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Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, December 2012

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The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers

Begüm Burak

The GW Post Research Paper, December 2012 Published in 2012 at www.thegwpost.com Begüm Burak has a BA degree in Political Science and International Relations from Marmara University, Turkey. She completed her MA degree in Istanbul University, Turkey (majoring in Turkish political life) in 2010. She has been currently occupied as a Research Assistant at Fatih University, Turkey where she is a PhD candidate. Her main interests include civil-military relations, religion and politics and Turkish politics.

“The Globalized World Post” is an active and interactive forum which seeks originality and the lively contribution in various debates of international politics and beyond. “The GW Post” does not have a certain political label. Anyone can share their thoughts no matter what background they come from and no matter what they support. It is open to all ideas, theoretical approaches and ideologies. Its primary goal is to promote articles related to international relations, political science and social sciences more generally.

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Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, November 2012 |

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The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers

Begüm Burak

Introduction1

Most nation-states since their inception

have had some kind of an “imagined”

good or desired (acceptable, palatable)

citizen profile. This concept of imagined

good citizen has its constitutive others

too. Thus, while on the one hand the

nation-state endeavors to construct a

good citizen; on the other hand and

simultaneously, it tries to assimilate or

dissimilate the identities that it sees unfit

to its good citizen imagination. The

nation-states have not only used coercive

or physical tactics such as forced

migration or population exchange to

achieve this, but have also used several

Gramscian instruments to manufacture

such citizen and negatively represent and

even vilify its others. The media has been

one of the powerful apparatuses that the

nation-states have enthusiastically used.

1 NB: This research paper is based on a shortened version of my PhD proposal which was approved for publication by my supervisor Assoc. Prof. Ihsan Yılmaz

The Turkish case is a remarkable example

in analyzing how and to what extent some

particular groups and/or sectors of society

are treated by the state as “undesired

citizens” or in other words as secondary-

status citizens, maybe not in the black-

letter law but in practice2. As Gramsci

states, political leadership cannot be only

based on coercion. In addition, it must be

based on the consent of the ruled, a

consent which is secured by the

popularization of the worldview of the

ruling class3. In this regard, hegemonic

power elites do not employ only legal and

institutional instruments; they also get

engaged in manufacturing consent for

making society a homogeneous entity. In

other words, the elites resort to social

engineering.

In the Turkish case, the press had been

one of the most influential tools in

2 Üstel, F. Makbul Vatandaşın Peşinde: II. Meşrutiyetten Bugüne Vatandaşlık Eğitimi, İletişim (2011) 3 Bates, Thomas, R., “Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony”, Journal of the History of the Ideas: 36 (1975), p.352


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enabling the Westernization-oriented

efforts of the elites in the early Republican

era. The top-down and state-led

modernization process was heavily

supported by the press in this period. The

press also played a key role in showing the

masses the “virtues” of the new regime4.

In this sense, it can be argued that the

press had had a significant role in

establishing and maintaining the

hegemony of the Kemalist regime in the

early years of the Turkish Republic.

In the following years, the media continue

to play an important role in shaping state-

society relations as well as in formulating

a dynamic “undesired” citizenship

definition, which can be characterized as

an ambiguous concept5. For example,

during the time of the February 28

Process when the Army paved the way for

the overthrow of an Islamist-led

government, some important newspapers

of the time had been engaged in a hostile

campaign against religious people and the

4 İhsan Yılmaz and Begüm Burak “Instrumentalist Use of Journalism in Imposing the Kemalist Hegemonic Worldview and Educating the Masses in the Early Republican Period” Turkish Journal of Politics: 2 (2011), pp. 113-116 5 Arsan, Esra, “Representation of the Other ın Turkish News Media: Islamists and Kurds”, Reuters Journalism Fellowship Programme Paper (2001)

Islamist political party of the time (The

Welfare Party).

It can be said that in democratic societies,

the media play a key role in auditing the

government and in informing the public.

However, in the Turkish case, the media

most of the time reproduce the

hegemonic-Kemalist elite discourse and

do not question undemocratic practices

such as the weakness of freedom of

speech.

