the potential of transportation demand management in brasilia...
TRANSCRIPT
THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSPORTATION DEMAND
MANAGEMENT IN BRASILIA
Camila de Carvalho Pires Lammers Federal District Government - Brazil
1
Summary: Over the last years, Brazil has faced a dramatic rise in the number of private
automobile and a decrease of public transport use. In Brasilia, this process is aggravated by the
city’s disperse occupation and land use. The research presented in this paper shows that there is
an absence of conditions to discourage automobile use and highlights the importance of adopting
an integrated approach - spatial and transport planning - in order to reverse the increasing trend
of automobile dependence. The objective of this report is to assess how Brasilia’s government
can develop a Transport Demand Management (TDM) program to discourage the use of private
automobiles and achieve a more efficient and balanced use of transportation infrastructure.
Recommendations are offered following the analysis of the current situation in addition to the
identification of future perspectives, potentials and constraints.
Key Words: Transportation Demand Management, mobility management, automobile
dependence, Brasilia, Brazil
1 The analysis and recommendations expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the
official opinion of the Federal District Government.
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THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSPORTATION DEMAND
MANAGEMENT IN BRASILIA
I. INTRODUCTION
The process of urban development and its spatial configuration is influenced by people’s needs
and preferences (Berg 1999; Petersen 2004). Equally, the city’s configuration influences
people’s behavior and contributes to automobile dependence, creating a constant demand for
more infrastructure supply that reinforces the cycle of people’s habits and land use patterns
(Squires 2002; Neuman 2005; Gwilliam 2002). In this cycle, Transportation Demand
Management (TDM) is a tool that can affect all three factors – land use, people’s needs and
infrastructure supply - that are related to urban mobility.
International evidence suggests that TDM can be adopted to rebalance the use of existing
infrastructure by different modes of transportation and promote more sustainable mobility
(Goodwin 1995; VTPI 2010; Newman & Kenworthy 1989). It aims to maximize the efficiency
of urban transport systems by discouraging unnecessary private automobile use. For Black &
Schreffler (2010), TDM assumes the implementation of complementary interventions to balance
peoples’ travel needs with the capacity of available services and facilities. It consists of a set of
measures to influence traveler behavior in order to redistribute travel demand (Broaddus, Litman
& Menon 2009).
A broad variety of TDM measures are being implemented mainly in developed countries. TDM
has a special advantage in developing countries because of its low cost compared to the
investment for increasing the capacity of roads and parking facilities. In addition, it can
implement pricing reforms that are particularly useful at improving transport system efficiency,
financing public transport, the improvement of streets, and safety measures for non-motorized
modes (Broaddus, Litman & Menon 2009).
There is a variety of stakeholders that can perform TDM; however, governments have a special
role in developing policies, programs and involving other actors (Litman 2010b; KpVV 2005). A
range of measures and strategies, classified by different categories, are available and can be
tailored according to the reality of local conditions. Careful planning is necessary to elaborate a
comprehensive TDM strategy (Litman 2003; Tight, Site & Meyer-Rühle 2004).
This paper reports on research2 conducted to assess how Brasilia’s government can develop a
Transportation Demand Management (TDM) program to discourage private automobile use.
Case study strategy is used to investigate the current situation (automobile dependence analysis),
future perspective (policies and programs), and to evaluate constraints and potentials for the
application of a TDM program in Brasilia. At the end, recommendations are offered.
The research method is qualitative and based on primary and secondary data. Validity is
accomplished by the triangulation technique of different data collection methods: interviews with
thirteen selected actors from local government, universities and NGOs; observation; content
2 This paper is based on a master degree thesis conducted by the author (Lammers, 2011) in the Institute of Housing
and Urban Development Studies (IHS) under the supervision of Msc. Giuliano Mingardo.
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analysis of planning documents and a literature review of Brasilia. To ensure that reliability is
achieved, more than one research tool was used to allow for cross-validation of information.
Moreover, interviews were held with different actors of relevant organizations about the same
subject and information.
