the economic transformation of the tugen of kenya, 1895_1963
TRANSCRIPT
pthe ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION OF THE TUGEN OF KENYA, 1895 -
(' PDR fv r ,,,ONXY
BY
DANIEL R■ A ?KANDAGOR
tltS T il ESI S TTAS BEEN ACCENTED FOB
THE DEGREE Off.... — ........... .A COPY :x\7 BE PLACED IN THB
UNIVERSITY LilSUAUY.
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI.
AUGUST,1993
UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI LIBRARY
0101043 8
EAST AFRICAN, ' Ji-LECT/Qfjf*
//1963
DECLARATION
V*
THIS THESIS IS MY ORIGINAL WORK AND HAS NOT BEEN PRESENTED FOR A DEGREE IN ANY OTHER UNIVERSITY.
DANIEL .R. KANDAGOR
THIS THESIS HAS BEEN SUBMITTED FOR EXAMINATION WITH OUR APPROVAL AS UNIVERSITY SUPERVISORS
DR. DAVID SPERLING
ADR. MACHARIA MUNENE
TO MY BROTHERS AND MY SISTERS
TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE
Acknowledgements .............................. . . . 1 - 1 1Abstract ............................................ iii-ivGlossary of Tugen and Swahili terms . . . . . . . . v-viMap ..............................................................1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION ............... 2(I) Background ............................. 2(II) Statement of the problem ............ 3(ill) Objectives ............................. 4(iv) Hypotheses .............................4(v) Theoretical Framework .............. 4(vi) Literature Review ................ . 6(vii) Justification ....................... 8(viii) Approach and Methodology ......... 9(ix) Challenges Faced ................... 10(x) End Notes .......................... 12
CHAPTER II
THE TUGEN IN THE PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD: THE BACKGROUND OF THE TUGEN(i) The Tugen Environment ............ 13(1i ) The origins, Migration and Settlement
of the Tugen people ......... .. . 15(iii) The Pre-Colonial Tugen Economy . 18(iv) Industries ....................... 21(v) Iron Industries ................... 21(vi) Bee-Keeping Industry ......... 22(vii) Homestead and Communal Economy . 23(viii) Land Tenure ........................ 27(ix) Pororiosiek ......................... 28(x) Baringo District Administrative
Boundaries ....................... 31(xi) Conclusion ....................... 33(xii) End Notes 34
CHAPTER III
THE TUGEN ECONOMY, 1895 - 1914(i) Introduction ..................... 36PART I: The Northern Tugen ............................ 37(a) Agriculture ........................ 37(t>) Arrival of New Crops ......... 39(c) Animal Husbandry ................. 39(d) Early Migrants .................. 41
PART II: The Southern Tugen ............................ 43(a ) Agriculture and Animal Husbandry 43(b) Maize . . . . . . . ........ 45(c ) The Impact of punitive Expeditions on
The Southern Tugen Economy . . . 46(ii) Trade .......................... .. . 4 8
Money Economy ..................... 50(•t-v ) Conclusion ...................... / 51(v ) End Notes ........................#. 54
THE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN EDUCATION AMONG THE TUGEN, 1908 - 1963
(i) Pre-Colonial Tugen Education . . . 56(a) Kiprili ..................... 57(b) Kwany ....................... 57(c) Katunisiet ................... 58(d) Motirnotet ................... 58
( H ) The Beginnings of MissionaryEducation . ..................... 58
(iii) Later Developments of MissionEducation .......................... 64
(iv) Government School ................ 70(v) Agricultural Education ......... 72(vi) Conclusion ....................... 75(vii) End Notes ..................... 78
CHAPTER V
TRANSFORMATION IN CROPS AND TECHNOLOGY, 1915 - 1939(i) Introduction ..................... 79(ii) Arrival of New Crops ............ 81(iii) Maize and Other Crops ............ 83(iv) Other Crops ....................... 84(v) New Agricultural Methods and
Technology ....................... 86(vi) The Perkerra Irrigation Scheme . 88(vii) Colonial Government Policy on
Agriculture ....................... 92(a) The Distribution of seeds
by the Government ......... 92(b) Experimental Plots ......... 93(c) Agricultural Training . . . . 94(d) Barazas (Meetings) and
Tours ....................... 95(viii) Tugen response to the Government
Policy on Agriculture ............ 95(ix) The First Tugen Instructors . . . 101<x) Natural Disasters For and Against
Progress .......................... 102(xi) Conclusion ........................ 106(xil) End Notes ........................... Ill
CHAPTER VI
TRANSFORMATION IN CROPS AND TECHNOLOGY, 1940 - 1963(1) Introduction ...................... 114(ii) Agriculture During the War 1940 - 1945:
Demonstration Plots as theGovernment Policy . . . . . . . . 115
(iii) The Post - War Period ............ 126(iv) Post - War Government Policy . . 127(v ) Land Consolidation and Agricultural
Colonial policy, 1949 - 1963 . . 129.tv i) The Consequences of Small Holdings and
Land Consolidation .............../ 136(vii) Irrigation as a New Method:
CHAPTER IV
Perkerra Irrigation Scheme . . . 138(Viii) The Impact of the Perkerra Irrigation Scheme
..................................... 144(ix) The Era of Cash Crops 1954 - 1963 146(x) Pyrethrum ............................. 147(xi) Coffee ............................ 149(xii) Other Cash Crops ................ 150
(a) Castor Oil ............. . 150(b) Pineapples ................... 151
(xili) Conclusion ......................... 151(xiv) End Notes ........................... 154
CHAPTER VII
LABOUR PATTERNS, TRADE AND MARKETING, 1915 - 1939(i) Introduction ..................... 156(ii) Transformation In Labour patterns,
» Trade and Marketing ............... 157(a) Labour Patterns ............ 157(b) Trade and Marketing Patterns 171
{iii) Trade in Livestock, Hides and Skins 172(iv) Other Kinds of Trade ............... 175(v) Colonial Policy Trade ............ 176(vi) Conclusion .................... . 177(vii) End Notes .......................... 179
CHAPTER VIII
TRANSFORMATION IN LABOUR PATTERNS, TRADE AND MARKETING,1940 - 1963.(i) Introduction ..................... 181(ii) Changing Labour Patterns . . . . 181(iii) The Expansion of trade: Trade and Tugen
Shopkeepers ........................ 186(iv) Trade in Livestock, Skins and Hides 191(v) Fish trade: Lake Baringo fishing
industry ....................... 192(vi ) Conclusion ........................ 195(vi) End Notes ..................... 197
CHAPTER IX
TUGEN AS HERDERS ON BARINGO PLAINS, 1941 - 1963(i) Introduction ..................... 198(ii) The Tugen Pastoralists response to
crisis ............................... 201(iii) The Reconditioning and destocking of
the Tugen Livestock ................. 202(iv) The Tugen headers and their Livestock:
1941 - 1963 203(v) Development in dairy ...............205(vi) Grazing as a factor: Trespass, clashes
and grazing paddocks ............ 206(vii) Reconditioning and destocking
measures ............................. 207.Jviii) Conclusion ........................... 212(ix) End Notes ........................ / 214
CHAPTER X
CONCLUSION' ...............................................
ORAL INFORMANTS .......................................... 222
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................ 224
ACKNCWLEDGEMENTS
First, my appreciation goes to the University of Nairobi for granting me
admission and in particular to staff and colleagues of the Department of
History for their support throughout my course.
My most sincere gratitude goes to Dr. David Sperling, my supervisor, for his
concern and guidance in all my personal financial (since I was a self
sponsored student) and academic problems. Moreover, he kept on encouraging
me not to worry too much and even advised me not to overwork myself when he
heard that I was spending miscellaneous sleepless nights working on my thesis.
But, when it came to academic work, Dr. David Sperling was uncompromising with
below standard work. Ihis I came to understand was for my benefit.
My heartfelt thanks also go to the Chairman of the Department of History, Dr.
Henry Mutoro, and to my second supervisor, Dr. Macharia Munene, who kept on
encouraging me to persevere. Dr. Macharia Munene believed that good things
never come the easy way and he pressed me to work harder. Both Dr. David
Sperling and Dr. Macharia Munene showed genuine interest in my work and
offered constructive and stimulating criticisms. I am also indebted to the
staff of Kenya National Archives for their unreserved support. Richard
Amfoani, Evans Kiiru, Grace Esiromo, Peterson Ndhiwa and Lucy Mwaniki were
particularly helpful to me in the search room. I cannot really thank them
enough but I would rather say to them, "God Bless You".
I do appreciate also my oral informants who sacrificed their time to help me
accomplish my mission. Their sincerity, words, hospitality and patience
helped in the success of this thesis. I am indebted to Arap Jemmy of
JCabartonjo who welcomed me, took care of me and helped me to locate otherc
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informants in North Baringo. Thanks also to Stella Tyong'ik who encouraged
me when I was doing my fieldwork in South Baringo. She assisted me with
accorrmodation and provision of food and read seme of my drafts.
A £>ig "Thank You" goes to Mr. Bobby Yawe, the Director of Info World Business
Centre which offers computer services, for allowing me to work day and night
at his office. I had generous and open access to the computers he controls.
Without Mr. Yawe's support I doubt whether this thesis would have been
completed. Thanks too to his Bureau Manager Pauline Mugo and her assistant
Judy Mugambi both of whom kept on teaching me patiently how to handle the
computers.
The completion of this thesis has been as a result of the generous cooperation
of many other people most of whom are my friends. I cannot forget to thank
my friends and colleagues at the University of Nairobi, such as Peter
Cheplogoi, William Kirwa, Amatsimbi and Barasa Kundu for good discussions.
Peter Cheplogoi in particular hosted me in his house, and William Kirwa prayed
for me. Prayer was perhaps the most important thing many of my friends would
offer. I thank Susan Cherop, Jael Chesire, Micah Chepchieng, Mary Rotich,
Cheptumo Kipkiror, Micah Yego and many others for their continuous insistence
that I should keep on trusting in God for strength.
Finally, my sincere thanks go to my dad, Mr. Kandagor Chesire, my step mother,
Christine Chesire, my brothers and my sisters for every bit of help.
To everyone I say thank you and God Bless You. However, I alone take the
responsibility for this work.
August, *
*
1993.
t
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation is set out to investigate and to assess the
Tugen economic transformation between 1895 - 1963. First, it is
important to note that the Tugen live mainly in present day
Baringo District in the Rift Valley Province of Kenya. According
to Tugen oral traditions, they came to their present abode from
three directions: Sumo (the area around Mount Elgon), Koilegen
(the area around Mount Kenya), and Suguta (the area around Lake
Turkana) . By the 1800s, they had settled in the Tugen hills from
where they began to expand eastwards until they were halted by
the White Settlers around Lake Solai in the 1900s. Tugenland is
divided into three ecological zones, namely: the Mosop (the
highlands), Soin (the lowland plains), and Kurqet (the area
between the highlands and the lowland plains). These ecological
zones greatly affected the pre-colonial Tugen economy and,
eventually, the impact of colonial rule.
Before British rule took shape, the Tugen economy was organized
along traditional lines. Agriculture, for example, used
traditional methods, and the crops the Tugen planted were only
two, millet and sorghum. With the coming of the British, new
crops and new methods of agriculture were introduced.
Although Arab and Swahili traders had introduced the Tugen to
regional trade as early as the 1860s, regional trade was not as
important as the local trade during the pre-colonial period.
Local Tugen trade was organized and operated through barter
because the money economy was not yet known by the Tugen people.
The Tugen exchanged their livestock for honey, grain and other
iii
goods. During the colonial era, the money economy replaced the
barter system. By the 1940s Tugen were fully participating in
the money economy and even challenging Indian shopkeepers by
establishing their own shops.
In the field of animal husbandry, the Tugen resisted attempts by
the colonial government to reduce their stock. Eventually some
Tugen adopted paddock-grazing methods, and finally towards the
end of the colonial period imported livestock breeds such as
Jersey and Sahiwal were introduced among the Tugen. They were
therefore able to increase their milk production because the new
breeds were capable of producing more milk than the traditional
livestock. As regards labour patterns, the colonial era saw a
Tugen exodus outside their homes to work in government offices,
on the White Settlers farms, and in railway construction.
Initially Tugen were reluctant wage labourers, only working long
enough to acquire enough cash to pay their taxes, but eventually
they were forced into it by famines and other natural disasters.
Two major factors were responsible for the transformation of the
Tugen economy: the general circumstances of colonial rule,
including government policies, and missionary/western education.
Colonial circumstances accelerated the pace of economic
development by opening up new opportunities for the Tugen to
trade and to practise agriculture using western methods.
Education, particularly agricultural education, and the influence
of educated Tugen transformed the agricultural sector so that by
the time the colonial era closed in 1963, very few Tugen remained
who were still practising traditional methods.t
iv
GLOSSARY OF TUGEN AND SWAHILI TERMS USED IN THIS THESIS
SamorrArorMosopSoinKurget
Kete
KoropchiMabel KotJembeBekWimbiMogoswok
Turukwei
TugeninChiBunyonSumo
Koilegen
Suguta+
KobiloKabarkasauKabonKaplekenutKebenop-Korogoro
Merili
MurenikNg'otioto nebotaiMamutTokol
Kimoi
Tuiyoi
NgoriemikKitongikMoruAlwoMongombe Tumutinwek Pororiosiek (plural)
Southern Tugen.Northern Tugen.Highlands.Lowland plains.The land between Mosop and Soin.Standardized wooden vessel used to measure honey. Strange land.I did not burn my house. Digging tool.Finger millet.Millet.Lowland plains East of Tugen Hills.Lowland plains West of Tugen Hills.Person.Person.Enemy.Area to the West between Mount Elgon and Cherangany hills.The area to the East of the Tugen Hills.The area in the North (around Lake Turkana.)A clan.A family within Kobilo clan. A clan.A family within Kabon clan.A name of a place where the Tugen fought with the. Pokot.A name of a place where the Tugen fought with the Maasai.Young men or warriors. December.May.A leather bag used to measure honey.A clan specialised in iron making.A clan specialized in iron making.Iron-ore.Blacksmiths.Cutting blade.Axe.Hoe.The traditional festival. Territorial groups based
v
af f inities
KokwetKapichSarangachKarwetKetorMzungu KaburuPoshoShambaSufuriaMoranismKikireiKipriliKwanyMotiryonKimny igewNyongiChumoSolonolNusu MalayaKaptipinLocoKipsukultinDukaMizigo
upon clan (alliances.)A council.Households,Disasters.Temporary fence. Acquiring a new land. Settler.Maize flour.Farm.Cooking utensil. Warrior like.Rebuke.Singing and dancing. Singing and dancing. Teacher.A Tugen age set.A Tugen age Set.A Tugen age set. Stupid.Half a prostitute. Women hostel.Men hostel.Educated.Shop.Loads.
t
vi
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
(i) Background
The Tugen inhabit ragged territory in Bnringo District although n few have
migrated to neighbouring districts such as Nakuru, Unsin Gishu and Laikipia.
The Tugen are often referred to as I'lkamasia (Kamasia)’ , a term coined for them
by the Mansai. The term " Ulkoniasin" signifies the Tugon's hilly environment.
For a long time, all Tugen lived on the hills in fear of the Maasni, but when the
wiiite men came, the Tugen people spread out across Molo river to the far side of
the Rift Valley since the Mansai had vacated the surroundings.
The area inhabited by the Tugen is divided into three zones: the Soin (lowlands),
Mosop (highlands) and Kurget (intermediate between the lowlands and the
highlands). The Soin to the west of Tugen hills was called Turukwei while the
Soin to the east of Tugen hills was called Mogoswok. To a larger extent Tugen
economic life has been determined by the above zonal stratifications. As we shall
see, the Tugen transformation did not occur uniformly. The impact of colonial
circumstances was received differently by the Tugen of different zones.
In addition to the differing highlands and lowlands zones, the Tugen people can
be divided geographically into two sections; the Southern (Samorr) and the
Northern (Aror) Tugen. Thus, Tugen economic transformation often depended
on where exactly the Tugen lived - whether in the North or the South and
whether in the Mosop or the Soin. On the whole these distinctions come out in all
the chapters, although more conspicuously in some sections than in others,
depending on the colonial circumstances. The reaction of the
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Southern Tugen and tho Northern Tugen to colonial rule was often quite
different, mid so their economic transformation occurred differently.
The establishment of the Imperial British Bast Africa Company’s ( I . B . E. A . Co.)
station at Eldarna Ravine in the 1890s can be considered as the beginning of the
colonial economic transformation of the Tugen. During the colonial period,
various activities combined to bring about Tugen economic transformation. A
number of schools were built, agricultural activities established, trading centres
begun and a money economy introduced, so that by the time Kenya attained its
independence, the Tugen bad witnessed a varied number of economic changes.
(ii) Statement of the problem
From 1895 to 19G3 the Tugen went through a transformation and changed their
way of living to the extent that westernization is evident in some places in Tugen
country. How this transformation took place was the subject of my study. Before
I undertook the study, there were no ready or adequate explanations of the type
of forces that played on the Tugen and how the Tugen reacted to these forces.
Among the forces which affected the Tugen were the physical presence of
Europeans, the introduction of Christianity, a new form of government, the
colonial economy, western education, and the inter-racial and intertribal mixing
facilitated by colonialism. Before I undertook this study, the nature of the impact
of these forces on the Tugen was not clear nor which of them had had a bigger
impact or whether all were of equal influence. It was similarly not known whether
the Tugen readily accepted those forces, resisted all of them or simply some of
them, or tried
to turn them to their advantage.
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(iii) Objectives
The study had four objectives. First, to find out how the Tugen had changed
from 1895 to 1963. Second, to understand how other people such as the
Europeans, Asians, Arabs, Kikuyu, Pokot and Iljamus influenced the Tugen.
Third, to explain the economic changes that occurred between 1895 and 1963.
Fourth, to analyze the impact of outside factors on the economic transformation
of the Tugen.
(iv) Hypotheses
The following hypotheses were tested: 1) that economic change within the Tugen
community was initiated by the int rusion of outsiders, particularly the Europeans
and Asians; 2) that colonial circumstances played a major role in the changes; 3)
that missionary and government education facilitated economic change; 4) that
technological change introduced by the Europeans transformed the economic
activities of the Tugen, for example, agriculture.
(v ) Theoretical framework
The study was carried out under the general framework of the development and
underdevelopment theories. Gravin Kitching and Walter Rodney are the main
proponents of these theories. These scholars argue that man's fundamental needs
are material.*
Underdevelopment, as articulated by Walter Rodney, is based on the argument
that African economies were never static. In this case the Tugen economy was
not static at the time colonial rule was established. It kept on constantly
changing due to interaction with Arab and Swahili traders particularly.
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(iii) Objectives
The study hnd four objectives. First, to find out how the Tugen had changed
from 1895 to 1963. Second, to understand how other people such as the
Europeans, Asians, Arabs, Kikuyu, Pokot and Iljamus influenced the Tugen.
Third, to explain the economic changes that occurred between 1895 and 1963.
Fourth, to analyze the impact of outside factors on the economic transformation
of the Tugen.
(iv) Hypotheses
The following hypotheses were tested : 1) (hat economic change within the Tugen
community was initiated by the intrusion of outsiders, particularly the Europeans
and Asians; 2) that colonial circumstances played a major role in the changes; 3)
that missionary and government education facilitated economic change; 4) that
technological change introduced by the Europeans transformed the economic
activities of the Tugen, for example, agriculture.
(v ) Theoretical framework
The study was carried out under the general framework of the development and
underdevelopment theories. Gravin Kitching and Waller Rodney are the main
proponents of these theories. These scholars argue that man's fundamental needs
are material.*
Underdevelopment, as articulated by Walter Rodney, is based on the argument
that African economies were never static. In this case the Tugen economy was
not static at the time colonial rule was established. It kept on constantly
changing due to interaction with Arab and Swahili traders particularly.
African economics developed at their own pace before the advent of a capitalistic
economy in Africa.
The proponents of this theory argue that before the colonial intrusion, African
economies were self-contained and selT-regulating. By the time colonialism took
shape in the African continent, the African self-contained and self-regulating
economies were impoverished. The reason was that the two economies, the
pre-capitalist and capitalist, operated at different levels of development in terms
of forces of production. This theory was applicable to what happened to the pre
colonial Tugen economy. The way the Tugen generated their income was greatly
affected by the colonial circumstances. Raiding, for example, one of the Tugen
methods of amassing wealth in livestock, was checked and finally abolished.
This, both in the short and the long run, impoverished the Tugen economic
wealth in livestock.
This study examined two major concepts namely: the articulation of the African
mode of production and the capitalist mode of production, and how this brought
about economic change among the Tugen community. Articulation, as defined by
Berman (1985) is "the linkage between two societies whose modes of production
are dominated by different developmental or internal logic."2
Using the concept of production, the way the Tugen community produced and
reproduced in the pre-colonial period and the colonial period was examined.
Kitching's (1980) argument on the theory of development was that remarkable
economic changes have taken place as a result of the impact of capitalist
economy on the African pre-capitalist economy. He argued that with the advent
of colonialism there occurred introduction of new crops, new methods of
agriculture and more opportunities for African agricultural goods to be sold
abroad. Kitching's main argument was that the now circumstances caused greater
output in terms of production. This theory also proved relevant in that the
Tugen people in many ways benefited from the introduction of new crops such as
maize and sweet potatoes. Dependence on one or two crops was eliminated. Also,
it was possible for the Tugen to have crops and especially cash crops for export,
something which had not happened before in their economic history,
(vi) Literature review * *
Generally literature on the Tugen community is scanty. J.A. Massam, in Cliff
Dwellers of Kenya (19G8), assesses the symbiotic relationship between the Tugen*
people of Baringo and the Koiyo of Elgeyo Mnrakwot. He points out that although
there was a prevalence of raiding between the two communities, peace was a
necessity because the two communities shared grazing land in Turukwei valley.
For tlie Tugen to have had a flow in trading activities also, they applied a
technique of symbiotic relationship with her neighbours.
R.O. Hennings in his book African Morning (1953), mentions the building of the
Kabarnet-Tambach road in 1930s. He mentions the economic benefits such as
employment to the Tugen people during the construction of the road. The Tugen
would work as labourers on the road and got some little money to pay their hut
tax.
In his unpublished B.A. dissertation, "The origin and migration and the
settlement of the Tugen people with special reference to the Aror, from the
earliest time to the turn of 20th century" fi.K. Kipkulci points out the
stratifications of the Tugenland ecological zones as the most important feature
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*
in the economic development in the region. Trading issues extending from the
long distance trade are discussed in the work.
Isaac Tarns (1988), in his B.A. dissertation, "An outline history of the Keiyo,
1700-1919", mentions that the British establishment in Bnringo District in 1895,
created condition for the economic transformation in Tugenlnnd. First, it
abolished raiding and secondly, it introduced new crops and third, it opened up
new opportunities for employment, for instance working in the settler's
plantation.
*
David Anderson, in his Ph.D. thesis, "Herder, Settler and Colonial Rule: A
history of the Peoples of the Baringo Plains, Kenya, circa 1890 to 1940", points
out that at the end of 19th century the Tugen people began to move to the plains
and to adopt pastoralism as a way of life. He further points out that the reason
that drove them to pastoralism included drought which hit Tugen hills late in the
nineteenth century. This reason coupled up with the Maasai leaving the plains
^necessitated the Tugen movement to Baringo Plains (Mogoswok). Anderson has
done a detailed work on Tugen pastoralism up to 1940 which might not be
necessary to repeat.
Kettel, David, (1975), in Ph.D. thesis entitled, "The passing like flowers: The
marriage regulations of the Tugen of Kenya and implications for a theory of
Crow-Omaha" say little about the economic history of the Tugen people.
He mentioned the trade routes heading to Lake Victoria as having been used by
both Tugen and the Swahili. By that it meant that the Tugen who lived close to
the trade routes got involved in a regional trade. They traded with the Swahili
and Arabs who were in actual fact international traders. Kettel
also mentioned the introduction of taxation in the Tugen region saying that hut
tax played an important role in making the Tugen labourers for the purposes of
paying taxes. They sold their labour to the white highland settlers and for the
first time the Tugen people worked outside Baringo district.
(vii) Justification
A pilot survey on the existing literature related to the study indicated that there
was hardly any coherent and comprehensive information on the subject. Whatever
existed in the form of written (both published and unpublished) scholarly works
was unsystematic and often only indirectly related to the subject under
consideration.
The few scholarly works that have been written do not examine the agents,
factors and circumstances surrounding economic change. In essence information
related to the economic activities of the Tugen was inadequate. Such a state of
affair could only be improved and solved by undertaking a detailed study of the
subject.
The study of economic transformation among the Tugen was seen as significant
to understanding the history of the Tugen as a whole. This is because economic
change is an important aspect in the history of any given community. A study
•of the dynamics and the pattern involved in the economic transition have in the
short and long run shed light on the agents, factors and the circumstances
surrounding the change.
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The problems of economic backwardness, low income per capita, the forces of
demand and supply and the uneven distribution of wealth among the Tugen, are
closely intertwined with the economic change Hint the community underwent
during the colonial era. This in itself called for the need to study the underlying
issues in order to understand the Tugen people, their economic history and their
history in general.
(viii) Approach and methodology
To accomplish the objectives of this study, various methods of historical inquiry
were employed. The major sources of information were the field and the archives.
Actual field work was organized to collect primary oral information in order to
supplement and to verify the secondary sources of information.
Oral information was obtained through oral interviews, a questionnaire and free
discussions. Where individuals wanted to give information freely, the
questionnaire was only used for clarification. Organized groups were used and
the targeted people were the elders, the chiefs, peasant Farmers and the
businessmen within the community. However, random sampling was paramount
in most of my interviews because it avoided prejudice. The tape recorder was
useful during the oral interviews since it reduced superficial interpretation of the
information obtained during the conversation with the interviewee.
I analyzed the information hours later after each interview, thus giving me an
ample time to make sober analysis.
Secondary sources of material were obtained from the public and private
universities, government institutions and from centres of research. Various
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visits were arranged by the researcher to relevant government ministries and
departments such ns the Ministry oT Agriculture, and Land and Settlement.
Archival material was obtained from the Kenya National Archives and other
districts (such as Baringo) based archives. Annual Reports from Baringo
District were of paramount importance. The archival material was useful and
worked as a background material for the oral information.
Finally, there was a comparative analysis of the data collected so as to evaluate
the information and minimize inaccuracy. Oral tradition and secondary sources
were used to cross-check the validity of the information obtained.
(ix) Challenges faced
Collecting data for this thesis was not easy. First I was hit by financial
constraints, and second by the interviewees poor response in certain aspects.
Because 1 was a self-sponsored student it was not easy trying to survive on
borrowed money from friends for transport to the relevant places where vital
information was found. On some isolated occasions 1 was forced to walk for many
hours to get to the places I wanted. I would walk for about twenty kilometres a
day in some instances. Once or twice I walked from Kabartonjo to Tuloi, about
thirty kilometres, in one day. Part of the reason why 1 had to walk such long*
distances was because there were no roads of access to the regions where I
wanted to get some vital information. Sometimes, the people whom I wanted to
interview were not present, thus forcing me either to wait for them or miss the
required information all together. At other times I was quite lucky to find my
interviewees eager to give me information. On very few occasions would my
interviewees cheat me or withhold information. At such times
- 10 -
patience was my strongest weapon.
Limited by my own financial problems, I had to overwork myself on very many
occasions. Many times 1 had to stay awake night after night working at the
computer of a busy company because I could not have access to it during the
day During such times, however, I would feel lonely and frustrated. In some
instances I would go hungry for days because of lack of finances.
When it came to printing, I was delayed on several occasions because I did not
have money to pay for the services. These financial problems coupled with others
such as the interpretation of data made it difficult for me to work effectively on
my thesis. Fortunately, however, I have survived and managed to finish my
work
- 11 -
Knd Notes
1. Hennings,2. Berman, Colonialism",
tt.O., African Morning (Glial! omul Wind us, 1053.) p . 21."The Concept of 'Articulation' nnd Political economy of
Canadian Journal of African Studies Vol. 1, 1085.
- 12 -
CHAPTER I I
THE TUGEN IN THE PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD: THE BACKGROUND OF THE TUGEN
{i) The Tugen Environment
Jhe Tugen are found mainly in Baringo District although a few of
them have migrated to the neighbouring districts of Nakuru, Uasin
Gishu and Laikipia. It is also important to point out that not all
the inhabitants of Baringo District are Tugen. Others include the
Pokot and Iljamus.
Baringo District is situated in the Rift Valley Province; it covers
some 10,627 sq km1 of which 165 sq km is water surface in the form
of Lakes Baringo, Bogoria and Kapnorok.
The District has an estimated population of 257,860 (projected
figure of 1985). In 1969 the government population census showed
that the inhabitants of Baringo District numbered approximately
162,000. 3
Tugen country is situated in the middle of the Rift Valley and
sandwiched between the Elgeyo escarpment to the east4 and Ngelesha
hills to the west. From west to east it extends from about 35.5°
east to 30.4° east.5 The Equator touches its southern boundary and
the * land extends to 1.5°N. All parts of Tugenland are therefore
within 2° of the Equator.
To the West of Tugen country lies the Kerio Valley where the river
^Kerio cuts along the valley floor marking a natural boundary
13
between Daringo and Elgeyo-Marakwet Districts. To the east, the
land rises sharply from 3,500 feet on the valley floor to peaks of
over 8,000 feet in the Tugen Hills/’ The hills run from north to
south forming a secondary fault escarpment lying within the Great
Rift Valley. At the southern extreme of the Tugen Hills lies
Lembus Forest, a portion of the larger Londiani Forest Reserve. It
was in this area that land was excised for European settlement in
1905.7 The southern boundary of the district is approximately
marked by the road between Eldama Ravine and Kampi-ya-Moto.
Further north, the Tugen Hills range between 6,000 feet and over
8,000 feet; they have a moderate climate and a reasonable rainfall
of over 40 inches making the area suitable for agricultural 0
practice. Under normal circumstances, there are two rainy seasonst
a, year which make it possible for two growing seasons. Long rains
begin in March and end in July while the short rains start in
September and end in December. Rainfall in the lowlands is minimal
and quite unreliable in comparison to the highlands.
The area inhabited by the Tugen is naturally divided into three
zones namely:
1. Mosop (the highlands.)
2. Soin (the lowland plains.)
3. Kurget (the area between the highlands and the lowlands.)
' The Soin zone is in turn divided into two sub-zones. The lowland
plains to the west of Tugen Hills is- called Turukwei while the
lowland plains to the east is called Mogoswok.
To the east of Mosop, the hills drop very rapidly to the broad
expanse of the clry, bush-infested, rocky Rift Valley floor; here
14
are the plains which are referred to as the Mogoswok part of
Soi n .
Two rivers run across the Mogoswok Lowland Plain which are the
Perkerra and the Molo. The Perkerra rises in the Lembus Forest, to
the west of Eldama Ravine, and the Molo descends onto the Mogoswok
plains from Mau Escarpment to the south. The majority of
tributaries of both Perkerra and Molo rivers are seasonal.
{i i) The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Tuqen people.
Linguistically all the inhabitants of Baringo district,the Pokot,
Iljamus as well as the Tugen, belong to the Southern Nilotic group.
Linguistic evidence shows that the languages of the Maasai and the
Kalenjin are closely related and derived from the same proto
language .9
The Tugen can be identified as one of the six main branches of the
Kalenjin-speaking peoples of Kenya, the others being the Nandi,
Kipsigis, Keiyo, Marakwet, Sebei, and Pokot. The Kalenjin peoples
are linguistically related to the Baraig of Tanzania. The Southern
Tugen from Lembus location have close linguistic and cultural links
with the, Nandi to the south and the Keiyo to the west Turukwei
(lowland), while the Northern Tugen are closely related to the
Marakwet and the neighbouring sections of the Pokot.10 Contacts and
relations between the Tugen and the Kipsigis have always been
rather negligible.
15
The original meaning of the term Tugen is difficult to infer.