In this study, I aim to contribute to the

debates of ‘who the “undesired citizens”

in Turkey are’ in the eyes of the media by

analyzing the media discourses regarding

the “undesired citizenship”. The concept

of the “undesired citizen” is not fixed and

depending on the socio-political

developments, but can be defined in

different ways6.

In this study, first of all, I will attempt to

draw a conceptual framework about how

the notion of “undesired” citizenship can

be defined through the relevant works

and concepts of various scholars, and

thinkers such as Foucault, Gramsci,

6 Kadıoğlu, Ayşe, “Citizenship and individuation in Turkey: the triumph of will over reason” , Cahiers d'Etudes sur la Méditerranée Orientale et le monde Turco-Iranien: 26 (1998). pp. 1-14


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Bourdieu, Derrida, Laclau and Mouffe,

Carl Schmitt, Miller & Rose, and Lacan.

Secondly, I will try to trace how on the

one hand, the notion of “undesired

citizen” is reproduced by the Kemalist-

hegemonic media, and on the other hand,

how the anti-hegemonic media challenges

this very notion. Turkey has a variety of

newspapers that have ideologically

different motivations, different financial

resources, and different audience which

have quite different worldviews, some of

them being hegemonic and some of them

anti-hegemonic.

In this context, I will attempt to analyze

how the Kemalist-hegemonic discourse

(represented by that of Hurriyet, which

has been probably the most effective and

influential hegemonic media outlet)

constructs and represents the image of

the “undesired citizen”. On the other

hand, I will analyze how Zaman, as the

voice of the “periphery” and one of the

powerful representatives of the “anti-

hegemonic discourse”, challenges this

notion. I will try to find the similarities,

the overlapping features (if there are any)

and/or differences between the

discourses of these two different

newspapers in terms of their

representation of the image of

“undesired” citizenship in Turkey. In this

sense, how each newspaper defines the

notion of the “undesired citizen” is quite

important.

As known, since the 1980s, the state

structure, the economic structure and the

nature of state-society relations in Turkey

have witnessed an important degree of

transformation. Inevitably, the definition

of the notion of “undesired citizen” has

changed too. In this regard, the discursive

formation of this notion that is performed

by these newspapers will be examined

through the use of Critical Discourse

Analysis.

Methodology

In this study I will employ a qualitative

methodology; the discourse historical

approach (DHA) which is a variant of the

Critical Discourse Analysis will be used as

the methodological framework. The DHA

argues that the discursive realizations can

be more or less intensified or mitigated,

more or less implicit or explicit, due to

historical conventions, public levels of


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tolerance, political correctness, context

and public sphere7.

The Theoretical Framework and

Literature Review

In this study, I will try to address the

nation-building process as the theoretical

framework. It is known that nation-

building is a process which is mainly

characterized by homogenization and

standardization. In the following pages, I

will try to elaborate on this process in

detail. In addition to that, in my paper, I

will try to answer the central question I

have set: Why does Zaman sometimes

have overlapping discourses with that of

Hurriyet despite being the owner of the

anti-hegemonic discourse? via employing

the theory of hegemony.

In this sense, the hypotheses to be tested

in the assumption of ‘Despite being the

voice of the periphery, Zaman sometimes

has discursive equivalences with that of

Hurriyet’ and this equivalence mainly

results from two phenomena:

7 Reisigl, M. and R. Wodak, Discourse and Discrimination. (London: Routledge, 2001)

• One is the relative success of the nation-

building process in Turkey. The elites

more or less have succeeded to establish

and maintain hegemony in formulizing

who can be treated as the “undesired

citizens”. In this regard, I will try to test

to what degree the nation-building

process has been successful through

analyzing the overlapping approaches of

anti-hegemonic media discourse with

that of Kemalist-hegemonic media

discourse.

• Another assumption that I will try to test

is that the political culture of Turkey and

the education system the media elites

have gone through have played a key

role in making the media elites have

some common attitudes towards certain

issues such as state-centric worldviews

or Turkish nationalist tendencies. In

Althusser’s terms (1971) the ideological

state apparatuses have played a key role

in making the dominant ideology

reproduce itself via some channels like

the media.

