The Origin of the Tocharian Locative SuffixesAuthor(s): Kenneth ShieldsReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 102, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1982), pp. 129-131Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/601121 .

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SHIELDS: The Origin of the Tocharian Locative Suffixes 129

The Origin of the Tocharian Locative Suffixes

In this study it is suggested that the Tocharian locative suffixes (A -am, B -ne) derive etymologically from an ancient Indo-European locative case in *-N (= m or n).

In the second volume of his monumental work entitled Le tokharien Confronts avec les autres langues indo-europeennes, A. J. van Windekens presents the following explanation of the origin of the Tocharian locative suffixes (A -am: wram kalk 'he went into the water', B -ne: Thai kauc iprerne 'he went high into the atmosphere', cf. Krause and Thomas 1960: 89- 90): "Meillet, Pedersen et Krause ont oriente l'interpretation dans la bonne direction: ladite caracteristique se rattache a tokh. A ane, B enem 'a l'interieur, dedans' et aussi a tokh. A ana-, B ene- '*dans' qui s'observe p. ex. dans A anapar, B enepre 'devant, avant, face a', et dans le domaine indo- europeen il y a parente avec gr. en, lat. in, etc. Pour A -am il faut partir concretement d'i.-e. *-ono(-), pour B -ne d'i.-e. *-no(-): il est probable que le *-o(-) final se superpose a la voyelle finale de gr. ap6 = skr. ipa, gr. pr6, lat. pro, etc...." (1979: 257), cf. also van Windekens 1975: 429-430.' However, in these brief remarks I wish to propose an alternative theory which attempts to relate the two Tocharian constructions more directly to locative formations attested in other Indo- European dialects. Specifically, Tocharian may perhaps show traces of an ancient Indo-European locative-case suffix in *N (= m or n).

The existence of an Indo-European locative case in *-N is suggested by a number of dialectal data (cf. Shields, forth- coming a). The locative suffix *-N is attested in locative forms like Skt. kald 'im and OP schisman (Gray, 1932, 192).2 "A similar element -i(n) [perhaps a contamination of

the locative suffixes *-i (cf. loc. sg. *-o-i: Skt. -e, OCS -j, Gk. -oi) and *-N-K. S.] is found in Skt. and Av. loc. types like a-sm-in, a-hm-i, a-hm-v-a, and in Homeric ablatives, instru- mentals, and locatives (both sing. and plur. without distinc- tion of form) in -phi(n) < *-bh-i(n): abl. sing. melathrophin, plur oste6phin; instr. sing. biephin, plur. thedphin; loc. sing. eskhar6phin, plur. ikri6phin. Here, too, one must place Dor. emin, tin, Boeot. hein < seFin, Lesb. ammi(n), ummi(n), Attic himin, humin" (Gray 1932: 192-193), with *-m > -n in Sanskrit on analogy with the endingless locative of the n- stems. A related nasal locative suffix is probably found in Hitt. kedani and Sanskrit adverbs like iddnTm, teddnTm (Josephson, 1967, 137-138). A similar construction in Um- brian is described by Brugmann, 1911, 181: "Neben tote, Akefunie auch -em: Acersoniem, totem-e (mit -e(n) 'in')."3 1

would further like to suggest that the problematic Hittite adverbs in -an show, at least in part (i.e., those with locative meaning), this same nasal suffix (e.g., dagan 'at the bottom'). Kronasser 1966: 353-354 argues that the "-an ist dreierlei Herkunft, durfte aber als ziemlich einheitliches Element empfunden worden sein: Zunachst stammt es von andan mit Anhang, dann vom 1. sg. (dagan, taksan) und schliesslich von man und m.E. jUngerem, mahhan 'als, wie' ...; jenes geht wohl einfach auf *mom zuruck (wie lat. quom, cum 'als' auf *k~om und cum 'mit' auf *kom .. .)." Despite the fact he implies that it was the endingless locative of the n-stems which generally provided the element (with the apparent reinterpretation of -n-o as -an), I contend that there is no reason why an original locative in -an cannot be assumed here. Indeed, Starke's assertion (1977, 171-172) that the Hittite locative adverbs in -an can stand in apposition with nouns in the locative case strongly implies the original locative character of -an. Starke (1977, 172-173) says: ". . . so liegt ... bei andan E-ri, kattan INA thalentu, ... eine Apposition vor, denn obwohl in der Endung formal unter- schieden, nehmen lok. Adverb und Lokativ dieselbe seman- tische Position ein, was bedeutet, dass sie auch dieselbe dimensionale Funktion haben, was wiederum Voraussetzung

See van Windekens (1975, 429-430 and 1979, 257) for a summary of other proposals concerning the origin of these suffixes.