However, the Tugen are the people who call each other "Chi"
(person) or "Tugenin" (person) as opposed to "Bunyon" (enemy). As
for the origins of the Tugen, oral traditions indicate three
possible areas of origin: north, west and east of their present
habitation. One group came from Sumo (the area to the west between
Mount Elgon and Gherangany Hills). 11 Sumo is a Kalenjin territory
from which the biggest bulk of the Tugen emanated. The second and
the third groups migrated from Suguta (Lake Turkana in the north)
and Koilegen (the area to the east of the Tugen Hills)
respectively. The second and third areas of origin brought with
them a group (some were of Maasai and Turkana origins) of non-
Kalenjin speaking people from northern Kenya and the highlands to
the east of the Rift Valley respectively.12 As the Tugen moved,
they encountered these communities on their way which they
assimilated. The peoples assimilated were the rejects of their own
communities who sought refuge among the Tugen. The Tugen migration
was finally checked in its last phase by the European arrival in
the early 20th Century. Regarding this, Anderson wrote:
This migration between 1900 and 1920, coincided with the arrival of European settlers in Kenya, and among the lands alienated for the settlement of these farmers were the grazing lands of the Southern and eastern periphery of the Baringo plains.11
Definite reasons why the Tugen migrated to their present abode are
obscure but the oral traditions point out that security from
enemies was a fundamental factor. They found the hills (the so
called Tugen hills today) to be secure and thus settled there.
Oral traditions are not clear as to which particular places of the
16
Tugen hills they first settled in. When the Tugen began to settle,
they identified themselves as two sections namely: the Aror and
Samorr. From Tugen oral traditions this may have happened during
the 18th century.
The composition of the two sect ions can be traced back to the three
points of origin which can in turn be associated with specific
clans. For example, the Kobilo clan of Kabarkasau of the Aror
section migrated from Sumo while the Kabon clan of Kaplekenut of
the Samorr section migrated from Koilegen.11 The Samorr and the
Aror sections were further subdivided into groups of herders who
resided on the Soin and agriculturalists who inhabited Mosop.
These later subdivisions, however, took place in the 1900s. The
difference between the Aror and the Samorr is long-standing whereas
the Soin Tugen {both Aror and Samorr) have only emerged as a
significant group since the early part of the 20th Century, when
some Tugen moved from Mosop to the lowlands to embark on
pastoralism.15
The physical features of the area of Tugen settlement have more
than anything else contributed to the evolution of Tugen society.
When they settled on the hills, the Tugen became mainly grain
cultivators and kept very few livestock. About this environmental
influence Kipkulei made the following observation:
- 17 -
»•
During the early period down to the first half of the 18th Century, the Tugen people were struggling into a viable political unit. After the middle of the 18th Century, a distinct and outward-looking people had emerged in the hills; a people whose settlement, as poor destitute in some cases, had created a mixture of pure land cultivators and semi-pastoralists. They maintained a cyclical age-set system and a clan system of land ownership by clan.
During the 18th Century and early 19th Century, the Tugen acquired
their few livestock by raiding the Keiyo and the Marakwet to the
west and the Iljamus to the east. In the 19th Century
particularly, the Tugen made futile attempts to raid the powerful
Pokot and the Maasai but they met with devastating defeat. The
Aror Tugen were killed in large numbers by the Pokot in a cave
called Kebenop-Korongoro. The Maasai on the other hand wiped out
those Tugen who raided them at the battle of Merili near Nakuru.17
It was after this battle that the Tugen dared not attack the Maasai
or the Pokot again, although the Pokot kept on attacking the Tugen
while the Maasai left the Tugen alone. The Tugen had been
extremely weakened and the Maasai became a source of support for
them especially when attacked by the Pokot.
(iii) The pre-colonial Tugen economy
Tugen economic organization during the pre-colonial period was in
the form of a mixed economy. They practised agriculture, animal
husbandry and trade. Agriculture was the most important of all,
whereas animal husbandry was used as a secondary reserve source of
food during the early period of their settlement on the hills.
However, animal husbandry increased gradually over time in such a
way that it tended to overtake agriculture towards the end of 20th
century.
18
The reason why agriculture was more important than animal husbandry
in the beginning was because the environment the Tugen inhabited
was not conducive to the practise of pastoralism. Late in the
19th, century therefore, Tugen would move their animals from Kurget
to Mosop seasonally. A person in Kurget would contact a relative
or a friend in Mosop at the time of crisis, especially during dry
seasons, to assist him by keeping his livestock. During the
movement of cattle, the owners would send Murenik (young men or
warriors) to accompany their cattle. For a whole season each
person's relative or friend looked after the cattle for the
duration in which Kurget was dry and bare and while Mosop had
plenty of grass and grain stalks which remained green long after
harvest. In Mosop during the months of December (Ng’otioto
nebotai) and May (Mamut) each year millet would be sprouting and
grass would have grown by the March's rain.1* The livestock owners
were thereafter expected to take back their cattle when the rains
began at Kurget but would leave a few animals behind with a
relative or friend in Mosop for security in case disease broke out
in Kurget.19
The Tugen practised agriculture in Mosop long before the colonial
era, in areas such as Kabartonjo and Kituro. They would keep one
or two cows for milk and between four to ten goats at most. Among
the Tugen the indigenous crops were millet and sorghum. Women
acted as the main source of labour in the cultivable areas.
Traditional methods of agriculture were used. Millet and Sorghum
were planted by the use of broadcasting method. There were,
however, some special individuals, particularly women, who did the
planting of millet and sorghum when the season was due.
19
Later on, towards 1900, some Tugen began to abandon agriculture and
took to pastoralism. Evidence of this comes from Sir Harry H.
Johnston, the Special Commissioner for the Uganda Protectorate who
observed: "The Kamasla (another name of Tugen) were formerly steady
cu 11 i vators . . . "20
During the pre-colonial period trade was conducted through barter,
a system where traders exchanged goods for other goods without
using money. Some items such as honey played the role of a
currency. A person with millet, for example, exchanged it with a
fixed amount of honey measured in a standard wooden vessel called
kete or a leather bag called tokoj . ?A It was fixed at that time
that a kete-ful of honey would fetch a specific amount of millet or
a specific article such as a hoe-head. It was evident in the 19th
century that a kete-ful of honey went for iron. A cow for example,
would fetch one choket aqenqe (store) of millet. One would not
trade all his grain reserve for a cow. For internal trading
transactions, both cattle and goats were highly valued by Tugen
society. On the external trade, the Maasai for example were famous
for the supply of swords, spears and magical services, while the
Keiyo, Iljamus and the Pokot supplied cattle, goats and pottery in
exchange for grain and honey. Before the colonial era, Tugen trade
was a non-specialist occupation since it was determined by the
ability to carry a basket of millet, a gourd of beer, or three or
four pots to the homes of neighbours, or in a limited number of
cases, to a generally recognised trading point called Kapsiro
(normally under a tree). Such places would be found in every Tugen
village. In the late 19th century, long-distance trade became an *
*P
20
important, organised and specialised activity, with the Tugen
adopting the system of caravan trade pioneered in the area by the
Arabs and Swahili, and using it to carry out trade with the Kamba
and Maasai.22 Caravan trade was also extended to the Kerio Valley
and to the Pokot area. Tugentand therefore became an alternative
route to the one running up the eastern shores of Lake Victoria to
Mumias and Uganda. The route passed through Tugen territory to
Nandi, and Lake Baringo was the stopping point where food was
available for caravann. Tho Hjamua and pome Northern Tvig^n vb ■
inhabited Kurget supplied the traders with food made from millet
and sorghum.23
(iv) Industries
There were two major industries and several other mine:: in ’ : ' ' n
in Tugenland during Uio pre-virion i a I o . 1 The two major
industries were iron-making and bee-keeping. Among the minor
industries were basket-making, wood-carving, leather-making and
pottery .Z5
(v) Iron Industry
Iron-making was performed by specific individuals or groups born
with personal qualities(endowed). The individuals or groups would
certain clans, for example the Kimoi and Tuiyoi, which were
specialised in both iron-making and iron-working. These clans
practised iron-makinrj until the British rule was established when
they stopped producing iron locally because the European brought
ready
made iron with them, but continued iron-work although in lesser
quantities. The endowed clans made thfeir local iron r-on Ngoriemiv
(iron-ore). They would mix the Nqoriemik and melt it to produce
21
iron. As for the blacksmiths (Kitongik), they lived at particular
places where the people from a l l over Tugen country came to
purchase the too ls they wanted/7 Blacksmiths such as Kiptombul o f
Tirimionin and Chepsergon Arap Bolt of Kaptere made agricultural
tools, cutting blades moru, swords, spears and arrows, and sold
them to the Tugon/" If there were surplus implements after s e l l i n g
to the Tugen, the Kitongik sold to their Maasai and Pokot
neighbours. On the work of blacksmiths, an old mother remarked,
The Kitongik (blacksmiths) were there before the European came. They mixed some stony materials and burned them until pure iron was produced. They then made tools such aa "moru" (a cutting b l a d e ) , " a two" (a x e ) , swords, spears and many other implements such as moqombe (hoe). Every persoj^ from all ovar Tugen went to purchase tools from them.
In the 19th century the iron-workers had grown very r i ch and t h e i r
children began to abandon the trade after inheriting their fathers'
amassed wealth/0 This therefore began to affect the iron industry.
Due to the iron-workers' sluggishness, the Tugen were already
Importing some iron implements from their neighbours such as the
Maasai prior to British rule.
(vi ) Be©“Jkeeping lndus tryBee-keeping was practised by a few hard working Tugen during the
pre-colonial period. One old man said:
Bee-Keepers were the hard working bulk of tho Tugon community. It was not an easy task, A man would work the whole day, the whole week to produce two honey barrels. But thn benefits were satisfying.1'
The bee-keepers made honey barrels from wood and kept them on
trees where they were secure from thieves. They then waited
for
22
bees to make honey in them. Since honey was important for several
ceremonies, such as marriage and circumcision, bee-keeping
increased over time particularly in the 19th century. Beer was
made out of honey and thereafter used by the elders to bless the32society and to promote Tumotlnwek (the traditional festivals).
Honey was also used as a form of medicine for individuals who
suffered from Abdominal pains. individuals involved in making
hdney kept up to 100 barrels33 each and would collect several Kete-
ful (traditional honey containers) of honey depending on the
season.
(vii) Homestead and Communal Economy
In Tugen so c ie ty , several Kaplch (households) formed a homestead.
A homestead and household were distinct entities. A household was
each wife's individual house with her children and property. A
was husband'« houHQ and hia wives' houses not far
from it, the husband's house being the central house. This
depicted that Tugen society in general was polygamous.
In the pre-colonial period, the Tugen homestead was organized
primarily aa a unit of production and reproduction.34 The Tugen
were spread out in small homesteads across the country.35
Homestead organisation as a unit of production among the Tugen
was similar to that of Nuer homestead economic units, as described
by Evans-Pritchard:
Nuer home is run by the combined e f f o r t s o f a l l its members . . . No work is considered degrading, no one i s a drudge, all have leisure for rest and recreation Indeed, the division of labour between sexes and ages accords with the social and personal freedom of women and children in Nuerland and with the recognition, so striking among the Nuer, of the independence and dignity of the individual. 36
23
The implication brought out by Evans-Pritchard is that there was a
"direct mutual” relationship between the sexes in the performance
of tasks in both a household and a homestead set up.
t
The nucleus of the Tugen economy rested on household units
established through marriage. On the day when a Tugen woman left
her parents for her new home, she would stop at rivers and at
crone-paths and would not continue until she was awarded an animal
(goat or sheep) by her in-laws.37 The livestock she acquired in
this way were for domestic use in her new home. Women were thus
known to bargain all the way up to the homestead gate and their
interests in this regard could certainly be described as
"acquisitive” . This tradition continued to be practised even after
British rule was established among the Tugan, and it continued to
play a major role among women. It acted as a source of sustenance
and pride in the household.38 However, whereas the acquisition was
a source of sustenance and pride, it occasionally brought domestic
problems if the husband misused (that is, used for other purposes
other than those of the household) the resources "acquired” by the
wife. It was against Tugen custom for a man to tamper with the
resources previously assigned to his wives.
In addition to acquisition of property, a Tugen woman needed a
husband, and her children a father, a husband who provided his wife
with a means of subsistence, and her children with a social and an
economic heritage. On her part, she cared for her children, raised
crops for the family* collected water and firewood and supervisedthe household.
- 24 -
Whereas property was I n i t i a l l y acquired by women through stopping
at r iv e rs and cross-roads, and by demanding a sheep or a goat,
property was acquired by men through inheritance. The men assumed
the rights to property through marriage and shared them with their *
wives. For as long as a man lived, the property remained under his
control. A household, however, could not operate Independently.
It was expected to work in unison with other households of the same
homestead.
After a man married, he distributed land and livestock to his wives
to sustain their Individual households. The system was organised
in such a way that each wife had a grain granary which no one
except herself opened. In making the distribution, the husband
would retain a portion of land and stock for his own use.
Inheritance was paramount so fa r as a cq u is i t ion of proper ty was
concerned. All property was inherited in accordance with
customary laws which included the following:
(a ) Inheritance was a r i g h t only fo r men and not f o r women,
(b) Only the eldest son of the eldest wife inherited the
father's stock, land granary and its contents.
(c) The eldest son of each wife inherited part of the land,
stock and granary and its contents that was p rev iou s ly
distributed to her.
(d) The last son of each wife Inherited the remaining land,
stock and granary and its contents previously distributed
to her.
25
The four laws were subject to change depending on the father who
might wish to d iv ide the property equally among a l l Ms sons. Out
if the amount of land was too small, division was avoided.
Inheritance customs sometimes led to bitterness amongst the sons
since the dispossessed sons would want to fight those who inherited
the property* Sometimes the dispossessed sons sought their own
property such as in trade and labouring for other people.
In cases where a man died before making his will known to his
people, the eldest son took the responsibility of dividing his
father's possessions. If any misundoraLanding arose between the
sons of the deceased, the elders of the clan intervened, although
they could not command the decision (verdict) - they were there to
guide. If a man died without heirs, his estate went to a clansman
who had befriended him, cared for his widow or helped in an
honourable burial of the deceased man. A man's brothers buried him
in case he had no heirs.
Although homesteads were basically self-sufficient, several
important aspects of Tugen life involved communal co-operation.
One o f the communal a c t i v i t i e s that was not to be undertaken by one
homestead alone Included raiding for livestock. A combination of
all Murenik (warriors) from all homesteads and all Pororloslek
would go for raiding. No homestead would go alone.
Another form of communal activity occurred during the planting
season when a woman called her neighbours to come to her aid In the
planting of millet and sorghum. Also, herding was a communal
26
activity, since grazing land was communal. Boys would graze their
parents cattle together as a group while the warriors murenlk kept
watch fo r enemies. During herding, there was no d i s t in c t io n
between a woman's c a t t l e and her husband's. Moreover, the Tugen
would cooperate with each other during days of S^ran^ach (d i s a s te r )
such as locust outbreak and drought. Saving an ailing animal such
as one which had fallen into a ditch involved a communal effort.
Hunting was also a communal activity whereby hunters gathered as a
group and went hunting in the forest. After they got the game,
they divided it amongst themselves equally, although of course the
one who k i l l e d the animal had priority and got a s l i g h t l y b igger
share .
(viii) Land tenure
Rights to hold land were drawn along clan lines. The division of
land along clan lines took root at the time the Tugen (both the
Northern and Southern Tugen) began to s e t t l e in the Mosop.
The division of land, having been divided first among the Tugen
clans, such as Kobilo and Tarkok, by the clan elders was then
further nub-dividod among families) by the family leaders) of a
p a r t i c u la r c lan . One could hold land around his homestead or
outside his homestead - the land left fallow. A man had a farm
around his wives' hut and in other places as well. All cultivated
land had a temporary fence Karwet aimed at keeping animals out.
There was no way an individual of a certain family could in f r in g e
another family's land whether crops were planted or fallow.
However, it was possible for a person to acquire uncultivated land
elsewhere without
27
breaking the customary laws. The acquisition was done when
somebody moved and occupied unoccupied land after seeking audience
with elders. The act of acquiring uncultivated land was called
Ketor, which meant that the land was temporarily his.
(ix) Pororloslek
"Pororloslek" {singular Pororlet) were the territorial groups based
upon clan affinities. The system of Pororloslek reflects the Tugen
openness which allowed such social and political units to operate
together for the first time on the hills Mosop in the 18th and 19th
century. Each P o ro r le t had a council ca l led "Kokwet". (The t i t l e
"Kokwet" differs In meaning from the ''Kokwet*' in Kipsigis which
refers to a public beer party which was given in return for work
done. ) Each "Kokwet" had the mandate to oversee all the political,
economic and social issues affecting its Pororiet.
This system was later modified by new amalgamation of clans on the
plains Soln in the 20th century. The amalgamation permitted
territorial expansion to occur with a minimum of social upheaval
because the administration of each Pororlet ensured that every
individual in the "Pororiet" lived in accordance with thet r
established norms.
How the Pororiosiek came into being, who founded them, and where
each began, Is difficult to explain. But oral tradition points out
that each P o ro r le t started in a natural way. No one planned them,
but as the Tugen began to settle on the Tugen hills in clan groups
and as the number of people Increased, the system of Pororloslek
came into being naturally.
28
The existence of Pororiosiek In specific areas had economic
implications. While the Pororioslek were based on clan affinities,
their place of residence wna QHBoclotod with specialised economic
activities. For example, the beehive keepers were placed in Kurget
Pororioslek where the climatic conditions were favourable for
making honey.40 For successful production of honey, water, moderate
weather and special types of trees were necessary. Pororioslek
such as Chapchap and Mgorora were the most favoured places for
beehive keeping. Clans such as Kimoi which specialised in iron-
smithing were mainly based in the Mosop Pororioslek such as
Kabarnet and Kapteberewa. Only in very few instances did the
Mosop Pororioslek encourage beehive keepers since the climatic
conditions were not favourable for the industry.
Certain Pororioslek favoured the practice of agriculture and animal
husbandry respectively. Almost all the Pororiosiek such as Keben,
Endorois East and West and Kapturin practised animal husbandry
while the Pororiosiek such as Ewalel and Kabarnet specialised in
agriculture since their land was suitable for agricultural *
product ion . 41
In the 20th century when a new amalgamation o f clans began to
occur, the pattern o f the economy began to take a d i f f e r e n t trend.
This was the per iod when Tugen moved to Soin to p ra c t is e
pastora l ism. Some clans who had spec ia l ised in iron-making, fo r
example, moved with tho rest o f the population to Boin to praatiae
iron-making and pastoral ism. At f i r s t , the spec ia l is ed iron-making
clan was responding to the need fo r iron Implements o f the
p a s t o r a l i s t s . I t should be understood, however, that whole clans
29
did not move to Soin, but people moved as individuals and family
units. With territorial expansion and the mingling of persons from
different clans, there was an increased economic developmentt
because people exchanged and learnt economic activities from each
other. For example, members of the Kabon clan learnt iron-making
from persons of the Klmoi clan. Also, access to agricultural foods
by all clans was easier than before when clans used to live in
separate Pororioslek. People did not have to travel far looking
for the specialised clans to meet their material needs.
Tugen oral traditions do not say why and how this political
amalgamation and economic integration occurred but it seems it was
just a political and economic inter-mix taking place among the
clans. The clans appear to have simply intermarried and formed
both political nnd economic nllinnces not ns clans only but as
Tugen in general.
The following are the twenty-two Pororioslek present in Tugenland
at the time the British arrived:
1. Ewalel - in Northern Tugen, good for agriculture.
2. Endorois East - in Southern Tugen, w e l l known for pastoralism and beehive keeping.
3. Endorois West - "
4. West bembus - "
5. East Lembus - "
5. Emom - "
6. Chapchap - in Northern Tugen, good for beehive keeping.
7. Pokorr - in Southern Tugen, good for cattle keepers.
8. Sacho - in Northern Tugen, an agricultural, region.
30
9. Ossen - in Northern Tugen, an agricultural region.
10. Ngorora - in Northern Tugen, a region which specialised in
animal keeping.
11. El Keben - in Southern Tugen, good for the practice of animal
keeping.
14. Kamaruswo - in Southern Tugen, an agricultural zone.
15. Kakimor - in Southern Tugen, a region where animal keeping was
Important.
16. Chepkera - in Southern Tugen, good for the practice of animal
keeping.
17. Maoi * in Ncirthorn Tugen, a rogion in which animal keeping was
important.
18. Kapropita East - in Northern Tugen, an agricultural region.
19* Kapropita West - in Northern Tugen, an agricultural region.
20. Kabarnet - in Northern Tugen, agriculture was an important
p ra c t i c e .
21. Kelyo - in Northern Tugen, good for agriculture.
22. Kabutle - in Northern Tugen, good for agriculture.
The territorial areas of these Pororlosiek groups were later
adopted by the colonial government as administration units. The
colonial government called them locations. It was chief Cheboto
Arap Sogomo of Tugen who guided the government in tracing the
boundaries as they were during the pre-colonial era.41
(x ) Barlnqo District; Administrative boundaries
The District has nine administrative divisions namely:
1. Eldama Ravine (the o ldest d iv i s io n in Onringo d i s t r i c t .
Eldama Ravine town was once the Provincial Headquarters of Kerio
31 *■
Province during the colonial ore. The division is a (Samorr)
Southern Tugen domain.)
2. Marigat ( the second la rges t d iv is ion in the d i s t r i c t , having two
main groups of people -the Tugen and Iljamus).
3. Kabartonjo (the Aror - Northern Tugen b a i l iw i c k ) ,
4. Kabarnet (Kabarnet town is the present Baringo District
headquarters).
5. Tenges (Samorr t e r r i t o r y ) .
6. Mochongoi (Samorr territory).
7. Nginyang ( Inhabited by the Pokot).
8. Ta lgu lbe i " " "
9. Mogotio (Samorr Region).
The boundaries o f Baringo D is t r i c t have remained in tac t from 1914
and throughout the colonial era, and afterwards into the
independence period with the exception of several very minor
adjustments made during the 1930s.11 Before 1933, Baringo d i s t r i c t
was d iv ided in to two su b -d is t r ic t s : Northern sub- d i s t r i c t with i t s
headquarters at Kabarnet and Southern sub-district with its
headquarters at Eldama Ravine.4* Later, Eldama Ravine was
discontinued as a government station due to a government budgetary
measure, and Kabarnet became the sole government station
respons ib le fo r a l l Baringo District affairs.1*
Prior to the Pax Britannlca days, tribal boundaries were not
distinctly defined. Intertribal relations were maintained by
barter, intermarriage and migration. Constant movements back and
forth were kept going by the necessities of herding, by recurring
32
food shortages, and also by the typical Nilotic habit of journeying
for fun.
(xi) Conclusion
The Tugen hills, the first area inhabited by the Tugen, had a
profound influence on the Tugen economy and way of life in that
most people became farmers, although other activities such an iron
work was undertaken by some specific individuals and other groups.
Later, when the Tugen spread out and expanded to other regions,
such as Kurqet and Soln, their economic life became diversified.
Moreover, the division between the Samorr and the Aror highlighted
thin economic d 1f/erent I nil o n .
The system of Pororioslek was influential in Tugen society and
played an important role in the political, social and economic
spheres. Specialised clans in each Pororiet produced special items
needed by the society. As we saw, Ewalel, for example, specialised
in agriculture, whereas Chapchap specialised in bee keeping.
A homestead communal economy dominated the Tugen so that change
during the p re -co lon ia l era was centred along communal l in e s . Land
belonged to tho clan, nnd the clnn hod pnworn to dooldo who wnn to
cultivate which part of the land. Wives were guardians of
household property and their husbands had no authority over the
property put in their stewardship. Communal activities such as
raiding or herding were cherished a great deal because they kept
thg society intact economically.
33
End1.
2 .3.
4.
5. 6 . 7 .
8.9.1 0 . 1 1. 12. 13. 14 .15.
16.17.18.19.20 .2 1 .2 2 .23. 24 .25.26.27.28.29.30.31.32.33.34.35.36.
37.38.
n o te s tAnderson, David McBeath, "Herder, Settler and Colonial Rule: A History of the peoples of the Daringo Plains, Kenya, Circa. 1890 to 1940" Ph . D. Thesis, University of Cambridge, p.3. Documentation Centre Department, Ministry of Culture and Social services, Daringo District, Knbarnet.Kenya Population Census, 1969. Vol. IV, Ana 1ytlcal Report. Central Bureau of Statistics, Nairobi, (1970).Kipkulei, B. K., "The Origin, Migration and settlement of the Tugen people with special reference to the Aror from the earliest times to the turn of the 20th C ” , B .A . dissertation, History Department, Nairobi University, 1972.Ibid, p .9.Ibid. p .9.J. C. de Wilde (et.al., Experiences with Agricultural Development in Tropical Africa.) Vol. II, The case studies, John Hopking Up, 1967.Ibid.Anderson, op.cit. p.ll.O.I., Chepkonga Ruto, Marigat, 23/9/92.0.I ., Chepkonga Ruto, Marigat, 23/9/93.Kipkulei, op.cit. pp.3-4.Anderson, op.cit. pp.3-4.O.I., Chepkonga Ruto, Marigat, 23/9/92,J. L. Bertgen, "The Maasai and their neighbours: variables of interaction", AEH, No. 2(1976), p.8.Kipkulei, op.cit. p.5. .Ibid. p.6.O.I., Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92. /Kipkulei, op.cit. p.15. IKNA, DC/RVP/ 8/1. A political History of Barinqo and EldamaRavine District, "The E. A. Protectorate 1902."Kipkulei, op.cit. p.15.; Kamuren Karani Aiyobo, 9/10/92. Kitching, Gavin, Class and Economic Change In Kenya (London: Yale University Press, 1900), pp.8-14.Kipkulei, op.cit. p,85,; Rotich Kamuren, Kabartonjo, 9/10/92. O.I., Rev. Reuben Cherutich, Kaptimbor, 8/10/92.O.I., Rev. Reuben Cherutich, Kaptimbor, 8/10/92.O.I., Paul Chebilioch, Sigoro, 26/10/92.O . I . , Mariko Chebolwo, Kabartonjo, 8/10/92.O.I., Mariko Chebolwo, Kabartonjo, 8/10/92.O.I., Talaa Chemjor, Tulof, 10/10/92.O.I., Kamuren Karani, Aiyebo, 9/10/92.O.I., Klpkech Kale, Barbarchun, 9/10/92.O.I., Kipkech Kale, Barbarchun, 9/10/92.O.I., Kamaron Rotich, Endao, 20/10/92.O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapkiamo, 12/10/92.O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum,Evans - Pr i tchard , E, E,, Kinship and Marriage among the Nuer(Oxford: Clarendon Press, London, 1951), P130.O.I., Chepkonga Ruto, Marigat, 23/9/92.David and Bonnie Kettel, "Research among the Tugen, kalenjln speaking mixed farming people of Baringo District." Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Urbana ,Sept, 1970), p.15.
34
39. Orchardson, Ian. Q., The Klpslqls, (Nairobi: East AfricaLiterature, Bureau 1961), p.102.
40. O.I., Kamaron Rotich, Endao, 20/10/92.41. O.I., Philemon Handle, T a 1 a I, 11/10/92.42. KNA, DC/BAR/7/1, Miscellaneous, 1909-42; Chepkonqa Ruto,
Marigat, 23/9/92.43. 0.I ., Chebilloch Arap Moibon, Sigoro, 26/10/92.44. Anderson, op.cit.p.5.45. Ibid. p .5.46. KNA, DC/BAR/ 1/2, Annual Report, General and Political,
1933.
35
CHAPTER I I I
THE TUGEN ECONOMY, 1895 - 1914
(1) IntroductionThe economic transformation o f the Tugen in the years between 1895
and 1914 can bo broadly cntogorizod in two dlfforont regions.
First, the Southern Tugen, the richest of the Tugen in animal
husbandry,1 were impoverished by the government's "punitive"
expeditions of 1896-1897% an occurrence which affected them for
much of the period. Secondly, the Northern Tugen, who were poor
(having lneuffJclonL m.l l i n t to moot t lm lr d a i l y nnndnj and Mvod In
the Tugen hills and relied on agriculture, gradually changed
towards animal husbandry.1
The Tugen economy was undergoing change even before 1895. For
example, duo to the in f luence of Arabs, Swahili and Kamba traders
the Tugen had supplemented th e i r loca l trade with regional trade at
l e a s t three decades before the co lon ia l era . But during the
c o lo n ia l per iod , the economic transformation of the Tugen was
acce le ra ted by B r i t ish ru le . The Northern Tugen benef i ted to a
g r e a t e r e x t e n t - t h a n t h e U o u L t i n n i T u g e n w h o m i f I p k m I t h e p u n i t i v e
expeditions organised by the colonial government. Before the
colonial administration took root, the Tugen had not been able to
expand to the Mogoswok plains. The Northern Tugen particularly
could not expand because of their enemies, the Maasai and the
Pokot, and were restricted to the hills for security purposes. But
with the coming of British rule, the Maasai were moved to the areas
-36-
presently known as Kajiado and Narok, thus making Tugen expansion
to the lands left by the powerful Mnnsal possible.
British rule was received with mixed feelings by the Tugen
generally. As a consequence of British rule, taxation was
Introduced in Tugen country. The introduction of tax by the
British Adminstration played an important role in the
transformation of the Tugen economy. An important role because a
few Tugen began to search for work within the district. They had
to join the labour force to meet the demands o f the Hut Tax. This
was the f i r s t tlmo fo r the Tugen to work fo r money,
PART I: THE NORTHERN TUGEN
(a) Agriculture
P r io r to 1900 the Northern Tugen, who lived in the rugged Tugen
Hills, practised cultivation of grains such as finger millet, and
kept small numbers of livestock such as goats and some cattle.4
For as long as they lived in the hills, the Northern Tugen remained
sorghum and m i l l e t producers fo r the ir subsistence. The pre
colonial agricultural methods used by the Northern Tugen have been
equated with those used by the early Anglo-Saxons:
A family or families from the same location work on a large piece of land together, the men working as the women, and each man owns a strip alongside his neighbour. If the location is a large one, a man may have sevoral ntripa of lend in various placos, Thafield is fenced but temporari ly, and a f t e r one, two or three years crop has been reaped, the land Is allowed to revert to bush-fallow, and more land is sought for cultivation, while the grazing is thrown open to the community at large within a clan.
37
This system was economically sound as the object of each farmer was to raise food for his family rather than for the market. It combined the advantage of individual labour and public control - it gave each farmer a fair share of the better and worse land - it bound the villagers together as a community, gave to the humblest his own land and his voice in the agricultural policy of the village/
In a d d i t i o n t o the above arguments, T r o v e l y n s t r e s s e d s a y in g :
Shifting cultivation was a widespread agricultural practice among
the Northern Tugen at the time Dritish rule was established.
The system was looked at as protective of the soil since the Tugen
did not have crops besides sorghum and millet for rotation. It was
intended to maintain soil fertility by not cultivating the same
land each year. Leaving the land fallow for two to three years
allowed fertility to return to the soil. Shifting cultivation
presented no problem to the Northern Tugen because there was plenty
of uncultivated land in their region, "There was land all over.
Why should one cultivate the same land each year?"7 asked one
informant.
The shifting cultivation method was, however, greatly resented by
the colonial administration which argued that it was a waste of
land. The European also viewed Tugen agricultural tools as
"primitive".9 Most Northern Tugen used wooden hoes mogomboslek
which were in most cases fragile and could easily break.10
- 38 -
t
(b) Arrival of new crops
The introduction of foreign crops such as maize came about through
Swahili and Arab traders who came to Tugenland looking for ivory
and skins, and selling beads and clothes.
Maize f i r s t a r r iv ed in Northern Tugenland around 1900 (when the
Nyongi age group were in fa n ts ) . One Nyongl informant at Kabartonjo
r e c a l le d that the Swahili and Arabs brought maize to Northern Tugen
acc id en ta l ly :
I remember some strangers whom we termed Ololbnrl (traders) comped ot Kuroschun (about a mile from Kabartonjo oontro) oatlng mntzo and by the time they left, some had grown. We wondered what it was but we left It to grow - this was the first time I saw maize.1’
The impact of the Swahili and Arab traders was not only felt
through the introductipn of maize but also through the introduction
of other goods such as beads and clothes.