1. Transport pattern in Brazil
Over the last years, a dramatic rise in the number of private automobiles has been reported in
Brazil. Between 2001 and 2010, while the population growth rate in the majority of the Brazilian
metropolitan areas was of 10.7%, the increase in the number of automobiles was of 66%. If this
tendency continues the same, it is predicted that the national automobile fleet will be doubled by
2025 (IPEA 2010).
The increase in automobile and motorcycle fleet has occurred especially as consequence of the
rise of the population average income (growing representativeness of the middle class), the
higher national government support for private vehicles by taxes incentives, and the growing
inefficiency of public transport.
There is a cycle of high prioritization of the private automobile that causes a loss on demand and
revenue to the public transport system, which impacts the tariff and generates a higher loss in
demand, decreasing the productivity and attractiveness of public transport. In this context, the
transport demand is attracted to individual modes: Lowest income groups travel by bicycle or by
foot even for large and inappropriate distances; there is an increase in the use of motorcycles;
and middle and high income groups do not consider using public transport.
As consequence, it is perceived a decrease in public transport use (from 68% in 1977 to 51% in
2005) and a rise in the use of automobiles (from 32% in 1977 to 49% in 2005) (IPEA 2010), see
Graph 1, considering the total of motorized trips. This change in travel modes generates higher
user costs, a higher consumption of energy and exacerbates the externalities, such as pollution,
congestion and accidents.
Graph 1: Estimation of public transport share in total trips(motorized trips) for Brazilian
Metropolitan Regrions
Source: ANTP in IPEA 2010
Public Transp.
Private Transp.
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2. Brasilia spatial configuration
In Brasilia3, the long distances traveled are a consequence of the city’s physical configuration:
separation of functions in sectors connected by highways, generous surface parking lots and
green spaces that separate isolated buildings, see Figure 1 Figure 2. This pattern is controlled by
rigorous spatial plans and building codes that aim to protect the characteristics and principals of
the original plan (Costa, 1957), responsible for nominating Brasilia the first modern city included
in the world heritage list of UNESCO.
Figure 1: Main north-south axe road in the central
part of Brasilia
Figure 2: Roadway system in the center of
Brasilia
Source: Correio Braziliense 2007
It results in one of the most dispersed cities in the world (Bertaud & Malpezzi 2003), with low
density in the city center and relative higher density around it. Consequently, there is a great
pressure towards the center, which cannot accommodate natural market forces and therefore
drives the development and new housing demands to the periphery. Considerable distances
separate different activities and also the planned satellite cities that still depend on the main core
as the principal place for work and services. The center accommodates 82% of the formal jobs
and 44% of total jobs, while just 15% of the households live in the 10 km radius around it
(Tenorio & Júnior 2009), aggravating social inequality.
Although Brasilia has a configuration that favors automobile use and car ownership is increasing,
approximately 61% of the population still uses public transport and non-motorized modes
because of their inability to afford a car. In other words, the use of more sustainable modes of
transport is not a choice, but the only option available for a significant portion of the population.
In effect, public transport is seen as inadequate, inefficient, uncomfortable and unsafe, being
therefore, unattractive for middle and high income groups that do not consider shifting from car
to other ways of transport.
3. Key Problems
In Brasilia, increasing automobile ownership contributes to congestion and creates pressure for
the adoption of road extension and new parking areas as solution for traffic problems. In
addition, the use of transport infrastructure is not efficient, since its capacity is full and congested
during peak hours and empty during other periods of the day. Also, the importance and space
provided for the different modes of transport is not balanced, with clear preference given to
private automobiles.
3 In this paper, Brasilia refers to all Federal District unity.
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Therefore, the following problems can be identified: First, the use of automobiles is stimulated
by the city’s physical configuration. Second, the tendency of growth in private automobile use
cannot be reversed if the same public policies and projects that favor the private car by road
expansions continue. Finally, no importance has been given to the management of mobility and
its demand, only to the provision of extra infrastructure.
II. FINDINGS
1. Present : Automobile dependency analysis
Studies about the implications of Brasilia’s spatial configuration and its development are in
place, but there is little focus about its relationship with automobile use, its causes and
consequences. A study with global cities conducted by Newman & Kenworthy (2001) revealed
that the patterns of automobile dependence, based on infrastructure, transportation and land-use,
follow a consistent path with the same pattern of economic and environmental costs; while cities
committed with sustainable transportation are doing better at reducing direct and indirect costs of
transportation. Moreover, Sakamoto, Dalkmann & Palmer (2010) stress the necessity to reverse
the urban sprawl paradigm trend, whereby developing countries shall cultivate a sustainable
transport system with enhanced accessibility without requiring the same level of motorization
seen in developed countries.