Main Discussion of Existing Approaches /Theories and Findings Relating to the Research


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A) Nation-State Formation, Nation-

Building Process, National

Identity, Nationalism and

Citizenship

The nation-state formation had begun in

the 18th century and that formation

continued until the 20th century. The

state-formation process can be viewed as

a process through which the state derives

its political legitimacy from serving as a

sovereign entity for a nation as a

sovereign territorial unit. It is known that

the nation-state formation had gone hand

in hand with the emergence of capitalism.

The nations passing through different

historical periods in a unique way form

the basis of the nation-states. For Walker

Connor, a nation is “a group of people

who believe they are ancestrally related,

and it is the largest grouping that shares

such a belief”8. The nation is based on felt

kinship ties and its basis is a psychological

tie that joins a people and differentiates it

from everyone else, in the sub-conscious

conviction of its members9. These ties do

not have to be real biologically while the

8 Connor, W., Ethno-Nationalism: The Quest for Understanding, (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1994), p.212 9 Connor, W., Ethno-Nationalism: The Quest for Understanding, (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1994)

events do not have to be experienced

exactly (because historical facts can be

manipulated by the nation builders) in

history. Thus, the important thing is not

‘what is’ but ‘what is felt to be’ and an

important ingredient of national

psychology is a sub-conscious belief in the

groups’ separate origin and evolution.

Apart from that, nationalism can be

treated as a phenomenon that has

emerged during the times of nation-state

formation and nation-building process.

The pioneering figures, namely the elites

in these times resort to nationalism as an

ideology.

On the other hand, there are various

approaches to the notion of nationalism.

For example, Gellner has claimed that the

rise of nations and nationalism has been

the “logical” consequence of a transition

from one social order to another – from

agrarian to industrial society10. Gellner

claims that “nationalism is not the

awakening of nations to self-

consciousness: it invents nations where

10 Utz, Raphael, “Nations, Nation-Building, and Cultural Intervention: A Social Science Perspective”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law: 9 (2005)


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they do not exist”11. By contrast, Benedict

Anderson claims that the nations like any

other large communities are imagined

since “the members of even the smallest

nation will never know most of their

fellow members, meet them, or even hear

of them, yet in the minds of each lives the

image of their communion.”12.

In his frequently-cited work, Smith

distinguishes between two dimensions of

nationalism: an ethnic-genealogical

dimension and a civic-territorial one13.

The nation in the ethnic view is defined by

ancestry not by boundaries of a state. It is

a community of birth and native culture

where common descent is heavily

emphasized. A focus on shared history,

native language and religion is

maintained. Alternatively, Smith describes

a civic model of nation where a nation is

conceived mainly as a rational political

community. This version defines the

historical territory of the nation as a

defining characteristic with an emphasis

on a community of laws and institutions

11 Gellner, E. (ed), Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson: 1964) 12 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (London: Verso Books, 1991) 13 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism, (E. J. Brill, 1991), p.14

that share a common civic culture and

ideology14.

Before addressing the nation-building

process and the concept of citizenship, it

is needed to take a look at the impacts of

the revolutions that occurred in the 18th

and the 19th centuries upon nation-

building process and the concept of

citizenship. For instance, Rogers Brubaker

states that the French Revolution had

invented both the nation-state and its

modern institutional and ideological basis

for citizenship15.

With the French Revolution, the

individuals had turned into citizens who

accept the laws and necessities of the

state and who can grant some particular

rights as long as they perform their duties.

The nation-building process is based on

purpose of creating an “enlightened

citizen”16. The creation of an “enlightened

citizen” in Norbert Elias’ words can be

seen as a project that not only aims to

break the ties with the old traditional 14 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism (E. J. Brill, 1991) 15 Brubaker, Rogers, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, (Harvard University Press, 1992) 16 Borne, Dominique. 1990. “Fransız Eğitim Sisteminde Tarih, Coğrafya ve Yurttaslık Bilgisi Tasarımı ve Bu Tasarımın Yurttasın Olusumuna Katkısı”, Dersimiz Yurttaslık, der.Turhan Ilgaz, İstanbul, Kesit Yayıncılık, 1998, s.157-166.


