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CHAPTER-VI

THE LAND REVENUE

Continuous invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali had deteriorated the agriculture

and the plight of the agriculturists. During his march, his armies whenever found an

opportunity to plunder and to loot them never restrained from doing that act. In this

process, it not only affected the fortunes of the traders and the craftsmen but also

engulfed the agriculturists whose number was larger than the rest of the population.

Rather, many of them among the peasantry recruited in the various branches of the

Sikh army which formed the backbone of the soldiery of the Sikh Sardars1 for

defending and protecting not only themselves for survival but the land of their

habitation. In this situation, however, the profession of agriculture probably was

neglected.

When the warm wave of the foreign invasions was completely over, the Sikh

Sardars became the masters of Punjab in the 1760s. This change in the upper level of

the political sphere, thus throws impact upon the peasantry in the succeeding years

when we find that the majority of the Sikh rulers belonged to the cultivating class or

to the classes associated with it. From that point of view one can infer the idea,

however, that they acknowledge the importance attached to agriculture and land

revenue and then created conditions of peace within one’s own territories for

exploiting these sources.2 So, they decided to revive the prosperity of the peasants

and the development of agriculture.3 The prosperity of the peasants linked with the

prosperity of their respective territories. In this respect, to quote an example, ‘the

1 Khushwaqt Rai, Ahwal-i-Firqa-i-Sikhan, IO 3897, f. 84; the Sikh movement between

1720 and 1760 was intimately related to the rural society and its economy. Zakariya Khan’s government began oppressing the peasants with heavy exaction of revenue. The

Sikhs were maltreated by the military contingents roaming about in villages in search of

the Sikhs. As a result, the Jat cultivators were obliged to join the Sikh struggle:

Daljinder Singh Johal, Society and Culture as Reflected in Punjabi Literature (1750-1850), p. 15.

2 J.S. Grewal, The Reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Structure of Power, Economy and

Society, p. 02.

3 R.M. Chaudhari, ‘Structure and the Position of Agriculture and Irrigation in Punjab,

1799-1839’, Seminar on Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Society, Economy and Administration,

Punjabi University, Patiala, 1981, pp. 1-15 (in typescript).

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names of Gujjar Singh and Sahib Singh Bhangi were often in the mouth of the

people of Gujrat who took back to their rule without the smallest bitterness. They

seemed, indeed, to have followed an enlightened and liberal policy, sparing no effort

to induce the people to settle down in peaceful occupations. Agriculture was

encouraged, the system of inams and chaharamis was introduced, and very effort

made to induce the people to settle down to their previous pursuits’.4

Contemporary accounts provide scanty and hasty information regarding the

agriculture, agrarian production and the magnitude of land revenue of our period.

Writing in the 1765, Qazi Nur Muhammad observed that ‘the agrarian society of the

Punjab was mainly based on village produce of surrounding areas. The farmers had

been cultivating sugarcane and were expert in making sugar from sugar cane. In

addition to, different kinds of grains like wheat, oats, pulses and grams were sown

and produced on a large scale. Food and forage was excessively available, so the

peasants used to husband cows, buffaloes, sheeps, donkeys and goats in large

number. Horticulture was also prevalent among the Punjabis’.5 He pointed out that

Ahmad Shah Abdali conferred some fiefdoms to some revered persons who were

capable to facilitate him in the collection of land revenue.6 A.L.H. Polier and George

Forster referred to ‘the extensive and fertile territories of the Sikhs and their

attachment and application to the occupations of agriculture evidently produce large

revenues’. Having absence of concrete information regarding the revenues on the

Sikh times, they thought that there was ‘no decrease in the amount of revenue since

the Punjab has been fallen into their possession’.7 James Browne referred to ‘a state

of high cultivation’ in the Sikh territories and added that the ‘rent’ was moderate and

generally collected in kind and during any intestine disputes, the cultivator was

4 Gazetteer of the Gujrat District 1883-84, p. 17; A.C Elliot, The Chronicles of Gujrat, p.

31.

5 Qazi Nur Muhammad, Jang Namah, Chapter 27 (Line 20 and 23), Chapter 29 (Lines

37-39), Chapter 34 (Line 19).

6 Ibid., Chapter 11 (Lines 148-153), Chapter 12 (Lines 41-51), Chapter 13 (Line 30),

Chapter 12 (Lines 52-56), Chapter 52 (Lines 85-86).