Hence, this section analyzes the spatial structure of Brasilia and the automobile use. The present
situation was studied considering the attributes that influence car dependence level, according to
the classification suggested by the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (2010)4. It used primary
data from interviews with local actors, and secondary data: academic researches and papers,
reports, official documents, and transport surveys.
1.1. Vehicle ownership
The first indicator analyzed was vehicle ownership, measured by per capita motor vehicle
ownership (per 1000 population). For Brasilia, the number of 355.52 is classified as medium
automobile dependent - multi-modal, see Table 1.
Table 1: Vehicle ownership per 1,000 pop. – classification of automobile dependence
Results Low Medium High Data Source
355.52 (2010) Less than 250 250-450 450+ DETRAN/DF & IBGE
Nevertheless, the tendency is that this index rises, since in the last decade, the number of cars
increased 86.6% while the population grew 20.4% in the metropolitan region (Ribeiro &
Rodrigues 2011). The Graph 2 shows the growth in fleet in comparison with the population.
4 The “Vehicle Travel” indicator was excluded as not data was found for it.
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Graph 2: Fleet, population, and motorization index for the Federal District, 2000 to 2009
Source: DETRAN/DF in Secretariat for Transport of the Federal District 2010a
1.2. Vehicle Trip
Vehicle trip is measured by the portion of automobile trips in relation to total personal trips. In
Brasilia, automobiles represent 39.05% of total trips and 50.98% of motorized trips
(ALTRAN/TCBR 2009), being classified as low automobile dependent, see Table 2.
Nevertheless, this indicator does not reflect directly automobile dependence in Brasilia since the
portion of automobile trips is related to income. In fact, the Technical Report nº3
(ALTRAN/TCBR 2009) based on the Origin Destiny Survey of 2009 mentions that the
percentage of automobile trips increases according to the income increment, while the number of
public transport trips decrease. It is suggested that there has been a substitution of public
transport for automobiles, with the values getting stable above the higher income levels.
Table 2: Vehicle trips in relation to total personal trips – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
- 39.05% of total trips - 50.98% of motorized trips
Less than 50%
50-80% 80%+ OD 2009 (ALTRAN/TCBR 2009) - +80% of total trips in the central area
- 78% of trips in high income neighborhoods - Less than 10% in the poorest neighborhoods
1.3. Quality of Transportation Alternatives
‘Quality of transportation alternatives’ is evaluated according to convenience, speed, comfort,
affordability and prestige of walking, cycling and public transit relative to driving. The
alternative modes were classified as very inferior compared to automobile based on the reports
evaluation (TCDF 2009; Secretaria de Transporte 2008, 2010, 2010b; CNI 2011); and the
opinion of interviewed (none considered the alternative modes competitive and 8 of 13
considered them very inferior). The results are shown on Table 3.
Motorization index
Population
Fleet
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Table 3: Quality of Transportation Alternatives – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
- Bus system: Full coverage, but with bad results on waiting time, reliability, travel time, tariff, and users evaluation.
- Metro system: Well evaluated, but small coverage and representativeness.
- Bicycle: Small coverage, poor infrastructure facilities, no priority, and no integration.
- Walking: Bad evaluated on distances, continuity of infrastructure, safety, comfort, and prestige.
- Driving: Full coverage, good infrastructure, and well evaluated by users.
Alternative modes are of competitive quality.
Alternative modes are somewhat inferior.
Alternative modes are very inferior.
- Reports - Satisfaction
surveys - Interview
1.4. Relative mobility of non-drivers
Relative mobility of non-drivers is evaluated by mobility of personal travel of non-drivers
compared with drivers. Considering the mobility index5, see Table 4, public transport users were
considered as moderately disadvantaged compared to drivers, while non-motorized modes were
evaluated as severely disadvantaged. Secondly, considering the interviews, the majority (9 of 13)
evaluated non-drivers in general as severely disadvantaged compared to drivers, while no one
considered them in equal or superior conditions. Therefore, the relative mobility of non-drivers
was classified as severely disadvantaged.