(c ) Animal Husbandry
The practice of animal husbandry was minimal among the Northern
Tugen in the pre-colonial era. In 1896 a severe drought upset
Northern Tugen agriculture forcing some of them to move towards
pastoralism. Around 1900 some Northern Tugen moved to Mogoswok
(lowland plains east of the Tugen hills) where they found water at
Porkerra river and at Lake Baringo respectively for their animals
which they had inherited from their ancestors or acquired from
their neighbours the Pokot and the Iljamus through raiding and
trade.12
39
But the shift to animal husbandry triggered off by the severe
drought In 1896, intensified as early as the 1900s due to the
removal of the Maasai from Mogoswok (lowland plains east of Tugen
hills). The testimony of Sir H.H. Johnston and the Tugen elders
specifies drought as an important factor for the Northern Tugen
trend towards pastoral life as from 1096 and as early the 1900s.
Johnston wrote:The Kamasia (hill dwellers) were former steady cultivators but of late years their country has been afflicted again with serious drought, and in many parts of Kamasia Hills the plantations are now abandoned, the people taking Instead to a pastoral life, or becoming entirely dependent on hunting for their food.11
Abandoning plantations in many parts of the Tugen hills and taking
to a pastoral life meant that animal husbandry became an
alternative measure which eased famine among the Tugen people.
In addition to droughts, the treaties of 1904 and 191114 between the
British and the Maasai which made the latter to move to Mara- the
present day Kajiado and Narok (which formed the Maasai Reserve)
made it easier for the Northern Tugen to expand into some of the
vacated areas, thus filling the vacuum loft by the departure of the
Maasai. The Tugen expanded as far as the Molo river.15
Geographically, the Tugen were well placed to take advantage of the
available land east of the Tugen hills in that they were in close
proximity to the areas abandoned by the Maasai and because of
population pressure on the hills (the land would only accommodate
few animals).
It is these two fundamental reasons which made the Northern Tugen
expand east of the Tugen hills and caused some
Northern Tugon to turn from an nqr \ cut ttira 1 way of 3 1 fo to that of
animal husbandry.
40
(d) Early migrants
The trend towards postoralism did not involve the whole Northern
Tugon population. flnmn Tnrjon remained In the hills, while others
moved away gradually. The first two groups of Northern Tugen to
move to the area east of Tugen hills in the 1900 were the
inhabitants of Ewalel and Chapchap locations. The reason why they
moved first was due to proximity -they were nearer to the valley
than the rest of the Northern Tugen. The pattern and the
chronological movement to the area east of Tugen Hills was gradual
not sudden. As early as 1901 (the period when the Nyongi age group
were infants), some few Northern Tugen had begun to cross the Molo
river seasonally. The number increased year after year, and thus
they began to occupy the area between the Porkcrra and Molo
rivers.16 Oral tradition declared that the Kaplelach and Kipnylqew
age groups were the first to move from the Tugen hills.17 These age
groups were older than the Nyongi. There were no special factors
which caused Urn Kaplnlach and t.fio Klpnylgow to move out, of the
Tugen hills except the drought, search for livestock and the
availability of land left by the Maasai.
In 1904, some people of Kapropita, Kabarnet and Sacho locations
joined those of Ewalel and Chapchap in the expansion, having been
told by those of Ewalel and Chapchap locations of the availability
and suitability of the land for pastoralism at Mogoswok.1" The
groups crossed Endao river and headed to the fertile areas around
Loboi and Sandai situated north of Lake Bogoria.
-41-
Between 1904 and 1910, Kapturin and Kaptaberewa locations were
already in the areas around Kampi ya Samakl and Endao. From 1910
(the year the klmnylqew had just been made warriors), some
homesteads began springing up at Arabal and in areas east of Tugen
Hills, An informant, speaking about the area at that time,
remarked:
Kimnyigew were murenik (warriors) when our people (Tugen) settled here. Milk was plenty and we cared not for agriculture. There were herds of cattle around here, particularly around lake Bogoria and people competed in the quality and quantity of how much milk one produced. It was a time of prosperity.,f>
The rapid increase of livestock and the change from agriculture to
pastoralism is not easy to explain but Tugen informants point out
that the increase of livestock between 1900 and 1910 was partly
accelerated through trade with the Iljamus.
Between 1910 and 1920 many Tugen established homesteads around
Solai, Emsos and Chamasis . 70 It was around this time that the
Europeans halted Tugen expansion in the area around Lake Solai,
The Tugen-European confrontation over land occupation had begun as
early as in 1903. In 1903 and 1904, applications from Europeans
wishing to settle and farm in British East Africa were made but due
to lack of a surveyor in the Land Office to do the survey, the
allocation of land was delayed up to 1915.21 Nevertheless, some few
Europeans such as Mr. Lane at Solai and Mr.. Fortheringham at Eldama
Ravine began to allocate themselves unsurveyed land around 1910.
42
Imaginary boundaries were drawn and the Europeans settled,
this, a bitter Tugen remarked:
About
When the Europeans came we were pushed back from Solai, where we had previously been grazing our animals. They took our land and made boundaries and said we should not cross. And they even divided up their own lands, and kept each to his own part. All of Solai became theirs, so we were moved to this small area .22
In confirmation of the above, the District Commissioner of Baringo,
in a letter to the District Commissioner of Eldama Ravine, wrote:
...Mr. Lane in May gave the Kamasia a line from Campi Mukioni to lake Solai as their boundary and that no manyattas were to be built on the Nakuru side of that line. As you b o o it iB only nn Jmnqinnry linn, there Innothing in ways of hills to act as a landmark...23
Although the Tugen expressed discontent about being pushed back
from Solai, the settlers in defence expressed the adamant opinion
In 1933 that no Tugen had crossed the Molo river prior to 1910 and
therefore the Tugen had no historical claim to the land taken by
the European settlers. Alongside the European opinion, several
settlers laid claim to land in the Solai area before the removal of
the Maasai in 1911.
PART II: THE SOUTHERN TUGEN
(a ) Agriculture and Animal Husbandry
At the advent of British rule the Samorr (Southern Tugen) were rich
in stock but planted very little grain. At that time some
Europeans referred to them as the "beef barons"
- 43 -
*•
of the tribe.24 The Southern Tugen lived mainly on the plains where
c l im a t ic condit ions were favourable for their l i v e s to ck . During
the dry seasons, when the plains were parched and burnt up, they
would move their livestock into the forested hills where grass was
abundant. Many informants at Majl Mnzuri recalled how pleasant it
was herding a large herd of cattle. One old woman recalled:
We were proud because we used to have many cattle around this place (Maji Mazur!), The Okiek (Dorobo) were our neighbours and there was little cultivation around here - we only cultivated "bek” (finger millet). I mean we did not care very much for grain because meat was in plenty, blood was good food and milk was taken daily. To substitute these we ate wild fruits, and diseases were rare...25
As for when and how new crops and agricultural methods reached the
Southern Tugen, informants differed in their stories. The Swahili
and Arab traders seem to have played a major role in the
introduction of new crops. It must be understood that the Southern
Tugen were better placed to receive the new crops from the
Europeans, since Eldama Ravine was the first station in Tugenland
settled by government officials. Secondly, Eldama Ravine was a
busy trading centre en route to Uganda, and so it was easier for
the Southern Tugen to have access to new crops than the res t o f the
Tugen .
Although the colonial administrators discouraged the introduction
of new crops in Tugenland, the Southern Tugen gradually adopted the
new crops such as maize through their own initiative.26 The words
of one of. the District Commissioners In 1910 show that he doubted
the success of new crops if introduced in Tugen country,
44
The natives (the Tugen) are pathetic. Wimbl (millet) remains their only crop and I am not sure that it is much use introducing mahindl (maize) as the soil appears unsuitable.
(b) Maize
At Sigoro, for example, the first remembered maize was brought by
a powerful colonial chief called Cheboto Arap Sogomo who got the
mai2e from the Swahili and Arab traders.7B Cheboto was not only a
chief but also an interpreter and the only Tugen known to have
spoken Swahili at the beginning of colonial rule.7'’ He was also on
the advisory committee for the drawing of boundaries in Rift Valley
during the early stages of colonial rule. 50
An old Southern Tugen man at Sigoro called Chebllioch Arap Moiben
recalled:
I saw chief Cheboto coming from Emining to Sigoro and behold he was chewing something in his mouth. It was some boiled maize, so many people at Sigoro wondered what the chief was chewing. Thus was the beginning of maize knowledge among the Southern Tugen.11
Many informants at Maji Mazurl, Morlngwo and areas surrounding
Eldama Ravine town, agreed that government officials and
missionaries were among the first Europeans to introduce maize to
the Southern Tugen. The introduction of maize, however, was
received with mixed foolings by the Southern Tugen, on wan the cone
among the Northern Tugen. They could not adopt the crop easily
for they feared that the crop could be detrimental to their health.
There was a widespread saying and belief that maize had the
capacity to grow on peoples’ heads.17
45
The introduction of other crops in the years between 1895 and 1914
was, minimal. Beans, sweet potatoes and groundnuts were in most
cases introduced by chance. There were only a few places, such as
Eldama Ravine station and its Immediate surroundings, which had
begun to plant European crops.
(c) The impact of punitive expeditions on the Southern Tuqen
economy
The British established an administrative and military post at
Eldama Ravine in 1894 -95, and thus came to have their first
contact with the Tugon of Sigoro and KamelJJo around the station.
Eldama Ravine became an important staging ground on the road to
Uganda, and required a regular supply of food to cater for the
passing traders and the government officials and garrison. Some
few Southern Tugen took part in trading transactions. Most,
however, were unwilling to trade their food to the government
garrison. The Southern Tugen scattered throughout the surrounding
forested hills were adamant, and refused to cooperate in the
establishment of a market at Eldama Ravine.33 *
The refusal of the Southern Tugen to cooperate with the British
Administration was enough reason for them to receive a punitive
expedition organised by the colonial government in 1896-1897. In
1896, in response to adamant behaviour of the Samorr, Frederick
Jackson, who was In charge of Eldama Ravine station, began to
46
embolden some Uasin Glshu Maasai to settle at Eldnma Ravine In the
hope that they would be cooperat ive as regards supplying food*
This act ion fomented hostilities between the Uasin Gishu Maasal and
the Southern Tugen, who began to raid I,embus, Kaklmor and Kamaruswo
locations in 1097.
Before the actual war began, a military force of 5 Europeans, 220
regular troops, 150 porters and more than 200 Uasin Gishu Maasai
were mounted and dispatched for the destructive expedition.
The outcome of the expedition was disastrous especially for the
Samorr. Two columns of the government military force swept through
the country side north of Eldama Ravine inflicting about 150
casualties34 on the Samorr Tugen. In addition, several cattle,
around 10,000 heads of sheep and goats were taken by the Uasi Gishu
Maasai and the colonial government.^ The government also burned
the Tugen grain granaries and fields of millet. An Informant
(quoted by Anderson) remarked:
...The Europeans started the trouble. They began the war around Sigoro ... It was a time
* of Sarangach (many disasters)... The Kaplelachmuran went to guard the grain stores In the
- hills, and everybody else fled with thecattle, to Keyo and to Nandi.1,7
The destruction of the Samorr grain granaries, the burning of
millet fields, the confiscation of livestock and the deaths of
Tugen Murenlk had three main effects: famine, migration and
continuous conflict with the government. First, the war caused
famine, since livestock was lost and productive young men were
killed and injured. This weakened the economic base and the
47
producing capacity of the Samorr Tugen. Mestewek (shepherds), who
qlao «cfcc*d raiders, had boon lncnpncltntod. With the lose of
Samorr livestock, famine was inevitable since there were few
livestock left to sustain the people. Secondly, migration occurred
because the surviving Samorr needed food and thus moved to seek
help among the neighbouring people. Coupled with the punitive
expedition, there was a drought in Tugenland in 1896-98 which
forced many Samorr to migrale to Nandi and Elgeyo.’'' About this,
an old man at Sigoro remarked:
A f t e r that (the expedit ion ) we faced the problem of Lite drought, some o f our people went as far as chepnqal (Nandi) in their search for grain. 5
Thirdly, after the punitive expedition, the Samorr Tugen ignored
Eldama Ravine station completely, something which Kettel has termed
aa "a matter of determined nonchalance,"40 Thin behaviour, which
lasted for more than two decades, lessened the government’s
enthusiasm to distribute seeds to the Samorr and to introduce new
agricultural technology to them.
(ii) Trade
At the beginning of the colonial administration, very few
Samorr Tugen had relations with the Arab and Swahili traders and
government officials. For example, in 1894 some Samorr Tugen were
reportedly involved in the selling of millet and sorghum to the
Europeans and the traders who passed Eldama Ravine on their way to
Uganda.41 However, they sold their grain at exorbitant terms. One
European wrote; "Kamasia (Tugen) brought about 81bs of flour4 2yesterday and sold at a very dear rate demanding only iron ore,”
48
The Tugen exploited the trading opportunities provided to them by
the foreigners since they know that caravan traders and the
Europeans were in dire need of food.
Apart from grain, the Tugen also traded with ivory. The ivory was
then exported overseas. Ivory however not Lhe only item exporLed
by the Tugen after the establishment of British rule. Other items
such as skins were exported out of Tugen territory to other parts
of Kenya and to Uganda. THq trade in ivory, skins and livestock,
which had begun in the pre-colonial period, intensified when
British rule was established. In 1910 for example, 27,125 goat
skins, 855 sheep skins and 448 cattle were exported from Baringo
District as a whole (by the Pokot, Iljamus and Tugen) but what or
how much the Tugen got in exchange is not recorded. Trade operated
ft long tho pre-colonlnl practice which (the trade In nklna and ivory
was done in barter) have been discussed in chapter two. The cattle *marketing was done at the Molo river.4J This was an example of
colonial rule opening up new opportunities for enterprising Tugen
traders, although the names of the individuals involved, except
chief Cheboto Arap Sogomo, are obscure.
1913 and 1914 were unfortunate years in Tugenland as far as trading
transactions were concerned. However, the years were summed up by
the sale or exchange of a few trade goods in Kamasla (Tugen), Suk
(Pokot) and Njemps (Iljamus),44 Statistics to compare with those of
1910
49
were not available but only a limited number of hides, skins,
ohoop, goate, and a few donkeys were on sale.4' The 1913-14 war
between the Pokot and the Turkana forced the colonial government to
send an expedition to restore peace.
Not only did tho war between the Pokot and the Turkana limit
trading transactions, but it led Indian (Shopkeepers to increase the
pricos of sovoral goods. Indian and Arab shopkeepers had arrived
in the area in 1895, and set up their first shops at Eldamn Ravine.
Haji Noor Mohamed began to operate a shop which belonged to
Allidlna Visran.46 Juma Haji arrived later In 1905, and opened a
shop at Eldama Ravine township and then a branch at Mukutanl.47
Apart from tho above shopkeepers at Eldama Ravine and Mukutanl,
Saidi Musa was at Maji Mazuri .4" The Indian and Arab shopkeepers
* regulated trade in goods such as salt and clothes. No one among
the Tugen lo remembered to have been involvod in ahopkooplng during
this period. It is probable, however, that some petty Tugen
traders traded in items that could be found in the Indian shops.
The nature of the petty trade is also obscure.
(ill) Money economy
Before the establishment of colonial rule, money economy was
generally unknown in most parts of Tugenland. in fact, a money
introduced into the Interior of East Africa by the Imperial British
East Africa (I.B.E.A.Co.) towards the end of the 19th century had
little effect until taxation forced the Africans to acquire the
rupee.49 In 1902, a hut tax was introduced to Tugen people to be
50
paid in money not in kind. Three rupees per hut was the rate of
the t a x . ” The payment of the tax by the Tuqon from 1902 to 1914
was as follows:’1
1902 - 1903 - Rs 2,659.001903 - 1904 - Rs 2,424.001904 - 1905 - Rs 5,499.001905 - 1906 - —
1906 - 1907 - Rs 8,804.001907 - 1908 - Rs 8,920.001908 - 1909 - Rs 9,311.001909 - 1910 - Rs 9,539.001910 - 1911 - Rs 12,081.001911 - 1912 - Rs 11,706.001912 - 1913 - Rs 9,519.001913 - 1914 - Rs 19, 104.00
Several informants claimed that the Tugen associated rupees with
the hut tax. All along, tho Tugen poople had not known anything
about tho money economy. They traded Lhoir commodities by barter
and did not use money for purchases prior t;o colonial rule.
The use of rupees by the Tugen was thus triggered off by the need
to pay the hut tax in cash. This forced the Tugen to sell animals
or work for wages so as to acquire rupees. At the same time,
traders began to demand payment in money, using the rupee as a
means of exchange. Thus, the Tugen were introduced to the meaning
and practice of a money economy.
(iv) Conclusion
Pre-colonial circumstances played a significant role during
colonial rule. However, It should be understood that the Tugen of
various regions characterised by different environmental
circumstances were affected in different ways.
51
Moreover, the natural divisions of the Tugen into Aror and Samorr
influoncod the way colonial circumstances affected each Tugen
Pororlet* Each ecological zone had Its own special advantages,
which played an important role in shaping the way the Tugen
responded to the colonial presence.
The division of the Tugen into Aror and samorr waa quite distinct
by the time British rule was established in Tugenland. The British
government used the division to separate the Tugen into two groups
for administrative purposes. The colonial government called the
Aror the Northern Tugen and the Samorr the Southern Tugen.
Moreover, the colonial government founded two different districts *
for the two different sections of the 'tugen. The Aror were placed
in Baringo District and the Samorr in Eldama Ravine District.
The Aror Tugen benefited from the colonial circumstances. They did
not resist British rule; in addition, they were able to expand
towards the Mogoswok region which was previously inhabited by the
powerful Maasal.
The Samorr Tugen, who were rich In livestock at the time the
British arrived, suffered punitive expeditions for resisting the
establishment of colonial rule. They were almost impoverished by
the expedition.
Ecological and regional differences affected the Tugen economy
during this period. The Mosop region benefited more than Kurget or
52
Soin because of its fertility. Mosop attracted the attention of
the Department of Agriculture and new crops plus new agricultural
technology were introduced. It was in Mosop also where government
stations were built, giving those Tugen who lived around the
stations the advantage of more ready access to the influence of a
western way of life. The colonial government adopted the
Pororiosiek as territorial regions and locations, with varying
effects. Pororiosiek which had active chiefs such as Cheboto Arnp
Sogomo were able to adopt colonial policies more easily than those
Pororiosiek which did not have such chiefs, thus making locations
responded differently to colonialism.
Barter trade began to change gradually as a money economy took its
place. New crops, in particular maize were introduced, and
migration by the Tugen from the Mosop to the Mogoswok lowlands led
to an increase in the practise of pastoral ism.
53
End notes
1 . k n a , PC/RVP/ 0 /1, A political H istory o l Oar in go a nd Eldama Ravine District C. 1945 , "The Tugen of Kamasla Hills 1893."
2. Ib id .3. 0. I . , Kamaron Rotich, Endno, 20/10/92.4. O. I., Chepkurgat Arap Chomjor, Kabarnk, 21/10/92.5. KNA, PC/RVP/8/1, Op.Clt.6. Ibid.7. 0. I., Kokop Kaplem, Kapchepkor, 13/10/92.8. KNA, PC/RVP 2/7/1, Annual Report, Eldama Ravine district,
(quarterly), ending 31/3/1911, miscellaneous.9. 0. I., Tuyoi Kimenjo, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.10. 0. I., Chepkonga Yatich, Kaptum (Ossen), 16/10/92.11. 0. I., Chetalam Kamuren, Aiyobo, 9/10/92.12. 0. I., Chepkonga Yatich, Kaptum (Ossen), 16/10/92.13. KNA, PC/RVP/8/1, Op.Cit; KNA, DC/BAR/4/1, Intelligence
Reports,1902.14. KNA, DC/BAR/ 4/1, Intelligence Reports, 1902.15. KNA, PC/RVPl/5/1/2, Eldama Ravine station diary, 1896 - 1900.14. KNA, nc/HAR/ 3/5, Miscellaneous, 1911.15. 0. I., Philemon Handle, Tnlai, 11/10/92.16'. Ibid.17. 0. I., Chekonga Ruto, Marigat, 23/9/92.18. Ibid.19. O.I., Lomeluk Chepatibin, Arabal, 22/9/92.20. Anderson, David Me Death, "Herder, Settler and Colonial
Rule: A history of the peoples of the Bnringo plains,Kenya, circa. 1890 to 1940" Ph.D Thesis University of Cambridge, p52 ; Bus! Chomjor, 0/4/92.
21. KNA, DC/HAR/ 3/5, P o l i t i c a l Records 1910 27, M isce l laneous"Anual report 1915 on borders . "
22. Anderson, Op.C i t .pp77-78.23. KNA, DC/BAR/ 3/5, Op.Cit."a letter from Baringo DC to Eldama
Ravine DC.", November 11th 1911.24. KNA, PC/RVP/8/1, Op.Cit.25. 0.I.,Tuyoi Kimenjo, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.26. KNA, PC/RVP/7/1, Annual Report, Eldama Ravine District,
General , 1909/1910.27. Ibid.20. 0, I., David Tanui; Moringwo, 26/10/92.29. Ibid.30. Ibid.31. O. I., Chebilioch Arap Moiben, Sigoro, 26/10/92.32. O.I., Tuyoi Kimenjo, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.33. 0. I., Paul Chebilioch, Sigoro, 26/10/92.34. O. I., Chebilioch Arap Moiben, Sigoro, 26/10/92.35. Ibid.36. Ibid.37. Anderson, Op.Cit.P52
54
38.39.40.41.
42.43.44.45.46.47.48.49.
50.51.
KNA, PC/RVP/Q/1, Eldoma Ravine station diary 1096 - 1900.0. I., Chcbilloch Arnp Moibon, Slgoro, 20/10/92.Anderson Op.Clt, P52.KNA, PC/RVP1/5/1/1, Extracts from the Diary of Camps, Cambee Ravine Station,1894 - 95.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR 3/5, Miscellaneous, 1910.KNA, DC/BAR 1/1, Annual Report, Trade, 1913 -1914.Ibid.KNA, PC/RV1V0/1,op.cit.Ibid.O.I., Kiptoo Arap Lenda Maji Mazer 1, 24/10/92.Kipkulei, B.K, "The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Tugen people with special reference to the Aror from the earliest times to the turn of the 20th c." B.A dissertation, History Department, Nairobi University 1972. P14 KNA, DC/BAR 3/5, Hut tax collected In Barlngo, 1902.Ibid.
-55 -
CHAPTER I V
THE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN EDUCATION AMONG THE TUGEN, 1908-1963
(1) Pro-colonial Tugen education
The pre-colonlal Tugen had their own formal and Informal education.
Every Tugen was expected to go through the whole system of
education. Education began Informally through rebuke (Klklrel)
which forbade individuals from tampering with behaviour and values
that did not conform to Tugen culture. For example, the Tugen
forbade one to disobey an elder. Kikirel thus became a form of
education that continued throughout life. Education never ended
and was for life. In fact, wisdom was cherished and wise men were
respected. Pre-colonial education had both cultural and socio
economic implications, and kept Tugen culture and economic life
intact.
A fundamental stage of education was initiation, which was a kind
of formal education* it won during initiation that thw Tugen took* /
on adulthood responsibilities. During the course of initiation,
which used to take about six months, (in the bush)1, boys and girls
were taught many things about which the unitiated remained
ignorant. Doys were taught and examined on cattle keeping,
agriculture, ceremonial activities, caring for one's family,
storage of food and war tactics. After general instruction, each
boy specialised in a specific activity but kept other important
activities also. The choice was made along clan lines. In pre
colonial Tugen society eacli clan was a specialist in a certain
activity such as iron making, and children of a given clan were
56
encouragod by the In i t i a t o r s to pursue those specia l a c t i v i t i e s
after initiation. Nevertheless, there were some individuals who
would cross clan boundaries to practise specialities of other
clans. The point was that each Tugen was expected to have
knowledge of everything that concerned the eocioty. Girls wore
taught how to care for their homes. They were taught how to obey
their husbands, and to care for their children.
The next step in the Tugen system of education after initiation
was both formal and informal. It was formal in that the elders
taught the circumcised men and women some ceremonial activities
called Tumotunwek, which took place in four important stages,
namely:
(a) Kipi^ll,i -Singing and dancing done by circumcised men and
clitoridectomized women. It was done day and night for several
days with short breaks of sleep. The purpose was for the
interaction between the males and the females intended to prepare *
them for marriage. It was a ceremony of familiarization between
the men and women.
(b) Kwany -This stage was in the form of singing and dancing having
the intention of interaction between the males and the females for
further familiarization. It was the stage that paved the way for
marriage.
(c ) Katunislet (Marriage) - This was a very important ceremonial
activity which every Tugen was expected to go through. Doth the
bride and bridegroom were thus in their moments of happiness and
the parents enjoyed the marriage of their children.
57
(d) Motlrnotet (Teaching) - The last major stage was the stage
when one became a teacher (motlryon) . Motlryon was equivalent to
a teacher Konetlndet today. He was expected to have undergone all
the ceremonial rituals, thus enabling and qualifying him to teach
others and initiate other individuals Into the society. The role
of a Motlryon operated in the following manner: an individual was
circumcised by a motlryon and when another generation came into
line and another age-set was to be circumcised, the circumcised
person then acted as the Motlryon. For example,the Kimnyiqew age-
set (1906 - 1920) initiated Nyongl (1916 - 1930) and Nyonqi
circumcised the Incoming nge-net, the Chumo (1936 - 1940), and so
the trend continued. So, there was transfer of the office of
Motlryon when a new generation was initiated. From thence,
education continued,
(1i ) The beginnings of Missionary Education
It has been observed by some historians that in parts of Africa
missionary activity paved the way for colonial power. But in
Tugenland it was the colonial power that paved the way for
missionary work since it was not until tho establishment of
colonial rule, in both Eldnrtm Ravine and nnrlngo Districts, that
missionary activity began. The African Inland Mission (AIM) was
the first mission to set foot in Tugenland. In 1908, the colonial
government granted the AIM three sites, namely, Kapropita in
northern Tugenland, and Kiplombe hill (later moved to Eldama
Ravine) and El Keben In southern Tugenland.7 The mission
established churches and schools at all three sites. Kapropita
(when assessed within the whole period ending in 1963) had more
- 58 -
impact than El Keben and Kiplomhe, and for this reason wo shall uso
Kapropita as a reference. Between 1900 and 1913, there was no
tangible missionary activity. It was not ’until 1913 that
missionary activity began. The reasons for this are not clear, but
the shortage of missionaries who did not even go to Kapropita and
Tugen resistance was possibly the issue. In 1913 Messrs. Anderson
and Stove went to Kapropita (near Kabarnet) to build a missionary
station and begin a school. They stayed there until 1914 when Mr.
and Mrs. Scouten and Miss Hansen relieved them. While Anderson and
Stove were at Kapropita, they helped in the building of a bridge
across the Perkerrn River ( the r i v e r Is about 40 kilometres from
Kapropita).
Up until 1915, the missionary school, which was called the Church
Prayer School 3 , registered less than ten pupils. The first pupils
remembered by the Tugen as having attended the Church Prayer School
at Kapropita included the following! Chebon Rotich of Kasisit,
Chepsergon Arap Chemwetich of Kapropita, Kigen Kandagor of Sacho,
Kosilbet Cheburet of Kapropita and Tipi Kipsetim of Sacho.+
The form of recruitment at that stage (1913) was twofold:
evangelism and pleading with the parents to allow their children to
join the school. Recruitment of pupils was difficult for the
missionaries because very few Tugen wanted their children to attend
school. The missionaries went to many families asking them to
allow their children to attend school, but to no avail.
- 59 -
Mr. and Mrs. Scouten of AIM Kapropita had to bo very patient since
the Tugen people were not keen on education. In 1916, for example,
there were 15 pupils at the mission station and 12 at the
government station who were taught by the Scoutens but who attended
school irregularly. The names of the pupils and the reasons why
they attended the school ore obscure, but probably they were the
sons and daughters of influential chiefs like Cheboto Arap Sogomo
and the children of the people who lived around Kapropita area.
Thoro wow no Tugon tonchor nnH no foon worn pnI d .
The educational philosophy of the African Inland Mission (AIM)
entailed the preparation of its pupils for evangelization and the
spreading of C h r is t ian i t y . The main purpose was to convert the
Tugon and teach thorn to road tho Hi bln a f t e r which they would
spread the gospel. One informant remarked:
. These white-skinned people assembled usat their mission stations and taught us religion. Their main aim was to convert us to Christianity, a religion which was absolutely against our customs. Then they taught us how to count from one to twelve, read the Bible and evangelise for 4 years, after which they sent most of us to preach the'good news' to the rest of the tribe. Those who excelled among us at school were retained as teachers at the station.
In addition to religious lessons, the missionaries taught the Tugen
how to road, to write, to plant crops and to build houses.
However, there were no schools besides Kapropita established in
Northern Tugen, and only a basic school curriculum on how to read,
to write and calculate mathematical problems, emphasis on
scriptural instruction, first in vernacular and then Kiswahili. Mr
Scouten offered to teach the police at the Kabarnet government
station, in addition to the pupils who attended the Kapropita
Church Prayer School, Part of Mr. Scouten's curriculum included
instilling respect into the Tugen especially for colonial
authority, and encouraging the Tugen to plant various kinds oft
foodstuffs at the mission station. At the government station a
similar forum was encouraged 4 days a week where the police mostly
Kavirondo were taught trade, writing and the Bible.
Missionary education was lacking force at the beginning because
the pupils did not attend the school regularly. The missionaries
also found it difficult to combine teaching with evangelization.
The Tugen response in particular was the biggest hindrance to the
missionary work. In 1916 for example, the District Commissioner
at Baringo described the Tugen response by saying, "they are not
anxious to be educated and the missionaries have a thankless task."
5 Although the Tugen stopped running into the bush in fear of
white men, they did not respond positively to missionary education
and did not appreciate the missionary offers of education and
employment. Employment opportunities included gardening and
guiding (geographically) the missionaries as they undertook their
daily activities.
Tho missionaries wero not able to report much progress, for the
Tugen had no use for education in the early years of the mission.
They even looked on the missionaries with suspicion/ Progress was
poor because the parents were reluctant to allow their children to
attend the school, A large proportion of Tugen elders feared that
allowing their children to go to school would mean that:
61
1. Their children would bocomo arrogant nnd without roRpoct;
2. Their children would reject herding;
3. Their children would be taken away by the white men;
4. Their cultural heritage would be distorted.
For the Tugon, mlnnlonnry oduontion was only good for lazy, rude,
stupid and cursed children. One Informant exclaimed,
, At first we went to'Kaamesion’ (Mission)and worked on their farms but we were forced out by our parents because they wanted us to herd the animals. Those who were thought to be stupid (Soljonoi) were allowed to go to school,'
To a Tugen, cultural life was co existent with social and economic
life. A Tugen in the pre-colonial era was one who lived in
accordance with the cultural standards of the Tugen society.
Culture was a measure of success. Most elders who gave
instructions on the traditional education argued that those who
were keen on cultural issues were successful in social and economic
life. Since the cultural life of the Tugen and their economic life
tallied, it was difficult for them to accept mission education
readily. As a matter of emphasis, one Informant argued, " You
cannot separate culture and education. No useful education is
separated from cultural heritage!"0
Between 1916 and 1917, Mr. and Mrs. Dubbeldam joined Mr. and Mrs.
Scouten at the AIM Kapropita station. Work continued until it was
disrupted when Mr. Scouten died in December 1919. Mr. and Mrs.
Anderson and Miss Hansen, came to the station for a while, and then
the station was abandoned in September 1920. Factors such as
disease which overwhelmed the founders seem to have led to this
decision. There was therefore no European missionary activity in
north Baringo, although there was an African Kavirondo teacher
who0e nomo w<*e not rcicordad. Oral informonto any ho wan probably
called Ahmed Babala.0 Babala held classes 4 times a week in the
government station. These classes were principally attended by the
police and their wives.
The period between 1914 and 1920 was a trying time for the
missionaries at Kapropita. The AIM supported itself by
establishing small gardens for agricultural purposes to assist the
pupils at the mission station. The pupils worked on the gardens
and would use the produce as their food.
The early influence of the AIM at Kapropita was negligible. During
the first 8 years, there were no converts and the "Kamasia" were
"not amendable to missionizing influence.",n There might have been
moro progress, had it not boon for tho untJmoty doath of Mr.
Scouten which brought the closure of the school at Kapropita In
1920. In May, 1923, Mr. Dalziel of AIM El Keben and Mr. Barnett of
the Ravine Mission station visited Baringo District, and in October
the same year the missionaries tried to make arrangements to have
a Tugen family stay at the mission because the Kavirondo teacher
was due to leave in November 1923. The search for a Tugen family
to take care of the station was unfruitful.
