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THE HARAPPAN SCENARIO IN GUJARAT
V. H. Sonawane
INTRODUCTION
Indian culture is a living culture. It is one of the characteristic features of our culture
besides that of Spirit of Tolerance and Unity in Diversity. Each of these features explains
quite convincingly that the roots of our civilization are deeply rooted in our distant past.
We as Indians are fortunate enough to have such a long uninterrupted cultural tradition
right from the Harappan times, if not before. Harappan Civilization is one of the four
earliest Civilizations of the World, the other three being Mesopotamian, Egyptian and
Chinese. The Harappan Civilization spread over the regions of what are now Pakistan and
North-Western India, covering an area of about 680,000 square kilometers, twice the size
of Ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia (Kenoyer 1998:17). Almost more than seven hundred
years during the third and second millennium B.C. from 2600 to 1900 B.C. Indian
subcontinent was the home of Harappans, whose civilization rivaled other contemporary
civilizations of Mesopotamia and dynamic Egypt. This spectacular first urban civilization
of South Asia dazzled the contemporary world by virtue of its phenomenal growth and
prosperity of which Gujarat represents its southern most territorial zone. A cursory
glance at the Harappan studies carried out in Gujarat is enough to reveal several
interesting traits of the Harappa culture and its cultural dynamism. Now Gujarat has
emerged as one of the densely populated regions in the entire Harappan domain (Fig.1).
Extensive research carried out since 1930‟s have not only led to the discovery of more
than six hundred sites (Rajesh and Patel 2007: 90-136) showing different degree of
Harappan affiliation but also increased our understanding regarding the intellectual
legacy left by the Harappans. In this southern peripheral zone the Harappan traditions
and material culture display an integrated regional style synthesizing with the local
indigenous agricultural and pastoral counterparts and even hunting and food gathering
communities, who happened to be there much before the arrival of Harappans, offers an
interesting data to understand the cultural transformation (Sonawane 2000:143). In this
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paper an attempt is made to establish Harappan customs and traditions based on the
evidence found in Gujarat in order to understand how deep are the roots of our
Civilization?
RELIGION
Ritual use of fire among various other ritual practices formed a major part of Harappan
religious system. In this regard convincing data has been brought forth from Harappan
sites like Kalibangan (Thapar 1975: Fig.4), Banawali (Bisht 1999: Pl.5) and Lothal (Rao
1979:97-98). However the evidence of Fire altars found at Vagad added significantly on
the known practice of the contemporary society. Vagad (22°19‟ N and 71°22‟ E) is a rural
Harappan settlement situated on the right bank of Sukha Bhadar River (opposite
Rangpur) in Ahmedabad district of Gujarat state (Sonawane and Mehta, 1985). Single
period occupation of one meter deposit has been sub-divided into three phases: IA, IB and
IC. The material inventory of Vagad compares well with Rojdi Period A and B as well as
Rangpur Period IIA and IIB. The two calibrated radiocarbon dates from Vagad range from
c. 2200 to 1800 B.C. from the charcoal samples obtained from IA and IB strata.
The discovery of four circular clay lined fire pits (Fig. 2) constructed within a slightly
raised platform on the floor level of Period IA, deserves special mention here. Of these,
three tub-shaped bigger ones with saggaring base were dug into the natural soil orienting
north, south and western direction, with their diameter being 1m, 1.45m and 1.03m
respectively. They were arranged in a triangular form at an approximately distance of
about 90 cm between the two. The fourth one, cylindrical in shape with flat bottom,
having a diameter of 40 cms was found dug little inside between the southern and
western ones. All of them were internally neatly plastered with cowdung paste mixed
with clay. These pits contained ash, possibly of cowdung cakes. It appears that internal
clay-lined walls of the larger fire-pits were subjected to intense firing of a prolonged
period (Fig. 3). In the absence of bones or any kind of industrial material these fire pits
seems to have been used for some kind of ritualistic purpose. It is also quite interesting to
note that the northern and western fire pits have been provided with a square raised mud
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platform perhaps meant for Yajamana or host and officiating Purohita or priest who
performed the ritual.