Table 4: Relative Mobility of Non-Drivers – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
Personal Mobility: - Auto: 0.59 - Public Transport: 0.48 - Pedestrian: 0.32 - Bicycle: 0.03 - Most interviewed evaluated non-
drivers as severely disadvantaged.
Non-drivers are not severely disadvantaged.
Non-drivers are moderately disadvantaged.
Non-drivers are severely disadvantaged.
OD 2009 (ALTRAN/
TCBR 2009) Interview
1.5. Land Use Patterns
‘Land Use Patterns’ is evaluated by land use density (residents and jobs per acre) and mix
(proximity of different land use types). The result was classified as dispersed and homogeneous -
high automobile dependent, Table 5, because of the results regarding to low density (Holanda
2010) and inverse profile that cause long transport distances and commuting trips (Bertaud
2010); the imbalance between jobs concentration and housing places (ALTRAN/TCBR 2009);
the discontinuity of urban fabric and the restrict zone use (Holanda 2010); the low accessibility
(Holanda 2010) and very high dispersion index6 (Bertaud & Malpezzi 2003); as well as the
evaluation of the majority of the interviewed (9 of 13).
5 Mobility index is the average number of trips made in relation to the number of inhabitants.
6 Bertaud & Malpezzi (2003) calculate the dispersion index by the ratio between the average distance per person to
the CBD.
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Table 5: Land use patterns - land use mix and density – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
- Concentration of jobs; - Low density; - Inverse profile; - Discontinuous occupation; - Very dispersed; - Fragmented; - Most interviewed evaluated as dispersed.
Very compact and mixed.
Moderately compact and mixed
Dispersed and homogenous
- Papers - Report - Interview
1.6. Transport System
‘Transport System’ is evaluated by type of transportation facilities and services available. The
research showed that although there is a range of transportation facilities available – roads, bus,
metro, bicycle paths and sidewalks – the alternative modes lack extension (Secretaria de
Transporte 2010a, 2010b), improvement and integration (Pontes 2010; Correio Braziliense
2011), while the automobile facilities are dominant, as also evaluated by all the actors
interviewed. Therefore, the transport system was classified as mainly for automobile. Results are
shown on Table 6.
Table 6: Transport system (facilities and services available) – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
- Mainly automobile – complete coverage of the road system and provision of public parking;
- No public transport integration; - Few bus corridors; - Poor bus’ terminal maintenance; - Low extension of the metro system; - Incomplete implementation of the bicycle system
(less than 35%); - Discontinuity of sidewalks and bad maintenance; - All interviewed evaluated as mainly automobile.
Mainly non-motorized and public transit
Very mixed: non-motorized, public transit and automobile.
Mainly automobile (roads and parking facilities).
- Reports - Journals - Interview
1.7. Design Feature of Roads
The evaluation of design feature of roads considers modes prioritization and facilities. The result
was classified as automobile oriented, see Table 7, because most of the roads in the central
region and the planned peripheral neighborhoods are designed to prioritize automobile
circulation and speed. The city structure is based on highway engineering principals (Costa
1957) with elimination of intersections on level, hierarchical division of road system to optimize
speed, and generous quantity of parking places. On the other hand, the road system configuration
limits the accessibility and mobility of pedestrians because of distances, physical barriers and
discontinuation of paths (Kohlsdorf, Kohlsdorf & Holanda 2003). In accordance, most of the
actors interviewed (9 of 13) considered that the features of roads are designed to maximize
automobile traffic speeds and volumes.
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Table 7: Design features of roads – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
- City structure based on highway engineering principals;
- wide roads and facilities for cars; - generous quantity of parking places; - poor or inexistent sidewalks; - physical barriers to pedestrians’ movement; - Most interviewed evaluated as favoring car
Highly pedestrian oriented
Mixed
Designed to maximize auto
traffic speeds
and volumes
- Papers - Interview
1.8. Shopping Options
‘Shopping Options’ is evaluated by the location of retail and other public services, if along
public streets, near transit areas, or in private malls along major highways. In Brasilia, it was
identified a mixed situation, with occurrence of local commerce along public streets and a great
number of private malls in the central region and middle income neighborhoods; while there is a
predomination of shops along public streets in the low income areas. Therefore, the result was
classified as being both “mainly along public streets near transit areas” and in “private malls”,
Table 8.