{iii) Lator developments of mission education
In 1926, AIM resumed its work in Baringo District but this time not
a t * Kapropita but at Kabartonjo where by 1927 it had already
received "progress and popularity." 11 Its popularity was possible
because Rev. E. B. Dalzlel was involved in helping the Tugen
materially- giving them food. In 1928, for example, the mission’s
popularity was enhanced when Dalzlel was involved in the
distribution of "famine relief food using his mission as Depot for
6 months."12 Moroovor, Dalziol supervised the work of the native
famine-clerks at tho Kabartonjo and Innas depots and helped in the
construction of the road between Kabarnet and Kabartonjo.
The year 1928 was marked by famine in most parts of Tugenland, and
the people relied on the AIM for famine relief food. The linkage
between mlnaionnry nnd economic activity became nn advantage to the*
mission station at Kabartonjo. The people were ready to listen to
any person who solved their economic problems. In Northern
Tugenland, where yields harvested in 1920 wore low, the people
welcomed the AIM which they saw as their saviour. By 1929 the AIM
had already begun an out-school on the boundary between Kapteberewa
and Kaboskel locations. Whereas the AIM was doing well in food
distribution and education, the mission was less successful in Its
evangelical work. About that failure the District Commissioner
said,
Their evangelical work is of a very discouraging nature, there is still considerable opposition on the part of many of the older people and I am afraid they will^ for some years ... continue ta find an up-hill fight."
66
There were moves in 1929 to begin a school at Kabarnet (one mile
from Kapropita) but Mr. Dalziel felt that the past results at
Kapropita did not justify a renewal of the school in the same
area.11 The AIM at Kapropita had closed in 1920 and it was not
advisable to re-open it again. It was not because tho Tugen around
Kabarnet did not want a school In 1929 but because Dalziel was not
for It. Had the move taken place, the Director of Education was
ready to give financial assistance.
In 1931, the AIM began an out-school at Sacho but it was soon
abandoned because there was no native teacher and Mr. Dalziel was
concentrating on Kabartonjo School. By 1932, the AIM school at
Kabartonjo had registered about 20 boarding pupils. Some of the
pupils who attended the Kabartonjo mission school were the
following: Ezekiel Klgen Arap Sirma (from Kapluk), Stefano
Chepkonga Kankwany (from Ossen), Paulo Chelimo Cheptoo (from
Kapropita), Benjamin Cherono Minlngwo (from Kapropita), Samuel
Kiptalam Cherutlch (from Bartolimo) and Naomi Ezekiel Klmulwon
( from Kapluk).
When Naomi Ezekiel Klmulwon joined the school in 1932, several
women, including Elizabeth Kobilo Chesire who later joined the
mission school in 1933, ridiculed her thinking that by joining the
school Naomi had become a prostitute. Elizabeth Kobilo Chesire
remembered a mocking song she used to sing with her friends
ridiculing Naomi which went like this.'
Nusu malaya (half a prostitute) ee; Nusu malaya eeNaomi nusu malaya ee; Nusu malaya eeNusu malaya ee ee; Nusu malaya ee ...
65 -
Elizabeth Kobilo herself was attracted to the school by the
preaching of one of the mission's pupils called Stefano Chepkonga
Kankwany when he preached to her at her Kasisit home.
Evangelization was one of the recruitment methods of the school.
After evanapl i r.at (on the converts were taken to school. "Wo werethen put in separate boarding hostels which we called loco and
kaptlpln, ”16 said another Informant. Mrs, Dalziel took care of the
women and the girls who lived at the mission, while Mr.Dalziel took #care of the boys.
In 1933, the Tugen took an increasing interest in educational
matters and contemplated setting up a proper elementary school.
The desire by the Tugen to start a school of their own had been
stimulated by a Nandi teacher called Reuben Seronei who had been
employed by the mission. Reuben convinced the Tugen of the
Importance of western education. He told them that with education,
beyond religious philosophies, one could manipulate several things
and particularly one would be able to bring political independence
to the Tugen from the colonial government. Ho was dismissed c.
1935-1936 for inciting the pupils against the mission,17 and the
plan of an elementary school came to nought.
In 1934, the number of staff at Kabartonjo Increased when Mr. and
Mrs. Bryson, and Mr. Collins, arrived at the station. Further
evidence of an increased Tugen desire for education was the
increase in enrolment to 50 pupils attending the school in October
1934, where 3 pupils passed their elementary examination in
November. In 1934 , the bocal Native Council (LNC) was asked to pay
- 66 -
Sh. 500/= towards the mission funds to assist in the educational
programmes but it flatly refused to pay. The incident in which the
LNC refused to assist the educational enterprise, meant that the
LNC thought educational costs were solely a responsibility of the
missionaries and government and that education benefited the
govornmant and not tho LNC. Soon of tor# thn PNC changed its
attitude and began to help in the cost sharing of the development
plans and In the planning itself. In 1936 LNC began funding the
AIM because they had been convinced by the pupils already attending
both the government and mission schools of the importance of
education for the people themselves. Evidence for this came in
1940 when the LNC promised and gave AIM a grant of Sh. 460 per year
for educational purposes. On this an informant remarked, " The LNC
had begun to help the government in the planning committee and in
the financing sector. We then paid "cess" (a form of payment in
addition to Hut Tax for development projects) which was one
shilling on top of our Hut Tax."1"
In September 1934, also, some Tugon youths (the first Tugen to go
Tambach) were sent to tho government school at Tambach in Elgeyo-
Marakwet district, and the government paid for their fees. The
four individuals were Musa Kandagor from Sacho, Barkwang Kipkoech
from Ewalel, Chepkor Chesang from Kabarnet and Ayabei Rotlch from
Kapchepkor. All of them had studied at Kabartonjo mission school.19
While a t Tambach Government School, the ind iv idua ls were exposed to
a broader scale of learning than religion. Among other courses
they studied agr icu l tu re , mathematics, English and teaching
subjects which were not taught at the mission. After their studies
- 67 -
at Tambach, which took eight years, Musa Kandagor and Chepkor
Chesang qualified as an agricultural instructor and a clerk,
respectively. Musa Kandagor then worked as an agriculturalc
instructor at Kabarnet while Chepkor Chesang worked as a clerk at
Kabarnet government station. Ayabei Rotich and Darkwang Kipkech
became teachers at Eldama Ravine and Kapropita, respectively.
In 1935, six more Tugen youths, mainly from Northern Tugen, were
sent to Tambach Government School. They included Chemjor Arap
Sirimyon from Ngorora location and Cheruyot Klplabat of Sacho. The
two, after they finished their studies, took up important
r e s p o n s ib i l i t i e s . Chemjor Arap Sirimyon became a chief of Ngorora,
while Cheruiyot Klplabat became a carpenter In Nairobi. It was
evident that education had become an avenue to economic prosperity.
Educated ind iv idua ls got "white c o l l a r " or good technica l jobs
while those who had not gone to school did not.
In 1935 there was an encouraging increase In attendance of pupils
at Kabartonjo and Sacho schools, where there were 57 pupils and 22
pupils, respectively. While at the mission, the pupils spent the
morning on gardening work and the afternoons in educational and
religious instruction. The year 1936 saw the first Tugen teacher
at Sacho called Stefano Chepkonga , the opening of an out school
at Kabarnet and Kapropita, under a Tugen called Jeremiah Kiptui71,
and the beginning of a Roman Catholic Mission/ which was also known
as Mill Hill Catholic Mission, at KIturo.
68
Between 1937 and 1940 there was a tremendous increase in the number
of pupils attending the Government Schools at Tambach and
Kapenguria. Two factors propelled the increase. First, there was
a landmark change of policy by the LNC, and secondly, there woo a
lot of influence exerted by the pioneer Tugen pupils at the
Government Schools. In 1939 alone, for example, more than ten
Tugen enrolled at Kapenguria Government School. Among them were
Philip Cheptoo (Kipkarut) of Ewalel Location, Chepkonga Bolt of
Kabartonjo, Ruto Lobatan of Ewalel location, Argut Kiboit and
Reuben Kiboit both of Kelyo location. The number of pupils in
Government, Schools increased because the LNC greatly assisted the
government mainly with planning and some little finance.
Moreover, pupils such as Musa Kandagor influenced the people of his
location by his way of life and by teaching the people about the
importance of education. One informant exclaimed:
These fellows amazed us. They came home for their holidays and were wearing beautiful school uniforms and spoke English. Of course, there was a marked difference between these Klpsukulitln (educated) and us who had not gone to a government school! So, many of us were impressed and we also wanted to go to school and we actually went!
By 1942, the AIM was exercising a strong Influence among the Tugen
at Kabartonjo, where girls were taught how to spin and the boys how
to become good gardeners. Some elders had begun to change their
attitude towards education. One old man remarked, “These
klpsukultin (pupils) Impressed us. We adopted some of the things
they learned.”31 The mission boys gave a lead in building houses,
grain stores and cattle sheds, and were less addicted to alcohol
than those who did not go to school.
In 1944 Mr. Dalziel fell 111 and thus abandoned his work but he had
already exerted a deep Influence on the Northern Tugen they
have exerted a very good Influence on the Kamasla and the products
of their schools are doing very well at the Government school at
Kabarnet and Tnmbach. There was no school or missionary work at
Kabartonjo after Mr. Dalziel died. In 1956, the Africa Inland
Mission was decided to re-open the mission station among the
Northern Tugen at Kapropita not Kabartonjo. Among their plans was the project of a girls’ intermediate school. In 1957, The African
Inland Mission intermediate girls' Boarding school was opened at
Kapropita. Other intermediate schools for both girls and boys such
as Poror and Eldama Ravine were gradually opened so that by 1963,
about 37 intermed 1 ate schools had been opened by ATM.
(iv) Government School.
The year 1942 was a record year, In which 20 Tugen pupils went to
Tambach Government School. The number increased to 24 in 1943, and
in the same year another 10 were sent to Kapenguria Government
School. During the same year, 3 young men were appointed
Agricultural Instructors.
It was not until 20th May 1944, when a Government African School
was opened at Kabarnet, that the Tugen began to enjoy the benefits
and privileges of a Government School in their own district. At
the time the school opened, there were 33 boarders registered in 3
classes, including most of the students at Kapenguria who
transferred to Kabarnet.
70 -
Some of the pupils were: Elizabeth Ezekiel Klqen from Lembus
location (Southern Tugen), Johana Ng'ulat from Lembus, Shem Sadalla
from Lembus, Elijah Chepkonga from Sacho (Northern Tugen), Rotlch
Handle from Kapturin (Northern Tugen), Kiptui Handle from
Kapteberewa (Northern Tugen), Sekuton Tomno from Kaproplta
(Northern Tugen) and Chirchir Chepkonga from Ewalel (Northern
Tugen).
The curriculum was divided into 3 parts of which were technical,
agricultural and literary, all aimed at preparing the pupils to be
of use to their communities upon their return home. For the
technical instruction, the pupils were taught joinery, brick making
and masonry. Both practical and theoretical agriculture were
taught.
From the beginning Kabarnet Government African School began to
initiate important developments. For example, in 1945, 3
candidates out of 5 were sent to the Teacher Training School at
Kapsabet, One of the pupils was engaged as an agricultural
instructor and another os a pottery apprentice. During the year,
the Kabarnet Government African School had 97 pupils in attendance.
Within a short time, in 1946, a primary school and a two-year
secondary school were begun at Kabarnet, emphasizing practical
courses on agriculture and technical training. In 1947, 3 pupils
from the Kabarnet school qualified for secondary education at
Alliance High School. The pupils were: Kiptui Rotlch, Rotlch
Handle and Elijah Chesang. By 1956, there were 137 boys at the
Government African School at Kabarnet and fees were Shs . 105/= per
71
annum. A Zulu, Mr. Natan, was the head teacher at the school.
During the year 1956, 23 out of 33 school pupils passed the Kenya
African Primary Education (KAPE) examination, and one was accepted
at Alliance High School.
While thoro wnn proqrofiH at tho Government Schools, tho Mill Hill Catholic Mission (Kituro Catholic Mission) School began in 1936 was making remarkable progress on educational grounds with Father Van
der Weyden making freguent visits to assist the school financially
and personally. The school was making progress In that it was able
to expand its educational facilities to ennble more pupils to
enrol.
Although most Tugen expressed an increased interest In education,
a larger element among the old men from Northern Tugen were opposed
to western education than among the Southern Tugen. Southern Tugen
demanded more educational facilities from the AIM as early as 1944;
although there was an AIM station (American Branch) at Eldama
Ravine, this was more of a church than a school at that time. The
reason for more opposition among tho Northern Tugen was the rola of
young boys whose main function was hording. To the Northern Tugen
parent, time spent at school was viewed as a waste and a loss, and
thus they were determined not to allow their children to go to
school.
{v) Agricultural Education.
By 1944 severa l Tugen had already trained in agr icu l ture at
institutions outside Barlngo District which Included Bukura, *•
*•72 -
Tambach and Kapenguria schools. Nevertheless there was still a bi<
need for agricultural education facilities in Baringo District
itself, to increase the number of agricultural instructors,
Although the Government African School at Kabarnet opened in Ma^
1944, classes on agricultural education did not begin until 1946.
When the subject was introduced, both theoretical and practical
agriculture were undertaken. The pupils were taught soil
conservation, ridging crop rotation, soil sampling, how to use new
agricultural tools such as tractors and to plant more varieties of
crops apart from maize.
For the practical part of education, some pupils worked as
agricultural instructors in needy areas such as Sacho and Ewalel
Where soil conservation was not effective. In the end, the pupils
who had taken agriculture either became agricultural instructors or
became teachers of agricultural education in the elementary
schools.
Apart from the agricultural education being taught at the
Government African School, trips, tours and shows were organized
for pupils by the government in conjunction with the school to
expose thorn to further practical work in agricultural education.
In 1948, for example, a trip involving the District Commissioner,
the Kabarnet Government African School Principal, the District
Officer of Ravine, the Assistant Agricultural Officer of Kabarnet,
eight chiefs (such as Lobatan of Ewalel), LNC members (such as
Kandle Cheboi and Kwarkwar Kabargoge both from Bartolimo), twenty-
three agricultural Instructors (who included Kipkarut) and ten
73 -
school boys {who Included Frank Chesang) were taken for an
agricultural show at Nakuru, Following the trip to Nakuru several
other shows were organized at Eldorot which were intended to
enhance the agricultural education already taught at the Kabarnet
Government African School and other Government Schools. At the
Eldoret show, Baringo District not only attended but participated
in the shows and was oven awarded a certificate o f High
commendation for its participation.27 Such trips, tours and the
shows greatly assisted the advancement of Tugen agriculture.
In spite of an improvement in the agricultural education, there was
still need for more Instruction in animal husbandry and agr icu l tu re
in primary schools. Moreover, there were complaints from the
government that the Tugen were not so keen on agricultural
education and tended to neglect it. In 1955 for example, the
District commissioner wrote:
Until recently response to Agricultural education among the young was very poor ... I feel that agricultural education of the children, more particularly with Tugen,Is a most important point and should go a loncj way to ensuring ag r icu l tu ra l secur i ty fo r the fu tu r e .2
This need prompted a thorough review of a g r icu l tu ra l education In
1955 when the District Education Board decided to plan properly for
practical agricultural education. The plan included the
Introduction of agricultural education In elementary primary
schools such as Kapropita and Sacho; and organizing more trips and
shows. In 1960, for example, trips and tours were organized to
Nyeri, Kiambu and Mitchell Park (Nairobi) to enhance their
agricultural knowledge.29 By 1961, there was increased formal
74 *
agricultural education and attendance of agricultural shows. Many
farmers were persuaded to attend the ava i lab le a g r icu l tu ra l courses
at Kaimosi and Chebororwo.
The growth of agricultural education therefore helped the Tugen in
the training of agricultural instructors such as Kipkarut, Musa
Kandagor and Kigen Lotemen among others who then helped to change
the Tugen agriculture. As one old man remarked:
The work of Government African School (G .A.S) and those agricultural shows were impressive. Ask anyone here; Kipkarut who had gone to learn agriculture brought the white man's methods to us. Without that agricultural education, very little would have happened here!30
(vi) Conclusion
The development of western education in Tugenland started with
missionary education. The African Inland Mission society triggered
it off in 1908. In the beginning, missionary work registered
little progress because of three reasons: few missionaries were
sent to Tugenland, the missionaries were attacked by diseases, and
the Tugen people took little Interest in the mission. Diseases
forced the missionary station at Kapropita to close in 1920 after
Mr. Scou t on d i e d , Tn J92fi , ml u n i o n work r emimod , this time at
Kabartonjo, The mission gradually gained popularity because it
helped the Tugen during the drought period by participating in the
famine relief programme through to the 1930s. Although the
educational philosophy of missionary education centred on religion
and catechism it enabled several Tugen to learn how to read and to
write, and thus marked the beginning of literacy among the Tugen.
75 - i*
The Tugen response to missionary education determined the
development and the growth of w<stern education in Tugenland. The
attitudes of the Tugen elders and the Local Native Council were
important factors. The Tugen elders, for example, forbade their
children to attend the missionary and government schools because
they feared that they would lose their herding boys or run the risk
of their children being indiscipllned. The LNC on the other hand
thought that the cost of educating Tugen people lay In the hands of
the missionaries or the government, and so it did not assist in
improving educational facilities until much later in the colonial
period when Tugen leaders realised the advantages of education for
the economy of their people in such areas as agriculture.
There was no government school in Tugenland until 1944, whereas the
government started schools In neighbouring districts (at Tambach,
Kapsabet and Kapengurla) much e a r l i e r . The reasons for th is are
obscure, but Jt is thought by many Tugon that tho co lon ia l
government neglected Tugenland intentionally because its
agricultural output was negligible. After 1944, the government
increased its efforts In educational assistance partly because the
Tugon people demanded It.
Western and mission education had a profound Influence on Tugen
society. For the first time the Tugen language was consigned to
writing, and Tugen were taught to read the Bible in their own
language. Missionary education,
- 76 -
however, did not go beyond elementary reading, writing, arithmetic,
simple craft work and gardening with special emphasis on religious
knowledge and character moulding.
The first Tugen to receive mission and western education became the
first to adopt a western way of life. Individuals such as Stefano
Chepkonga of Ossen and Jeremiah Klptui of Dartollmo became the
first teachers who founded Sacho and Kapropita schools
respectively. Others, including Chemjor Arap Sirmyon of Ngorora
and Daudi Kibet, became chiefs. The influence of such men was
greatly felt by the people in the society in that they propagated
the western way of thinking. They were able to influence other
people to go to school and to implement modern agricultural
methods. The Tugen who first received western education pioneered
an economic and social transformation whose influence is felt even
today.
- 77
t
End notes :
1. Oral Information.,Kandagor Chesire, Endao, 4/3/93.2. Kenya National Archives, PC/RVP/81,A p o l i t i c a l History o f
Barlnqo and Eldama Raving D i s t r i c t , “Mlf lg ionariqB 'Mgoe.3. O.I., Elizabeth Kobilo Chesire, Kasolyo, 15/4/93; Alexander
Tomno, Kapropita, 15/4/93.4. O.l., Salim Abdalla, Marlgat, 11/4/93.5. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Reports, Education,1915-1916.6. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Reports, Education, 1915-1916.7. 0.1., Kokop Kaplem, Kapchepkor, 12/10/92.8. 0.1., Frank Chesang, Kabarnet farm (Kabarak), 23/10/92.9. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Missions, 1921.10. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, ^ s a l o n s , 1921.11. KNA, DC/BAR 1/2, Annual Report, Missions,1927.12. KNA, DC/BAR 1/2, Annual Report, Missions,1928.13. KNA, DC/BAR 1/2, Annual Report, Missions,1929.14. Ibid.15. 0.1., Elizabeth Kobilo Chesire, Kasolyo, 15/4/93.16. 0.1., Jacob Chemolwo, Kasolyo, 14/4/93.17. 0.1., Salim Abdalla, Marlgat,11/4/93.18. 0.1., Joel Kipkech, Ewalel (Seretunln), 15/4/93; Alexander
Tomno, Kasolyo, 15/4/93 .19. O.X., Joel Kipkech and Benjamin Andamy from Ewalel; Alexander
Tomno; El izabeth Kobilo Chesire from Kasolyo, 13/4/93.20. ib id .21. Ibid.22. O.I., Benjamin Amdany, Sereturln 15/4/93.23. O.I., Chepkonga Ruto, Marlgat, 23/9/92.24. KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Annual Report, Education,1944.25. KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Annual Report, Eduction, 1946.26. KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Annual Report, Education,1946.27. KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Annual Report, A gr icu l tu ra l In s t i tu t io n ,
shows,1948.28. KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Annual Report, Education, 1955.29. KNA, DC/BAR 1/5, Annual Report, Agricultural Education,1960.30. O.I., Chepkonga Ruto, Marlgat 23/9/92. *
78 *
CHAPTER V
TRANSFORMATION IN CROPS AND TECHNOLOGYf_J915-lj>39
(I) Introduction
This chapter examines the transformation of Tugen agriculture
during the period between the beginning o f the First World War nnd
the beginning of the Second World War. The transformation can be
divided two-fold: transformation by chance and transformation by
experimentation. By chance we refer to the changes that took
place without being planned or designed. By experimentation we
moan chnrigon n r l n l n g out o f pt i rporuMul o f f o r t n by I ho c o l o n i a l
administration and the missions. In general, save for specific
areas, the Tugen developed their agriculture little influenced by
the colonial government's agricultural policy during this period
(particularly before the 1930s), although the circumstances of
colonial rule affected the way Tugen agriculture developed.
The chapter focuses on the introduction of new crops and new
methods of agriculture. The following questions are answered:
Which crops were introduced? Who brought the crops? How were they
brought? How did the Tugen respond? What were the difficulties
that beset Tugen agricultural development? What new technology was
Introduced? Did agricultural change take place in the same way
throughout Tugen society? Did all these Innovations benefit the *
Tugen?
79
In the 1930s, the colonial administrators referred to the Tugen as
"backward"1 and "poor"2, and their form of agriculture was compared
to an "agricultural slum."’ To some extent, the Tugen were poor
and unable to cultivate enough grain to feed themselves adequately.
Factors which brought about this state Included the following:
(i) Land tenure: the Tugen traditional system of land use was
communal. This system limited an individual Incentive and
initiative. However, clan communal economy (In land holding)
changed towards individual land holding economy when colonial power
took root in Tugenland. About this problem, an informant said,
When we were practising communal economy, people were lazy! So, It como to pass that people began to be individualistic and picked up the issue of individual holding to increase production and to lessen laziness among our people.4
(ii) Little government support: there was little government
axpondlturo for agricultural dovolopmonU and oven tho little
support was not used properly.5
(ill) Natural disasters: Within the period between 1915 and 1939
colonial administrators began to focus their attention on the
agricultural needs of the Tugen not because they wanted to but
because they were forced to do so by circumstances. Natural
disasters such as locusts and droughts led the colonial
80
government to help the Tugon Increase their agricultural production in spite of the opposition of European settlers.
(11) Arrival of new crops
Though tho Tugon worn "mainly agricultural"* trmll t.lonnlly, they
planted only wijnbl (millet).7 Before 1915, tho Tugon could not bo
induced into breaking the custom of years of planting anything
other than wlmbi, although they quite appreciated other crops as
foodstuffs . 9 That is, the Tugen l iked to eat these other crops
although they did not plant the crops themselves. In the Soin, the
Tugen were pastoral and did not cultivate anything.9 The
unfortunate thing was not that the Tugen planted only millet but
that they planted it insufficiently. The quantity they planted was
not enough to last them u nt i l the next season.10 As long as they
had plenty to eat and to make beer out of, the Tugen seemed not to
care about the future. When there was nothing left In the granary,
the rich Tugen lived on milk and occasional goat meat while the
poor hunted for wild roots and fruits. The poor Tugen were
sometimes half starved until the next crop was in.11
In view of the above circumstances which surrounded the Tugen
farmers, the colonial government tried to Introduce new crops to
Tugen soil but left the initiative of adopting the crops to tho
Tugen themselves. Besides the government's efforts, the influence
of the church was very important. The African Inland
81
Mission (AIM) at Eldama Ravine, Kapropita and Kabartonjo played an
Important role In influencing the Tugen to practise Western
agriculture.
The suitability of the soil is always paramount for the success of
any agriculture. As for Tugenland, the soil in some of the hills,
for example, around the government administrative station at
Kabarnet was excellent for many new crops.12 Besides the hills the
area along the Ndo river (Kerio Valley) had excellent soil.13
Although some parts of Tugenland were good for the practice of
agr icu l ture , most o f the Tugen h i l l s were rocky and cu l t i v a t ion was
not e a s i l y done. I t was estimated that about 50* of the country
was rocky. In certain specific areas such as Kabimol, wheat,
maize, beans, potatoes and cassava did well when they were tried.
An experiment done on bananas and other f ru i ta at Kabarnet and
Kerio Valley showed that all European fruits and vegetables tried
did well although they grew slowly. It was genera 1ly found thet
most sub-tropical crops grew in Tugen country.14 Even though the
soil was good in some areas the "... natives " did "not take
advantage of it."1'1 The nronn which had good soil Included
Kabartonjo, Knsolyo, Kituro, Slgoro and Knblmoi, to mention a few
places as against areas such as Kewamoi, Kapkut, Kibingor,
Klpcherere and Tibingar where the soil was rocky. An informant
remarked: "Nothing could grow in the Kurget area for example,
Tibingar. We only kept some few animals. But on the hills,
especially at Kasoiyo, crops did well
82
although we (Tugen) were not keen to exploit this fact."1*
*
( i i i ) Maize and o ther crops
The Tugen began to "appropriate and cultivate mahindi {maize) and
sweet potatoes"1' in 1915. However, the appropriation and the
cultivation was not uniformly done throughout Tugenland because the
Tugen themselves had many different theories pertaining to the
introduction of maize and other crops among them depending on the
place (locality of the individual people).
Maize was first introduced abundantly as famine relief during the
1919-1920 drought. Dy 1926, maize had become a popular crop in
certain quarters of Tugenland such as Kabartonjo (around the
mission station) and Eldama Ravine (around the government
station).18 The Tugen who lived around Eldama Ravine and Kabarnet
(the two earliest government stations) were more exposed and had
easier access to maize than did those who lived farther away.
Proximity to either a mission station or a government station made
it easier to adopt not only maize but other European crops as well.
In the latter months of 1926, a good type of Hickory King maize
from America began selling both as food and seed at Kabarnet at
Sh.3/50 per 60 lbs load while the price of maize mill was Sh.10/-
per 601bs.19
Most Tugen agree that maize came mainly as famine relief crop
because of droughts particulary In 1918-1919, 1921-1922, 1926-
- 83 -
1920 and 1931-1934 plus locust Invasions of 1926, 1930, and 1934 to
mention a few.20 One old man referring to 1926 locust Invasion
remarked:
People brought maize to Ewalel from Petkawanin (Sokonin). Europeans did not bring it but we went for it. At that time there was a deadly famine. At that time, I remember, the sun was darkened, there was an earthquake and then came the locust outbreak. There was a lot of Saranaach (disaster). Then we wont for the "posho" and maize seeds, This was how maize was obtained.21
Another way in which maize was brought to Tugen country was through
the miss ionaries , p a r t i c u la r ly the AIM mission o f Mr. D a l z i e l .
Mr. Dalziel b u i l t , a ml an inn n t a l Inn a I K a b n r l o n j n In 1926 and
thereafter assisted the government in the distribution of seeds
during times of famine, as was remarked by an old man at Ossen when
he said " It was Dalziel who did a big job giving us the seeds to
plant. *’22
In addition to the above, the government itself distributed maize
through the chiefs and the officers in the Agricultural Department.
Many Tugen people went to Kabarnet to get the maize seeds when the
government began to distribute seeds during the Sarangach period of
the 1930s.21
(iv) Other crops
The coming of other crops, such as cassava and sweet potatoes, was
due to famine which hit the Tugen. Many times the
04
t
Department of Agriculture encouraged the people to plant drought
resistant crops. A mother at Tuloi confirmed this saying, "Cassava
and sweet potatoes were given to us by the Department of
Agriculture to ease the droughts.’*1'4 Other crops such as bananas,
oranges and vegetables were introduced by experiments (tried by
Europeans among themselves) at the Kabarnet and Eldama Ravine
government residences and stations in 1916-1917. Indeed, some more
new crops, such as potatoes, beans, cassava and groundnuts, were
grown in the Kabarnet and Kldama Ravine township areas by the
government employees. In this way the Tugen began to be lured Into
growing new crops although not in an aggressive manner. During the
same the years, other experiments were done Jn places such as
Kabarnet (for potatoes nnd beans), the Kori o Valley (for rice) and
Ewalei (for lucerne) to determine whether these crops would grow as
they did in the government residences and stations.25 However, the
value of the experiments proved futile because of the jackals,
monkeys, porcupines, thieves and excessive worms which destroyedthe crops entirely.2r‘ The period 19161917 also experienced the
heaviest rainfall within the memory of the Tugen, when Lake Baringo
flooded and crops were spoilt.27 As a result of the 1916-1917
circumstances there were food shortages which extended up to 1919.
It can be said therefore that new crops were introduced due to food
shortages of varying severity which were attributed to drought or
locust invasions. In the lowlands, beans, cassava and sweet *
potatoes were encouraged in baraza (meetings), particularly during the
- 85 -
t
famine periods such as those mentioned above. In 1932, the Local
Native Council (LNC) played an important role in encouraging the
Tugen to plant new crops by financing and instructing them.2" The
attitude of LNC in general towards the new crops was one of
encouragement.29 Moreover, the Tugen were encouraged to plant wattle
trees and drought roeietant crops, onpocinlly at finoho in 1937 . 10
Since famine spread throughout the land inhabited by the Tugen the
new crops also spread throughout the land. Drought resistant crops
such as cassava were introduced in Spin (the lowland plains) at
such places as Tuloi, Kibingor, Radat, and Emining among other
places, whereas English potatoes and maize were mainly planted in
Mosop (the highlands) at such places as Sigoro, Kamelilo and Majl
Mazuri .31
(v) New agricultural methods and technology
In the 1920s, the Tugen were still planting millet by the
broadcasting method. They f i r s t prepared their land by c lea r ing
the steep hill sides, and then scratched the surface ground
slightly with the primitive hoes moqombosiek.32 They did not remove
stumps and seldom weeded their crops. In many instances, in places
such as Ewalel and Kituro, maize seed was also broadcast and
frequently mixed up with millet. When the Kabartonjo mission
school (AIM) opened in 1926 the Tugen began to learn how to plant
maize in rows. In the 1930s, when some few
86
Tugen went to train in agriculture at Bukura Institute of
Agriculture and Tambach Government School, Tugen agriculture began
to change gradually but faster than before. Musa Kandngor of Sacho
and Toroitlch Chebii of Ewalel were some of the people who went to
train as agricultural instructors.33 When they finished, Musa and
Toroitlch began to implement new systems of land use, crop
rotation, allocation of labour, Integral, ion of cropn, ridging
contours by planting seretyon (Kikuyu) in Sacho and Kabarnet
respectively. An ex-Bukura boy, Salim Abdalla from Marigat, is
remembered for helping his fellow Tugen to erect wash-stops at
Marigat. One informant remarked:
Salim Abdalla was even nicknamed Kakirikacha (Mr Agriculture) . He was one of the most learned Tugen in the 1930s and he was a useful individual in the society. We owe him a lot for teaching us new methods of agriculture.34
When Mr. A. C. Mnhor of the Department of Agriculture compiled a
report on soil erosion in 19383% many more Tugen were sent to
Bukura, Tambach and Kapenguria, to study agricultural education so
as to meet the demand for curbing soil erosion. Mr. A .C. Maher's
report was therefore important because it led to an increase in the
number of Tugen studying agriculture. Soil erosion had spread on
Tugen hills, particularly at Sacho and in the Mogoswok lowlands,
due to the large numbers of livestock. As many more Tugen went to
school, new methods of agriculture spread gradually to other areas
of Tugenland. Uneducated Tugen farmers also adopted the new
methods, but the educated were able
87
to grasp the western agricultural methods more easily than the
uneducated. To a greater extent the educated acted an examples for
the rest of the Tugen to follow.