Offering to the fire was well known practice in the Yajna‟s. From Vedic times the
practice of the performance of Ishtis or Yajnas is a fairly common and wide spread. The
Vedic text mentions three fires, namely Garhapatya, Ahavaniya and Dakshinatya.
Along with these, there is also a provision for one more circular pit, smaller in size and
located in the centre known as Utkar in the traditional Vedic Yajnashalas. Though the
authenticity of sacrificial fire altars found at Kalibangan and those of Lothal have been
questioned, the evidence from Vagad certainly shows some close resemblance with Vedic
practice of fire worship. In this context it is worth noting that the Vedic fire altars were
made of packed earth and not of bricks. Also square or quadrangular seems to be a shape
of Vedic altars while circular one is a pre-Vedic tradition. Vedic rites are performed
inside temporary structures constructed and consecrated at the beginning of the ritual
and burnt at its completion. Ritual implements are made of perishable material and are
either burnt or else submerged in water as soon as the ritual is over (Frits, 1994: 94).
Therefore, from the extant of archaeological data known thus far, it will not be farfetched
to argue that some features of Hinduism have been echoed by „Harappan finds‟ and thus
Harappan culture is likely to have contributed to the stream of „Sanatana Dharma‟ or
traditional religion of the modern Hindus. Therefore, the presence of sacrificial fire altars
at Vagad, a rural Harappan settlement in Gujarat, not only supports to the sketchy
evidence found at Harappan urban centers at Kalibangan, Banaawali and Lothal but
confirms its validity because of its non-ambiguous nature (Sonawane, 2005).
ORNAMENTS
Fascination for ornament, a natural instinct, appears to be a common phenomenon among
human being throughout the world. Amongst the wide range of material used for making
ornaments, gold has played a predominant role right from the proto historic period down
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to the present day. Harappans being the earliest community which used gold profusely
for a variety of ornaments amply demonstrated their technical expertise and the high
degree of craftsmanship, their sophisticated taste and aptitude for personal adornment.
Here, I shall restrict myself to the evidence obtain from one of the Mature Harappan sites
in Gujarat i.e. Nagwada, excavated by the M. S. University of Baroda (Hegde et al., 1998).
The most significant contribution of the Nagwada excavation was that it has brought to
light interesting features of specialized craft activities carried out at the site by the
Harappans. The archaeological data recovered from Nagwada clearly demonstrated that a
variety of stone beads and shell objects were manufactured here, processing semi-precious
stones and marine gastropods acquired by exploiting local natural resources. Owing to its
industrial craft specialization in bead making, Nagwada has also exhibited interesting
features of its jewellery craft. Four hollow hemispherical gold foils obtained together with
other gold objects are of special significance. These dome-shaped gold caps (Fig. 4) are
provided with a thin loop ring underneath the apex on the interior by skilful soldering
(Fig. 5). The diameter of these pale-yellow coloured gold caps vary from 9 to 11 mm and
the length range between 4 to 6 mm. Identical gold foils are reported from Lothal and
Mohen-jo-Daro too. Our experiment clearly demonstrated that these gold caps must have
been meant for decorating one of the ends of the semiprecious stone beads when strung
in a necklace as dangling pendants (Fig. 6). Therefore, it appears, along with master
craftsmen there must have existed true business minded jewelers also. Being fully
conversant with the liking of customers, the jewelers must have prepared attractive
jewelry particularly necklaces using colourful stone beads and gold caps. Such articulated
necklaces keeping in view the fascination prevalent among the contemporary masses
might have been supplied to various Harappan settlements, within their domain.
Besides this, the recovery of one broken gold discular bead and a hollow conical head
ornament at Nagwada (Fig. 7) speaks of variety of gold jewelry popular among the
Harappans (Sonawane, 1996). Here it is worth noting that a set of seven discular gold
beads were also recovered from the excavation carried out at Lothal (Fig. 8). Similar gold
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ornaments have been reported from quite a good number of Harappan sites besides those
of Gujarat. A fashion of wearing necklaces comprising of discular disc beads and even
hollow gold cone which keeps dangling on forehead after strand of hair passed through a
loop to keep it in position, normally adorned by the womenfolk of Gujarat particularly of
Saurashtra and Kutch, Rajasthan and Haryana even today reminds us one of the lingering
elements of Harappan tradition.