7 A.L.H. Polier & George Forster, ‘A Character of the Sicks’, Early European Accounts

of the Sikhs (ed. Ganda Singh), Indian Studies: Past & Present, Vol. III, No. 2, p. 203; George Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, Vol. I, pp. 336-337.

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never molested.8 In 1794, John Griffiths ascribed to grains, cotton, indigo, jaggery

and a variety of fruits produced in the Punjab.9 Towards the last years of the

eighteenth century, William Francklin carried the impression that ‘the country is in a

state of high cultivation’. The cultivation of the lands of the Seiks was ‘attended

with each assiduity. Though the population be great, grain was cheaper in the Punjab

than in any other part of India. The revenue was collected at two stated periods of

six months each’.10

Writing in the early decade of the nineteenth century, John

Malcolm mentions that ‘in the collection of the revenue in the Penjab, the chief to

whom the territories belong received one half of the produce. The chief never levies

the whole of his share and in no country, perhaps, is the Rayat, or cultivator, treated

with more indulgence’.11

During the reign of the great Mughal emperors, there appears three

specialized methods for the assessment and the collection of land revenue namely

batai, kankut and zabt. The first involved the division of the crop between the state

and the cultivator after harvesting; the second concerned with the assessment of the

share of the government on the basis of the standing crop before harvesting; and the

third associated with fixed cash assessment per unit area.12

Taking into account the

whole of Punjab, it appears that the system of zabt was the most prevalent method

for the assessment and the collection of land revenue during the early eighteenth

century, followed by batai and kankut. In the case of kankut collection of revenue

was generally made in cash. In the case of batai the share of the government could

be sold on the sport. The rate of the assessment for kankut and batai was generally

8 James Browne, ‘History of the Origin and the Progress of the Sikhs’, Early European

Accounts of the Sikhs (ed. Ganda Singh), Indian Studies: Past and Present, Vol. II, No. 1, p. 557.

9 John Griffiths, ‘A Memorandum on the Punjab and Kandahar: A Letter from Mr. John

Griffiths to Alexander Adamson dated Surat, 17th February, 1794’, Early European Accounts of the Sikhs (ed. Ganda Sngh), Indian Studies: Past and Present, Vol. III, No.

2, p. 229.

10 William Francklin, ‘The Sikhs and their Country (1798-1803)’, Early European

Accounts of the Sikhs (ed. Ganda Singh), Indian Studies: Past and Present, Vol. III, No. 2, pp. 236-237.

11 John Malcolm, Sketch of the Sikhs, pp. 125-126.

12 Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707, pp. 193, 219-220, 222-

223 and 237.

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one-half and the rate in the case of zabt was generally 40 percent of the estimated

yield.13

In the areas of the Sikh dominance, it appears that the methods adopted to

determine the land revenue were simple and unscientific and every care was taken to

protect the interest of the peasants. In this process, for the assessment and the

collection of land revenue batai and kankut was more widely used as compared to

zabt.14

Similarly, all the three methods were in general use in the territories of the

hill chiefs. In the territories of Jammu and Guler batai was prevalent. In the area

around Kangra and Chamba kankut was prevalent. The collection of revenue from

peasants in the hill principalities was obtained in both cash and kind.15

Turning to

some Muslim principalities we find all the three methods of assessment. In the areas

around Mankera, Shahpur, Pakpattan and Multan batai system for the collection of

revenue was generally exited; the system of kankut was in general use in the

territories around Pindi Gheb, Rawalpindi and Jhang. From our sources it appears

that revenue was collected under zabt in Muzaffargarh.16

The zabt system was applied in the hills as well as in the Punjab plains. The

Sikh Sardars applied this method to superior or cash crops like cotton, indigo,

sugarcane, tobacco, poppy, safflower, chillies, oilseeds, pulses and vegetables.17

In

some of the Muslim dominated principalities like Multan and Pak Patan, revenues

on cash crops like indigo and cotton too were collected in kind.18

13

Noman Ahmad Siddiqi, Land Revenue Administration under the Mughals (1700-1750), pp. 47-48, 56 and 58.

14 Surjit Singh Gandhi, Sikhs in the Eighteenth Century, p. 362.

15 G.C. Barnes & J.B. Lyall, Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Kangra District

(1889), p. 50; E.A. Prinsep, Report on the Revised Settlement of Sealkote District in the

Amritsur Division (1865), p. 51; Gazetteer of the Kangra District 1883-84, p. 212.