(vi) The Perkerra Irrigation Scheme.
In the pre-colonial period the Tugen did not practise irrigation.
It was not until 1925 that the government experimented with
irrigation at the administration camp at Kipkainburia near Lake
Baringo. Maize and bananas were tried for 6 weeks but were
destroyed by hippopotamus and the experiment failed.
The government's interest in embarking on the Perkerra Irrigation
scheme began in 1932. In that year, the Director of Public Works
in charge of Kenya Colony visited the southern end of Lake Baringo
and was attracted by the? suitability of tho nroa for irrigation.
Upon his return to Nairobi, he reported on the region's suitability
for irrigation to the Department of Agriculture. The scheme was
intended to cater for the majority of the recipients of famine
relief who came from the hot low lying country, particularly those
who lived in Kipcherere, Kibingor, Loboi and Endao. Since their
area was similar in climate to the area under cultivation they
could easily be persuaded to settle there because they were
reluctant to move up into the higher hill country where they
occasionally suffered illness.w
88
The turning point came in 1933 when the Department of Agriculture
proposed the establishment of the Perkerra Irrigation Scheme at
Harigat for the purpose of feeding the hunger stricken Tugen by
substituting their irregular wlmbl yields with such crops as maize
and sorghum to be planted at the Scheme. Substituting wimbi was
not the sole purpose; the colonial government had become tired of
supplying famine relief. The government intended to discontinue
the famine relief in the future. In 1933, the District
Commissioner, Mr. G. R. B. Brown, wrote:
The scheme is thus a most attractive one, and it is to be hoped that the necessary funds will be forthcoming, because, taken together with increased cultivation on Mosop it should remove all need for famine relief in the future.
Following up the proposal, in that same year, Mr. Reckley, a Senior
Agricultural Chemist, embarked on a survey of the alluvial flake at
the southern end of Lake Baringo, reporting that the region was
promising for cultivation under irrigation. The soil was also
tested and analyzed and found to be suitable; the natural drainage
was checked and was pronounced excellent. It was estimated that at
least 16,000 acres of land could be used for cultivation.40 It was
then agreed by the colonial administrators that irrigation furrows
be taken from the Perkerra River at Marigat. In October 1933, the
engineering survey was done by Mr. Mcklonnel of the Public Works
Department, and he reported the scheme's good chance of success If
established. He estimated the cost for the necessary barrage and
furrown ho bo
£5,000.41
89
The details of settlement of the scheme were not worked out but the
ultimate object was focused on creating a number of small holdings
for growing maize and sorghum, together with some fodder crop,
preferably lucerne. Expert supervision was agreed to be paramount
if the irrigation scheme was to succeed.47
As a result of the survey, the colonial administrators saw it
necessary to inform and educate, by meetings, bgraza, with the
Tugen about the government's intentions as regards the irrigation
scheme's establishment because there had previously arisen
misunderstanding between the government and the Tugen. There were
prevalent rumours among the Tugen that the irrigation scheme was
for the benefit of the European community. The Tugen believed that
the scheme was to be handed over to the White Settlers for their
use.43
An informant remarked:
We thought the white men were extending their settlement having pushed us from Solai in 1910. Rumours were widespread especially when the surveyors were doing their work to and from the Perkerra River.... The government later clarified the issue and we were relieved. . .44
Nonetheless, the success of the project was important to save the
government further huge funds such as those spent between 1929 and
1933 for famine relief. The government spent about £10,000
during the period 1929 and 1933.
90
The surveying of the irrigation scheme generated ill feelings
between the Iljamus and the Tugen. This was because the Tugen dug
up and removed the iron pins and the cement embedded by Mr.
Curricle, the engineer of the Perkerra scheme, and then blamed it
on the Iljamus. Afterwards, some few Tugen were arrested but
discharged for lack of sufficient evidence. One Tugen oldman
remarked:
The reason why we removed the pins was to antagonise the Iljamus and the government so that the Iljamus would be seen as troublesome because they had refused us grazing land. We did not succeed . 4,5
After the survey, the plans for the irrigation scheme were not
implemented until 1955. The only explanation given by the
informants for this long delay was that the government did not have
funds to begin the scheme.46 Lack of finance may have been related
to the generally depressed economic conditions in Kenya colony in
the early 1930s. This explanation seemed valid. The irrigation
scheme project finally began when the government got cheap labour
from Mau Mau detainees some of whom were sent to work on the scheme
in 1952.47 The impact of the scheme will be analyzed in the next
chapter.
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(vii) Colonial government policy on Agriculture
The Colonial government policy on Tugen agriculture was not clearly
formulated until the 1930s. Before the 1930s, the colonial
government seemed to have been concentrating on the war against
droughts and famines. In the 1910s and the 1920s the government
distributed some seed and carried out experiments, which failed in
most cases. Because o f recurring famines, the government decided
to adopt a firm policy on Tugen agriculture. The policy objectives
were to increase cultivation, to demonstrate methods o f crop
rotation and to formulate ways and means of curbing soil erosion.
In order to achieve these objectives, an Agricultural Officer was
posted to Baringo for the first time. The government was ready to
suspend all other development schemes even education if it was not
a remedy to Tugen economic woes. In 1932, the District
Commissioner wrote:
The shadow of famine has been present in this district for many years, and the first object of policy should be to remove i t ...Agricultural development takes precedence over any form of betterment. No educational or medical schemes have much chance of success until the economic situation is considerably improved.4"
During the period under consideration, implementation of colonial
policy operated on the following factors:
(a) The distribution of seeds by the government:
As e a r l y as 1919, the co lon ia l government imported new crops to
distribute to the Tugen for planting. In that year, for example,
92
two tons of 90-day maize were imported through the Prov inc ia l
Comrnissioner at Naivasha.49 In 1920, 600 lbs. of 90-day maize seeds
were imported and distributed amongst the Turukwei and Mosop
locations.50 In 1925, the government further distributed seeds and
requested the Tugen to give back some of the seeds after they
harvested.51 In 1926 the Colonial government brought potato,
tobacco and rice seeds for the Tugen to plant.52 In the same year,
it was decided that wheat of a suitable type bo introduced to Tugen
country. In 1931, the Department of Agriculture supplied seeds of
maize, wimbi, potatoes, beans, cabbage and onions costing a sum o f
sh. 1,149 / 03.53 The year 1934 was resolved by the Department of
Agriculture as the year of Increasing the following crops: maize,
wimbi, beans and potatoes but without stating the quantity. At the
same time, the Native Foodstuffs Ordinance (of 1934), which decreed
that every native must be self-sufficient in food, was used as a
weapon to influence the Tugen to plant new crops. The ordinance
also declared that people should not sell their food or consume It
all before the next planting season, and that people should have
their own seeds for planting. In 1936, the District Commissioner
emphasized the need to grow drought resistant crops:
.... .it appears more necessary to concentrate on the growing of mixed and drought resisting crops In the higher areas where people are badly off for stock than to worry much about agriculture . . .54
(b) Experimental plots: Experiments performed by the
Department of Agriculture failed to achieve the desired goals
93
immediately. Due to the rocky and dry nature of the soil in Ewalel
location, for example, lucerne could not do well.” Although most
experiments failed, bananas, wheat and other crops such as maize
did well at the boma (Kabarnet government station).56 In March
1925, eight seed experimental plots were established in the Kamasia
(Tugen hills) area with very encouraging results.57 Cassava, "mbazi
beans", groundnuts and sweet potatoes were recommended to Tugen
farmers by the government officials for experiment In the lower
lying lands. The experiments were however, not performed until
later in the 1940s because the Tugen were not ready to put into
practice what had been recommended.
(c) Agricultural training:
Before the government effected its policy of training the Tugen,
some few Tugen had gone outside their districts and had gathered
some knowledge of crops and modern methods of agriculture and in
turn taught their people what they had learnt. By the 1920s, the
government saw the need of sending African students to acquire
agricultural skills because there was no Tugen agricultural
instructor at that time. In 1925 the government looked for three
young men who were willing to be articled to the Department of
Agriculture and who would return to their Reserve after three years
training in Nairobi. After their training, the young men were
expected to carry out the duties of Agricultural Instructors.
However, it was not easy to find suitable and
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t
willing candidates. In spite of the excellent conditions promised
them while in training, no one was brave enough to venture the
journey to Nairobi.5” One Tugen informant said, "None of us wanted
to go there! Our parents thought we would be lost. We could go
but we were afraid to go to a foreign land - Korop chl.,,vt
(d) Baraza (Meetings) and Tours:
Meetings were organized with the influence of the chiefs to induce
tho people Into planting new crops. The system of propaganda was
used. Tours were organized, intended to educate the Tugen on new
crops and methods. In 1924, when the government began to pay
special attention (special attention in that the government went
further than the distribution of seed) to instruct the people on
new crops, tours were organized by the government at the Department
of Agriculture so as to induce the Tugen to increase their
production by utilising the valleys suitable for cultivation.
During the tours in the districts, the colonial Department of
Agriculture emphasized the planting of beans more than maize and
wimbi, because beans took a shorter time to ripen.
(viii) Tugen Response to the Government policy on Agriculture
In 1919, the District Commissioner in Baringo wrote, "Among the
Kamasia whose total population Is 20,340 and the estimated acreage
of cultivation per head is 2 acres."50 Although the
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total population is given for the whole District, the District
Commissioner's estimate of cultivated land must have been based on
the Mosop area only. Not all the Tugen were cultivating in 1919,
since some had migrated to Soin to settle as livestock keepers.
Cultivation was practised in places such as Majl Mazuri, Poror,
Metlpso, Torongo, Sacho and Kabartonjo, while Loboi, Marigat and
all other lowland areas were not suitable for cultivation other
than through irrigation. The Tugen who cultivated were mainly the
Northern Tugen whose life was dependant on agriculture.
The year 1919 was not an ordinary year. This was the year when the
government embarked on providing grain to the Tugen. The move was
occasional because famine had hit Tugenland In 1917 and 1918 thus
forcing the the colonial government to play an important role of
iaod distribution to oase the problem. In 1919, efforts by the
colonial government to introduce new crops and technology In
agriculture received a poor response. The new crops included
beans, maize, cassava and European fruits, while the new technology
involved the use of modern tools such as the jembe (a digging tool)
and soli conservation. Mainly the Tugen living in the vicinity of
the government station went to buy the seeds for planting. In
addition to buying seeds to plant, the Tugen also bought food In
the form of grain to eat. The 1919 annual report read: "It was
possible to hawk food round the district and only those natives who
live near the station have come in to buy.
96
There are no prospects o f native-grown grain unti l August.nfi1 To
a government agriculturist, the district was most disheartening.62
Even in 1922, the Tugen were still wlmbi cultivators and new crops
had little impact on them. They still planted insufficient wlmbi
for food and thoy conhinuod to use wlmbi broadcasting method* In 1924, H. L. Mood, the District Commissioner at that time, wrote:
For a number of months each year a large proportion of the tribe exists on the verge of starvation, Turukwei, and Mosop areas are fairly suitable for cultivation In parts. The Tugen are poor cultivators, and content themselves with cutting down bush and forest on steep hill sides, firing it, scratching the ground with their ridiculous little hoes, and sowing wimbi seed broadcast. No tree stumps or bush stumps are removed and the crops are seldom, if ever weeded. Some maize is grown in Mosop area, but is planted very close together, never weeded, and frequently mixed with wimbi in the same plots.63
In general, progress by the Tugen in practising modern agriculture
as demonstrated by the colonial Department of Agriculture was more
readily received by the Southern Tugen than the Northern Tugen,
though there were areas of the Northern Mosop which were especially
suitable for agriculture. In 1927, a colonial administrator
commented:
The Northern Tugen are exceedingly poor and live in a perpetual state of semi-starvation. Their Reserve is quite unsuitable for agriculture on a larger scale. It is only in the Mosop, hill location, that any extensive cultivation Is possible.
97
The Southern Tugen are more fortunate, situated as they are on the edge of a large settled area. Their chances of progress are therefore greater.64
In 1929, the Local Native Council (LNC) collaborated with the
colonial government in the distribution of seeds for the first
time. The LNC participation in the seed distribution may have
accounted for the tremendous agricultural increase mentioned by the
District Commissioner who felt that the Tugen were progressing
towards bettering their agricultural life:
The characteristic feature of agriculture in this district is the tremendous increase in the areas under maize, compared to a few years
* ago. Now every native in the hill areas growsmaize and of a very satisfactory type ...G5
With all the efforts made by the colonial government to promote
modern agricultural technology, the Tugen were still slow to adopt
it. An informant at Ossen agreed that the Tugen were slow learners
who could not adopt modern technology easily, but he felt it was
mainly due to Tugen arrogance that modern technology was not
widespread in Tugen]and in 1930s. He remarked;
Generally our people are lazy and never aggressive. They only like easy work and disliked anything foreign. Hitherto, they have gradually changed. Arrogance has disappeared overtime and we are now moving towards modernity . . .66
The local headmen and chiefs played an important role In helping
the Tugen realise the Importance of cultivating new crops.67 some
of the chiefs and headmen were Cherono Arap Kelno of Lembus,
98
Kimnyargis of Keben and Chebii of Endorois. On occasion the chiefs
would force the people to effect soil conservation measures, to
apply crop rotation and plant the new crops. Individuals who
failed to comply with the chiefs' directives were punished by
fines. One informant remarked, "The chiefs were powerful - more
powerful than the white man himself. Everything he said was final.
We therefore had to apply all the agricultural methods sometimes by
In roet
Through the efforts of the chiefs, who were not just implementing
colonial government policy but seeking to educate their fellow
Tugen, the Tugen In the hill areas began to grow maize of a very
satisfactory type. Continuous efforts to encourage the Tugen in
Turukwei to grow bananas and other permanent crops met with little
success. Instead the Tugen uprooted the banana trees planted for
experimentation. "They seemed to be of no use to us. We then
arrogantly removed them!", said an inf ormant.
Not all the Tugen frustrated the experiments performed by the
Department of Agriculture. Some Tugen in Keben location co
operated with the Department of Agriculture to plant hay fodder
crop. One such enterprising Tugen was the Keben Headman Cherono
Arap Keino.70 He planted and stored the hay fodder for future use.
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t
Due to such enterprising Tugen as Cherono Arap Kelno, Tugen headmen
took the initiative in promoting the storage of seeds. In
November, 1934, for the first time, the Tugen headmen requested the
government not to allow their people to sell their farm products in
view of a likely famine.71 Possibly, this allowed the Tugen to
plant more seed, and thus in 1935, the District Commissioner
reported, "the area of cultivation is reported to have been greater
than before . ..”72 The agricultural instructors also reported that
there were few difficulties in their enforcement of new
agricultural methods.71 It is likely therefore that the work of the
headmen and agricultural instructors helped to increase the area
cultivated. In 1935, the LNC spent Sh. 1,988/= to purchase seeds
but Ind icated that it was buying seeds for the last time, arguing
that the responsibility of purchasing seeds lay with the Department
of Agriculture and not with the LNC.74 In saying this the LNC knew
that the Department of Agriculture was not in a position to
purchase the seeds and therefore the responsibility would fall
directly on the people themselves. This part of the effort made by
the headmen (as in this case members of the LNC) to make their
people self-reliant and independent from the Department of
Agriculture or LNC by storing their own seeds for planting in the
next season. The action of the chiefs improved Tugen agriculture
and some Tugen remember it with nostalgia. One Tugen remarked,
"These chiefs and headmen taught us the hard way."”
100
(ix) The first Tugen instructors.
In 1937, there were two young men, Toroitich Chebii from Ewalel and
DAudi Cheaut from Kapturln (Saimo) who completed their agricultural
training at the Bukura Institute of Agriculture.76 On graduation,
the two were employed by the Department of Agriculture (and paid
through the Local Native Council)77 as agricultural instructors, to
instruct the Tugen on soil conservation, crop rotation and ridging
at Kabarnet and the surrounding areas such as Sacho and Bartolimo.79
As reported by the District Commissioner, the two Tugen instructors
concentrated on impressing the illiterate Tugen by how many long
English words they knew: "I have heard one address a baraza as
follows: "There is a thing which is called in English cross-
pollination' (Loud applause!)."79 But several informants refuted
the District Commissioner's assessment by saying that without the
assistance of the two Tugen instructors, little progress would have
been realized in Tugenland.90 The informants agreed that the Tugen
Instructors sometimes addressed the baraza using some few English
words but they always interpreted them into the Tugen language.
Through the instructors, a certain measure of change was witnessed
in most parts of Mosop. For example, wattle trees were planted for
the first time in Sacho. Also, the people were encouraged to plant
drought resistant crops, not to cultivate the land on the slopes,
and to construct wash-stops on all cultivated
101
land. After spending most of April in 1937 in Tugen territory
examining the effects of soil erosion, Mr. H.C. Maher of the
Department of Agriculture reported that the soil erosion in the
Tugen hills was a serious problem and that with the forthcoming LNC
annual meeting, the problem could only be dealt with by a full time
Tugen member of staff acting as a superv isor .01 He reported that
in the higher country, damage was caused by care]ess cultivation
and scarcely if at all by goats or sheep, as happened in the
lowlands. In 1938, a Local Native Council meeting resolved to wage
war against soil erosion. The Tugen who lived on the highlands
responded positively in the curbing of soil erosion because they
wanted to improve their crops, while the lowland Tugen showed
little interest because they were livestock keepers.
In 1939, the Department of Agriculture emphasized
demonstration plots modelled in the western way, and started such
a plot at Bartolimo. The Bartolimo demonstration plot was managed
by Daudi Chesut. The purpose of putting up a demonstration plot
with a LNC instructor was to serve as a model for local shamba
(farm) owners who were required to work on the plot and acquire
knowledge by so doing.02
t
(x) Natural disasters for and against Progress
Natural d isas te rs such as famine both assisted the transformation
of the Tugen economy and hindered it. For example, in 1916 and
102
1917/ natural disasters hindered progress when the experimental
crops were attacked by animals and destroyed by excessive rains.
Although these were European experiments(experiments intended to
benefit Europeans and not natives), they were helpful in guiding
the Department of Agriculture to know which new crops were suitable
for Tugenland. In Kabarnet, for example, jackals destroyed the
maize; and porcupines destroyed beans and sweet potatoes, and the
rest was destroyed by rains.”3 Famine was a turning point because
it forced the colonial government to import seeds for distribution
in 1919. The period between 1921 and 1928 was bedeviled by poor
ra in s especially. For example, in 1927, only 30.34" of rain was
received short of the average 53.50" rain in the previous 15 years.
The famine of 1928 catalysed the distribution of seeds and the
implementation of famine relief, which was given from January to
March when the rains came, but the maize was then invaded by
locusts. The locusts destroyed practically all the crops of the
entire Northern Tugen reserve but did little damage in Southern
Tugenland. Thus among the Southern Tugen there was less distress
tha'n among the Northern Tugen. At that time, there were literally
no interior roads in the whole of Tugenland which would have
allowed the transportation of famine relief food. Only Marigat
served as a depot for the delivery of posho (maize flour).
Meanwhile, Mr. H.G. Evans, the District Commissioner, and five
locust officers fought the locusts. At Marigat, Eldama Ravine and
Kerio Valley, the locust invasion continued throughout 1929.
103
the year 1930 saw heavy rains in May and July, which caught the
Tugen unawares in the middle of clearing their land, and thus
hindered the sowing season. They waited for the rains to ease, but
instead the rains continued, forcing them into sowing nothing on
their farms and to rely on wild fruits, wild roots and famine
relief. Seven locations, including Ewalel, Kaptaberewa, Kapturin
1 and Chapchap, were the most hit.
A further invasion of locusts particularly in 1930 and 1931
prompted the government to build a motor road to the seven
locations so as to be able to distribute relief food. Indeed, the
locust invasion was as serious as in 1928-29; the locusts destroyed
the crops in the main grain fields, of Mosop which stretched along
the top hill between Lake Baringo and the Kerio Valley, from the
borders of Ngorora and Lawan locations and Kakimor. Due to the
natural disasters in 1931 there was a food shortage which affected
some 800 families who relied on famine relief, the government spent
sh 33,596/39 to feed them."4 As for the locust invasion in 1931,*
the District Commissioner wrote:
The rain fell, the crops matured, and would have been excellent, but swarms of flying locusts came down the Kerio River from South Turkana. The whole district fought this menace but without avail and, the result being that the Mosop area is estimated to have lost 60 to 70% of their crop and shambas in the Kerio valley, the owners of which live on the hill side .... The swarms of locusts not only damaged the crop as stated but they also turned their attention to the grazing which the rains had brought on so nicely."’'
- 104 -
These natural calamities opened the eyes of the Tugen to see the
need of increasing and diversifying their agricultural production.
Although the Tugen had experienced such natural disasters before,
they had not changed because they employed traditional measures.
But during this period, there was an intense accumulation of
disasters that traditional methods could not outwit. The hardship
of drought and locusts, combined with low wage payment for labour,
caused a big decline in revenue. The Tugen Hut Tax was reduced to
six shillings a year from twelve shillings - a sum "beyond the
capacity of thousands of natives In this sparsely populated
tribe. "e6 The Tugen therefore had no choice but to react
differently. They were stimulated by such problems to increase
agricultural produce, especially when there was enough rain and no
locusts. There was good reason for hope, as expressed by one of *
the colonial administrators in 1932 when he wrote:
The shadow of famine has been present in this district for many years... There Is no doubt that the Mosop hills can bear much bigger crops than they do, and given reasonable luck in the matter of locusts, there is no reason why the Tugen should not be quiteself-supporting.B7
In 1933, the government did something unusual to find out who
exactly among the Tugen genuinely needed famine relief. Also the
government wanted to help the people realise that they should not
always depend on famine relief but learn to cultivate more land and
to store food in time of abundance. The government decreed
105
that anyone who needed famine relief food should work on roads,tbuilding of government structures and other public works. As a
re su lt , there occurred a drop in famine relief demand from 150 bags
to 24 bags a month in Southern Tugen.RR In Northern Tugen, many
people literally threw away their famine relief tickets at Kabarnet
depot, and one Tugen exclaimed, "Now the government Is going to
demand payment only. Real cases of destitution would be brought.
Due to the government's requirement and the natural calamities,
cult ivation increased. The year 1934 became the f i r s t year since
1926 when famine relief was provided, even though in 1934 itself
there was a locust outbreak and the short rains failed since only
2,11 inches were received, the lowest since 1918. Although there
were good rains from the month of March 1937, and the crops were
sprouting well they were invaded by caterpillars at all altitudes
under 700 feet which reduced the crops to nothing. During the
following year, 1938, there was late rain and another locust
invasion from Churo into Ngubreti and Sabatia, and yet the Tugen
managed to survive better than before.
(xi) Conclusion
Transformation In crops and in technology changed the Tugen in
several ways. First, it diversified the crops grown by the Tugen.
Instead of relying only on their sorghum and millet, they now had
maize, beans, sweet potatoes and cassava in addition. Maize became
a staple crop for the Tugen with which they made
- 106 -
;jali (cooked maize flour). The Tugen continued to grow sorghum
and millet but maize gradually replaced these crops as staple food
for the society. New crops (including beans) became alternative
crops in case sorghum, millet and livestock were unavailable or in
limited supply at certain periods. For example, as drought
resistant crops cassava and sweet potatoes provided important
security in times of drought. The people would continue to have
food to eat even during seasons of drought. This development
helped the Tugen in that they no longer depended on wild berries
and roots during difficult times.
Dependence on famine relief was reduced with the coming of new
crops. The Tugen were able to use the modern methods of
agriculture to increase production. It was evident that some Tugen
were now able to do cultivation all the year round.
The Introduction of new crops and technology also helped the Tugen
to gain access to a permanent source of money supply. Before the
new crops arrived, the Tugen only depended either on their labour,
particularly outside the district, or the sale of their produce to
the needy tribes around them. For example, those Tugen who planted
tobacco sold it to the Pokot who needed it. The Tugen who produced
maize were able to sell it to the Indian Posho Millers who would in
turn sold the maize flour to the Tugen people.
- 107 -
rue to this new source of money, the Tugen began to educate their
children because they had enough money to use for their children's
education. The transformation of the agricultural sector thereforeJ! boosted the educational sector in Tugenland. And agricultural
education, which was emphasised by the coLonlal government,
improved the Tugen a great deal.
The attitude towards agriculture changed a great deal between 1919
and 1939. Before 1919, the Northern Tugen feared to eat maize
because they thought it would grow on people's heads or would grow
on the unborn children. This attitude forbade pregnant mothers to
eat maize. As an old mother said, ’’The white man's albai (maize)
was feared. Our old people thought it was harmful. Well, the
attitude changed before 1940. ",K1 The attitude changed with time so
that by the 1940s, many Tugen in most parts of Baringo had adopted
maize as a crop. As for the agricultural methods, the Tugen at
first were not easily convinced of crop rotation, soil conservation
and contour ridging, but they later changed because they saw the
fruits of its application. Spearheaded by the agricultural
instructors such as Musa Kandagor, Elijah Rotich and Chebon, Tugen
farmers began to adopt modern methods of agriculture. Also, the
instructors helped the Tugen people to obtain farming implements
made of iron, such ns the digging tool popularly known by the Tugen
as jembe. to replace their wooden implements.
- 108 -
Natural calamities were a stimulus to increased production. This
occurred mainly in the highlands Mosop at such places as Kabartonjo, Sacho and Kabarnet. The people of these areas learned
to plant different crops on their farms as a protective measure for
Umos o f fnmino .
The Tugen benefited from the period of natural tragedies because
roads w ere constructed. The roads were constructed so as to
transport the famine relief food to the affected areas. Those same
roads, after famine relief was over, became useful to the Tugen who
were able to transport their livestock and crops for sale.
Even with all the effort put by the Tugen into improving their
agriculture the colonial administrators still referred to Tugen
agriculture as a slum. In 1938 the D is t r i c t Commissioner wrote:
The Kamasia, Elgeyo... may be considered amongst agricultural slums of Kenya Colony.91
Reference to Tugen agriculture as a slum was sometimes relative.
From the Tugen stand point, solid progress had been made, and the
term "slum" was not warranted because Tugen agriculture had
experienced many innovative changes in the two decades prior to
1939. However, from the point of view of the whole colony the
Tugen agriculture was as a "slum" as it did not compare, for
example, with agriculture as practised in Kikuyuland.
- 109 -
i*
Taking into considerat ion the lack o f education among the Tugen and
the numerous natural ca lam it ies , Tugen agr icu lture had made great
strides. I t cannot be true that the Tugen had not transformed
their a gr icu l tu ra l l i f e although they were beset by natural
d isasters.
- 110 -
'• . > 1 - 1) - . I *■ t' ■ ■ -' ■. : * i * t ■»:: . ' :1I r< ' ! ■ ' ■ , I r ! it , A- * ■; .1 ! J r ; .
......1 f . : - i t * ! . ! •
! * ■; f -■ , 1 » I r m *
1 M M ,
t i ! i ;I .' t *1 t
t • I . , :
I , A r. ( ■ i i l 11 - ■ j t * ,
< N. I
f >t 1 1 ..
- ,1 p . [ r * , *
1 1 I- f t r ? . ,r
A " " ! 1 1 ! -
" i . - ' i r i , ; * :
- • ■ n . 1 ’ * f l t - - .. •
I I I - t .
1 1 P ' |
1 ' *
It ' t *
r » , A
< ". ■ V
! r f . A . ! 1; , -
. f i
, i i1 i P * 9 j
, > -i " i ;i l I - | i
, . !t f . 1
" i t l | i ' 1 ! *
. * 1 ~ l iW K 1 i ' ■
i 1 P * i t
r •
, * *
A- . r - ' M I V> \ I ' .M l I ! r | ? ♦ . ’ ;•
42.43.
44.45.46.47.48.49.50.51.52.53.54.55. 5657.58.59.60. 61. 62.63.64.65.
66.67.68.69.
70.71.72.
73.74.75.76.
77.78.79.
80.
81.
Ibid.O . I . , Rev. Reuben Kiprop Cheruticli, Kabarnet, 8/10/92(He saw the surveyors In 1933 while herding his father's goatsat Maoi near Marigat).O.I., Chekonga Ruto, Marigat 23/9/92.O . I . , Rev. Reuben Kiprop Cherutlch, Kabarnet, 8/10/92.O. I ., Kandagor Chesire,KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/2, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/1, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/1, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/2, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/2, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/2, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/2, AnnualKNA, DC/BAR/1/1, AnnualIbid *
Endno,10/9/92.Report, Defence Affairs,1952. Report, Agricu 1 tore, 19 32. Report, Agriculture,1919. Report, Agriculture,1920. Report, Agriculture,1925. Report, Agriculture,1926. Report, Agriculture,1931. Report, Agriculture,1936 Report, Agriculture,1916-17.
KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Agriculture,1925.Ibid.O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapklamo, 12/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Agriculture,1919.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Agriculture,1924.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Tuqen, 1927.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Agriculture andMeteorological,1929.O.I., Chepkonga Yatich, Kaptum (Ossen) 16/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Chiefs and Headmen,1932. O.I., Philemon Kandie, Talai, 11/10/92.O.I., Chepkurgat Arap Chemjor, Kabarnet Farm (Kabarak), 21/10/92.O.I., Chebilioch Arap Moiben, Slgoro, 26/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture,1934.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture andMeteorological,1935.Ibid.Ibid.O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapklano, 12/10/92.O.I., Alexander Tomno, Kasoiyo, 15/4/93; Elizabeth Kabilo Chesire, Kasoiyo, 15/4/93.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture___ andMeteorological,1937.O.I., Alexander Tomno, Kasoiyo, 15/4/93; Raymond Cherono Tomno, Marigat, 11/4/93; Elizabeth Kobilo, Kasoiyo, 15/4/93; Jakobo Chemolwo, Kasoiyo, 14/4/93.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture, andMeterological, 1937.
112
I
$2r KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture, 1939.S3. KNA, DC/BAR/1 /1, Annual Report, Agriculture,1917-1918 .04 KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Aqrlcu1ture,1931.05 Ibid.56. KNA, DC/BAR/8/1, A Political History of Barinqo and
Eldama Ravine District. C.1945.87. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Agriculture,1932.98. KNA, DC/BAR/8/1, A Political History of Barinqo and Eldama
Ravine District. C .1945.89. Ibid.90. KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture, 1938.91. Ibid.
t
113
! CHAPTER VI
TRANSFORMATION IN CROPS AND TECHNOLOGY, I94Q-1963
(i} Introduction
The two decades ending in 1963 were characterized by the
introduction of more demonstration plots with the support of the
Local Native Council. During this period the colonial government
took more interest in the introduction of cash crops such as
coffee, pyrethrum and onions among the Tugen 1 and in training the
Tugen.2 The Tugen therefore had increasing opportunities to
advance their agriculture. Moreover, it was within this period
that the government was able to bring natural disasters like locust
invasions under better control. Roads were increased and the
government began to use more finance for the purposes of
agriculture in the experimentation of cash crops and the
improvement of agricultural technology.
Before the Second World War, progress in Tugen agriculture was
relatively slight except in areas around the government stations in
comparison with the period after the war. Poor progress during the
war was closely tied with the exportation of the Tugen to the war.
The colonial government concentrated on international matters,
particularly the war, and paid little attention to improving Tugen
agriculture.
- 114 -
after the Second World War, the Tugen began to accelerate their
-ace so far as agriculture was concerned. They were exposed to
cash crops and to more demonstration plots and experiments. The
following reasons among others explain why there was rapid
development of Tugen agriculture between 1940 and 1963: first, the
colonial government gave priority to the demonstration plots,
secondly, the Tugen, especially the war veterans who had been
exposed to things abroad, began to practise what they had seen
while in the war. Other factors Included education, the efforts of
headmen and chiefs, and population growth.-
In the 1950s, when political rebellion against the colonial
government was fomented by Mau Mau, the Tugen benefited a great
deal, particularly in the agricultural sector. First, they
benefited because Mau Mau prisoners were used to build the canals
at the Perkcrra Irrigation Scheme. Secondly, by Interacting with
the hard working agricultural Kikuyu, the Tugen learned the value
of hard work. During the period immediately prior to independence
In 1963, Tugen agriculture greatly Improved even with the political
turmoil in the colony at the time.