Amidst the wide range of personal ornaments, ear-ornaments were quite popular during
the Harappan times as witnessed by the discovery of ear-rings and ear-tops. Similar
ornaments are also seen on the Harappan terracotta human figurines. Pierced ear-lobes of
some of them are another indicator of their use. Among the variety of terracottas
gathered from different Harappan sites of Saurashtra and mainland region of north
Gujarat, a distinct group of pulley-shaped terracotta objects stand out in shape contrast to
other, characterized by their features of modeling and techniques of manufacture. They
fall into a homogeneous group owing to their functional significance. Majority of these
come from the Harappan sites such as Vagad, Ratanpura, Nagwada, Kanewal, Pithad,
Rangpur, Lothal, Rojdi etc (Figs. 9-11).
Though such distinct objects were reported from Rangpur and Lothal earlier, the exact
purpose of such objects was not confirmed until they were reported from our Vagad
excavation in 1982. While excavating, we were surprised to see Bharvad ladies who
happened to be some of our local workers, wearing almost similar pulley-shaped silver
ear-ornaments, locally known as pokhani (Figs. 12-13). On further inquiry, we learnt that
the practice of wearing such big ear ornaments is the part of their tradition and custom.
To be able to wear such a big and heavy ear-ornament the lower ear-lobes were pierced
during the early stages of their childhood. Thereafter these holes were progressively
enlarged by constant wearing and replacing of objects of larger dimensions so that by the
time of attaining maturity the maiden could be in a position to put on an ear-ornament
which is three to four centimeters in diameter (Figs. 14-15). Surprisingly, the size of
pulley-shaped terracotta objects reported from various Harappan sites also falls within the
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same range. To confirm the practical utility of such ambiguous terracotta objects, when
requested, we were astonished to see one of the Bharvad ladies could easily wear the
Harappan object found in excavation, in her lower ear-lob (Fig. 16) as an ear-stud
(Sonawane, 1991). In this regard, apart from the contemporary ethnographic evidence, a
sculpture of Yakshi adorning herself under the celestial tree, from Amaravati, illustrates
the mode of wearing similar ear ornament called Tatamk (Sivaramamurity, 1956: pl. LXI-
2).
CRAFTS
Based on site character, the Mature Harappan settlements of Gujarat such as Lothal,
Nageshwar, Padri, Kuntasi and Bagasra situated in Saurashtra. Nagwada, Datrana and
Zekhda in North Gujarat and Dholavira, Surkotada, Pabumath, Kanmer, Junikoran and
Sikarpur in Kutch amply demonstrated that these settlements were engaged in some
specialized craft activities. Almost all these sites are associated with working of
specialized items of semi-precious stones, faience, chank shell, ivory, copper etc.
exploiting local natural resources. Within the wide range of materials used for making
ornaments, semi-precious stones and chunk shells played a predominant role as they are
relatively quite easily affordable by the common masses (Sonawane, 1992). The
specialized technologies and the organization of craft production carried out at most of
the sites provided the foundation for later craft traditions in Gujarat in particular and
other parts of the country in general.
STONE BEAD WORKING
Besides proper workshop or a particular area of industrial activity, we have come across
evidence of bead making as a local activity from stratified levels as well as from the
surface survey carried out at most of the sites mentioned above. The occurrence of
required raw material in the form of fine-grained stone nodules and the bladelets and
blades; un retouched variety of bead roughouts and blanks; stone hammers, anvils and
polishers; disposed defective beads and broken beads, perhaps while heating or
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perforating, and a large number of attractive, well polished, finished semi-precious
ornamental stone beads were the significant indicators of the specialized lapidary craft
(Figs. 17-18). Among the other positive indicators of stone bead industry (Fig. 19) are a
number of micro drill-bits of chert and tubular drills of black jasper (ernestite). It is worth
noting in this context that Gujarat was known for its rich deposits of semi-precious
stones, and this was one of the attractions for the Harappans for their southern
penetration in this province of Gujarat.