Table 8: Location of retail and other public services – classification of automobile dependence
Results Low Medium High Data Source
Difference between neighborhoods: - Center: mixed - Satellite cities: Along streets - Private condominiums and single houses
neighborhoods: private malls Also influenced by income level, and land use
restrictions. Interviewed evaluated equally as multi-modal and
auto dependent.
Along public streets
Mainly along public streets near transit areas
In private malls, located along major highways
- Maps analysis
- Interview
1.9. Market Distortions Favoring Automobile Use
‘Market Distortions Favoring Automobile Use’ is evaluated by the relative advantage provided
to automobile transportation over other modes in planning, funding, tax policy, etc. Although
there are some incentives to encourage public transport and investments in alternative modes,
there is still a strong bias favoring automobile use, as shown on Table 9. Among the actors
interviewed, the majority (9 of 13) agreed that there is a significant bias favoring automobile,
and no one considered that there is a minimal bias favoring it.
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Table 9: Market distortions favoring automobile use – classification of automobile dependence Results Low Medium High Data Source
Planning: - Plans, regulations and practice give priority to automobile flow and facilities; - New developments overestimate traffic congestion impact, with absence of other modes feasibility studies. Funding: - Similar investments in motorized transport (individual and collective); - Little investment in non-motorized transport; Tax policy: - Public transport subsidy for minority groups; - Reduced taxes for automobile acquisition and registry; - Free parking; Interviewed evaluated that there is significant bias favoring automobile.
Minimal bias favoring automobile travel.
Moderate bias favoring automobile travel.
Significant bias favoring automobile travel.
- Reports - Papers - Journals - Interview
1.10. Automobile commute mode split
‘Automobile commute mode split’ is evaluated by how people travel to work and study places,
measured by the relative share of modes. Considering all commute trips, individual automobile
represents 35% of total, being classified as “medium” regarding to automobile dependence, see
Table 10. Nevertheless, it is important to note that this share can vary significantly according to
each neighborhood and income considered. Higher income neighborhoods located in the central
region have 80% of commute trips done by automobile; while in lower income neighborhoods,
the public transport is dominant and represents more than 60% of all modes (ALTRAN/TCBR
2009). Similarly, around 60% of the students of private schools are driven by automobile, while
70% of public school students’ use buses (Bertazzo & Jacques 2010).
Table 10: Automobile commute mode split – classification of automobile dependence
Results Low Medium High Data Source
- By auto (Work: 43%; Study: 23%): Total: 35%
- By public transport (Work: 39%; Study: 30%): Total: 31%
- Walking: Total: 24% - By bicycle: Total: 2% - Others: 8%
Less than 35%
35-65% More than 65%
- OD 2009 (ALTRAN/ TCBR 2009) - Papers
1.11. Errand travel
‘Errand travel’ is evaluated by how people normally travel to stores, professional appointments,
recreation activities, etc., measured by the relative share of modes. For Brasilia, the errand trips
are mostly done by cars, being classified as ‘high’ automobile dependent, see
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Table 11. The dominance of automobile trips for general activities can be explained not just by
the location of those activities, but by the income level that can restrict the type of trips a person
does.
Table 11: Errand travel – classification of automobile dependence
Results Low Medium High Data Source
- 55% Auto - 35% Public Transport - 7.5% Pedestrians - 0.9% Bicycle - Others: 1.6%
Mostly walking, cycling and public transit.
Walking, cycling, public transit and automobile.
Mostly automobile.
OD 2009 (ALTRAN/ TCBR 2009)
1.12. Results
The results for automobile dependence in Brasilia are all under the classification of ‘medium’
and ‘high’ automobile dependent, with exception of “vehicle trips”, which is influenced by
income and therefore does not directly explain automobile dependence in Brasilia. Similarly, the
“vehicle ownership” and “automobile commute trips” classified as ‘medium’ are influenced by
income.