[11) Agriculture during the war l 9 4 0-l_M5^dgmonstration plots as
:he government policy
ihefe were about ten demonstration plots in Tugen country in
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The demonstration plots included the following sites: Kabartonjo,
Tlmboiwo, Mtarokwa, Bartolimo, Chebartigon, Chebloch, Kuress, Loboi
and Poror.
During this period the Department of Agriculture concentrated on
demonstration plots more than before. on the part of the Tugen,
there was an increased interest in modern agriculture as
demonstrated at the plots, although the Second World War brought
certain problems such as the energetic young men being taken away
by the government for the war. As a result of the demonstration
plots, contour ridging on the sloping ground was imposed and the
seed strains introduced to discourage hill-side cultivation . 1
As part of the government's new approach, Mr. Chaundy, the
Principal of the Government African School of Kapenguria, was
called to help in the development of demonstrations plots in
Tugenland . 4 in the vicinity of the plots, there were simple
rat-proof stores. Mr. Chaundy would make regular visits to the
demonstration plots and would encourage the Tugen who had free
access to the plots to emulate what had been demonstrated. Some
Tugen would provide labour on the plots. In fact, some of them
voluntarily maintained the demonstration plots; in return, they
learned agricultural skills from the instructors, and were issued
free seeds after the harvesting was done. At the end of each
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i*
reason, maize, groundnuts, potatoes, tomatoes and other crops were
harvested on the demonstration plots.*
In 1941, the Local Native Council (LNC) established and
I maintained its own demonstration plots in Kabarnet and Ewalel
location. The demonstration plots were used to teach modern
agriculture to the Tugen. The LNC's action during that year
stimulated the Tugen to take more interest in modern agriculture.
The Local Native Council also instituted a rule of contour ridging
on new farms and reconstruction of old ridges on the contour farms.
Instituting such a rule wholesale would have led to opposition
from the Tugen people because contour ridging was not a widespread
practice among Tugen farmers. Forcing the rule on the people
without practical examples would have antagonized the whole
community and thus limited the success of the new method. To
foster the implementation of contour ridging, the government
practised a policy of not antagonising the Tugen. A few
cooperative individuals were selected through a method devised and
supported by the Local Native Council . 0 About this the District
Commissioner wrote:
Rather than antagonise the whole community, it was therefore decided to select certain individuals, on the advice of the elders in baraza, and for the coming year concentrate on their shambas. This decision does appear to have restored confidence and has the backing of the LNC . 7
117
I Although the Local Native Council supported the government's
policy, some Tugen were still adamant that the demonstration plots
were not benefiting their Tugen society. The people at Kabarnet
location indeed pressurized the government to close down Chebloch
demonstration plot against the wishes of the Department of
Agriculture. Some of the reasons for their demand were: pasture
- lest their goats eat the crops at the plots (since they wanted
their goats to graze freely without interference from the
demonstration plot) and that the demonstration plots had failed to
achieve the required results. However, the request was not
granted to them. While the Kabarnet Tugen complained and rejected
the demonstration plots, Mr. Chaundy reported minimal complaints
from the Tugen of other locations . 8 The Loboi demonstration plot,
for example, which was situated in East Endorois, proved a
successful irrigation site, although a few natural problems, such
as the health problem of malaria which was often experienced by the
instructors, kept on recurring. The Kabarnet Tugen were unique in
their attitude to the demonstration plots because of their high
population density. Tugen in other areas did not have limited land
for their livestock as the Kabarnet people did.
Although the demonstration plots were deemed by the Department of
Agriculture and LNC to be doing well, problems continued to beset
them. First, the stalk borer pest8 attacked the maize in 1942,
yj5 hindering development. The pest calamity was, however,
-rotated by uprooting and burning the maize stalk. In this way, a
-umber* of Tugen benefited by learning that burning and uprooting :he maize stalk controlled or destroyed the stalk borer. Since
:nly a few people learnt this practice voluntarily, the LNC passed
3 law which required the uprooting and the burning of maize stalk
50 as to stop the "maize stalk borer . " 10 Not all Tugen were willing
to uproot and burn the infected maize. For unknown reason they
refused to heed the advice given by both LNC and the Department of
Agriculture. It is speculated by many informants that those who
did not heed the advice did so out of ignorance . 11 It was a new
thing to them. One of them exclaimed, "Burning means destruction
in our culture. We could not understand why we should destroy what
we had planted. Anyway, I can say we were ignorant , " 12 Secondly,
the Chebloch demonstration plot was flooded thus curtailing the
anticipated rice harvest in 1942.11 The disaster forced the LNC and
the Department of Agriculture to seek an alternative demonstration
sitre. Thirdly, there was poor management and there were few
instructors to guide the development of the demonstration plots.
Due to the lack of local instructors, the colonial government
decided to engage a trained Suk from the Kapenguria plots for the
Bartolimo and Chebloch demonstration plots . 14 At the time when the
Suk was engaged, there were only three local Tugen instructors,
namely: Elijah Rotich, Chepyegon Yatich and Benjamin Chebon.1’
119
Elijah, who was the senior local instructor, was reportedly doing
( well in his work although he was receiving a lot of obstruction
from some of the people who kept on trying to graze around the
demonstration plot he was working on. In order to attract the
services of local instructors, the Department of Agriculture,
decided to give prizes to the instructors whose demonstration plots
produced the best results. At the end of 1942, the first prize was
won by Benjamin Chebon of Ewalel location . 16
By 1943, six years after the first local Instructors began their
work, they had made a big impact. This was possible because the
local instructors increased In numbers; in 1937 they were only two
but by 1.94 3 had increased to ten.
In 1943, there were other important developments which boosted the
agricultural lifestyle of the Tugen. First, maize was planted in
rows particularly at the Mtarakwa area . 17 The planting of maize in
rows was an encouraging move by the Tugen who had not planted their
maize In rows before but who had been mixing maize with finger
millet. The planting in rows was significant because it made
weeding easier and harvest yields better. This was the first time
for the Department of Agriculture to achieve such a goal in the
Tugen country. The change was brought about by the local instructors who instilled the new skills in their follow Tugen.
120
i e c o n d l y , it was reported that more beans wore planted than usual
2nd they were harvested earlier than the popular wimbi. This
I development indicated that the Tugen had seen the importance of
;rowing other crops other than their traditional crops. Thirdly,
in the hilly areas, the Tugen improved contour ridging, stumping,
2nd fencing. They also constructed grazing paddocks in most areas.
The instructors carried out an impressive work amongst the people
to the extent that good yields of maize and wimbi were harvested in
the demonstration plots, particularly in the Chebloch area and the
surrounding farms. Chebloch did well, this time because of the
efforts put in by the instructors and due to enough water being
available there . 39
The instructors' work impressed the Department of Agriculture which
decided to establish more demonstration plots in areas where the
transport system was conducive, such as KnlmLiei, Perl arid Kipkata.
Areas such as Kibingor, Petkawanin, Morip and NgoJbelon were not
visited by the instructors throughout most of the colonial era
because there were no roads connecting them to the district
headquarters. Where roads were poor, there were less visits by the
instructors and government officials, and so such areas were less
developed when compared to accessible places such as Eldama Ravine,
Kabimoi and Muserechi. The role of access and lack of access roads
was one of the most influential factors in the development of
121
agriculture in Tugen land .
rtith the establishment of new demonstration plots, additional crops
were tried, which meant a higher probability of more Tugen being
introduced to more new crops. At Loboi, for example, two acres of
rice were tried, although they were eaten and destroyed by pigs
before being harvested. Other crops tried under irrigation at
Loboi and Sandai were reportedly successful. The reports about
Loboi and Sandai taken to Kabarnet District headquarters by local
instructors such as Salim Abdalla assessed the two areas
agricultural zones.™
Although there was evidence of success in most demonstration plots,
some plots such as Kuress did not progress. This was due
general neglect by the local instructors. No further reasons were
given by the Department of Agriculture and the informan
appears that the instructors may have concentrated on som p
and neglected others. An informant remarked, "Taking care of the
demonstration plots was not easy especially when there were y
plots".” The Senior Instructor, Elijah RoLich, and other
instructors were sometimes transferred to the affected ar
was not entirely easy for the instructors to promote change among
all the Tugen because some were slower than others to adopt new
types of food crops and new types of agricultural methods. About
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•*
Commissioner wrote:
Demonstration plots which also served as seed bulking plots, were well maintained but the people are as yet too backward to adopt new varieties of crops, much as they need them if their standard of living nutrition is to be raised. The staple crops are wimbi and maize. Beans,English potatoes and bananas are grown on a small scale.21
the Tugen slowness to adopt modern agriculture, the District
Also, it was because of such occurrences (the decline or failure of
some the demonstration plots) that the colonial government
continued to give priority to the appointment of development minded
chiefs. in the 1940s, for example, there were three individuals
who were appointed chiefs because they were development minded.
Ail these were educated, and were zealous to impart the knowledge
they had got in school to their own people. The chiefs were :
Daudi Kibet: born in Sacho and attended Sacho Mission school
before he became a medical dresser. Early in the 1940s, he
was appointed the chief of Sacho Location.
Ruto Lobatari: born in Tala l and attended Kaponguriu and
Bukura schools and became an agricultural instructor.
123
In the early 1940s, he was made the chief of Ewalel
Location. - i ■
Eli jah Chemoiwo: born in Kasoiyo and attended Kapropita
Mission School be fore proceeding to Tambach. Upon
graduation in the 1940s he was appointed the ch ie f of
Kabarnet lo ca t ion .
The Lembus chief Cherono Arap Keino was also appointed
I in line with the above requirements but his educational
background is not; known.
Chiefs such as Daudi Kibet of Sacho were in the forefront in the
implementation of anti-erosion measures and contour ridging in the
areas of the Tugen hills . 24 Although there were other active chiefs
before Daudi Kibet such as chief Labnl (also of Uaeho), who helped
in the improvement of the agricultural sector of the Tugen, Daudi
Kibet was among the educated group of chiefs. Daudi Kibet had got
skills in medical education, although where he acquired these
skills is not remembered. One informant said, "Daudi Kibet was a
medical dresser. He was among the educated chiefs in the 1930s.
Secondly, the educated Tugen who had received their education at
Tambach and Kabarnet in agricultural education played an important
role in the implementation of small holdings particularly in the
124
•950s. This was the first time that any Tugen asked for individual
:wnership of land, something opposed to the clan organization of
land tenure.
In 1943, moreover, baraza (public meetings) were organized by the
LNC and Mr. Chaundy to encourage Tugen to go for further studies at
the Bukura Institute of Agriculture. The first Tugen to go there
was Daudi Chesut who attended in 1937. The impact which the
institute had on the Tugen was evidenced by the work of the local *instructors who had trained there as mentioned in the previous
pages of this chapter.
The objectives of the demonstration plots were to a great extent
achieved, albeit the natural disasters that beset the Tugen m 1944
and 1945 caused a return o f famine r e l i e f . In 1944 there was a
locust invasion, especially at Kampi-ya-Samaki, Kerio Valley,
Kaptaberewa, Kapturin, Ewalel, Kapropita and Chapchap. Coupled
with the locust invasion, there was a shortage of rain which
greatly affected the demonstration plots. In spite of these
problems, the Tugen w e r e r e p o r t e d by the Department of Agriculture
to have small banana plantations and also small plots of groundnuts
particularly in the Kerio Valley. They had learnt how to survive
the famine because they had planted a greater variety of crops
in the past and some of the Tugen had stored grain during
preceding years.
- 125 -
iii) The post-war period: ■
"he pace of change seems to have accelerated in the post-war
reriod. In 1946 , there was an increased maize harvest and for the
rirst time the Southern Tugen were able to export maize to other
parts of Baringo district. This incidence was a unique happening
that can be explained by pointing out that the Tugen efforts had
been increased after the war - efforts from the Tugen youth who
returned home after the war. Whereas one may argue that an *increased harvest may result from many causes, increase in rain for
example, one also cannot exempt the point that increased effort by
the Tugen played a role. If this is not satisfactory, then why
were Tugen not able to export maize before oven when there was
rain? Further evidence for the improvement of agriculture was the
increased growing of fruits and tobacco particularly among Northern
Tugen. Moreover, more Tugen went for training in agriculture at
agricultural institutes in the colony during the post-war period
than in the pre-war period. In 1947, six ex-pupils from Kabarnet
school, among them Joel Kipkoech and Joel Amdany, began to work as
Assistant Instructors in the Department of Agriculture under the
supervision of the Senior Agricultural Instructor F.lijah Rotich.
Other Tugen attended refresher courses at the agricultural
126
institutes and government schools. The impact of the Second WorJd
War created an increased sense of development mindedness,
particularly among the chiefs such as Daudi Kibet of Sacho location
who kept on urging the I»NC to fight against soi. 1 -erosion,
particularly on the hills. The Tugen had realized Lhat vigilance
was important now that they had discovered that there was nothing
unique about Europeans. The Tugen had discovered that they could
do anything if only they worked hard. To strengthen the
anti-erosion battle, the LNC formed the Native Tribunal which was
intended among other things to punish offenders who maintained
cultivation on the hill side, cultivated around the stream beds,
and who indiscriminately burned the grass or failed to construct
proper wash stops.7r’
(iv) Post-war government policy
An added benefit to the Tugen after the Second World War was the
increment of government officers in the Baringo district. First,
an Agricultural Officer was stationed at Kabarnet. He was the
first colonial Agricultural Officer ever to be stationed in
Tugenland. Second, an Assistant Soil Conservation officer called
Wordsworth, who assisted in the anti-erosion battle, was also
posted to Baringo District. This was evidence of th e Agriculture
D e p a r t m e n t ' s i n c r e a s e d I n t e r e s t In th e f a rm in g p rob lem s o f th e
Tugen country. The Assistant Agricultural Officers continued their
127
efforts to educate the people on soil conserve t ion and crop
rotation. However, it was Kabarnet township that got more
attention than other places because of its proximity to the
:overnment station.
The government agricultural policy was modified after the Senior
Agricultural Officer in charge of the Rift Valley visited Tugen
country in the month of May 1947.27 The Department of Agriculture
hoped that continuous cropping would be maintained by introducing
leguminous crops into crop rotation, by ploughing and the use of
manure. The use of manure was intensified since it had been used
for the past ten years.
In the post-war period there was an increasing demand for potatoes
cassava, banana and sweet poLatoes which were the drought resistant.
crops. The increase in the number of Department of Agriculture
officials and the increasing number of educated Tugen caused the
interest in the new crops. The local instructors, for example,
planted new crops on their own land and thus influenced the
communities around them. An informant explained how the interest
for new crops built up by saying:
An instructor (such as Philip Toroitich (Klpkarut) planted some new crops on hts form and when a neighbour saw how good the crops were, he also planted them. Another neighbour would also get interested and try it and the process continued until the whole location planted the crop . 20
- 128 -
in 1950, alone about 50 acres of cassava were planted, 15 acres of
=weet potatoes were planted and 15 acres of bananas were also
planted at demonstration plots in such places as Kipsoit, Salawa,
Eartolimo and Sandai . 29 As for agricultural methods, the
j Instructors emphasized the use of manure. The government
implemented measures to punish offenders who destroyed the
terraces. About 54 such offenders were prosecuted in 1951 and
1952, a number of them from the Tugen hiils . 10
(v) Land consolidation and agricultural colonial policy, 1949-1963
F05 a long time land fragmentation remained a major obstacle to
agricultural development among the Tugen. The majority of the
Tugen had as many as six different holdings, each of about one-
quarter to one acre of land, scattered over a radius of about ten
miles. 31 But, as from 1949 there were some few progressive
individuals who began to consolidate their land together into
manageable blocks . 32
The background to this land consolidation began with the
individuals who first attended the mission schools at Kabartonjo
and Eldama Ravine and those individuals who had got western
education in government schools or had been converted to
129
Christianity. Christianity and education exposed the Tugen to the
western way of life. For example, a Tugen convert to Christianity
often wanted to adopt modern agriculture and wanted to practice
all aspects of it. At both mission and government schools, the
pupils wore encouraged to have ninnnqonblp land holding to improve
and increase agricultural production.
The more progressive Tugen began to consolidate land by exchangingt
land with their neighbours. At first they received opposition from
the elders but they pressed on with their business and eventually
succeeded. One informant explained by saying;
The coming of small consolidated holdings began in a feeble way. First, some few Individuals were converted to C h r is t ia n i t y . A f t e r th e i r conversion, they wanted to look different and did not want to continue the old system of land holding and so they began enclosures of small consolidated farms; then they began to exchange the scattered land each with his friend. If a friend had a big land near his friend who had a small one near his he exchanged so that it was not cumbersome to handle. Their action attracted the Department of Agriculture and so the officers would g o to the e n c l o s e d farms to demonstrate modern agricultural technology. When the surrounding people saw how good it was to have small consolidated farms, they also began to put enclosures on their farms, and consolidated them and the practice spread."
This practice conflicted with the Tugen custom of communal land
tenure which indicated that no one should own land as his own
individual property. Whereas certain individuals were allowed to
enclose areas of clan land, ownership of the land was not ceded.
This system was violated by individuals in 1949. Although the
130
elders opposed the new tendency, they also feared this group of
I individuals because they were educated and had the support of the
agricultural instructors.
The progressive Tugen from Southern Tugenland included Erick Bomett
of Kabimoi, Mzee Sadalla of Mogotio, John Ezekiel Kigen and Johana
Ng'ulat of Lembus location . ’1 In Northern Tugenland, Jacob Chemolwo
of Kasoiyo and Philip Kandie (KipkanyiJot) spearheaded small
consolidated holdings. Once the process h a d begun, the number of
those who consolidated and enclosed their farms kept on increasing
year after year. It is also important to point out that enclosures
took place as soon as consolidation was done to avoid later *
misunderstanding among those who had exchanged land. Farmers who
consolidated and enclosed their farms locally in this way requested
for the government assistance so as to officially recognize the
individual consolidated plots of up to 5 acres each in a block.’’’
By 1952, there were individuals who had already been assisted and
recognised by the Department of Agriculture in the consolidation of
their small holdings. The individuals then began to request the
government to advise them on how to manage their farms. Moreover,
they began to ask for loans aimed at developing their small
holdings. However, the government declined any loan assistance
131
arguing that small holdings attracted little financial support from
the government. They indeed argued that the consolidated small
holdings did not have title deeds and thus were not economically
secure or viable . 36 While the government pushed the Tugen loan
request aside, the local instructors advised the government to give
the farmers loans. In 1956, the government decided to give
financial support to them. The change of policy by the government
was due to the favourable impression created by the consolidated
land email holders between 1952 and 1956. The small holders had
produced good harvest of maize which were exported to other areas
of Baringo.
t
The issue of land consolidation continued to be important as far as
the Tugen were concerned. Just as the District Commissioner wrote;
Things were rather static; it was rather a case of consolidation
than anything else . . . " 17 The first statement of the District
Commissioner, "rather static" Is incorrect because several Tugen
p a r t i c u la r ly those who were involved in the actual act of land
conso l idat ion agree that they concentrated on land consolidation
but o th e r agricultural activities continued.
In 1954, the momentum of land consolidation increased, particularly
among the younger general. Ions (the Kipkoimot and Korongoro age
groups) of Tugen.1" The idea of small consolidated holdings turned
- 132 -
:Jt to be a major revolution among the Tugen, although the
government and the farmers did not appreciate its significance
immediately. 39 By the year 1955, some individual enclosures of
:onsolidated farms were seen at Kabimoi. At Kabimoi alone, there
were about 20 holdings with an average of 60 acres. The small
consolidated holdings were laid down and fenced and crop rotation
was emphasized on them. To improve management and progress in the
small holdings, a supervisor was assigned to the owners from the
Department of Agriculture. The supervisor was always the Assistant
Agricultural Officer of Eldama Ravine. Due to the rapidly
increasing desire for land consolidation, the colonial government
had to drawn up rules to control the holders. But before any
specific rules were draw, the government placed the issue under the
control of the Department of Agriculture to administer under the
Crop Production Ordinance since the Department of Agriculture was
more interested in the production of food than anything else.
The colonial government was impressed by the need for the Tugen
themselves to consolidate Tugenland. Before 1954 when the East
African Royal Commission had argued that individual land tenure had
great advantages in giving an individual a sense of security in
enabling the owner the purchase or sale of land. The Commission
also argued that individual land tenure provided psychological
incentive which could catalyse an individual to work hard; hitherto
leading to an
3ST Arr.' C* V V' 0 M r-r^c
133
increased economic production. Increased production and self-
I sufficiency in food was the ultimate goal of the colonial
government in the period under discussion. In addition, the East
African Royal Commission argued that consolidated individual
holdings facilitated proper planning in a mixed rotational basis,
finally the commission's recommendations were endorsed in the
Swynnerton Plan. The Swynnerton Plan of 1954 concluded that land
consolidation arid farm planning would convert African owned land
I into a marketable commodity and that title deeds to consolidated
lands would then be freely transferable or changeable using those
title deeds as securities for development credit.
As an incentive also, the government selected certain days which
were called "farmers' day" when they demonstrated new agricultural
methods in fencing and bench terracing to the farmers. At Kabimoi,
a farmers' club was started by the Assistant Agricultural Officer
aimed at developing the small holders.40
Two major factors caused land consolidation among the Tugen:
education and proximity to the European farms. In the 1950s, some
few educated Tugen, who belonged to the younger generation among
the Tugen, had learnt the practice of small consolidated holding.
The District Commissioner wrote:
The fact cannot be disregarded that the majority of the more educated Tugen prefer the idea of a small holding (in the sense of land consolidation) and look upon the idea of a manyatta with abhorrence . 41
- 134 -
;n the other hand, the illiterate and uneducated majority of
Tugen were unwilling to submit to any form of control and they felt
that " the manyatta system is the ideal medium of introducing them
generally to the principles of correct land management."4'’
Another factor that influenced the Tugen towards the idea of land
consolidation was the proximity of some Tugen to European farms.
In 1956 the District Commissioner wrote:
... It has been noticeable in areas which border on European farms that the people have been influenced by European farming practice. Thus in the areas from Chemogoch to Kabimoi and Northwards within the Emining triangle, there has been a tremendous increase in acquisition of small holdings . 41
Other factors that resulted in the consolidation of small holdings
include: the Second World War and labour jobs. It was easier for
those soldiers who had gone to the war, particularly abroad, to
have got ideas such as that of land consolidation. Also, those who
worked on European farms got ideas from what they saw and wanted to
put them into practice . 44
In 1958, land consolidation increased among the Tugen on the hills
(North Tugen) Meanwhile, in Southern Tugenland, an aerial and
ground survey was organized for individual holders by the
government. Arrangements were made to get teams of Junior Survey
Assistants and
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.0 build a Registration office so as to hasten the land
-cmsolidation process by registration. To make land consolidation
.official, and to hasten the land consolidation process, the
following method was followed: survey, mapping, skeletal planning,
jemarcation on the ground, allocation to the Individuals and then
farm planning. For the purposes of making things clear, it should
te understood that Tugen individuals triggered off the land
consolidation issue by their own initiative in 1949. In 1952 the
Department of Agriculture came in to assist the progressive
individuals. By 1959, the Department of Lands was already involved
in the registration, official allocation of land to individuals and
control of the whole process.
(vi) The consequences o f smal 1 _ ho 1 dings_ancj JLand— consoj.idation
The consequences of small holdings for the Tugen were twofold,
economic and social. On the economic aspect, the Tugen agriculture
and animal husbandry were improved. The consequences were not
uniform, however, on the whole Tugen population, since they only
applied to the Tugen who consolidated, enclosed and fenced their
farms. By doing so, the small holders attracted the Department of
Agriculture and the local instructors who taught them how to
increase their yields. The instructors showed them the mod r
methods they were to apply. Secondly, the small holders benefi
because they did not have to work on different fragmented farms
- 1 3 6 -
scattered in several places. The small consolidated holdings were
-ore manageable than the fragmented farms they had before. One
informant said "Small holding and land consolidation made a farmer
decent. You could easily manage such with fewer problems compared
to the fragmented farms . " ' 15
The small holders were able to protect their crops from destruction
by fencing their farms. Serious fencing was not used before land
consolidation was begun and while land was communal. Previously,
it was possible for the crops to be eaten by animals or taken by
people passing by without any problem. Once proper fencing was
done and the Department of Agriculture was assisting the individual
holders, the farmers were also able to apply for loans particularly
when title deeds had been issued to them. Although enough evidence
was not available to me, apparently some progressive Tugen farmers
got loans without title deeds in 1956. Farmers could not apply for
loans, before because their farms were scattered and were not
manageable. 46
Secondly, a feature of individualism began to be seen among the
Tugen who began consolidating holdings. Since land was no longer
communal but individual, there was an Incentive for the Tugen
farmer to work harder. With hard work applied in the spirit of
individualism, there was an expected increase in produce. The Tugen
- 137 -
began to learn to be independent as individuals in their economic
lives. The farmers who pioneered land consolidation early in the
I 1950s became the first people to build permanent houses, to buy
I grade cows and to plant European fruits and flowers around their
compounds. Such developments are evident even today at Kasoiyo,
I Kabartonjo and Eldama Ravine. At Kasoiyo for example, Isaiah
Chesire and Philip Kandie have the best houses built in the western
styles. Similarly, Mariwaya at Kabartonjo and William Bomett in
Southern Tugen have good houses. Moreover, the people who
spearheaded land consolidation were able to educate their children
without problems in comparison to those who had not.
Finally, and most importantly, this radical change in land usage
(land consolidation), acted as an example for the rest of the Tugen
to practise modern agriculture. Chebor Arap Kandagor was reported
to have been an example for the rest of the Tugen. The District
Commissioner wrote: "... In North Baringo... Chebor Arap Kandagor
of Sacho location has worked extremely hard, despite the labour
troubles, and his holding Is now an example to the rest of the *
district. ” 47
{vi 1) Irrigation as a new method: Perkerra Irrigation Scheme
As we saw In the previous chapter, the Perkerra Irrigation Scheme
although surveyed in 1932, did not take off until 1955. In 1955,
138
the Perkerra Irrigation Scheme, which was thought to be the most
promising irrigation scheme in Tugen country, began its operations.
I previously, two irrigations schemes (Loboi and Sandai) had failed
to develop because of lack of sufficient supply of water. At the
end of 1955, a tremendous harvest of groundnuts was obtained
although the canals had been done by "drops" such as pumps which
had been erected. It was during that year when plans for the
irrigation scheme headquarters ware laid out and sites for building
villages were chosen. Moreover, there was ready labour for the
building of the canals from the Mau Mau detainees. The government
hoped that the scheme would solve the problems of steep hill side
cultivation and make the Tugen in the area self-supporting in food
production and also produce a surplus for export.
In 1956, the colonial government put Tugen and Iljamus as tenants
on the irrigation scheme on experimental basis. There were about *
50 people put on the scheme each with between 2 to 3.5 acres where
they planted several crops. Only the poor were required to apply
for an allocation of the land in the scheme. This was the only
criterion used by the government to allocate the land to
individuals . 48 Some of the 50 tenants put on the irrigation scheme
in 1956 were the following: Solomon Muge {from Kapropita location);
Chepkonga Ruto (from Ewalel location); Kiplugat (from Kapropita);
Karani Kamuren (from Saimo location) and Nabori (from Iljamus
- 139 -
location). At the beginning, the tenants faced housing problems
,-nost of them operated from Kurget or Mosop which were far from the
I scheme), and a shortage of tools to use for farming and food to
I sustain them while waiting for the harvest.
I During the year 1956, Mr. Richardson from the Gezira Irrigation
I Scheme in Sudan was appointed the manager of Perkerra Irrigation
[ Scheme. He brought new ideas with him for the irrigation. He
also sympathized with the tenants' problems and tried very hard to
solve their problems.
when Richardson arrived, he helped the tenants by providing their
necessities and allocating them a place to live (Kapchampi was the
first place the tenants began to live) together with agricultural
tools. Before the end of the year Mr. Richardson had accomplished
the following on the land:
- Cleaned, banded and cropped 835 acres.
- Banded but not levelled 350 acres.
- Cleaning in progress 20 acres.
The first crop, which was maize, did well although the Tugen were
not keen on their second crop which was groundnuts. By the end of
1956, 220 acres of maize, 380 acres of groundnuts, 60 acres of
tomatoes, 14 acres of haricot beans and small acreage of vegetables
- 140 ~
3nd fruits had been harvested although tomatoes did badly. The
Tugen tenants were able to feed themselves that year and even took
the su rplus food to their relatives in the hills - Mosop and
Kurqet. The irrigation scheme supplemented the tenants' livestock
production.
By the end of the year the irrigation scheme had become so popular
that there were about 60 unsolicited written applications for the
plots by many Tugen.49 The irrigation scheme administration agreed
that in order to accommodate other tenants the scheme be increased
by 300 acres. The second and later groups of tenants operated
under the following principles:
(a) a tenant must have enough land to make a good living above
subsistence level. Four acres, one of which was to be fallow, was
agreed upon. The tenant was expected to make approximately Sh.
3/600 per annum in food and in cash from his produce.50
(b) with the acreage provided, initial ploughing and preparation
of land must be done mechanically and the tenants were to pay for
the mechanical ploughing and water rate which were not more than
Sh.240 per unit and other dues for 1957 were to be Sh. 1,200 unless
something went wrong.51
141
-) the tenants were expected to build their own houses on their
-lots (to thwart the Tugen habit of operating from their residences
-articularly from Mosop) and to grow new crops.
above principles were used because the government could not be
?jre which people were genuinely poor and so the previous criteria
of land allocation and providing housing was discontinued.
In 1957 , 75 additional tenants were accepted on the scheme,
although 4 members were later removed from the scheme because of
prostitution.52 By March 1958, there were already 170 tenants who
then Increased to 241 by the end of the year. Of the 241 tenants,
196 were Tugen and 45 were Iljamus.
In 1959, the need arose for a sufficiently high-priced and a
marketable cash crop suitable for the scheme. The Irrigations
Board decided that there was going to be no further cultivation for
3 years so as to allow research on cash crops to take place to
identify a suitable cash crop for the scheme. As a result, the
number of tenants was reduced from 241 to 120. The main crops
planted during the period were thus limited to maize, groundnut,
and* beans. However, yields that year were generally poor sin
most of them were damaged by Grants, Gazelle, Warthog and Creste
Crane. As a result of the damage>over 20 tenants were unable to
pay for their water rate.”
1 4 2
- 1960 onions were adopted as the cash crop for the scheme.
:;though the crop was attacked by thrips disease and often
::sturbed by the nut-grass, onions became important as a cash crop
the scheme. This brought relief to the schemes' administrators
dter the experimental exercises. However, the number of tenants
.as then limited to 99 with 29 one-acre plots for "probationers".
The year 1961 was a disastrous year for the scheme. First, there
-as little water at the beginning of the year and the onions were
hit by water shortage and by an unknown disease. However, the
disease was later discovered to have been a fungoid which had only
teen known in America and appeared for the first time at Marigat.54
Efforts to control it were abortive. Later in the year, the
Perkerra River flooded and the water in the river destroyed and
swamped some 22 holdings.55
The years 1962 and 1963 were prosperous years for the scheme.
First, the onion fungoid disease was overcome by spraying.
Secondly, there was an increase in the number of banana plants.
Thirdly, the tenants' morale was higher than before, and credit
went to the manager whose enthusiasm matched that of the tenants.
While there was a lot of progress, there arose hostility between
143
the Tugen and the Iljamus tenants. The Iljamus wanted the monopoly
of the scheme whereas the Tugen resented this. The origin of the
dispute was that the Iljamus claim that the land being used for
irrigation was their ancestral land and thus the scheme belonged to
them. In general, the Tugen were more hard working than the
Iljamus on irrigation, and therefore the Iljamus were jealous of
the Tugen progress in the scheme.
(viii) The impact of the Perkerra Irrigation Scheme
Having looked at the history of the scheme, one can ask the
following questions: What was the impact of the scheme on the Tugen
economy? Were its objectives achieved? How many people were
resettled? Did they succeed in producing crops as planned?
After 1955, the scheme began to serve the objectives intended such
as settling the majority of the Tugen who were on the verge of
starvation especially in the hills. The irrigation was intended *
to solve the famine relief problem. However, this does not imply
that there was famine in 1954-1955 but the issue was that the
government wanted to forestall famine problems in the future. In
the beginning, the Tugen people feared settling at the scheme
because of malaria (Marigat is heavily infected by mosquitoes).
Also, the Tugen faced confrontation with the Iljamus who did not
want the Tugen to benefit from the scheme.
