOT)

- Location Efficient Development – ‘Dynamization Strategy’

- Transit Oriented Development – ‘Road Structure Strategy’ and ‘Multifunctional Hubs Strategy’

Transport M. Plan (PDTU)

- Integration of Public Transport System (physical, operational and tariff)

- Integration with other municipalities

- Improvement of public transport quality and services

- Pedestrian improvements (crossings and intersections)

- Walking and Cycling Encouragement (Education and Marketing)

- Possibility of Restrictions to automobile in congested areas (not specified)

- Parking Management and Evaluation

- Speed Reductions

OTHERS

Incentives to Driving

- Construction of

underground garages in the central area of Brasilia

It is noted from Table 12 that, currently, there are measures that incentivize driving next to

measures that can discourage it, but there is a lack of “pull and push measures” combined,

regarding to land use. For the future, there is a balance of measures to improve mobility options

and land use policies, but there are no tangible economic measures. The documents show that

while the improvement of mobility options depends on infrastructure implementation and

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financial resources; the possibility of restrictions to automobile use and economic measures are

not accompanied by guidelines, time frame, or stakeholders’ definition.

In conclusion, the policies and plans analyzed do not have potential to affect the increasing

automobile use since just positive incentives result in little modal shift. Therefore, it is necessary

to have comprehensive strategies that combine ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ incentives to ensure

greater effectiveness. The next section explores the reasons and obstacles for the adoption of

different strategies.

3. TDM in Brasilia – Potentials and Constraints

In a context of high automobile dependence, a comprehensive TDM program can affect land use

patterns and travel behavior to promote more efficient use of infrastructure and resources. The

potentials and constraints to apply a TDM program in Brasilia were investigated according to

institutional issues, obstacles for discouraging automobile use, and requirements to apply TDM.

The following descriptions are based on data collected by interviews with technicians from

different agencies in the local government, with one bicycle NGO, and with one academic

researcher from the transportation program from the University of Brasilia.

3.1. Institutional analysis

Institutional integration and coordination is considered a substantial obstacle to adopt measures

to discourage car use in Brasília. There are isolated initiatives taken by different agencies,

aggravated by the creation of scattered projects and actions guided by sectorial demands. Some

agencies have the scope to invest in road networks and its vision is oriented to improve

automobile flow in detriment of alternative modes’ circulation. Moreover, transport actors do not

renounce standards to maintain automobile flow, what harms compact models of urban design

that may be proposed. In general, there is no general management, no specific actor responsible

for coordination and implementation of the aimed policy, and the integration depends on sectors’

willingness. Indeed, there is no specific agency that deals with sustainable urban mobility.

3.2. Obstacles for discouraging automobile use

Legal framework is not considered an obstacle for discouraging automobile use, nevertheless its

application and enforcement depends on good management, public administration and political

decisions.

Political will is considered a substantial difficulty for adopting measures to discourage

automobile use. It was highlighted in the interviews that there is a mismatch between planned

measures and real actions taken, since road infrastructure investments are apparently more direct

and clear solutions to be adopted. The fact that many heads and directors of public agencies are

politically appointed is considered to have a negative influence in technical decisions. Also, the

destination of funds depends essentially of political sectors of the government. It was mentioned

by the interviewed that political will has the power to overcome other obstacles and that some

measures could be easily implemented as they were already in the past.

Moreover, it was stressed by a public transport specialist that poor advice about transportation

issues influences negatively political decisions due to bad information. Actually, there is a strong

pro-car culture among technicians and little institutional and technical awareness about the need

to reduce the importance of individual automobile. Lack of comprehensive technical plans and

studies aggravates this scenario: there are no updated researches about travel patterns,

monitoring and evaluation of plans, users’ behavior and preferences assessment, and

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comprehensive transportation studies considering alternative modes instead of just individual

modes.

Nevertheless, external motivations from international agents or federal government seem to have

great influence in a change of approach. Motivated by the 2014 World Cup and the federal

government funds to improve mobility, local government is recently concentrating more

investment in alternative modes infrastructure. It is important to highlight that politicians,

government and transit authorities do not realize yet the benefits of promoting sustainable

transport, as stressed by the NGO member interviewed. In fact, alternative modes are still the

most used and its encouragement has the potential to reach a considerable portion of the

population.

Lastly, public reaction towards measures to discourage the automobile use is considered an

obstacle because of the dominant car dependent culture and Brasilia’s spatial configuration.

Nevertheless, all agents interviewed consider that the provision of good and competitive

alternative modes systems can overcome public resistance, especially when people realize the

advantages of a city that promotes alternative modes.