The results reinforce studies and perceptions that Brasilia is an automobile oriented city.
Moreover, it shows that the combination of different attributes makes Brasilia ‘high’ automobile
dependent, although not everybody can afford to have a car. Nevertheless, it is important to
highlight that there is a tendency to alter the attributes related ‘vehicle ownership’ and the share
of vehicles’ trips due to the rise of population average income.
Therefore, this investigation indicates that there is an urgent problem that deserves better
attention from the public sector in order to reverse this tendency and to avoid future problems
that will occur due to the increase in automobile fleet. Next, a picture of the future perspective
based on the analysis of plans and policy allows the reflection about how the attributes here
studied can be influenced.
2. Future: Plans and Programs analysis
The assessment of how policy and plans affect the increasing number of cars was done by
analyzing official documents: Spatial Master Plan (PDOT), Urban Transport Master Plan
(PDTU), regulations and laws. In addition, interviews were also used. The measures predicted in
policy, plans and regulations were classified according to the time of implementation, present or
future, and the categories suggested by Broaddus, Litman & Menon (2009): “Pull” measures –
‘Improve Mobility Options’, “Push” measures – ‘Economic Measures’, “Push and Pull”
measures – ‘Smart Growth and Land Use Policies’. In addition, measures that encourage
automobile use were also indicated. The identified measures and its classification are shown on
Table 12.
The analysis shows that there is a concentration of positive incentives to reduce driving, “Pull”
Measures, but there are no economic incentives, “Push Measures”, with exception of the subsidy
for public transport users, which cannot be considered a negative incentive. In opposition, there
are economic incentives to automobile use, such as free parking and tax deductions.
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Broaddus, Litman & Menon (2009) state that for greatest effectiveness and benefits, a
comprehensive TDM strategy requires both positive (“pull”) incentives, such as improved
transport quality, and negative (“push”) incentives, such as fees and tolls. While on one hand,
just positive incentives may result in little modal shift, on the other hand, negative incentives can
cause frustration and reactions against the policy. In accordance, TDM specialists (Tight, Site &
Meyer-Rühle 2004; KpVV 2005) state that it is important to have complementary strategies with
embedded measures to achieve greater results.
Table 12: Plan and Projects classification
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PRESENT Improve Mobility Options “PULL” MEASURES
Economic Measures “PUSH” MEASURES
Land Use Policies “PUSH AND PULL” MEASURES
Spatial M. Plan (PDOT)
Transport M. Plan (PDTU)
OTHERS
- Bicycle Improvements – (policy and project)
- Bike/Transit Integration (some metro stations)
- Taxi Service - Universal Design - Provision of school buses for
public school kids. - Some Special Event Management
- Public transport subsidy for students, disabled and elderly people.
- Public transport subsidy to public service workers.
Incentives to Driving
- No bicycle parking
- No tax for new vehicle registration (regulation)
- No parking pricing
- No parking management - Requirement of minimal
number of parking places (building code)
FUTURE Improve Mobility Options “PULL” MEASURES
Economic Measures “PUSH” MEASURES
Land Use Policies “PUSH AND PULL” MEASURES
Spatial M. Plan (PDOT)
- Location Efficient Development – ‘Dynamization Strategy’
- Transit Oriented Development – ‘Road Structure Strategy’ and ‘Multifunctional Hubs Strategy’
Transport M. Plan (PDTU)
- Integration of Public Transport System (physical, operational and tariff)
- Integration with other municipalities
- Improvement of public transport quality and services
- Pedestrian improvements (crossings and intersections)
- Walking and Cycling Encouragement (Education and Marketing)
- Possibility of Restrictions to automobile in congested areas (not specified)
- Parking Management and Evaluation
- Speed Reductions
OTHERS
Incentives to Driving
- Construction of
underground garages in the central area of Brasilia
It is noted from Table 12 that, currently, there are measures that incentivize driving next to
measures that can discourage it, but there is a lack of “pull and push measures” combined,
regarding to land use. For the future, there is a balance of measures to improve mobility options
and land use policies, but there are no tangible economic measures. The documents show that
while the improvement of mobility options depends on infrastructure implementation and
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financial resources; the possibility of restrictions to automobile use and economic measures are
not accompanied by guidelines, time frame, or stakeholders’ definition.