16 N.W. Elphinston, Report on the Revised Settlement of the Googaira District in the

Mooltan Division (1860), pp. 33 and 41-42; Major J.G. Carriot, Report on the

Settlement of the Rawalpindi District (1865), Lahore, 1865, pp. 67, 75 and 154; G.

Ouseley & W.G. Davies, Report on the Revised Settlement of the Shahpoor District in

the Rawalpindi Division (1866), p. 78; Edward O’Brien, Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Muzaffargarh District (1873-80), p. 83; Gazetteer of the Mooltan

District 1883-84, p. 24.

17 Indu Banga, Agrarian System of the Sikhs, pp. 90-91.

18 Gazetteer of the Mooltan District 1883-84, p. 165.

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Therefore, it appears that, almost everywhere the revenue was collected in

the form of cash and kind. In this superstructure, however, the territories of the Sikh

Sardars were also subjected. The batai was the prevalent method of assessment

around Lahore and Sialkot while batai, kankut and zabt were the predominant

method of assessment in Kapurthala.19

In this connection there is a greater probability pertaining to the rate of

assessment which was varied from place to place and from region to region but they

were generally lower than what they had been in the Mughal times.

Regarding the rate of assessment, according to John Malcolm, ‘in the

collection of revenue the chiefs received one-half of the produce’.20

For Instance,

Sansar Chand of Kangra, Gujjar Singh of Gujrat, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and the

rulers of Sialkot collected one-half as revenue. But it appears, however, that it was

less, going down to even one-fifth and one-sixth of the produce. Ranjit Dev of

Jammu collected one-third and the Sial chief of Jhang and the rulers of Lahore

collected one-fourth as their revenue. In the lower Sind Sagar Doab one-fifth or one-

sixth of the produce was collected by the chiefs of Mankera and Bahawalpur. In the

poorer villages Bhangi Sardars took one-third or two-fifth.21

In the contemporary government records we find that the Ryots of the Subah

of Lahore pay one-fourth part of the produce of their lands; payments in cash was no

19

Ram Sukh Rao, Fateh Singh Partap Prabhakar (ed. Joginder Kaur), p. 47; E. A. Prinsep, Report on the Revised Settlement of Sealkote District in the Amritsur Division

(1865), p. 52; Gazetteer of the Lahore District 1883-84, p. 129; R. Creathed, E. A.

Prinsep, R. Temple and Others, Report on the Revised Settlement of Purgunah Narowal Tulwandee of the Umritsar District in the Umritsar Division, Lahore, 1860, p. 156;

Gazetteer of the Jullundhur and Kapurthala District 1904, p. 27.

20 John Malcolm, Sketch of the Sikhs, pp. 100-101.

21 Hector Meckenzie, Report on the Revised Settlement of the Goojrat District in the

Rawalpindi Division, Lahore, 1861, p. 46; E. A. Prinsep, Report on the Revised

Settlement of Sealkote District in the Amritsur Division (1865), pp. 51-52; E.B.

Steedman, Report on the Revised Settlement of the Jhang District (1874-80), pp. 6 and 113; Edward O’Brien, Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Muzaffargarh

District (1873-80), p. 83; Gazetteer of the Lahore District 1883-84, p. 129; Gazetteer of

the Kangra District 1883-84, p. 212; Veena Sachdeva, The Rule of the Bhangis (1765-1810), M. Phil. Dissertation, p. 68.

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longer in use, but the usage abovementioned was prevalent. It appears that the Ryots

of the Subah of Lahore was contented and happy.22

At Bannu a commutation in cash for one-third of the crop was taken and in

the areas of Dera Ismail Khan and Kulachee as much as two-fifth of the amount

from the cultivators taken in the form of revenue from land.23

The revenue of the

Jung territories had been for many years collected by kankut and it appears that in

some places by money rates. Where the kankut system prevailed, from two to four

seers for expenses was deducted in each mound in favour of the cultivator and the

remainder divided in equal shares, one for the chief and the other for the cultivator.24