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forces but also aims to make the

individuals get responsibilities and duties

under the rule of new forces17. In this

sense, the individuals are supposed to

adopt a set of specific attitudes,

behaviors, and roles through internalizing

some particular perceptions and

standards of judgment. Bourdieu defines

this set of specific attitudes, perceptions,

standards of judgment and codes of

behavior as the “Habitus”18.

Dominique Schnapper underlines the

importance of the concept of “Habitus”

for analyzing the concept of citizenship.

According to him, the nation-building

process creates a unique social habitus

that connects the honor of the individuals

to being able to become a “good

citizen”19.

On the other hand, the trajectories of the

three terrains of nation-building

(language, education, and citizenship)

exhibit that nationhood was informed by

ideological, political, economic, and

geopolitical forces. It can be said that

language and education play a major role

17 (Elias, 1977) 18 Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction (London: Routledge, 1986) 19 Schnapper, Dominique, Yurttaşlar Cemaati Modern Ulus Fikrine Dair, Çev. Özlem Okur, (İstanbul, Kesit Yay, 1996) p.150

in spreading the ideology of the newly-

established nation-state. Gramsci’s

concept of “organic intellectuals” and

Mario Isnenghi’s concept of “civil servant

and militant intellectual” can be seen as

important conceptualizations that show

the critical role of education and the press

in providing legitimacy for the new

regime20.

Central to nation-building is the creation

of a national history and a national

political culture.

It can be said that the creation of a

national history and a national political

culture are essential for providing a

considerable amount of homogenization

and standardization among the masses.

All those who participate in creating and

spreading a common past can be called

nation builders. Usually, they are

members of the elite. It can be stated that

there are three main reasons that pave

the way for certain groups of people (like

elites) to get a pioneering role in this

process. First, they have a political,

economic or social interest in nationalism,

and would be the main beneficiaries of 20 Cited in Ghiat, Ben. 1995. “Fascism, Writing, and Memory: The Realist Aesthetic in Italy, 1930-1950”, The Journal of Modern History: 67 (1995), p. 629


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the stabilizing and legitimizing effects of a

nationalist political culture based upon a

national common past. Second, they are

the only ones sufficiently educated to

produce literature or art, or engage in

historical research. Third, by definition,

members of an elite possess influence and

are thus capable of extending their

beliefs/worldviews to the population at

large. Initially, all nationalisms were

created by an elite playing the decisive

role in the formation of the intellectual

content of each nationalism21.

In principle, all nation-building processes

are cultural interventions as the center

establishes a particular identity on the

periphery, or, in other words, the elites

create a national identity for the rest of

the population22. In this context, it can be

argued that, the formation of a particular

identity inevitably covers the elimination

of different identities that are not

welcomed by the elites.

21 Cited in Utz, Raphael, “Nations, Nation-Building, and Cultural Intervention: A Social Science Perspective”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law: 9 (2005), pp. 615-647. 22 Cited in Utz, Raphael, “Nations, Nation-Building, and Cultural Intervention: A Social Science Perspective”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law: 9 (2005), p. 638

The national identity can be viewed as an

instilled consciousness that turns

individuals into citizens during the nation-

building process. In addition, having a

national identity means being conscious of

and belonging to a nation; thus it can be

said that it is a collective identity that

brings people together under a common

brand. It must be noted that nationalism

activates national identity. In other words,

as Ernest Barker says “(…) a nation must

be an idea as well as a fact before it can

become a dynamic force.”23. With

dynamic force, nationalism is implied;

having a national identity does not

necessarily mean being a nationalist.

Actually, as mentioned by Smith, national

identity and nation are complex

constructs composed of interrelated

components such as ethnic, cultural,

territorial, economic and legal-political.

They present solidarity among members

of communities united by shared

memories, myths, and traditions.