In conclusion, the policies and plans analyzed do not have potential to affect the increasing
automobile use since just positive incentives result in little modal shift. Therefore, it is necessary
to have comprehensive strategies that combine ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ incentives to ensure
greater effectiveness. The next section explores the reasons and obstacles for the adoption of
different strategies.
3. TDM in Brasilia – Potentials and Constraints
In a context of high automobile dependence, a comprehensive TDM program can affect land use
patterns and travel behavior to promote more efficient use of infrastructure and resources. The
potentials and constraints to apply a TDM program in Brasilia were investigated according to
institutional issues, obstacles for discouraging automobile use, and requirements to apply TDM.
The following descriptions are based on data collected by interviews with technicians from
different agencies in the local government, with one bicycle NGO, and with one academic
researcher from the transportation program from the University of Brasilia.
3.1. Institutional analysis
Institutional integration and coordination is considered a substantial obstacle to adopt measures
to discourage car use in Brasília. There are isolated initiatives taken by different agencies,
aggravated by the creation of scattered projects and actions guided by sectorial demands. Some
agencies have the scope to invest in road networks and its vision is oriented to improve
automobile flow in detriment of alternative modes’ circulation. Moreover, transport actors do not
renounce standards to maintain automobile flow, what harms compact models of urban design
that may be proposed. In general, there is no general management, no specific actor responsible
for coordination and implementation of the aimed policy, and the integration depends on sectors’
willingness. Indeed, there is no specific agency that deals with sustainable urban mobility.
3.2. Obstacles for discouraging automobile use
Legal framework is not considered an obstacle for discouraging automobile use, nevertheless its
application and enforcement depends on good management, public administration and political
decisions.
Political will is considered a substantial difficulty for adopting measures to discourage
automobile use. It was highlighted in the interviews that there is a mismatch between planned
measures and real actions taken, since road infrastructure investments are apparently more direct
and clear solutions to be adopted. The fact that many heads and directors of public agencies are
politically appointed is considered to have a negative influence in technical decisions. Also, the
destination of funds depends essentially of political sectors of the government. It was mentioned
by the interviewed that political will has the power to overcome other obstacles and that some
measures could be easily implemented as they were already in the past.
Moreover, it was stressed by a public transport specialist that poor advice about transportation
issues influences negatively political decisions due to bad information. Actually, there is a strong
pro-car culture among technicians and little institutional and technical awareness about the need
to reduce the importance of individual automobile. Lack of comprehensive technical plans and
studies aggravates this scenario: there are no updated researches about travel patterns,
monitoring and evaluation of plans, users’ behavior and preferences assessment, and
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comprehensive transportation studies considering alternative modes instead of just individual
modes.
Nevertheless, external motivations from international agents or federal government seem to have
great influence in a change of approach. Motivated by the 2014 World Cup and the federal
government funds to improve mobility, local government is recently concentrating more
investment in alternative modes infrastructure. It is important to highlight that politicians,
government and transit authorities do not realize yet the benefits of promoting sustainable
transport, as stressed by the NGO member interviewed. In fact, alternative modes are still the
most used and its encouragement has the potential to reach a considerable portion of the
population.
Lastly, public reaction towards measures to discourage the automobile use is considered an
obstacle because of the dominant car dependent culture and Brasilia’s spatial configuration.
Nevertheless, all agents interviewed consider that the provision of good and competitive
alternative modes systems can overcome public resistance, especially when people realize the
advantages of a city that promotes alternative modes.
3.3. Requirements to apply TDM
Most actors interviewed (9 of 13) consider that Brasilia should adopt a specific program to
discourage private automobile use. The main reasons are due to traffic congestion and its
consequences; to infrastructure capacity and its optimization; to public space quality and its use;
and to motivate change in the current policy model. Nevertheless, some stressed the need to
improve transport options before the adoption of any program to discourage automobile.