In the Yusafzye area of Peshawar, it appears, however, that the revenue was

collected with considerable difficulty, especially in the more distant part of the

areas. The people were disobedience to their rulers, until the ijaradars or farmers

were got rid of them. The mode of collecting revenue varies in every area. In Tooroo

and Hootee half the produce was taken and in Loonkhore, the Maliks get little or

nothing for themselves and only pay revenue at the point of Bayonet. Nevertheless,

the amount extracted on these occasions being approximately 8000 rupees. In

Amazaie and Razur the people paid partly on the produce and partly by a house tax

which varies accordingly to the circumstances of the inmates; while in Punjtar and

Ootman, the Khans pretend to fix the rates according to the season. But, in fact,

screw all they can possibly get out of the Ryots, without endangering their own

lives. Each Khan was a perfect despot as far as the management of little Khanship

was concerned and in this connection the Khan imposed taxes, levies fines and in

many instances punishes capitally without further reference.25

The area around Sookhoo, in the northern part of the Sind Sagar Doab, the

cultivators of all castes were miserably poor and in spite of it the revenue was most

probably collected by kankut and nominally one half of the produce being taken.26

In

22

Foreign/Secret Consultation, 07 July 1797, No. 3.

23 Foreign/Secret Consultation, 31 December 1847, Nos. 117-122.

24 Ibid., 30 October 1847, Nos. 129-130.

25 Ibid., 31 July 1847, Nos. 123-126.

26 Ibid., 28 April 1848, Nos. 57-66.

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the areas of Sorkanne, Muwilee, Murroo and Abzye the revenue was collected by

the system of kankut and the assessment was varied between one-half to one-fourth

of the produce, depending according to the nature of the soil and crop.27

Similarly,

the people of Kala paid their assessment by kankut. In the Jhelum the revenue was

collected by kankut under Sikh rule and it amounted about to Rs. 13,500. Kankut

was the general system of collection in the Rohtas district. Sugar cane, tobacco,

vegetables were taxed at from three to four rupees per bigha and cotton at from one

to two.28

On crops of daily consumption such as fodder for cattle or vegetables or

fruit, the normal charge was one rupee for one kacha bigha or a fixed quantity of the

produce on cash crops such as cotton, sugarcane, poppy and indigo. Most probably a

majority of the rulers preferred to realised their share in cash. The ruler’s share was

from one-third to one-half of the total produce.29

The government share in batai and

kankut could be commuted into cash if the cultivator agreed. In this case the rate of

assessment on the average was two-fifth.30

Thus, there was a clear shift towards batai and kankut and a lower rate of

assessment in the late eighteenth century. The variation in the rates of assessment

from region to region was owing to differences in the condition of soil, mode of

irrigation and the expense of cultivation.31

The Sikh Sardars introduced some practices for the extension of cultivation

and the collection of revenue. A special practice was known as inam. ‘In a newly

acquired territory a Sikh Sardar did not find himself strong enough to subdue the

cultivators, he would come to terms with the influence of the locality granting them

half of the state revenue of certain villages or parts of the village or exempting a

plough or two of the cultivator from assessment. Such men were called chaudharis

or inamdars. They always assisted the Sardars in ascertaining the resources of the

27

Loc.cit.

28 Loc.cit.

29 Surjit Singh Gandhi, Sikhs in the Eighteenth Century, p. 363.

30 Indu Banga, Agrarian System of the Sikhs, pp. 88-117.

31 Ibid., p. 91.

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village, in collecting revenue and in maintaining law and order. These grants lasted

as long as the grantees remained alive’.32

In another practice, the Bhangi Sardars

employed the practice of farming out a land to ijaradars, under leasing a few

villages here and there for a certain cash payment to some persons possessing local

importance, who made their own arrangements for collecting revenues according to

kankut or batai.33

Before the division of the crop between the state and the cultivator

deductions were made for the expenses of cultivation. In this connection, Pachotra

or the five percent share of the chaudharis or the muqaddam come into vision. We

find references of taking pachotra in Jhelum, Pukowal and Rohtas areas in the

northern part of the Sind Sagar Doab.34

In addition to, the fee of the weighman and carriage were charged from the

cultivator. The ruler’s share in the case of indigo was assessed in cash per maund.

This share was called moghla and was prevalent under the chiefs of Bahawalpur

State. It was generally fixed at five rupees per maund.35

The general rate, on the

whole, at which a Sikh Sardar realised his share of produce, was one-third of grain

and one-fourth of straw. But there is every possibility of the varying degree of rates

and this depended largely according to the vicissitudes of the market price.