144
* 1955, some few Tugen began to apply for tenantship so that by
irch 1958, 196 Tugen had been enrolled as tenants at the scheme.
-?196 Tugen tenants supplemented their animal husbandry and their
rricultural income in the hills with what they produced at the
rrigation scheme.
;:e impact of the irrigation was unquestionably remarkable. First,
it utilised the wasted time and strength of the Tugen who formerly
-:uld spend most of the year doing nothing. Before the creation of
:he irrigation scheme, the affected Tugen either cultivated their
crops on the hills which took only a few months of the year and
sfter the harvest, the people stayed or herded their cattle. But,
• hen the irrigation scheme began, the Tugen for the first time were
fble to farm throughout the year without depending on the rainy
season. When the planned crops, particularly the cash crops, came
into effect, the Tugen benefited since they were able to get an
added source of income. Some of the crops included onions and
pepper. The Tugen were able to sell them and earn cash. The money
economy was thus boosted because the Tugen did not depend only on
selling their livestock or labour to acquire cash. Moreover, the
Perkerra Irrigation Scheme helped in the employment of some Tugen
by their fellow Tugen who were tenants. The people thus involved
were able to sell some of their produce to the Tugen who were not
in the scheme. Tugen tenants were also able to feed their
relatives and friends who remained In the hi Ms.
- 145 -
ix) The era of cash crops 1954-1963
*rior to 1954-1955, no cash crop was planted by the Tugen people.
I ;twas not until 1954 that the colonial government began to focus
tfieir policies on cash crops in Kenya in general and in Tugenland.
;ne of the reasons why cash crops were not grown earlier than 1954
was because the white settlers opposed it. One Tugen expressed his
feelings about this with bitterness, saying "The white settlers
refused us! They did not want a black man to progress. They left
•js in darkness. But this changed after we got educated. We began
to challenge the Europeans settlers to allow us also to grow cash
crops on our own farms.”56
Two cash crops were dominant at the beginning, namely, coffee and
pyrethrum. First, the government licensed the planting of cash
crops in Tugenland in 1954. The word "licensed” does not imply
"legal” in the sense that there was "illegal" growing of cash crops
by the Tugen before 19 54. What the "licensing" meant was that the
cash crops could be tried in Baringo District for the first time.
About this, the District Commissioner wrote in 1954:
The biggest set back to an economical farming system among the Tugen at present is the lack of suitable cash crops. However, work has been started on coffee and pyrethrum and they will be introduced where applicable next year.'’'
Beginning in 1955, experimentation took place.
146
0 Pvrethrum
• 1955, Dr. Kroll, Pyrethrum Officer at Molo, visited Tugen
;jntry and advised that the land was suitable for planting
ryrethrum at altitudes of over 6,000 feet.5” Consequently, a
ryrethrum nursery was prepared at Kabarnet which accommodated
seedlings sufficient to plant: about: .10 acres of land.™ The
seedlings were intended for planting on peoples' indi vidual
hidings and in school gardens in May 1956/’" Other places where
ryrethrum nurseries were tried were at Kinyo and Talai.M Kinyo and
lalai were used as trial nurseries in the period between 1954 and
1955 - the same time the Kabarnet nursery was tried.
Turing the periods between 1957 and 1958, only 6 acres of pyrethrum
v9re planted by the Tugen, even though the nurseries had produced
sufficient seedlings to plant up to 10 acres. Some of the reasons
for this were that the Tugen prepared their holdings poorly and
lacked knowledge about how to cultivate pyrethrum as a cash crop.
But since the colonial government thought that pyrethrum was "the
only really suitable cash crop"63 for the Tugen, they took pains to
educate them. As one of the colonial adminlstrators said, "The
Tugen will take to pyrethrum but a deal of teaching is needed to
get them the way of looking after it and picking the flowers
properly at the right time."61 But still the Tugen were hit by
moles and thrips, and in addition they remained slow learners in
- 147 -
I :te rudiments of managing their pyrethrum as shown by the fact that
*.heir plots were often allowed to become couch ridden/’4
For as long as pyrethrum nurseries continued to function at Kinyo,
Torongo, Talai and Kabarnet, the demand to plant the crop
increased. For example, the pyrethrum acreage planted doubled to
12 acres in 1959. Many informants remember the crop when it was
originally planted by European settlers, a crop they had been
prohibited from to planting. Most of them remembered it coming
from Solai and first being introduced at Kabarnet in the 1950s.65
It was then taken by a few people to different places, particularly
to the Northern part of Tugenland to plant on their farms. None of
the informants remembers exactly how the crop spread to other
places, and none can remember exactly when it reached specific
places. The following quotations are some of the recollections of
the informants: "This pyrethrum came recently,"66 one old woman
exclaimed; "What I know is that this crop reached Kabartonjo
slightly before independence, then it spread to Nderemon
Kabos kei."67
At Ossen, an informant remarked, "pyrethrum was brought here by the
agriculturist Chepsingei in 1957."6n The crop was not popular in
the pre-independence period because the people had not yet got used
to the technology involved in it but the government continued to
- 148 -
**
pat ient w i th the Tugen, as the D i s t r i c t Commissioner wrote :
Development is being helped by encouraging self-help nurseries, of which there are 6 now on the Tugen hills. These are run by groups of 10 - 15 farmers who either do the work themselves or employ labour. Private nurseries are not so popular and only 2 growers are known to have nurseries of their own.* "
(x) Coffeet■
"The coffee crop came with pyrethrum, ”70 said one old man at Talai.
"In fact, the agriculturist told us to dig a hole of 6 feet for
each tree and gave us SL 28 and SL. 34 varieties to experiment. It
was tested on some few farms...,"71 he added.
The coffee plant was thus experimented by Chelal arap Kisume at
Sereturln and by Silas Cholimo nt Knbnrt.onjo in the years 1954 and
1955. Other experiments were tried at Bosei by Kiptisia, at
Bartolimo by Eliud and at Tiriminion by Bultut in the same years.
Coffee growing was successful, contrary to earlier predictions
by the colonial administrators who had said, "It is not anticipated
that coffee growing will be possible on the Tugen hills due to the
presence of rock and shallow soil."71
- 149 -
In 1958, there were three trials in the Tugen hills and in lower
Lembus where the coffee showed a vigorous healthy growth. Another
trial was also done at Kabimoi at an altitude of 6,200 feet and
also at Kisanana which was reported to have been a success. The
District Commissioner wrote:
In general, along the hills in the deeper pockets soil between 6,500 and 7,000 feet, coffee seems to have done well and has been free from diseases - although it has suffered from 'hot and cold' in places, depending on topography especially Lembus Forest.74
Coffee c o n t in u e d to progress so that by 1959 the number of coffoo
trees planted increased from only 490 to 4,229. But the coffee
plant was bedeviled by natural disasters and lack of hard work by
the Tugen in 1959 and 1960. About the natural disaster the
District Commissioner wrote, "The two previous years difficult
establishment conditions have made the Tugen wary of coffee and now
we may have a difficult propaganda period ahead of us before we can
develop the potential."75
(xi i ) Other cash crops
(a). Castor Oil
It was only grown in isolated patches and the government was
planning to introduce it to Southern Tugenland and the border of
Solai in 1958, but it was not actually tried.7* In the year 1958,
the crop was still planted In isolated patches and it was during
- 150 -
-2t time that it was tried at Chemogoch but failed. The crop,
■-/ever, did not pick up as cash crop.
b). Pineapples;bere were small plots tried at Kabimoi and Emining. However, the
planting of pineapples was not anticipated to be for export but for
local trade. This crop did not develop (did not become popular
axong the Tugen) and was abandoned after a short while because the
Tugen found no equivalent use of it as in maize crop.
;xiii) Conclusion
The transformation o f crops and t :ho a g r i c u l t u r a l technology was a
part of the economic and human transformation of the Tugen people,
.ong before new crops such as maize and potatoes came, the Tugen
depended only on sorghum and millet. With the arrival of the new
:rops, the people diversified their diet. This made the Tugen
society healthier than before and they could therefore work harder
than before. Due to natural calamities such as locust invasion,
famines and droughts, the Tugen attitudes towards economic matters
changed. They began to diversify the crops and moreover decided to
plant some crops that were deemed to counteract any future
calamities such as cassava which was a drought resistant crop.
With new technology, the Tugen increased their agricultural
production. For example, the method of irrigation transformed the
- 1 5 1 -
«*
-:en working system completely. They were now able to work more
= -tively than before throughout the year. Although it was possible
•;r the Tugen to herd all the year round, it was not as hard as the
-rk at Perkerra irrigation scheme. The Irrigation caused a
further exodus of the Tugen from the hills to the Mogoswok valley
:hus causing a social change. The same people who would not settle
3t Marigat because of fear of mosquitoes changed when the scheme
began to operate.
Land consolidation brought about far-reaching changes among the
Tugen people who had previously lived freely with their neighbours,
with fragmented and undefined land boundaries, began to have well
M i ned boundaries. A neighbour who had fenced land would not
allow anyone's animals to graze in it. This became a turning point
in the Tugen life. Individuals had mastery over their own farms,
and this created an incentive of hard work not known before.
Cash crops also had an impact on the lives of the Tugen people in
that they became a reliable source of cash income. Although only
a few people planted cash crops at first, others took to the crop
gradually and eventually in larger numbers, especially during the
post independence period when coffee and pyrethrum developed
cash crops in Tugenland.
152
. .,h people as Musa Kandagor of Sacho and Philemon Kandle of Talai
,?re those who first grew such crops. The
:?cision to introduce cash crops was accompanied by other
;evelopments, as people like Joseph Sadalla became the first Tugen
I :o buy a lorry to be used mainly for the transportation of
I qricultural produce In Tugenland. All these development are
indicators of the economic and social transformation taking place
at the time.
Because of the Department of Agriculture, several people managed to
go to school. The Individuals who were lucky to have acquired
agricultural skills Influenced those who had not. Many times
people would want to go to school just because they saw those who
had been to school prosper. Moreover, it was the agricultural
produce such as cash c r o p s that e n a b l e d p e o p l e t o g e t funds t o send
their children to school.
- 153 -
H N o t e s :
Oral information., George Amke, Bartolimo, 07/10/92.O.I., Alexander Tomno, Kasoiyo, 15/4/93.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agricultural, andMeteorological,1940.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture, _andMeteorological, 1941.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agricultural and Meteorological, 194 2 .Ibid.Ibid,O.I., Chepyator Chemurmor, Ossen, 17/10/92; Wilson Cheptumo Kiptisia, Bosei, 13/10/92; Chepyegon Kandie, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.O.I., Chepyegon Kandie, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3,Annual Report, Agricultural and Meteroloqical, 1942 .Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. O. I. , 0 .1. , O. I . , Ibid.
Kokop Kaplem, Kapchepkor, 12/10/92. Salim Abdalla, Marigat, 11/4/93. Salim Abdalla, Marigat 11/4/93.
O.I., Tuyoi Kimenjo, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Agricultural and, Meterological,1944.KNA,O.I.,KNA,KNA,O . I . ,KNA,Ibid.Ibid.O. I . ,Ibid.Ibid.KNA,Ibid.KNA,KNA,
DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Agriculture, 1940.Benjamin Amdany, Seretunin (Ewalel) 15/4/93.
DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report. Agriculture,1949. DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Agriculture,1947.Talaa Chemjor, Tuloi, 10/10/92.
DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Agriculture,1949
Jakobo Chemoiwo, Kasoiyo, 14/4/93
DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1952
DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1953 DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1954
- 154 -
55.55.57.58.59.50.51.52.53. 64 i65.6 6 .67.68.69.70.71.72.73.74.75.76.
Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1956.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,]956 O.I., Frank Chesang, Kabarnet Farm (Kabnrak), 23/10/92. KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1954.Tuyoi, Kimenjo, Majl Mazurl, 24/10/92.Ibid.Ibid.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5 Annual Report, Agriculture,1957.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1959.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1961.Ibid.0.I ., Paul Chebilioch, Sigoro, 26/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1954.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1955.Ibid.Ibid.O.I., Philemon Kandie, Talai, 11/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1957.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1958.Ibid.O.I., Chebilioch Arap Moiben , Sigoro, 26/10/92.O.I., Kokop Kaplem, Kapchekor, 12/10/92.O.I., Talaa Chemjor, Tuloi, 10/10/92.O.I., Chepkonga Yatich, Kaptum, 16/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture 1961- O.I., Philemon Kandio, TalaJ, 11/10/92.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1957.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1958.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture,1960.KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Agriculture 1958.
- 155 -
CHAPTER V I I
LABOUR PATTERNS, TRADE AND MARKETING 1915 - 1939
Introduction
-crding to the District Commissioner of Baringo District, Tugen
tourers first worked outside their district in 1918.1 It is
stable that a number of Tugen had gone to work outside their
strict before 1918 as indicated by the Tugen oral informants.2jj? need to acquire Rupees to pay the Hut Tax (introduced to
toenland in 1902) accelerated the pursuit for wage labour by the
tqen both inside and outside their district. Another reason for
Peking wage labour was geared to buying livestock from their
•ighbours such as the Pokot. These two reasons saw the labour
iportation of young people aged from fifteen up to thirty years
ttside the district for wage services. Women stayed at home
fcile the men went out for work.
!r the first time in history, the Tugen energy was put to a more
Reductive use than before other than the previous raiding and
ittle rustling business. Never had so many people gone to work
t wages during the 1920s and 1930s.3
for trading transactions, the local trade was supplemented by
& wore aggressive external trade which was handled between the
?en and the Somali, Arabs and Swahili. The trade isolated the
who were left by their husbands for days and who were left
take care of the agricultural sector and to bring up the
idren. The items sold included livestock, skins and hides.
156
M 1927, however, the first Tugen entrepreneur in shopkeeping
-ailed Arap Arorin and who hailed from Talai, emerged and for the
first time Tugen began to challenge the Indian shopkeepers.
U) Transformation in labour patterns, trade
and marketing
(a) Labour Patterns
Before looking at detailed labour patterns, It Is important to
point out that there were two kinds of labour provided by the
Tugen: labour for the government and labour for private
employers. Labour for the government was mainly found within
Baringo District, while labour for private employers was in most
cases found outside the district.
In the year 1915, the regular work of building roads and
carrying loads in Baringo District was done mainly by the
Kavirondo and the Kikuyu.4 However, the total number of the
Kavirondo and Kikuyu was not available to me to compare to the
227 number of the Tugen workers. Although the Tugen also
participated in this regular work within the district (227 Tugen
worked within the district between 1915 and 1918), they did not
participate in any kind of labour outside their own district.
The 227 Tugen worked with the Kavirondo and the Kikuyu on the
construction of roads. It was not until 1918 that Tugen were sent
to work outside their own home district for the first time.5 One
Tugen remembered among this first group was called Arap Chemingai
of Ewalel Location. In that year the District Commissioner
157
... I ,„te: -The Kamasia were for the first time sent outside their
I-.-serves to work . . . "G The number of Tugen sent outside the
-strict totalled 60, all of whom were working for the Public
• :rks Department.
;he low level of Tugen participation in wage labour inside their
:vn district and their lack of participation outside their
district before 1918 was due to the following factors. The first
factor was the poor level of wages7 both outside and inside their
( district. In 1915, for example, the Kikuyu and the Kavirondo(the
people who lived in the western part of Kenya particularly the
Luo and Luhya) regular labourers within the district were paid
between 5 and 8 Rupees per month with posho (maize flour) while
the Tugen doing the same form of work received 3 Rupees with
posho per month.8 This accounted for one part of Tugen refusal
to offer their labour for regular and other forms of work.
Secondly, although the Tugen were capable of working as
labourers, they were not used to the idea of working away from
home and could "not stay on their work for any time."0 Thirdly,
the Tugen were "unwilling to take any work."’" The third factor
was the most critical of the three factors. The Tugen were not
willing to stay at their place of work for the specified time as
prescribed by different employers. The Tugen could not persevere
climatic or other problems and thus would leave employment for
their homes any time they felt like it, or when forced to do so
by circumstances. Most Tugen would say, "I am going home! I did
not burn my house - mabel kot."11 Others would return home to
158
:?rform traditional rituals and to participate In ceremonial
festivals such as singing, circumcision and marriage17, while
rthers would not be zealous to go looking for or staying in an
e-ployment because they had livestock to look after.” An
informant summarized the Tugen attitude towards labour saying:
You know, the Tugen people cannot be said to have been lazy but they were not vigilant, ambitious or aggressive either. They appear to have had no determined goal and they thought cultural attachment was paramount to economic life. They would therefore leave their working places for pleasure in the Reserve...”
During the years 1915 - 1916, the government recruited some Tugen
to carry posho from Molo Mills but they declined to carry the
loads arguing that they could not manage a full load for a short
trip.15 Conscription for the Carrier Corps was done by few
individuals such as Arap Cheminingai but most Tugen hated
conscription because they had the same attitude for every kind
of work. The Tugen had no training in transport and labour, like
other people such as the Kikuyu16 and the Kavirondo. The
District Commissioner's remarks in 1916 were: "... with training
they might become of the same value as the Kikuyu for
transport. "17
It became apparent that, although the Tugen were capable of
working like the Kikuyu, they could only be induced to work
outside their reserve by force. While outside the District the
Tugen were not working for the government but rather for private
sector. Most Tugen did not seek labour voluntarily due to the
ill-treatment inflicted on them by their employers outside the
159
..strict. In fact, in between 1917 and 1918, most Tugen who had
_,ne outside for work returned home because of ill-treatment and
-r>or wages 1n They returned home with "a fixed idea that the
;3vernment was the only good master to work for.’''9
Due to the mistreatment faced by the Tugen on White Settlers'
farms, the Tugen elders advised their people not to return to the
farms, and indeed there was no Tugen who went for labour outside
the district in 1919.20 It also became difficult for the
government to get labourers in road-bullcUng, camp building and
the transportation of maize-meal from Ravine and Molo. The
government, however, got 20 labourers in the year 1919. Only the
local Indian and Arab traders could obtain labour without
difficulty because they were closer to the people and were in a
better position to offer a satisfactory wage and to reach a
bargainable agreement with them In time of crisis.71
There was a change of thought among the elders in 1920 when they
agreed to supply 200 men for labour outside the district. This
decision changed almost immediately when the Tugen elders
withdrew their support for labour recruitment due to the outbreak
of influenza in February 1920, and elders opposed the further
exportation of their people for labour outside the district.^
As a result of the shortcomings described above, the elders
dictated to their young men the places they should go to work,
if at all they should work outside their home district. Most
young men were instructed to work in the Molo Valley and not at
Maji Mazuri, Njoro and Kericho for health reasons. The elders
-Mimed that their young men would catch diseases. Matters
ranged again in 1921, when 1,276 Tugen went to work outside the
district. Both the Tugen elders and White Settler employers had
tegun to realize their mutual benefits in the field of labour,
in 1921, the District Commissioner wrote:
The economic position of the Kamasia is now such that the elders have realised that it is to the benefit of the tribe to go out and work for money rather than part with their livestock: For in the low lying parts of their country, where there is a perennial drought, their very existence depends on a limited supply of cattle ... I think most English employers realized that it is to their advantage to treat their natives well, both to obtain the maximum amount of work from them and to obtain further supplies of
labour....23
It is worth noting that the Tugen had realized that it was
possible to improve their economic life more quickly by working
for money rather than depending only on livestock or agriculture.
Wage labour could bring results more quickly than raising
livestock naturally. With cash a Tugen worker could double his
cattle by buying rather than waiting for them to multiply
naturally. Wage labour also improved their agriculture because
a worker with money was able to employ several other Tugen on a *■piece of land instead of working it alone. The inhabitants on
the lowlands, where drought was most frequent, were greatly
alleviated economically by wage labour since they could multiply
their limited livestock using the money they had got while at
work. In this case the Tugen in the lowlands were more prone to*
wage labour than those of the highlands because the lovfland Tugen
161
:?pended fully on livestock and would only replace them through
r'jrchase.M '
Relations between the "English employers ” ?r> who were farmers and
Tugen labourers improved greatly when the English employers
stopped ill-treating their labourers. Before March 1921, there
-ere several complaints by the Tugen working in Nakuru that they
were being ill-treated because they were unfamiliar with the card
system of payment. The White Settler employers had taken Tugen
ignorance to their advantage by underpaying the Tugen labourers.
At Ravine,for example, there were frequent faults on both sides
(labourers and employers), where the employers exploited the
labourers and the labourers disobeyed the employer.Zfi Coupled
with the above, there was a rise in the death toll of the
labourers from 1.14% in 1920 to 2.26% in 1921.
But from March to December 1921, the settler farmers, realizing
j that it was to their advantage to treat their labourers well,
j improved the Tugen incentive to work although not permanently.
1 They properly cared for their labourers, housed them, fed them
and paid them well.1,27 The quality of food supplied to them was
not in question. " Of course I am against pampering native with
food to which they have never been accustomed, wrote the
District Commissioner. The government was involved in the
improvement of the housing of the labourers particularly those
who lived at the higher altitudes. "On the suitability of the
housing in the higher altitudes I should like the assurance of
a labour inspector , 1,29 added the District Commissioner'.
162
ring the 1920s, the Tugen became more responsive when called
*- go out for work and there were less complaint from the
,2t:urers at work. In 1921, there were 1276 and 71 Tugen working
rtside and inside the district respectively. In fact, there was
; remarkable increase of Tugen labourers working outside the
ristrict compared those working within the district who decreased
.i number. Four thousand six hundred and ninety six (4,696) 30
:?cple went for employment outside the District in the two years
J22 and 1923 alone whereas there were a total of 1,53611 people
-ployed outside the District between 1918 and 1921. No wonder
tie District Commissioner wrote in 1923, "It will be seen that
■ere labour has left the Kamasia Reserve during the current year
:."an any previous years . " ' 12
There were two reasons for the tremendous increase. The rise in
the Hut tax led the headmen and chiefs to force their people to
J °ut for work so as to raise money for the tax . 11 In 1922, the
! district Commissioner wrote, "The Kamasia, after having realized
that their Hut Tax had been raised to sh 2/- have gone out to
ork in fairly large quantities . . . " 14 We can conclude that the
rise of Hut tax in 1922 helped in the increment of Tugen
labourers outside the district. Although taxation forced them
to go for work, employment was often short-lived because after
paying the two rupees an individual would stay without paying tax
for the next whole year. In essence therefore the role of Hut
tax in maintaining the Tugen labour supply was not valid because
cne month's wage was far more than what was wanted for tax.i*
Almost all the Tugen who went to work outside the district in
1 6 3
1922 were employed on settler farms at Molo, Solai and Eldama
Taxation alone cannot explain the increase in the number of Tugen
labourers outside their district because the increment of wages
also played a significant role. Changes, in the number of Tugen
labourers going outside the district during these years seems
to correspond to changes in the level of wages per month. In
1918 a Tugen labourer got 5/75 rupees per month which dropped to
4/60 rupees per month in 1919. This could partly explain why
there was nobody among the Tugen who went to work outside the
district in 1919.36
There was a rise in wages per month from 5 Rupees in 1920 to 8/75
rupees per month in 1923. This is also a further evidence that
the rise in wages increased the number of Tugen labourers outside
their district . 37
The settlers and the government concluded that the Tugen physique
precluded them from working on anything except ordinary shamba
(farm) w o r k . 38 Early in the 1920s Tugen labourers had been tried
on the construction and repair of the Uasin Gishu Railway but
owing to the cold, and the nature of the work were found to be
unsatisfactory.3q
Apart from the Hut Tax, the Tugen were pushed by the headmen and
the chiefs into wage employment because the government and the
White Settlers needed Tugen labour dearly. One can therefore
conclude that taxation was only used as a means to an end - the
164
end was to meet the demand of labour from the government and the
private sector. When taxation failed as a method then other
r.eans such as conscription were used to secure Tugen labourers.
Most headmen and chiefs, with the exception of those from Ngororn
and Kaboske locations, had a difficult time in convincing their
able-bodied men that wage employment was a means of paying their
tax. " 40 Many Tugen knew that taxation was a strategy so as to
induce them into going out for employment . 41 Paying the Tax was
just used as a key word and the administrators kept on increasing
taxes to frustrate the Tugen and finally making them seek for
labour particularly in time of problems otherwise they would not
go.
Within the next five years from 1924 to 1928 there was a
reduction and a fluctuation of Tugen who sought labour outside
the district. Between 1924 and 1928 only 2,511 Tugen went
outside the district, fewer than the number of 2,771 for the
single year 1923.42
Some of the factors that led to the reduction included: death
toll due to diseases, failure by the employers to provide the
labourers a means of subsistence, and apparent refusal to leave
home because of cultural activities. One informant commented
saying, i
They just did not want to go for work! We cannot say that these people were lazy. Nor was it because they were underpaid but the major reason was that these
* people did not want to leave their homes . 43 *
Three likely reasons are evident. The Tugen people were deeply
I ::cted to a culture of not working outside their country and not
I .rrking for somebody else. They never believed in having their
! rreedom curtailed and they always resented any dominance. They
' 'ad a belief that it was better to be poor than allow someone
else to dominate them. 44 Secondly, most Tugen valued
rlrcumcision, marriage and other ceremonial festivals which to
them had extensive economic repercussions and would therefore
;eave their work for the ceremonies. The argument was that if
person A did not participate in contributing for a ceremony (like
3 wedding) dedicated for person B then no one would participate
-hen his turn came. Thirdly, to a larger extent the number of
Tagen working outside declined due to heavy mortality. In 1924,
(for example, a number of Tugen died on their return to the
Reserve due to illness contracted at the railway section of
Eldoret.45 The decrease of labourers was due to "... the natives
state of heavy mortality either at the place of work or upon
their return. "46
To a colonial administrator, the Tugen lack of will to stay at
their working places was solely attributed to lazinoss and lack
progress, diseases contracted by the labourers while at their
working places were considered just an excuse. The District
Commissioner stressed the point when he wrote that in addition
to heavy mortality, the Tugen "cause might be added the inbred
laziness of the tribe and the apparent lack of all desire to
p r o g r e s s . "47
The Tugen would have been more ready to go for work ouTside the
( strict if employers had induced them by providing them with
-lankets, masufurla (cooking utensils) and posho (maize flour)
.-.ile they were on transit either to their reserves or to their
.;rking place. But, instead the employers promised them such
.hings as "a pinch of salt per week at Molo.',',,, The District
;:mmissioner wrote:
The failure of employers to provide means of subsistence for labour 'in route' to their farms has undoubtedly prevented manymore from going to work . 49
The reasons given by the District Commissioner as to why the
?jgen were not ready to go out for labour were accepted by most
informants, except the point about laziness . The Tugen argued
I*hat they were not lazy although their cultural values may have
I -epicted them as lazy in the eyes of government officials.
Naturally, Tugen people liked keeping their customs and were fond
of not interfering with other peoples' affairs. Considering the *
fact that ceremonies had an economic significance, they were
never patient on things and would abandon doing anything which
did not give them pleasure or anything they deemed to affect
their cultural values. They would therefore abandon their duties
at labour places when they were annoyed (among other reasons) and
without Informing anyone. On this the Tugen informants argued
that the government officials made a wrong assessment about them
in concluding that they were lazy. But what were the objectives
of those who engaged in wage labour voluntarily and why Is It
that young men only were the frequent participants of wage
labour? In the answer to this question is twofold: /that the
individual young men did it out of sheer curiosity and for
167
renture, and that they had kept aloof from the strict practices
their culture as one old man pointed out,"only those who did
: worship culture stayed at their working places . " 50
i : 1929 and 1930 a large number of Tugen sought wage employment
-tside the District. There are no definite records showing
^ctly how many they were, but numerous persons were forced out
; the district by famine caused by both drought and locusts.
labour exodus in the two years was the highest in Tugen
:untry since the establishment of colonial rule.
: 1929 the District Commissioner recorded:
j Owing to food shortage more labour has goneI outside the district this year than everf before .... It is certain that many of the
formerly idle, forced out by food shortage will continue to go out to work, and I trust, stay longer when they are there.51
the same note, a Tugen elder recalled:
We were dying men. We had just been hit by famine and we saw no other way but to sell out our labour. It was at that period that we moved for labour outside the Tugen country in such a way that history (our memory) had never known. Even the lazy ones had no choice!52
*n 1930, there was a steady flow of labour. Labourers preferred
o w o r k on a 30-day contract and it was noticed that the Tugen
remained longer at work than in the past.53 In fact, there were
defaulters reported, pointing to a gratifying sign to the
jovernment and to the White Settlers. On the same note, for the
:irst time, "a large percentage of the Poll Tax"5* was bei/ig paid
y w a g e earners. The young men were continually being advised
• ... the elders to go out to work and there was a certain
' .niingness to do so.
.■en the famine was over and people still had the wages they had
(:ot in 1929 and 1930, the Tugen relaxed and so seem to have been
taught unawares by famine in 1933. In 1931, for example, the
?jgen did not want to stay at their place of work for more than
three months (better though than in the previous years when they
tould not even stay for two months) before they began to "yearn
:o return and lead the lazy life of sitting in the reserve and
herding their stock . " 55 The implication of this state of affairs
•as that the Tugen attitude towards labour had not fully changed
and that the 1929 - 1930 circumstances were exceptional because
:f the famine and not because of any change among the Tugen
themselves. The months between December 1930 and March 1931, the
Tugen men refused to go out for work and instead assisted their
wives and relatives in the cultivation of their fields (shamba),
j although some men sat and supervised their women doing the
work. 56
When a serious drought struck the land in 1933, a large number
of Tugen went for work but this time they were unable to be
absorbed. The District Commissioner wrote:
During the drought there was practically no demand at all though improved somewhat during the last six months. We have no figures showing the numbers of Kamasia who obtained employment, but it is safe to say that the earnings from labour coming into the District have been almost negligible in / comparison with the past year . 57
169
only was it difficult to get employment but earnings were
• eligible. It was evident that the year was a difficult one for
,.3 Tugen people. The people most hit were the northern Tugen
. .e to their poor hilly land in comparison to the flat land of
:he Southern Tugen.58 The Southern Tugen survived the distress
:f intense drought because they had cattle and because they lived
-ear the Lembus forest where they grazed their cattle during
brought seasons. The Northern Tugen and particularly the ones
who lived in Mosop suffered a great deal because their crops
failed.
In 1934, however, "the demand for Kamasia labour throughout the
year exceeded the supply and the rate of wages offered was
slightly more than in 1933. "59 The demand had been brought about
by big need by the sisal estates in Kenya Colony and the "moran"
(warrior-like) spirit that had come over the people. The
District Commissioner wrote in 1935 saying:
An attempt will be made in 1936 to overcome this disinclination to go out on contract, and the present habit of the moran to stay at work only sufficiently long to enable him to obtain the few shillings necessary for his tax and cess, will be altered if at nil possible.60
In addition to the "moran" spirit and the failure of the Tugen
people to work within the time specified by their employers, was
the Tugen behaviour of requesting for frequent leave. In 1935,
there were many complaints received by the District Commissioner
from the White Settlers that the great majority of the Tugen
workers requested leave after a short time "from which they
170
;he demand for labourers, particularly on White Settler farms,
I rontinued through to 1939, forcing both government officials such
25 the headmen and the chiefs and the settlers to hold public
meetings so as to induce the Tugen into labour to alleviate the
demand. In October, 1937, for example, "special barazas were held
and addressed on the desirability of assisting with the harvest
:n European farms."62 One of the reasons why the Tugen were not
active at labour in some years of the 1930s, was that the Tugen
"fitted with their own agricultural system"61 in meeting their
day to day subsistence and tax.
The call for labour stimulated the supply to meet the demand of
the critical periods of drought and locust invasion in Tugen;1 country . In 1939 , for example, there was a high increase in the
supply of labourers. The reason for the increase was due to the
damage done, by locusts and drought, to grazing pasture and due
to the poor harvest alike, resulting in larger numbers than usual
of Tugen who sought work outside the district. However, even
during drought, the Tugen were not as enthusiastic as the Kikuyu
and the Kavirondo to go for labour outside the district.