With regard to the necessary conditions for the adoption of ‘pull measures’, the most frequent
answers referred to the need to improve alternative modes’ options: public transport services and
its integration (cited 8 times); bicycle infrastructure (cited 7 times) and pedestrian network (cited
6 times). Regarding to ‘soft’ measures, the academic researcher interviewed stressed that the
absence of a public policy base deteriorates the impact of the isolated temporary initiatives taken.
When considering the conditions necessary to adopt negative measures (‘push measures’) to
discourage automobile use in Brasilia, the most frequent answer given was the need to have good
public transport in operation as a pre-requisite condition (cited 5 times). Regarding to which
measures could be adopted, parking restriction and pricing are the measures that were most cited
(6 times) by the interviewed. Moreover, three respondents considered that any negative measure
can be implemented as long as there is a satisfactory public transport available before it.
With regard to spatial planning and design instruments - “push and pull” measures, three
interviewed highlighted the need to create new centers near public transportation lines in
peripheral areas to reduce their dependence of the main core. It was also reported the difficulty to
change regulations of the central area in order to promote more flexible use. Moreover, new
developments are supported by the extension of roads based on traffic modeling and lack
consideration about alternative modes’ support and encouragement.
III. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
In Brasilia, spatial configuration ecourages car while other transport modes get unattractive. The
city faces the challenge of avoiding sprawl occupation while maintaining the urban design
parameters of the protected center. The research showed that a combination of attributes makes
Brasilia high automobile dependent and calls attention to the need of reversing this tendency to
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avoid mobility problems and negative externalities. The city must keep its share of public
transport use and make alternative modes attractive and competitive to all users, especially the
growing middle and high income groups that are currently highly dependent on automobile.
Actors interviewed think that Brasilia should adopt a specific program to discourage automobile
use because of increasing traffic jam problems, infrastructure capacity, and to improve public
space quality. In this context, TDM has the potential to introduce an integrated planning
approach to guide the efficient allocation of resources. The adoption of a TDM program in
Brasilia can lead to a shift in the organization culture, with clear definition of goals and
stakeholders. Therefore, it must affect:
- Land use patterns, avoiding new low density developments and promoting transit oriented
development;
- Alternative transports’ comfort, efficiency and coverage in order to make them more
competitive than the car;
- Automobile dependent behavior, discouraging unnecessary car trips that can be done with
other transport options by implementing economic measures.
Since the local government faces institutional and operational obstacles to integrate spatial and
transport planning, it is highly recommended that the government:
- Establishes a coordination stakeholder for integrating the sectorial projects, to promote
capacitation and consultancy;
- Invests in capacity building about mobility and TDM principles in institutions that deal with
transportation and urban planning;
- Performs mobility demand studies such as: pre-studies with travel patterns, population
perceptions, and site analysis;
- Includes mobility management analysis in traffic impact studies and new developments
evaluations, in order to avoid the increase of patterns that aggravate automobile dependence.
With regard to measures, TDM strategies based on clear target groups and locations can directly
influence commuters’ behavior. In Brasilia, automobile represent more than 80% of total trips in
the central area, where federal and local institutions are concentrated; also, the majority of
private schools’ students are driven by automobile (60%). Therefore, it is recommended that
public workers and school students of this location are targeted with tailored measures.
For the short term, because of the lack of political support, aggravated by poor enforcement of
regulations and car dependent culture, it is recommended the implementation of soft measures
first to allow further acceptance of unpopular measures, as well as to support the alternative
modes’ improvements that are planned for coming future. Public campaigns, reliable accessible
information, and personal marketing are measures that can build the path for the upcoming
adoption of the necessary ‘negative’ measures.
Finally, it is recommended that the city adopts parking policy with special focus on the central
area. Parking pricing and parking management were considered the most adequate ones
evaluated by interviewed. For the long term, monitoring is essential to evaluate complementary
economic measures that may be necessary.
This research adds to the existing theory the influence of income in the evaluation of automobile
dependence attributes that are proposed, which are originally based on developed countries. It
was shown that the inability of some groups to afford a car can wrongly suggest that there is
balance in transport modes share and choice. For future research, it is suggested the investigation
of how people perceive automobile dependence in Brasilia in order to evaluate personal
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satisfaction and factors that influence travel decisions in different locations. Such study would
give support for elaborating integrated policies and new solutions specific tailored.
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