Nevertheless, this may or may not take

the form of state24. Hence, the definition

23 Cited in Connor, W., Ethno-Nationalism: The Quest for Understanding, (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1994), p.64 24 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism, (E. J. Brill, 1991) p.15


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of national identity is closely related with

how the nation is defined, which varies

according to different scholars.

Yet, while there is a consensus about the

subjectivity of the national identity, there

are a number of different approaches

about the meaning of it. Accordingly, the

criteria for determining what constitutes a

nation changes from one community to

another; the criterion may be the

language, religion, territory or race, or a

combination of any of these. The

proponents of the civic dimension (i.e.

Ernest Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm, Benedict

Anderson, etc.) emphasize that nations

are modern constructions, not historic.

They emphasize nations’ being recent and

new in political character, cultural

homogeneity, and territorial

consolidation. For them, the only criterion

for the membership of a nation is through

citizenship. Similarly, nation-states

provide the framework for modern

industrial societies and the people in

those nation states imagine a national

identity through career structures,

educational systems, and cultural

instruments (newspapers, books etc.)25.

25 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities, (London: Verso Books, 1991); Gellner, E., Nations

In the modernist view of nation, it is the

nationalism that creates nation and as

Hobsbawm argues, nations are invented

traditions which are socially engineered26.

However, Anthony D. Smith argues that

nations have both ethnic and civic

territorial components and defines the

nation as “a named population sharing a

historic territory, common myths and

historical memories, a mass, public

culture, a common economy and common

legal rights and duties for all members”27.

As clearly seen from this definition,

national identity has a complex nature

including elements of other kinds of

collective identities (religious, ethnic, or

class etc.). Concequently, a national

identity is a multi-dimensional concept

and can’t be reduced to a single element.

Smith emphasizes the importance of

ethno-historical myths for providing

political community a sense of collective

identity and destiny28.

and Nationalism (Oxford:Basil Blacwell, 1983); Hobsbawm. E.J., Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 26 Hobsbawm. E.J., Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 27 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism (E. J. Brill, 1991), p. 14 28 Ibid


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How the national identity is identified and

how the past is reconstructed are

dependent on the nation-building process

carried out by the state. Hence, in that

sense, national identity is a constructed

concept. Accordingly, it is the state that

controls and coordinates the process and

it tries to shift population’s loyalty from

local, sub-national identities towards

collective, national identity. While doing

this, as Calhoun noted, in most cases,

nationalists draw on pre-existing

traditions and other cultural resources to

build a national unity29.

One of the most important tools of the

state to disseminate the new national

identity is formal education. Education

enables the state to offer the population a

sense of belonging to the newly created

nation. Therefore, the socialization of the

people as citizens is achieved through

compulsory, standardized, formal, public

mass education systems, by which the

state tries to create a homogeneous

culture30.

29 Calhoun, C.,“Nationalism and Ethnicity”, Annual Review Sociology: 19 (1993), p226 30 Gellner, E., Nations and Nationalism, (Oxford:Basil Blacwell, 1983)

The common culture is an important

component of the national identity31 thus,

the created nation concept provides a

social bond among individuals by

providing shared values, symbols and

traditions. Accordingly, the members of

the nation are reminded of their common

heritage and cultural kinship through the

use of symbols, such as flags, national

anthems, uniforms, ceremonies,

monuments and money32. Among the

cultural aspects of national identity,

religion also has a significant role.

On the other hand, it is known that a

decisive process in nation state building is

the homogenization of the population into

a national identity. This process of

homogenization relates to the

assimilation, exclusion, deportation, and

even massacre of the minority groups. In

this sense, it is obvious that the citizenship

formation is closely related to the

homogenization in nation building

process. Moreover, it can be said that the

citizenship formation is directly related to

the state formation of a land.

31 Smith, Anthony, National Identity (University of Nevada Press, 1994) 32 Smith, Anthony, Ethnicity and Nationalism (E. J. Brill, 1991)


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Modern notion of citizenship is generally

regarded as the offspring of the French

Revolution, but several other political

social and economic developments, which

marked the period of modernity in

Western history from the sixteenth

century onwards, laid the foundations for

“the transition from a monarch-subject

relationship to a state-citizen

relationship”33. Because of the French and

Industrial Revolutions the legitimacy of

the old social and political order, which

was dominated by aristocracy and Church,

was undermined. As an alternative means

of stability the concept and status of

citizenship was required34.