Administrative Machinery for the Collection of Revenue/Money

In order to take benefit and advantage from land revenue, it was necessary to

create conditions of peace and order within the respective territories of the various

rulers. In the absence of the officials and functionaries for establishing law and order

there was a possibility of spreading anarchy and chaos which resulted in the collapse

of financial administration. For this purpose, the Sikh Sardars appointed faujdars in

32

Surjit Singh Gandhi, Sikhs in the Eighteenth Century, p. 363.

33 Veena Sachdeva, The Rule of the Bhangis (1765-1810), M. Phil. Dissertation, p. 68.

34 Foreign/Secret Consultation, 28 April 1848, Nos. 57-66.

35 Major J.G. Carriot, Report on the Settlement of the Rawalpindi District (1865), p. 67;

Edward O’Brien, Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Muzaffargarh District (1873-80), p. 83; Gazetteer of the Gujrat District 1883-84, p. 58.

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different parts of their territories. It appears that the faujdars were assisted by

thanadars who taken control of small garrisons particularly at key points or forts or

at strategic areas.

Related to the financial matters, there are references in the Sikh principalities

of the diwan, who was designated as official receiver in the process of the collection

of land revenue. It is likely to assume that the office of the diwan continued from the

Mughal times or come into being when the Sikh Sardars or various new rulers

establish as independent and settled their territories. In relation to the various Sikh

Sardars there are references to the office of the diwans under Charhat Singh and

Mahan Singh at Gujranwala, under Jassa Singh and Bhag Singh at Kapurthala, under

Milkha Singh at Rawalpindi, under Hari Singh and Jhanda Singh at Amritsar, under

Haqiqat Singh and Jaimal Singh at Fatehgarh Churian, and Jai Singh Kanhiya at

Batala.36

In the territories occupied by the Bhangi Sardars we find references to

diwans under Hari Singh, Jhanda Singh, Gujjar Singh and Sahib Singh. Gujjar Singh

kept under control Gujrat for nearly thirty three years. To serve him as diwans were

Sobha Ram Handa for eight years; Dilbagh Singh for ten years and Sharda Ram for

five years. During Sahib Singh’s rule, the diwans were Ratan Chand, a Brahman

who served for nine years; Chait Singh, a Kalal who served for nine years and

Mohkam Chand, a Khatri who served for two years. Diwan Guttu Mal served Gujjar

Singh and Sahib Singh throughout his whole life. His son served Sahib Singh as a

diwan till 1810 when Ranjit Singh took possession of the Bhangi Sardar’s

territories.37

36

Ram Sukh Rao, Jassa Singh Binod, MS. No. M/771, Punjab State Archives, Patiala, ff.

159a, 192b, 206a & 225b; Ram Sukh Rao, Fateh Singh Partap Prabhakar (ed. Joginder Kaur), pp. 143 and 152; J. S. Grewal & Indu Banga (tr. & eds.), Early Nineteenth

Century Punjab, p. 98; Lepel H. Griffin, The Panjab Chiefs: Historical and

Biographical Notices of the Principal Families in the Territories Under the Panjab

Government, p. 295.

37 Ram Sukh Rao, Jassa Singh Binod, MS. No. M/771, f. 192b; J. S. Grewal & Indu Banga

(tr. & eds.), Early Nineteenth Century Punjab, p. 65; Lepel H. Griffin, The Panjab

Chiefs: Historical and Biographical Notices of the Principal Families in the Territories Under the Panjab Government, p. 464; A.C. Elliot, The Chronicles of Gujrat, p. 79.

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There are references to the diwans of Muslim principalities of Jhang, Leia

and Mankera. Diwan Bhawani Das served under the Sial chief Inayat Ullah Khan

and diwan Laddha Ram served under Muhammad Khan Jaskani. Similarly, diwan of

Mankera was Manak Rai who was later appointed as the administrator of Dera

Ismail Khan.38

Before long, the kardar became an important functionary for the collection

of revenues. The diwan was assisted by kardar and the principal function of the

kardar was to oversee the collection of revenue and to establish law and order

within his jurisdiction.