2 schisman "occurs in the expression . . .: en schisman ackewijstin Krixtlaniskan astin . . . 'in this evident Christian affair'. EndzelTns (1944, 120) objects that elsewhere in the Old Prussian texts there is no living locative case." Because of this fact he argues that the form "may be a misprint for *schismau in which case the word would be in the dative singular" (Schmalstieg, 1974, 132-133). But this is not a neces- sary assumption. In regard to the Indic suffix, Brugmann (1911, 181) simply observes: ". . . der Ursprung von ai. -am unklar ist." See Shields, forthcoming, concerning the origin of the vocalic element of this desinence.

3 Brugmann (1911, 181) proposes that the element -em is to be identified with the accusative case; but this, again, is not a necessary assumption.

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130 Journal of the American Oriental Society 102.1 (1982)

fur das Zustandekommen der Apposition ist. Die ndhere Bestimmung der Apposition identifiziert sich ndmlich mit dem Begriffsinhalt des Beziehungswortes beziglich der Angabe, die sich aus der Funktion seines Kasus ableitet. Bei labarnag LUGAL-ug ist 'Kbnig" identisch mit 'labarna' also Subjekt, bei ANA A.AB.BA KUR URUZalpuya (KBo XXII 2 Vs. 4) ist 'Land Zalpa' identisch mit 'Meer' als Zielangabe. Ebenso verhalt es sich mit anda parna und andan E-ri. Die Apposition ist dem Beziehungswort beigeordnet und steht somit gleichrangig neben ihm, was sich darin zeigt, dass die Aussage in keiner Weise eingeschrankt wird, wenn man das Beziehungswort weglasst." Starke (1977, 174-175) further points out that similar constructions exist in which "das lok. Adverb hinter dem Lokativ bzw. lok. Dativ steht. So gibt es z.B. karaitti piran (B 300) ... und LUGAL-i piran (B 301 und 302)...." My hypothesis about the existence of an Indo-European locative case in *-N is also consonant with Szemerenyi's idea (1956, 62-66) that the alternation of -al-an in these forms results from the development of sandhi variants of an original demonstrative particle in *-$, attested in Greek (katd < *krpt-rp). This nasal could very well be the vocalic alternate of the locative suffix *-N.

Moreover, I believe it to be very significant that *-N is also found in the genitive plural marker *-oN (cf. Gk. on, Skt. -am, Lat. -um, Hitt. -an). That this desinence originally had nothing to do with number distinctions is demonstrated by its use in both singular and plural function in Hittite (Kronasser 1956: 104). In fact, the distribution of *-oN in Hittite is a result of "the late development of the number system" in Indo-European: "number accordingly was not consistently applied in late PIE and the early dialects in accordance with natural reference. Subsequently application became more regular, and number congruence was carried out for both substantives and verbs" (Lehmann, 1974, 263- 264). Lyons (1971, 388-395) notes that there exists an intimate formal and semantic connection between the genitive and locative cases in many languages, including non-Indo- European ones. Clark (1978, 117) similarly concludes her detailed study by saying: "The existential, locative, and possessive constructions examined in the present sample of languages are related to one another in word order, in the verbs used, and in their locative characteristics." It is this close association of the locative and the genitive which probably accounts for their identity of form in the dual of Indo-European (cf. *-ous: Skt. -os, OCS -u). Because the locative and the genitive share this common form, Kurylowicz (1964: 200) argues: "The paradigm of the dual suggests an original identity of the gen. and the loc., i.e., a prehistorical stage attested neither in the sing. (-s, -i) nor in the plural (-om, -sul-si)." Of course, the element *-s is attested in both the genitive and the locative (gen. sg. *-(e/o)s: Skt. -as, Gk. -Os, Lat. -is; loc. pl. *-si/u: Gk. -si, Skt. -su, OCS -xD). In