The approaches to citizenship can be

identified as the classical or civic-

republican and the liberal or liberal-

individualist conception of citizenship35.

Liberal understanding of citizenship is

linked to the development of capitalism

and nation-state. It has a conception of

33 Heater, Derek, What is Citizenship, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999), p. 4 34 Heater, Derek, A Brief History of Citizenship (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004), pp. 170-173 35Oldfield, Adrian, “Citizenship: An Unnatural Practice?” in B. Turner and P. Hamilton (eds.), Citizenship: Critical Concepts, Vol. I (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 188-197; Heater, Derek, What is Citizenship, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999)

citizenship as legal status and focuses on

“rights‟. According to this conception, the

rights inhere in individuals, because

individuals are both logically and morally

prior to society and the state, and one of

the primary purposes of the state is to

secure and protect these natural rights.

The state is useful to the citizen as a

“night-watchman”36 and it is expected “to

render service to individual interests and

purposes, to protect citizens in the

exercise of their rights, and to leave them

unhindered in the pursuit of whatever

individual and collective interests and

purposes they might have”37.

By contrast, in the civic-republican

conception of citizenship, the emphasis is

on practice, activity. This understanding

has its roots in the Ancient Greek political

philosophy and is mainly inspired from the

ethical and political thought of Aristotle

who defined the citizen as “the individual

who shares in the civic life of ruling and

being ruled in turn.”38. Civic republicanism

has a conception of individuals different

36 Heater, Derek, What is Citizenship, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999) 37 Oldfield, A., “Citizenship and Community: Civic Republicanism and the Modern World” in G. Shafir (ed.), The Citizenship Debates (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), pp.75-89. 38 (Janowitz, 1980)


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from that of liberalism: individuals are not

considered as being logically prior to

society39. It is by performing their duties,

by public service of fairly specific kinds,

that individuals demonstrate that they are

citizens. This emphasis on practice gives

rise to a language of “duties”.

B) An Attempt to Conceptualize the

“Undesired Citizenship” and the

Role of the Media in Reproducing

and/or Challenging the Dominant

Ideology and Citizenship

Understanding

In order to be able to reach a particular

“undesired citizenship” conceptualization,

first of all, the historical background that

describes the state formation and nation-

building process must be clarified. Then

what kind of philosophical understanding

(civic or republican) lies at the heart of the

nation-building process must be made

clear. Apart from that, there are a number

of works that can be drawn upon in order

to make such a conceptualization.

39 Oldfield, Adrian, “Citizenship: An Unnatural Practice?” in B. Turner and P. Hamilton (eds.), Citizenship: Critical Concepts, Vol. I (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 188-197

It can be argued that, to label a group of

citizens as the “undesired citizens”, some

other groups must be seen as the good

citizens. So before stigmatizing and

excluding some sort of citizens, the elites

need to define who can be a good citizen .

In this regard, the concept “The

Ideological State Apparatuses” of

Althusser can be a good starting point for

analyzing how the elites instill their

understanding of good citizenship and

stigmatize some others as the “undesired

citizens”. According to Althusser, the state

via institutions like the church, media, and

schools disseminate its ideology among

the masses without using coercion40. In

this sense, it can be argued that the

citizens who do not adhere to the

dominant ideology that is spread by those

institutions can be viewed as the

“undesired citizens”.

Another Marxist, A. Gramsci’s notion of

“hegemony” can be quite helpful in

analyzing the concept of citizenship. The

concept of hegemony means that political

leadership is based not only on coercion

but also on the consent of the led; a

40 Althusser, L., “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses” in L. Althusser (Ed.), Lenin and Philosophy and other Essays (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971)


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consent, which is secured by the diffusion

and popularization of the worldview of

the ruling class41. Hegemony signifies the

control of social life (by a group or a class)

through cultural, as opposed to physical,

means42.