It appears, however, that during the successive invasions of Ahmad shah

Abdali the revenue affairs of the Punjab was fell into unsatisfactory state. The

kardar seem to be under no control and at any rate they send or paid no revenue to

the higher authority. He paid as little and collects as much as he can. He was

supposed every reason to make up his accounts and remit to the higher authority

what he had collected, after deducting certain required expenses. It is likely to

assume that if he was a man of ability under a weak government in times of

confusion and anarchy or if he had friends at the ruler’s court he had often render no

account for a course of years, but just pay in what he pleases.39

In this connection,

the native kardars and revenue officials were the most designing and unscrupulous

of men.40

For preparing revenue assessment records the services of old qanungos were

utilized in revenue administration by the various rulers. Karori Mal, for instance,

was the qanungo of Eminabad under Charhat Singh Sukerchakia; Jai Singh was the

qanungo of Wazirabad under Jodh Singh Wazirabadia; Kishan Chand was the

qanungo of Batala under Jassa Singh Ramgarhia; Jawala Sahai was the qanungo of

Gogera under Kamar Singh Nakkai; Pahar Mal was the qanungo of Sujanpur under

38

E.B. Steedman, Report on the Revised Settlement of the Jhang District (1874-80), p. 37;

Gazetteer of the Dera Ismail Khan District 1883-84, pp. 33-34, 36-37, 70 and 74; Ram

Sukh Rao, Jassa Singh Binod, MS. No. M/771, ff. 206a & 225ab; Henry T. Prinsep, Origin of the Sikh Power in the Punjab and Political Life of Maharaja Ranjit Singh with

An Account of the Present Condition, Religion, Law and Customs of the Sikhs, p. 102.

39 Foreign/Secret Proceeding, 26 December 1846, Nos. 1300-1469.

40 Foreign/Secret Consultation, 29 July 1848, Nos. 38-47.

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Amar Singh Bagga; Shiv Dayal Handa was the qanungo of Gujrat under Gujjar

Singh; in another reference Ismatullah was the qanungo of Gujrat under Gujjar

Singh. Existence of more than one qanungo of Gujrat under Gujjar Singh made a

helpful suggestion for the possibility of taking services for preparing revenue

assessment records where the territorial area was larger.41

The chaudharis find mention in relation to the large number of principalities

associated with the Sikh Sardars. Roop Chand served under Fateh Singh Ahluwalia;

Usman Khan and Jhanda Singh served under Jai Singh Kanhiya; Ahmad Khan find

mention under Kapur Singh Saurianwala. Ghulam Qadir served under Jodh Singh

Wazirabadia and Suba Khan served under Bagh Singh Hallowalia. Rahmat Khan

Waraich, the chaudhari of Jalalpur, served under Gujjar Singh Bhangi; Dasaunda

Khan, the Rajput chaudhari of Chamiari, served under Nar Singh Chamiariwala;

Teeka Khan, the chaudhari of Talwandi, served under Bagh Singh Hallowalia;

Khudadad Khan and Yadgar Khan carried out duties as the chaudharis at Firozke

under Sudh Singh China. It is interesting to note that the Bhangi Sardars employed

the services of the chaudharis residing at different muhallas in connection with the

better and efficient administration of the some towns. In this context, it appears that

the chaudharis used to be enjoyed the status of superiority over different

occupational classes. Their views hold strong base on all momentous matters in

relation to the growth and development of town and the area surrounded by its

vicinity. The eminent and famous chaudharis of Lahore were Mian Muhammad

Ashiq, Mian Mohkam Din, Mir Shadi Khan and Mir Badar-ud-din.42

To provide help and assistance to abovementioned officials and to facilitate

the collection of revenue there was muqaddam in every village of the Punjab. It is all

probability that most of the former muqaddams were allowed to perform their

customary functions by the various Sikh and non-Sikh rulers. A small number of

muqaddams were functioning as variable capacity at different times under the

41

Foreign/Political Proceeding, 09 January 1857, No. 274; Ganesh Das, Char- Bagh- i-

Panjab (tr. Amarwant Singh), Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, p. 131 (in typescript).

42 Foreign/Political Proceeding, 27 May 1853, No. 208; Foreign/Political Proceeding, 03

June 1853, No. 119; J. S. Grewal & Indu Banga (tr. & eds.), Early Nineteenth Century Punjab, p. 58.