3.3. Requirements to apply TDM

Most actors interviewed (9 of 13) consider that Brasilia should adopt a specific program to

discourage private automobile use. The main reasons are due to traffic congestion and its

consequences; to infrastructure capacity and its optimization; to public space quality and its use;

and to motivate change in the current policy model. Nevertheless, some stressed the need to

improve transport options before the adoption of any program to discourage automobile.

With regard to the necessary conditions for the adoption of ‘pull measures’, the most frequent

answers referred to the need to improve alternative modes’ options: public transport services and

its integration (cited 8 times); bicycle infrastructure (cited 7 times) and pedestrian network (cited

6 times). Regarding to ‘soft’ measures, the academic researcher interviewed stressed that the

absence of a public policy base deteriorates the impact of the isolated temporary initiatives taken.

When considering the conditions necessary to adopt negative measures (‘push measures’) to

discourage automobile use in Brasilia, the most frequent answer given was the need to have good

public transport in operation as a pre-requisite condition (cited 5 times). Regarding to which

measures could be adopted, parking restriction and pricing are the measures that were most cited

(6 times) by the interviewed. Moreover, three respondents considered that any negative measure

can be implemented as long as there is a satisfactory public transport available before it.

With regard to spatial planning and design instruments - “push and pull” measures, three

interviewed highlighted the need to create new centers near public transportation lines in

peripheral areas to reduce their dependence of the main core. It was also reported the difficulty to

change regulations of the central area in order to promote more flexible use. Moreover, new

developments are supported by the extension of roads based on traffic modeling and lack

consideration about alternative modes’ support and encouragement.

III. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

In Brasilia, spatial configuration ecourages car while other transport modes get unattractive. The

city faces the challenge of avoiding sprawl occupation while maintaining the urban design

parameters of the protected center. The research showed that a combination of attributes makes

Brasilia high automobile dependent and calls attention to the need of reversing this tendency to

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avoid mobility problems and negative externalities. The city must keep its share of public

transport use and make alternative modes attractive and competitive to all users, especially the

growing middle and high income groups that are currently highly dependent on automobile.

Actors interviewed think that Brasilia should adopt a specific program to discourage automobile

use because of increasing traffic jam problems, infrastructure capacity, and to improve public

space quality. In this context, TDM has the potential to introduce an integrated planning

approach to guide the efficient allocation of resources. The adoption of a TDM program in

Brasilia can lead to a shift in the organization culture, with clear definition of goals and

stakeholders. Therefore, it must affect:

- Land use patterns, avoiding new low density developments and promoting transit oriented

development;

- Alternative transports’ comfort, efficiency and coverage in order to make them more

competitive than the car;

- Automobile dependent behavior, discouraging unnecessary car trips that can be done with

other transport options by implementing economic measures.

Since the local government faces institutional and operational obstacles to integrate spatial and

transport planning, it is highly recommended that the government:

- Establishes a coordination stakeholder for integrating the sectorial projects, to promote

capacitation and consultancy;

- Invests in capacity building about mobility and TDM principles in institutions that deal with

transportation and urban planning;

- Performs mobility demand studies such as: pre-studies with travel patterns, population

perceptions, and site analysis;

- Includes mobility management analysis in traffic impact studies and new developments

evaluations, in order to avoid the increase of patterns that aggravate automobile dependence.

With regard to measures, TDM strategies based on clear target groups and locations can directly

influence commuters’ behavior. In Brasilia, automobile represent more than 80% of total trips in

the central area, where federal and local institutions are concentrated; also, the majority of

private schools’ students are driven by automobile (60%). Therefore, it is recommended that

public workers and school students of this location are targeted with tailored measures.

For the short term, because of the lack of political support, aggravated by poor enforcement of

regulations and car dependent culture, it is recommended the implementation of soft measures

first to allow further acceptance of unpopular measures, as well as to support the alternative

modes’ improvements that are planned for coming future. Public campaigns, reliable accessible

information, and personal marketing are measures that can build the path for the upcoming

adoption of the necessary ‘negative’ measures.

Finally, it is recommended that the city adopts parking policy with special focus on the central

area. Parking pricing and parking management were considered the most adequate ones

evaluated by interviewed. For the long term, monitoring is essential to evaluate complementary

economic measures that may be necessary.

This research adds to the existing theory the influence of income in the evaluation of automobile

dependence attributes that are proposed, which are originally based on developed countries. It

was shown that the inability of some groups to afford a car can wrongly suggest that there is

balance in transport modes share and choice. For future research, it is suggested the investigation

of how people perceive automobile dependence in Brasilia in order to evaluate personal

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satisfaction and factors that influence travel decisions in different locations. Such study would

give support for elaborating integrated policies and new solutions specific tailored.

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