Elites aim to secure consensus so that

their rule would appear just and natural.

The hegemonic group represents a

theoretical self-perception, a

“philosophy”. Thus, it can be stated that,

the elites draw the boundaries of

citizenship and they also get a certain

degree of consent from the citizens. The

media is one of the principal instruments

that is used by the elites in spreading their

worldviews and ideologies. However, the

citizens who do not agree with the

citizenship understanding that is

determined by the elites and who try to

challenge it are seen as the “undesired

citizens”.

Gramsci believed the media had a vital

role in inculcating individuals to do things

in their everyday lives that would support

41 Bates, Thomas, R., “Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony”, Journal of the History of the Ideas: 36 (1975), pp. 351-362 42 Femia, Joseph V, “Gramsci’s Patrimony”, British Journal of Political Science: 13 (1983), pp. 327-364

the establishment. Even though there are

some disagreements over the precise

nature of hegemony, it is widely perceived

“that emphasis is on the cultural and

ideological modes produced by the

institutions dominated by ruling elites”43.

The media helps perpetuate an

economically, culturally and ideologically

biased consciousness and all of society is

thus effectively dominated by the false

logic and consciousness through the

instrumentalist use of media44.

The media is also important in

maintaining the dominant ideology and in

showing the principles of that ideology as

the “common sense”. The hegemonic

worldview propagates its own values and

norms through the media so that these

values and norms become everyone’s

“common sense” values45. The media

language plays a key role in providing

positive self-presentation and negative

other-presentation46. Thus, it can be

43 Altheide, David L., “Media Hegemony: A Failure of Perspective”, The Public Opinion Quarterly: 48 (1984), pp. 476-490 44 Ibid. 45 Patnaik, Arun, “Gramsci s Concept of Common Sense-Towards a Theory of Subaltern Consciousness in Hegemony Processes”, Economic and Political Weekly: 23 (1988), pp. 12- 8. 46 Oktar, Lütfiye, “The Ideological Organization of Representational Processes in the Presentation of


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stated that, the citizens who do not

remain faithful to the values of the

“common sense” are stigmatized as the

“undesired citizens”.

On the other hand, Bourdieu’s concepts of

Doxa and Habitus can be employed in

conceptualizing the notion of “undesired

citizenship”. Habitus can be defined as a

set of specific attitudes, and codes of

conduct through internalizing some

particular perceptions and standards of

judgment47. The elites through

articulating the habitus which they define

and practice with that of their citizenship

understanding create the “doxa of

citizenship”48. In other words, they draw

the boundaries of who can be a good

citizen and as a result, label the others as

the “undesired citizens”.

I use the concept of doxa as a heuristic

tool in order to understand the citizenship

perspective as a “system of

classification”49 that contributes to the

Us and Them”, Discourse & Society: 12 (2001), pp. 313-346. 47 Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction (London: Routledge, 1986). 48 The concept of “doxa of citizenship” is a term which I will try to coin in my study. 49 Bourdieu, Pierre, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977) .

objectification, universalization and

naturalization of a particular and arbitrary

form of understanding politics and history.

Bourdieu used the term doxa to denote

what is taken for granted in any particular

society. The doxa, in his view, is the

experience by which “the natural and

social world appears as self-evident”50.

Moreover, another concept of Bourdieu,

the “symbolic violence” can be functional

in showing why the doxa of citizenship is

not questioned. This notion represents an

extension of the term “violence” to

include various modes of social/cultural

domination. Symbolic violence is the

unnoticed (partly unconscious)

domination that every-day social habits

maintain over the conscious subject51.

It can be argued that, the citizens,

consciously or not, accept the boundaries

determined by the elites. Those who

question these boundaries can also be

seen as the ones who are influenced by

the practice of that symbolic violence not

as much as the ones who accept it. In line

with this, the media can be treated as an

important tool which is used by elites for

employing symbolic violence upon the 50 Ibid. 51 Bourdieu, Pierre Language and Symbolic Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998)


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masses. Norman Fairclough states that

the political language is one of the

significant ways of exercising power.