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various rulers: Bahadur Singh under Jai Singh Kanhiya, Naurang Singh under Jassa

Singh Ramgarhia, Yar Singh under Gurbakhsh Singh Wazirabadia, Sahib Khan

under Nar Singh Chamiariwala, Nur Burhan under Ran Singh Nakkai, Gulab Singh

Gill under Gulab Singh Bhangi, and Muhammad Din under Lehna Singh Bhangi.43

Ahmad Shah Abdali indirectly transferred his conquered territories to local

chiefs for the collection of revenue. Shuja-ul-Mulk had been paying him a huge

amount in the form of tribute or revenue.44

After the sack and plunder of the city of

Sirhind by the Sikhs, Ahmad Shah Abdali bestowed it upon to Ala Singh, granting

him revenue free territory for one year and accepted only presents from him.45

The vassals of the Ahmad Shah Abdali such as Daman Shah, Ghulam Ali,

Ghulam Muhammad Patafi and Fateh Khan Naurang were responsible for the

collection of revenue in the territories around the Deras (Ghazi Khan and Ismail

Khan) and their sole purpose was to extract maximum money as far as possible from

the peasants. In this process, according to Qazi Nur Muhammad, they practised

malpractices and used coercion and consequently impoverished the peasantry.46

The version of Qazi Nur Muhammad gives very interesting information

about Daman Shah who devised a curious strategy to get information with regard to

the economic condition of the people. In the guise of a beggar he used to visit every

house at night, to take record of the house from where he got good meal, considering

him prosperous and thriving. He used to visit the house in the morning with his

troops to plunder the householder. As a result of his oppressive practices the

43

Foreign/Political Consultation, 18 June 1852, No. 183; Foreign/Political Proceedings,

16 April 1852, No. 55; 27 May 1853, No. 208; 03 June 1853, No. 119; 11 July 1856, No. 211; 8 August 1856, No. 207; 5 September 1856, Nos. 111, 113 and 114; 5

December 1856, No. 212; 9 January 1857, No. 230, 234 and 274; 27 March 1857, Nos.

243 and 247; 29 May 1857, No. 197; 17 April 1857, No. 603; 29 May 1857, No. 197; 31 December 1858, No. 318; J. S. Grewal & Indu Banga (tr. & eds.), Early Nineteenth

Century Punjab, pp. 45, 57-58, 93-94 and 110; N.W. Elphinston, Report on the Revised

Settlement of the Googaira District in the Mooltan Division (1860), p. 19; Lepel H.

Griffin, The Panjab Chiefs: Historical and Biographical Notices of the Principal Families in the Territories Under the Panjab Government, p. 300.

44 Qazi Nur Muhammad, Jang Namah, Chapter 33 (Line 33).

45 Ibid., Chapter 35 (Lines 50-54).

46 Ibid., Chapter 15 (Lines 22, 41, 44 and 48).

The Land Revenue

139

condition of the people deteriorated further and they probably become beggars.47

The beggars were also uttering curse against him. With the objective of plundering

people, he even used the services of his maid servants to misguide and entangle

young men of the city, then hold and charge money as punishment from them.48

Ghulam Ali, according to Qazi Nur Muhammad, was a wolf in lamb’s skin.49

Ghulam Muhammad Patafi realized the fear from the Shah Abdali and his troops. He

oppressed the people to a greater extent in the matter of collecting money. Similarly,

Fateh Khan Naurang was not less oppressed the people in the process of acquiring

money.50

Qazi Nur Muhammad pointed out that Ahmad Shah Abdali conferred some

fiefdoms to some revered persons who were capable to facilitate him in the

collection of revenue, providing support in the effective functioning of

administration and in times of war, sending the stipulated quota of contingents.

Rahman Khan was the fief holder in the areas of Dera Jani in Shikarpur. Ahmad

Shah Abdali ordered him to arrange food and forage for the troops while the armies

were passing through Shikarpur.51

Nasir Din and Hameed Nowbahar, the two sons

of Shah Sultan Ali alias Ranjan Shah were enjoying the revenue of Shikarpur Sani

and they too provided assistance to the royal armies. They undertook expedition and

accompanied the Baluch armies.52

For the collection of revenue easily and effectively Ahmad Shah Abdali

appointed kardars. For instance, Ghulam Hussain Khan was serving as a kardar in

the regions of Deras and Shikarpur Sani.53

From the working of the kardars it

appears that they were assigned vast areas to perform their duties.54

47

Ibid., Chapter 15 (Lines 22-28).





52 Ibid., Chapter 12 (Lines 41-51), Chapter 13 (Line 30).



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