Under the influence of what is called „New Archaeology‟, there is a growing feeling
among the Indian Archaeologists to look for prima facie scientific and rational
explanations in the interpretation of their archaeological data. The awareness for better
understanding of the past craft activities carried out by the Harappans through a major
research project undertaken jointly by Kenoyer, Bhan and Vidale on „Ethnoarchaeological
study of Bead-Making in Gujarat‟, explains how such study of traditional stone-bead
industry of Khambhat can be used effectively for better understanding of the structure
and complexity of ancient ornamental stone-bead industries (Kenoyer et al., 1991). At
present, the town of Khambhat situated in Kheda district of Gujarat is one of the largest
agate working centers of the world, where variety of stone beads particularly of agate are
still manufactured more or less in traditional manner as the Harappans were doing 4 to 5
thousand years ago. Except for little modification, because of technological development,
in different stages of stone bead manufacturing right from selection of raw material to
final finished product (Figs. 20-23), the flourishing lapidary craft of Khambhat has not
changed much and still producing similar beads which the Harappans used to deck, for
their domestic as well as overseas trade (Bhan et al., 2002: 231-236).
SHELL WORKING
Shell artifacts form an important assemblage of the Harappan material culture. The
popularity of shell objects among the Harappans was reflected through their wide
distribution throughout the Harappan domain. Since the source areas for such suitable
marine shells are restricted to a few shallow coasts and inlets, the enterprising Harappans
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used a wide trade network to search for suitable raw materials. Among the three major
source regions of marine gastropods exploited by the Harappans the Gulf of Kutch and
Gulf of Khambhat (the eastern coast-Gujarat) form most important and distinct area
besides that of Somani bay (the west coast of KarachPakistan) and the Oman coast.
Although many different species of marine and fresh water mollusca have been reported
from most of the Harappan sites, only few species such as Turbinella pyrum, Chicoreus
ramosus, Fesciolaria trapezium, Lambis truncata, Tivela damaoides etc. were actually used
for manufacture of shell objects like bangles, ladles, inlays, beads, pendants, rings,
figurines etc (Fig. 23). Apart from variety of utilitarian shell commodities a large amount
of shell industry waste comprising of Columellae, lip margins and micro fractions
recovered from several Harappan sites suggest prominent role played by this particular
marine wealth in the life of the Harappans. Recovery of whetstone, tapering cylindrical
stones and copper saw blades, though rare, suggested their association in different stages
of manufacturing process of shell objects. Based on the archaeological data gathered from
sites like Lothal, Rangpur, Surkotada, Kuntasi, Nageshwar, Nagwada, Bagasra, Sikarpur
and Dholavira particularly of Gujarat, it can be inferred that these settlements were
involved in processing of shell objects as specialized craft activity centres or workshops.
Some of these settlements particularly sites like Nageshwar and Bagasra (Figs. 24-25),
located on the Gulf of Kutch, seem to have been geared towards the supply of raw
material and finished products for trade to intra-regional and inter-regional markets
(Bhan and Gowda, 2003; Sonawane, 2004).
There are ample archaeological and historical evidences to show continuity for the use
and manufacture of shell ornaments during the subsequent cultural periods of Indian
history. However, at present, the tradition of producing bangles and other ornaments
from Turbinella pyrum is found surviving in the Bengali speaking regions of Eastern India
only. This situation provides a unique glimpse of what apparently was a more widespread
custom during the Early Historic and Medieval periods. At present the tribal women of
Santhal and Bhil communities wear conch bangles for their protective qualities and they
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can be worn by even unmarried girls. Hindu women, however, only wear these bangles
after marriage (Figs. 26-27). These bangles are known as shakapola. Wearing shell bangles
is considered as one of the Saubhagya Lakshana. The practice of wearing shell ornaments
is not only confined to women but men often wear a simple conch shell finger ring or tie
an amulate of shell around their arm (Kenoyer, 1983: 306-399). Thus the custom of
wearing shell ornaments retained the ancient traditions in keeping the shell industry
alive in Bengal.
DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE
Process on incipient urbanization suggests that Harappan cities or towns grew out of
earlier rural or village settlements that had existed in the same locality. They grew in size
and density to become larger settlements of the region but remain surrounded by
numerous contemporary rural or village settlements. The most predominant and common
feature of these rural settlements was their domestic architecture. The excavations carried
out particularly in Gujarat at some of these rural sites like Vagad (Fig. 28), Zekda,
Kanewal, Ratanpura (Fig. 29), Nesadi (Valabhi) and for that matter the last stage
residential huts of Dholavira (Fig. 30) revealed remains of small huts, circular in plan.
These circular huts were found usually in clusters of three or four. The vast majority of
them had a diameter of 2.5 m to 3.5 m. They all had floors made of rammed clay mixed
with kankar and yellow silt. A number of poles, supporting superstructure of grass and
reed, were marked along the perimeter of the artificially raised mud floors. The recovered
burnt mud chunks with grass and reed impressions indicate that the screen walls of these
huts must have been plastered both internally as well as externally. The evidence of
central post hole found in bigger hut suggests the pattern of thatched sloping roof as a
common practice. Such practice of construction of circular huts using wattle and doab
method did continue during the post Harappan Chalcolithic cultures of western and
central India also.
It is noteworthy that such round huts known as Kubas or Dangas can be still seen in
Saurashtra and Kutch built by the rural communities particularly by the Bharvads and
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Rabaris (Fig. 31). Now a day it has become a trend for the tourist to spend few days in
such traditional Kubas or Dangas when they go to any popular tourist destinations. This
trend also reflected on the liking and continuity of circular huts, as an age old rural
Harappan tradition.
FOLK TALES
Prof. B. B. Lal has aptly commented in his book on „The Sarasvati flows on….‟, while
citing the examples of folk tales. He writes - it is most unbelievable yet seems to be true
that some of our folk tales had their origin going back to the Harappan times. In support
of his view he refers to two popular tales- one is of the Thirsty Crow and the other of
Cunning Fox, the scenes illustrated on the painted pots reported from the Mature
Harappan levels at Lothal (Lal, 2002: 114-116).
This reminded me one such equally fascinating grandmother‟s bedtime tale, taking me to
my playful childhood. My loving grandmother use to tell me on my request, one among
several stories, of the old lady and her axe. The story goes as follows; once upon a time
there was an old lady who lived all alone in a little hut. Each day she used to go to the
nearby jungle to collect firewood to earn her living. The only assured source of her
earning was her axe. One day, as usual, after collecting sizable bundle of firewood, she
stopped near the well to rest for a while. Suddenly she heard a loud noise and realized
that her axe fell into the well. She was very upset and began to wonder what to do now.
She asked herself how am I going to collect firewood tomorrow without an axe. In this
helpless situation she began to sob and prayed God for help. May be because of her
prayer, she heard a deep voice, “Is this, what you are looking for?” She looked in that
direction and was astonished to see someone holding a shining golden axe. However,
though she was in utter distress, the old lady replied, “It is not my axe.” Again after some
time she heard the same voice asking same question, but this time it was silver axe. Since
it was not her axe which fell in to the well, she refused to accept it. Third time the
stranger showed her a copper axe but this time also her reaction was the same. Finally the
stranger showed her an iron axe and asked “Is this, what you are looking for?”The old
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lady was very happy to see her own iron axe, stopped sobbing and cried out “yes, it is my
axe”. Pleased with the honesty of the lady God appeared before her and gave all the four
axes to her. The old lady thanked God and went home happily carrying all 4 axes. In
short the moral of the story is that God rewards honest people.
Anyway, I use to enjoy the story but never realized the hidden truth behind it, till I
entered into the discipline of archaeology. For a layman it is just a story and they might
react saying, “how is it possible to have a axe other than of iron”. If we use this folk tale as
a source of information for understanding history, there is a little truth to it, hinting at
the fact that people did use copper axes during the Harappan and subsequent Chalcolithic
cultures (Fig. 32), which were replaced later on by iron axes. There is a long list of Mature
Harappan sites of Gujarat from where copper celts have been found in regular stratified
context. The important among these are Dholavira, Lothal, Surkotada, Nagawada,
Bagasra, Kuntasi etc.