According to him, language can be used

via dominant ideologies and hegemonic

discourses and through these, elites

exercise power52.

Also Foucault’s concept of

“governmentality” can be helpful in

studying state-citizen relations.

Governmentality can be understood as

the way governments try to create the

citizens best suited to fulfill those

governments’ needs. Furthermore,

governmentality can be seen as the

organized practices (mentalities,

rationalities, and techniques) through

which subjects are governed53. In

addition, Foucault central point of

power/knowledge relationship can be

functional in revealing how the elites who

hold power shape citizenship-related

definitions. The media, which serve as one

of the ideological state apparatuses,

reproduce these definitions.

52 Fairclough, N., Language and Power (London: Longman, 1989) 53 Mayhew, Susan, “Governmentality” in Mayhew, Susan, A Dictionary of Geography (Oxford University Press, 2004)

Apart from that, the notion of “the

constitutive outside” of Derrida is

important in analyzing collective political

identities. The us/them distinction is

central in the constitution of collective

political identities. In this regard, it is not

surprising to see the need for an

“undesired citizenship” notion in order to

reach a common “we”54. In parallel to

that, the friend/enemy distinction

belonging to Carl Schmitt may be helpful

in questing citizenship-related contrasts—

be it linguistic, ethnic, cultural, religious,

etc. — that may become a marker of

collective identity and difference55. The

media from time to time through

employing a demonizing and vilifying

language play a major role in making

these contrasts visible and remarkable. It

can be said that when the media use a

nationalist and racist language, it aims to

show the “other” as the weak and

cheating actor56 .

54 Mika Ojakangas, “Carl Schmitt's real Enemy: The Citizen of the Non-exclusive Democratic Community?” The European Legacy:8 (2003) 55 Schmitt, Carl, The Concept of the Political (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996) 56 Dimitrakopoulou Dimitra, & Orhon Nezih "Greek Media’s Coverage on Turkey’s Accession to the EU and Turkish Media’s Striking Back" in Savaş Arslan, Volkan Aytar, Defne Karaosmanoğlu and Süheyla Krca Schroeder (eds) Media, Culture and Identity in Europe, (Istanbul: Bahçeşehir University Press, 2009)


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On the other hand, the works of Lacan can

be addressed too. For instance, we might

approach the Other (in this study, the

“undesired citizen”) as Lacan’s means of

insisting on the omnipresence of social

mediation, as the ever-varying network of

trans-subjective social structures and

values underlying a given society. The

Other can hence be viewed as the Other

of language, of certain ideals, norms and

ideology of a particular society or

community and as a position, a presumed

or posited point (or perspective) of

authority, knowledge, validation.

Therefore, it is this Other which constrains

the option of images available in the

process of re-evaluation of social

categories. It can be said that it is the

Other which judges if a social identity or

image is positive or negative, that it is the

Other which puts limits to who one can

be57.

In addition to all these, Laclau and

Mouffe’s theory of social antagonism is

useful in examining the notion of the

“undesired citizen” as this theory shows

57 Glynos, J. “ The Grip of Ideology: a Lacanian approach to the theory of ideology.” Journal of Political Ideologies: 6 (2001), pp. 191-214.; Daly, G. “Ideology and Its Paradoxes: Dimensions of Fantasy and Enjoyment.”, Journal of Political Ideologies: 4 (1999), pp. 219-238.

exclusion as an inevitable process in the

construction of identity58. In this theory,

identities are both plural and competitive,

agents are defined as a collection of

different identities, each defined in

relation to a negative ‘other’ and it is the

manner in which the ‘other’ is constituted

as a negative entity that can be seen as an

act of power.

Laclau uses the example of the discursive

construction of the ‘East’ in order to show

how the ‘other’ becomes a banner under

which a number of different identities get

formed in opposition to the western

identities59.

58 Laclau, Ernesto and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985) 59 Laclau, Ernesto, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time (London: Verso, 1990)

Begüm Burak, The Image of the “Undesired Citizen” in Turkey: A Comparative Critical Discourse Analysis of Hurriyet and Zaman Newspapers | The GW Post Research Paper, December 2012

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