Shields, 1979, 1 argue that Indo-European possessed a geni- tive marker in *-i, which paralleled the suffix *-i found in the locative. This genitive ending *-i is attested in the o-stem genitive desinence reconstructed as *-sio (cf. Skt. -spa, Hom. -io < *-o-sio), a contamination of the genitive markers *-s and *-i with the thematic vowel. The Tocharian AB genitive singular suffix -i (A mieri, B mitri 'mother') < *-oi, the Gothic genitive plural ending -e, and the Italo-Celtic genitive singular suffix -4 are also to be derived fron an o-stem genitive formation in *-i (see Shields, 1979, for details). The original identity of the locative and genitive cases in Indo- European is also perhaps suggested by the fact that the genitive case has residually retained in the dialects a secon- dary locative function, which Brugmann (1904, 438) describes as "Der Gen. von rdumlichen und zeitlichen Begriffen." Since the locative and the genitive cases of Indo-European apparently share a common formal and semantic origin, it is reasonable to conclude that a locative marker in *-N would have existed in the language.

The Tocharian locative desinences can be derived from a locative construction in *-(o)N-, which has been contami- nated with the postposition *-en 'in'.4 A similar contamina- tion of this postposition and a locative formation in *-N is attested in Umbrian (see above). Such a Tocharian/Italic parallel is not surprising since Tocharian is "manifestly nearer akin to the western branches than to the eastern (it is a centum language), and is certainly more closely related to Italo-Celtic, the westernmost branch, than to any other member of the Indo-European family" (Pedersen, 1931, 318). The Tocharian A suffix -am can have *-oN-on as its Indo- European etymon, for final *-on is lost in Tocharian A (van Windekens, 1976, 132), the then final *-N passes to -m (van Windekens, 1976, 71-74), and the remaining *-o- be- comes -a-. The Tocharian B desinence -ne can easily be derived from IE *-N-on. In Tocharian B final *-on is mani- fested as -e (van Windekens, 1976, 132), with -ne as the resulting form. The occurrence of *-o- as a source element in the A dialect is simply a function of the frequent reinterpreta- tion of the stem-formant of the o-stem class as a component of inflectional endings and the frequent generalization of such o-stem desinences to other nominal classes. These pro- cesses are seen in Indo-European as a whole, e.g., in the

4 Brugmann (1904, 465) notes that a form of this post- position in *on may have existed in Indo-European, cf. OCS on-, v. n-, v , and perhaps Osc.-Umbr. an-; and probably this form of the postposition is attested in the Tocharian suffixes under consideration. Of course, as indicated above, van Windekens (1975, 429-430) argues that the related Tocharian forms A ane, ana-, B enem, ene- show an etymo- logical *o.

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SHIELDS: The Origin of the Tocharian Locative Suffixes 131

development of the genitive suffixes *-oN (Schmalstieg, 1977, 130) and *-oi (Shields, 1979, 259-263), and in the dialects, e.g., in the transfer of the instrumental singular o-stem ending to consonant stems in Indo-Iranian (Brugmann, 1911, 193-194) and the transfer of the o-stem instrumental plural suffix to consonant stems in Germanic (Brugmann, 1911, 264). Indeed, the Hittite locative suffix -an implies the occur- rence of the same reanalysis of *-o-N as *-oN > Hitt. -an and the same process of generalization.5

I do not wish to assert that my explanation of the origin of the Tocharian locative endings is in any way the only correct analysis. Rather, I merely present it as a reasonable and therefore viable alternative. As I point out in Shields, 1979, 257, ". . . relatively few questions of historical/comparative linguistics lend themselves to simple solutions"; and the problem of the origin of the locative markers of the Tocharian dialects is no exception.

KENNETH SHIELDS

' On the Indo-European generalization of the o-stem locative suffix *-oi to other stem classes, see Shields, forth- coming, b.

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