Apart from various traditions and customs related to ritual practices, ornaments, crafts,
domestic architecture and folk tales discussed above, there are yet many more things
which can be regarded as Harappan legacy practiced in the region of Gujarat in particular
and other parts of the Indian subcontinent in general.
CONCLUSION
Until recently, it was believed that the Harappan civilization along with its spectacular
achievements evolved quite mysteriously and then disappeared suddenly leaving little or
no legacy for the later cultures. However, as new sites have been discovered and
reanalysis of archaeological data of previously excavated sites revealed that the Harappan
culture disintegrated gradually, leaving the field open for the development of subsequent
protohistoric and historic cultures. In fact, there are significant continuities in subsistent
activities, arts and crafts, architecture, technologies and even socio-ritual practices.
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Among the many things that the Harappans left behind nothing is more evocative than
the imprints of their cultural traditions in our mind. From Harappan times until today the
process of cultural evolution has persisted in our country and each age and region has
reflected its own special contribution. Therefore, it has been rightly observed that many
ancient custom and traditions are still surviving amongst the rural folks particularly in an
unadulterated form in a country like ours where traditions and customs die hard.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am extremely thankful to Professor K. K. Bhan and Professor K. Krishnan of the
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, The M.S. University of Baroda and Dr.
R. S. Bisht, former Joint Director of Archaeological Survey of India for allowing me to use
the photographs incorporated in this article.
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Preliminary Report. Man and Environment XII: 56-66.
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Expedition 17 (2): 19-32.
Fig. 1. Map Showing Major Excavated Harappan Sites in Gujarat
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Fig. 2. General View of Excavated Fire Altars at Vagad
Fig. 3. Close up of One of the Fire Altars at Vagad
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Fig. 4. Excavated Harappan Gold Caps from Nagwada, Top View
Fig. 5. Excavated Harappan Gold Caps from Nagwada, Inner View
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Fig. 6. Reconstructed Necklace Using Original Harappan Beads and Gold Caps Recovered
from Nagwada
Fig. 7. Harappan Gold Ornaments from Nagwada Showing Broken Circular Bead, Head
Ornament and Caps
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Fig. 8. Harappan Gold Necklace from Lothal
Fig. 9. Harappan Pulley Shaped Terracotta Ear Studs, Side View
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Fig. 10. Harappan Pulley Shaped Terracotta Ear Studs, Top View
Fig. 11. Harappan Painted Pulley Shaped Terracotta Ear Studs
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Fig. 12. Pulley Shaped Terracotta (Harappan) and Silver (Modern) Ear Studs, Side View
Fig. 13. Pulley Shaped Terracotta (Harappan) and Silver (Modern) Ear Studs, Top View
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Fig. 14. Bharwad Lady Showing Enlarged Lower Ear Lobe
Fig. 15. Bharwad Lady Wearing Silver Ear Ornament Known as Pokhani
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Fig. 16. Bharwad Lady Wearing Harappan Pulley Shaped Terracotta Ear Ornament
Fig. 17. Harappan Stone Beads Found in a Pot from Nagwada
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Fig. 18. Harappan Stone Bead Manufacturing Evidence from Dholavira
Fig. 19. Harappan Drill Bits
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Fig. 20. Present Day Stone Chipping Activities at Khambhat
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Fig. 21. Present Day Stone Bead Polishing at Khambhat
Fig. 22. Present Day Craftsman Engaged in Drilling Stone Bead, Khambhat
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Fig. 23. Harappan Shell Objects from Nagwada
Fig. 24. Excavated Harappan Shell Workshop from Bagasra
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Fig. 25. Harappan Shell Circlets of T. pyrum
Fig. 26. Modern Shell Bangle Shop in Bengal
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Fig. 27. Bengali Bride Wearing Shell Bangle Known as Shakapola
Fig. 28. Cluster of Harappan Circular Huts at Vagad
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Fig. 29. Cluster of Harappan Circular Huts at Ratanpura
Fig. 30. Harappan Circular Huts at Dholavira
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Fig. 31. Modern Circular Hut in Kutch Known as Kuba
Fig. 32. Harappan Copper Axe from Nagwada