(b ) Trade and marketing patterns
During this period, Tugen trade took place in livestock, skins,
hides, and grain. Trade in grain was minimal, because the Tugen
^consumed most of it, and little if any was commercialised.*
Between 1914 and 1918 there was an interruption of trade due to
:?Idom returned."61
17 i
.3 Turkana expedition and the British involvement in the First
,-:ld War. To be specific, the years 1917-1918 saw a conspicuous
-:line of Tugen trade. First, the Turkana expedition had been
rganised by the colonial government to punish the Turkana people
l Dr raiding the Pokot. In this expedition, the Tugen ”moranM were
I .sed as soldiers by the colonial government. Second, the British
I involvement in the First World War affected the trade in
I :ivestock because meat was needed by the fighting soldiers; and
:he Tugen did not sell livestock to the government because the
pvernment took it at will. As a result the trade in livestock,
specially at the government stations in Kabarnet and Eldama
Ravine, was hit by lack of capital. In the short run nearly all
the license holders who were involved in the trade dismissed
their trade agents, and two of the traders even withdrew their
deposits .64 1
(iii) Trade in livestock, hides and skins
In 1917-1918, there was a very low sale of sheep and goats; only
6,000 were sold through Eldama Ravine05 in comparison to 30,00066
sheep and goats sold and exported from Baringo District at the
beginning of 1914. During peaceful times, the Somali traders
were the main buyers of the livestock from the Tugen country
after they took their licenses from Eldama Ravine at 150 Rupees.
But there was no apparent sale in cattle "owing to military
requirements"67, and thus the trade in cattle was immediately
.stopped by the government. Only the settlers were allowed to buy
some few bullocks from the Tugen for ploughing their farms.
172
rsrt from the Turkana expedition and the First world war, the
■jgen livestock trade was hit by drought in 1917, and the
^sequent famine in 1918-1919, which apparently reduced the size
:f their cattle herds. Another problem that beset the trade
• ithln this period was the issue of quarantine which was applied
:o livestock because of rinderpest. It meant that there was
little or no movement of livestock out of Tugen country.
The Tugen livestock trade fared well when there were few
rroblems besetting their country. In 1920, in the absence of
:rought or rinderpest, the Tugen sold a total of 11,213 sheep and
::?ats at four rupees each.60 In 1921-1922 another drought struck
-he Tugen cattle while goat mange hit the goats. Due to the
J brought, many Tugen limited the sale of their livestock for the
purpose of paying Hut tax. Since the major reason why the Tugen
sold their livestock was to pay for the tax, they sold them at
an exorbitant price. With that behaviour, many Arab and Somali
traders failed to buy the livestock because of the high cost,
particularly in 1921. On the issue the District Commissioner
The money for the tax was realized almost entirely in the past by the sale of stock- goats and sheep mainly. The Kamasia . . . however were slow to realize that prices depend on demand, and because they once obtained large prices for their sheep and goats, they would not sell for less. Naturally traders would not buy now at the old prices, for they would have to sell at
Another reason that made the Tugen to sell their livestock at an
exorbitant price was their ability to understand the forces of
wrote:
a loss . . .6q
173
I ?rand and supply, and the inability to realize that currency
I dues and rates changed frequently. Rupees, for example, was
ranged to pence and later on pence was changed to florins making
:r,e currency rates completely incompatible. It was, therefore,
:t easy for the Tugen suppliers and the Somali buyers to have
| * fair play in the trading transactions. The problem was that
| :he currency rates changed, as one government administrator
I .rote; !
, The currency muddle has also had a lot to dowith Rs 4/- in the past equalled 5/4d and as the same coin still remained when Rs 4/- equalled 8/5 the natives could not see difference and would not accept FLS 2.50 which was about the equivalent.70
j Between the years 1922 and 1926, the quarantine issue kept the
! livestock trade stagnant. In 1924, because of quarantine, very
few cattle and sheep were sold through Eldama Ravine, Molo and
Rongai to Uganda. Trade in skins and hides attracted many Tugen
traders from 1924 onwards. There was almost a representative in
every Tugen location. Indeed, it was in 1924 that Tugen
entrepreneurs first ventured into trade through their employment
by the Somali and the Arab traders. Chetalam Arap Kamuren
narrated how he entered trade in 1924 saying,
I first worked for a Somali in Koroto, We were buying and selling cattle, goats, and sheep. I proved good in the business and thus I was promoted by my master to be a manager. Then I decided to quit and started on my own! I was making a leading business at Mogotio, Eldama Ravine and 64 (Eldoret). But the trade kept on fluctuating.71
From 1924 through to the 1930s, the livestock trade fluctuated
174
,:th very isolated cases of success. In 1932 , about 30,00072
:?ep and goats were sold solely for the purpose of raising the
-.it tax, owing to the very low prices and currency liquidity.
:he reason for that liquidity problem was caused at least
(:artially by the great Depression of the 1930s. In consequence
:raders were hard hit and a considerable trade decline took
rlace. In 1933 the trade declined, and only 18,000 goats and
! ;heep were sold, and trade worsened further in 1934 when only
*2,300 goats and sheep were sold by the Tugen.71
ipart from livestock, the Tugen sold skins and hides. In 1915,
there was a continued and steady trade in hides: The hides and
=kins buyers were Arabs and Swahili. In 1920, 4,937 skins were
I sold as against 5,495 skins sold in 1918.74 The decrease was as
; a result of no famine or diseases. During famine and rinderpest
periods, such as in 1918-1919 and In 1927-1928, many skins were
sold because of massive deaths of Tugen livestock. The year
1927-1928, in comparison to the previous years, realized the
highest sale of skins because of the serious drought, popularly
known by the Tugen as Kiplel kowo (white bones), signifying the
scattered white bones of livestock. The number of skins sold was
bigger than it was in the past. Though the exact number is not
available, informants recall that the highest number of skins
sold in their memory was in 1927-1928.
(iv) Other kinds of trade
For the whole period between 1915 and 1918, there was no trading
centre in Northern Tugenland, unlike South Tugenland t/hich had
jaua Ravine as its trading centre. In Northern Tugenland only
.rians operated small shops which were poorly located In the
\gen country. It was not until Apri l 23rd 19187,> that Kamungej *
is gazetted by the government as a trading centre in Northern
;:genland. Three shops were then built and operated by some
rabs and Indians.76 Later in 1922 another trading centres
| railed Sibillo was gazetted. At Kamungel, an Indian trader
ailed Shivabhai Gokdbhai operated a shop while at Sibilo an Arab
ailed All bin Salim operated a shop.77 There was not yet a Tugen
Derating a duka (shop) in Tugen country.
'.i 1927, the first Tugen entrepreneur began (who hailed from
*2lai in Northern Tugenland) . It was in that year that Mr. Arap
|:- rorin of Talai opened a shop at Ewalel Location.78 In order to
encourage more such traders the government exempted him from
;aying for the shop's license.79 In 1928, another Tugen hailing
from Southern Tugenland opened a shop and operated a lorry. His
".ame was Arap Sadalla from Mogotio."0 Sadalla's entrepreneurship
paved the way for other Southern Tugen to open shops. A one
colonial administrator wrote:
One Kamasia in the South has a shop and
motor lorry and I am informed that other
Kamasia in South Tugen are preparing to
start shops .ni
^ 1
Jv) Colonial policy on trade «•Although Tugen informants did not give credit to the colonial
176
rrvernment for assisting in trade development, official records
ndicate that the government had a hand in the Tugen's
rrogress.82 For example, the government encouraged Tugon
' entrepreneurs by not taxing their businesses until the businesses
-ere stable. In order to revive the trade in livestock and hides
an skins, the colonial government introduced open air market days
-hen Tugen traders would bring food crops, livestock, hides and
j skin for sale. One of the first market days was begun at
•abarnet in 1937. But ceremonies such as marriage and feasts,
vhich were important to some Tugen frustrated, the government's
efforts. Most efforts to establish weekly markets elsewhere in
the Reserve were abortive, but Sunday markets came into being,!at Timboiwo and Mogotio while that at Ravine became an
I institution.83 The reasons why markets succeeded in some places
and not others is difficult to explain. But it is probable that
the Tugen who lived near government stations such as Eldama
Ravine (Timboiwo is closer to Kabarnet while Mogotio is closer
to Eldama Ravine) found the markets important because they had
ready buyers such as the government officials, while Tugen who
lived further away saw no sense of staying long hours in the
market and seeing no buyer. So, they rather went for feasts
which were more meaningful to them.
i
(v l ) Conclusion
Most Tugen did not like working away from home outside their
district. If at all they went to work, most of them did not go
voluntarily and therefore would not stay at their working places
177
' any longer than necessary. One prevalent thing was that
:?n sought labour when drought or famine struck. They then
?yed at their working places until such a time that things at
-e were good - when there were no famines or no disasters. The
ionial government tried to induce them Into wage labour by
: rreasing taxes but the Tugen would only work for one year tax
i then stay at home until the next payment was due, and then
to work again. On very few occasions, such as during the
pression of the 1930s, the Tugen sold no livestock to pay taxes
•rause they valued their stock as f o o d a n d as security. Some
v Tugen individuals sought work outside their district out of
:riosity or sense of adventure although they were discouraged
this by several things such as the ill-treatment from the
tite Settlers.
.rade in livestock, skins and hides fluctuated throughout the
-hole period discussed in this chapter. Although there was no
5teady progress, Tugen trade was never static. There were times
-hen trade faired well and there were times when it fared badly.
Come of the factors which led to the Instability of the trade
-ere wars, famine and diseases. Late in the 1920s some Tugen
entrepreneurs pioneered shopkeeping and lorry operation.
Colonial government policy encouraged Tugen entrepreneurs and
improved their participation in trading t r a n s a c t i o n s .
178
1/1 VO
! • NOTESi KNA, DC/BAR/1/1/ Annual Report, Labour,1917-1918.I O . I R a y m o n d Cherono, Marlgat,11/4/93.
O.I., Kiptoo Arap Lenda, Maji Mazuri,24/10/93.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1914 - 1915
1 KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1917 -- 1910.Ibid.O.I., Rev. Reuben Cherutlch, Kabarnet, 0/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1914 - 1915.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1915 - 1916Ibid.O.I., Elizabeth Chesire, Kasoiyo, 15/4/93.O.I., Raymond Cherono, Marlgat, 11/4/93.O.I., Kandagor Chesire, Endao, 10/9/92.O.I., Chepyator Chemurmor, Ossen, 17/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1915 - 1916. Ibid.Ibid.
:. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1917 - 1918. Ibid.O.I., Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92.
. Ibid.O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapkiamo, 12/10/92.
:. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1921.: O.I., Kamaron Rotlch, Endao, 20/10/92:. KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1925.
O.I., Tulyoi Kimenjo, Majl Mazuri, 24/10/92.
7. O.I., Tuei Arap Klsorio, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.?. K N A , DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1921.
Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Reports, Labour, 1922 and 1923.
;i. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Reports, Labour, 1918,1919, 1920 ■ 2. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1923.'3. O.I., Samwel Cherutoi Chemwetich, Kapchekoiwo, 15/10/92■4. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1922.:5. O.I., Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92.:o. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Reports, Labour, 1918,1919.J7. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Labour, 1920,1923.■S. O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapkiamo, 12/10/92;
DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report ,Labour, 1922.■9. Ibid.-0. Ibid.U . O - I . , Kandagor Chesire, Endao, 10/9/92.42. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1 and 1/2, Annual Reports, Labour
1 9 2 3 - 192843. O . I . , Raymond Cherono, Marlgat, 11/4/93.H. Ibid.. O - I . , Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92.
K N A , DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1925.<. Ibid.43.. K N A , DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1926.
I
- 179 -
KNA,
■ r-i t„
*3. '3.
1 2 .
KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1927.0 .1.,Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapklamo, 12/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1929.0,1./ Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92.0,1., Kamaron Rotlch, Endao, 20/10/92; KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1930.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1931.O.I., Chepyegon Kandie, Majl Mazuri, 24/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1933.O.I., Tuyol Kimenjo, Majl Mazuri, 24/1092, Kokop Kaplem,Kapchepkor, 12/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labo u r , 1935.Ibid.O.I., Philemon Kandie, Talai, 11/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Labour, 1937.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Trade, 1915,1916,1917,1918. IbidKNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Trade, 1915 - 1916.O.I., Raymond Cherono, Marigat, 11/4/93; KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1915 - 1916.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1920.Ibid.Ibid.O .I ., Chetalam Kamuren, Aiyebo, 9/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report,trade, 1932.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Reports, trade, 1933,1934.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1920.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1918 KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1922.O.I., Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapklamo, 22/10/92.O .I ., Alexander Tomno, Kasolyo, 15/4/93.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report,trade, 1927,O.I., Tuel Arap Kisorio, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92; TuyolKimenjo, Maji Mazuri, 24/1092KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1928.KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, trade, 1927.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, trade, 1937.
- 180 -
*
CHAPTER V I I I
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n l a b o u r p a t t e r n s , t r a d e
AND MARKETING, 1940 - 1963
f introduction:I: was a notable transformation among the Tugen in labouri1 ;terns and particularly in trade, after the Second World War.
icated Tugen began to participate more actively in trade and in!j = economy in general. The first Tugen traders challenged the
iian shopkeepers in trade. During the year 1944 , for example,
| veral Tugen traders began to demand trading plots which were not
i "ily accessible to them. In the 1940s, a prosperous fishing
| iustry was introduced at Kampi ya Samaki, thus broadening the
rope of Tugen trade. The year 1948 saw the start of Tugen African
'•’’panies such as the Lembus Trading Company. The companies were
'.tended to amalgamate the Tugen traders into one so as to promote
rade in the Tugen country. In the 1950s, the government put up
ren markets for the Tugen at Mtarakwa, Chebloch, Kabartonjo and
ibarnet, where vegetables, livestock and cereals were sold.
-2 though trade fluctuated, in general the volume of trading
iransactions increased between 1940 and 1963.
Iii) Changing labour patterns:
'Jp t o 1940, the Tugen had not changed their habit of not staying at
• ork f o r the period specified by their employers - the Tugen would
a r d l y stay on a job for more than three months.1 In 1940, a
: o l o n i a l administrator wrote that the unfortunate Tugen habit of
i k i n g "French leave" for periods of weeks had showed little signs
f i m p r o v e m e n t . 3 In spite of this problem, Tugen continued to be
181
- :yed by European farmers, while some were recruited in the
,-tary.
'ing the period under review, Tugen labourers became aware of
-ir rights. There were two instances in 1941 where some Tugen
| ::rjrers, influenced by Kandie Yator of Ossen and Chetalam Arap
j-rptorum of Kapkiamo (both Tugen), refused to work and returned
J -e to voice their grievances to the District Commissioner. The
| rievances included the following: poor housing, poor pay, poor
| jalth care, harassment at the working place, refusal by the
-ployers to g i v e them l e a v e to go hom e a n d being o v e r w o r k e d by the
-ployers.3 During the first instance Yator and Cheptorum, who
:rked with the rest of the Tugen at Solai, reported the grievances
| 3 the European farmer whom the Tugen popularly knew as Bwana
:mbo (real name not known), but he was adamant and could not
isten to them. Yator, who was more daring than Cheptorum, said
",ey had no choice but to lay down their working tools and leave
--e farm unceremoniously. About the incident, Yator had the
following to say:
We were working in Solai when the Mzunqu Kaburu (settler) refused to listen to our grievances. We began to argue with him but to no avail. I therefore sounded a whistle and assembled the people and told them not to go for their duties. Even the Jaluo laid down their tools. It was serious I The case was taken to the District Commissioner in Baringo where we were duly returned after reporting our problem.4
The Tugen workers left and went to see their District Commissioner,
sfter which their problems were duly solved and they returned to
-ork -
182
second instance took place at Sixty Four (Eldoret) on a farm
-.ging to a European farmer known by the Tugen as Bwana
::las (his real name not known).5 The trouble began when one of
Tugen got sick while at work and Bwana Tangilas would not allow
: to go home. Yator took the initiative of approaching the
J :loyer, challenging him to show cause why he should not allow theI1 man to go home. Bwana Tangilas got furious and insultedjI :or threatening to take him to court. When the rest realized
| it had transpired between Yator and Bwana Tangilas they stopped
f rking and left for home. Only after the District Commissioner,
J r Tugen and the European farmer had ironed out their difference(: the Tugen return to work. To avoid more controversies Yator
j appointed a government soldier and later the chief of Ossen
ration.
1942 many Tugen went out to look for work. They went as far as
oro and Thompson's Falls. Whereas the Southern Tugen did not go
‘r work in big numbers, the Northern Tugen, pushed by the economic
.restraints in the Tugen hills, went out on voluntary (normally 2 -
3 months) and on conscript labour ( 6 - 9 months) basis. At this
ime the Northern Tugen were being hit by shortage of grazing land,
-roughts and an invasion of locusts.
In 1943, conscript labour was suspended without any apparent
reason.6 It is probable, however, that the reason was because the
rcgen d i d not like staying out on work for a long time (6 - 9
o n t h s ) . As for voluntary labour, many Tugen chose to work in
: iben Plateau, Mau Molo, Njoro, Ravine, Rongai, Thompson's Falls,
j k u r u , Solai and Subukia.7 While in these places, the European
183
I :*rmers encouraged them to inform other Tugen to join in the
J -tside labour - (outside Baringo District)/
I ;.:'1945 conscript labour was briefly resumed only to be stoppedI| almost immediately when information reached the District
j ;:mmissioner from the Veterinary Department that 100 Tugen werej, -eeded to fight the Tsetse fly menace at Solai/ Upon completion
:f the anti-Tsetse fly work, conscription was again imposed during
November and December 1945. A cross-section of the "South Kamasia
location of about 40% both of Chumo and Sowe age groups"10 went for
j both conscript and voluntary labour in 1945. At the same time,
j pnvate recruiters continued to find it difficult to get Tugen
labourers who would stay for a specified period at their place of
*ork. The reasons included the following sequence: "drought,
followed by the locust campaign, then by the good harvest,
advantage of which was taken for circumcision ceremonies."11 The
issue was that the Tugen at the beginning went to work because
there was drought and then when there was a locust invasion but
when the rains resumed and a good harvest was realized, they
plunged themselves into their own activities such as circumcision,
and forgot all about wage labour.
During the 1940s some Tugen preferred to work outside the district
where they picked pyrethrum and got a lot of money in the short run
to meet the immediate needs. Others remained and worked within the
district on the public roads, particularly after the roads had been
damaged by heavy storms.12 Working within the district was
convenient because it was near home, but due to the low pay, many
Tugen wanted to work outside. Within the district, the government
184
the Tugen labourer between ten and fifteen shillings per month
.r a White Settler would pay a labourer up to twenty shillings
* rosho per month.11
i•een 1946 and 1951, the Tugen concentrated on labour outside
ir home district with two particular instances when they
:lled and worked at the Kerio Valley Scheme in 1950 and at the
: African Tanning and Extract Company at Eldoret in 1951. Thei.zon why this happened was because there was a rise in wages
:ing the period after the Second World War. Evidence for the
:t that the Tugen worked far from home and that they were better
d i s the Annual Report of 1946 which stated:
Tugen are becoming increasingly popular in farm labour and, as a result of better wages, the general standard of prosperity is beginning to rise. They tend to go much further afield than before the war and not so much to farm on the Southern border, most of whom pay comparatively low wages.’4
1950, for example, a number of Tugen were employed on the Kerio
'lley Scheme under the control of District Commissioner, Elgeyo.
Tugen registered the biggest number of labourers which amounted
:: 80% of the total, while the other 20% were Elgeyo and Marakwet.
The exact number which the Scheme employed is not recorded, but it
.5 m o s t probable that it was about three thousand people. On the
'cheme, the Tugen did farm work supervised by a European farmer.
They planted maize, weeded them and harvested them. Other Tugen
-'orked as herdsboys on the scheme.
The E a s t Africa Tanning and Extract Company, which began recruiting
Tugen In 1951 proved to be a popular employer for the Tugen. Some
:ixty percent of the three thousand labourers employed by the
185
f-any at Eldoret were Northern Tugen (no Southern Tugen). Thei
j : African Tanning and Extract Company dealt with the production
I ;3n product.J ,
the declaration of Emergency in 1952, many young men from
inland joined the military forces and the police. In 1953
?ral Tugen men "greatly helped in the anti Mau Mau campaign by
.ling up as Kenya Police and Prison askaris, camp guards, farm
:rds and special police."1* Other Tugen continued to work outside
- district on settlers' farms.
Tinning in 1955, wage outside Baringo District declined as a
:rce of economic sustenance for the Tugen. As an alternative,
2 Tugen concentrated on work in Baringo District, such as
/•paigns against locusts and cultivation of their own farms at
ne. The year 1954 - 1955 was the period when the Tugen were
produced to cash crops, and they therefore began to concentrate
:re o n their own cash crops, and other new crops. Other Tugen
:ncentrated on trade, thus greatly weakening the Importance of
ige l a b o u r for the Tugen economy.
Ill) T h e expansion of trade:
rade a n d Tugen shopkeepers
j r i n g the years between 1940 and 1963, a number of Tugen pursued
rade a s an extremely Important aspect of economic livelihood,
rade continued even during the second World War because it was
*en a s a quick income generating sector of the economy. In 1940,
te c o l o n i a l government tightened up her checks on traders, as
ascribed by the District Commissioner:
186
In spite of the war, trade appeared to be fairly normal. In order to check price profiteering the supply Board delegated special powers under the Defence Regulations to the District Commissioner, Baringo, in order to enable him to call for monthly returns from every trader throughout the district.16
| : - 1944, there was a high demand by the Tugen for trading
Some of the people who demanded plots were Timotheo Kimosop
-ana Chemuito of Chapchap. The demand forced the government
trict the issue of licences for shop operations to only someIj .gen individuals.17 To appease those who were not given plots,
:vernment established market days at Mtarakwa, Chebloch and\: places to enable them to trade without license. Mtarakwa
;:hebloch were not gazetted trading centres. However, the
rnment's action of establishing market days increased the
of reguests for plots throughout the period which ended in
Second World War but the government still refused to grant
-3 to most Tugen in Northern Tugenland. In Southern Tugenland,
"ter of traders such as Cheserem Chesang were granted transport
^ices.18 Referring to Tugen traders in 1945, the District
'issioner wrote:
Demands for trading facilities for Tugen traders in Eldama Ravine township were frequently voiced and it is hoped that it will be possible to establish a native trading centre within the township. Approval has been received for the establishment of such a centre in Kabarnet township. A start was made with the establishment of native butcheries.19
o x n t e d out by the District Commissioner, trading facilities for
T u g e n were expected to increase in the future. In February,
a f t e r a meeting of the Local Native Council, the government
187
:ed in addition to the trading centres that already existed at
.;at, Kabarnet, Eldama Ravine and Sibillo to a few more trading
:res be started at Kabartonjo, Tenges, Poror and Esegeri.” In
same year, a total of twenty-eight new licenses were granted to
traders in the district. In Kabartonjo alone there were six
-nsed Tugen traders, who included the following: Argut Kibolt,
frutich Arap Cheptumo, Chebot Arap Rotlch and Mnriko Chebolwo.71
I asked Chebolwo why he had taken up trading, he said,
I had travelled far and wide and I began driving a lorry in 1945 and had gained a lot of experience in business among the Tugen. I wanted to be the first Tugen to have a shop and tea-shop at Kabartonjo. Indeed, I pioneered the first Tugen shop at Kabartonjo and others followed after me!32
e to the demand for trading plots by the Tugen, the Local Native
:uncil accepted the Tugen applications on the condition that the
;plicant work on the plot immediately. Licenses for wholesalers
-re g i v e n to two Indians, F.D. Patel of Lower Molo and C.B. Patel
f Ravine, while the distribution to retailers was based on a list
f l i c e n c e holders made out in 1945.
uring the year 1949, many Tugen were convinced in their own minds
:tat ownership of a duka (shop) would provide "Instant" wealth
r r e s p e c t i v e of the forces of and demand supply.” In their shops,
:he T u g e n would sell goods such as blankets, lamps, paraffin, soap,
;ea, s a l t , and sandals among other things. During each Local
a t i v e Trade Sub-Committee, there were several applications for
r a d i n g plots. In 1949, the LNC decided not to allow any alien
p p l i c a n t to have access to a trading plot.
✓188
-? same year, 1949, the District Commissioner reported that
;-tre developed more than other trading centres while new
-;ps appeared at Marlgat, Kabarnet and Logumgum.24 At
, a group of 12 Tugen joined together and built a shop; and
j o bought a lorry which was used for transportation.25 The
• ere:
J Joseph Tulel of Kabarnet
j Philemon Chelagat of Kabarneti
Eliud Kipsaita of Ewalel
Joseph Chelelgo of Kabarnet
Luka Matetai of Kabarnet
Elijah Chemoiwo of Kabarnet
Isaiah Chesire of Kabarnet
Cherop Kibon of Kabarnet
Elijah Ayabei of Kapropita
Arap Chebon of Kabarnet
Samwel Chesire of Kapropita
2. Philip Cheptoo of Kapropita
■people had varied experience in different disciplines. All
n, except Joseph Tulel, Philemon Chelagat and Joseph Chelelgo
-id to have had some form of education either at the mission
at Kabartonjo or one of the government schools such as
:h, Bukura or Kabete.26 Joseph Tulel and Philemon Chelagat
i f o r Indian traders early in the 1940s and thus gained a lot
'arience in trade that was useful for the company they had
created. Joseph Chelelgo's background is not certain but the
ility is that he was a soldier during the Second World War
189
- he was made chief of Marigat location. The educated bulk of
:?up had worked in different capacities during the colonial.
Klpsaita for example had been appointed an assessor at
, "01 by the District Commissioner because he was able to
:ret Tugen traditional and customary law and he also
stood British law. Others had been Agricultural Instructors
-;enland.
;57 there too many tea and other shops and retail trade was
“ing uneconomical.27 The total number of shops run by Tugen
-rs is not certain because some shops were not even licensed
it is safe to use the District Commissioner's words that the
:ps were many". It should be understood at this point that the
?rnment policy towards licensing shop traders depended on the
ision reached by the LNC whose policy was that a trader should
~ble to build on the plot allocated to him and be able to pay
thly rent to the council. Many of the traders were petty
ilers. However, there were three remembered Tugen traders who
re n o t petty in the real sense of the word.28 The three were
.pkonga Ruto of Ewalel location, Mariko Cheboiwo (Marikong) of
carton jo and Philiph Cheptoo of Kabarnet. Chepkonga had a shop
■ K a m u n g e i where he monopolised almost all the retail trade in
:rget region. Cheboiwo on the other hand seconded an Indian
:ader a t Kabartonjo popularly known as Shevi Meti while Cheptoo,
u p e t e d with another Indian trader called Arap Chetubai by the
e n a t Kabarnet. To improve the shops or discourage more petty
“?ps , m a n y traders were sent to Jeans School Courses by the
. e m i n e n t . The government also encouraged the Tugen traders to
rm c o - o p e r a t i v e s an idea which was readily accepted by the Tugen
190
,ho were keen to benefit.
I ;iv) Trade In livestock, skins, and hides
Trade in livestock dominated throughout the period under
discussion, though after 1950 this trade suffered a .steady decline.
Trade in skins and hides was carried out in small proportions if
not completely neglected. Only two years - 1946 and 1949 -
registered a high sale of livestock.Jq In 1946, about 5,434 head
of cattle were sold at total value of £24,412 while a total of
14,051 sheep and goats (worth £7,857) were sold.10 Towards the end
of that year Tugen traders had difficulty selling the goats brought
to Mogotio because other traders from other districts such as the
Turkana and the Elgeyo had flooded the market with their livestock.
To increase the prospects of sale, the Meat Marketing Board forbade
the sale of all goats and cattle from other districts.31i
Trade was stagnant in 1947 - 1948 without any apparent reason but
in 1949 the number of livestock increased to a total of 10,078 head
of cattle worth £42,741 and 17,522 goats valued at £10,011, most of
which were sold by the Tugen.32
Livestock trade dropped drastically between 1950 and 1963.31 The
drop thus affected the economy and the tax payment adversely. The
reasons for the decrease included the following: lack of buyers
from the private and in the Meat Commission, quarantine because of
mouth and foot diseases, the refusal by some Tugen to sell their
livestock, and most important of all the Tugen belief that a
successful trader was the one who owned a shop. The figure of
10,078 head of cattle in 1949 dropped to 2,119 in 1950.14 At the
191
( t|me the total number of sheep and goats sold in 1950 was less
*wan 2,0 0 0.35 It is important to point out that because of the
fluctuations that occurred as evidenced by the statistic below
| 3CCelerated .the Tugen transformation towards shopkeeping trade.
(v) Fish trade: Lake Barinqo fishing industry
Tugen oral tradition say that in general the Tugen people were not
fish eaters in the pre-colonial period. Fish eating was a
relatively recent thing. Only the Tugen who lived near rivers
would do fishing of kaek (small fishes) to supplement their menu on
I rare occasions. But when the Northern Tugen moved towards Mogoswok
[ plains In the twentieth century, they began to eat fish in an
aggressive manner making it almost as important as their goat meat
because they lived close to Lake Baringo’. Up to 1943, the Tugen
people would fish using a rod and would eat or sometimes barter
their catch for maize flour for consumption purposes. The period
from 1943 saw a transformation of Tugen fishing in that they not
only fished to eat, but also to sell. Tugen fishing turned
commercial. In .1943, the District Commissioner wrote:
Before 1943 Tugen people did fishing using a rod and would exchange their fish for posho and eat the rest.Later the fish trade entered a transformation period when the government decided to improve the trade and the whole fishing industry at lake Baringo. Efforts were made to expand the existing industry and introduce other methods of catching and curing.36
It was in 1943, that the government got Interested in Tugen
fishing activity and helped in turning It into an Important
Industry and trade by sending Mr. Deathe, Fishery Inspector of
Kisumu to Baringo District. The aim was to train the part time
192
I -jgen fishermen to become permanent fish traders. Before 1943 the
I :;vernment saw Tugen fishing casually, but the government now
I .anted to make their fishing commercial. When Mr. Deathe arrived
| :n the scene, the government dream was realized because it was from
I then on that some Tugen turned fishing from a part-time into a
I full-time activity.
I Upon Mr. Deathe's arrival, Lake Baringo was surveyed by his men
I who "took some time to clean the beaches of the rocks and snags and
I much of the remaining months of the year were spent in exploring
I the lake shores37 before two Tugen cripples were trained to make
I seine fishing nets intended to replace the Tugen fishing rods. By
the end of the year 1943, the Tugen had tried using the seine nets
although they did not appreciate their efficiency because they had
not got used to them.
In 1944, the Local Native Council of Kamasla (Tugen) kept the fish
trade going, while the government approved a sum of £210 to assist
(in experiments to Improve the trade In the following year.38 In
1945, the District Commissioner expressed the wish that an officer
might place the trade on a production basis and that an efficient
I system of marketing be worked up39 because there was a problem In
marketing and transportation. A certain Mr. F.D. Patel of Lower
Molo had already been approached to help in solving these problems.
In September 1946, the Kenya Fish Warden surveyed Lake Baringo and
decided that the experiments previously done by Mr. Deathe had been
successful and that It was time to develop a project along
commercial lines. The idea was that "a local industry should be
developed, based on the existing rod and line industry and the use
193
: flax made gill nets and locally made seine nets for the benefit
•the local Inhabitants."40 But this was not so because the exotic
jhing materials such as seine nets would not match the locally
■ ii$ rod because there were more fish caught by rods than by seine
fts. The potential trade attracted European private bodies who
-tended to take the business from the local fishermen.
;i 1948, two Tugen fish traders (names not recorded) set up a
easiness as fish merchants.41 Referring to the two, the District
;:mmissioner wrote: "Unlike the Jaluo who confine their activities
to bartering posho for fish caught by the Njemps, the Tugen have
rtarted netting on their own account as well as buying from local
iishermen. "42
From 1949 the fish industry continued to gather momentum when
I several Tugen sold cattle to invest in the trading enterprise of
I the fishing business.4J In 1950, 5 of the 16 persons licensed at
| Kfibarnot as fish traders were Tugen.44 All the names of the
Individuals were not available to me but Johana Chepyator, Mama
Esther Cherop and Ezekiel Kipkemboi from Loruk could be remembered
by,the informants.
Before 1953, the Tugen fishermen faced various problems among the
which were: transportation and marketing problems (Such as low fish
prices). These problems were steadily solved so that by 1959 the
Tugen fishermen registered the highest sale of fish.
In 1953 there were about 20 licensed fish traders in Lake Baringo.
Those licensed included Raymond Simotwo (a former local councillor
194
I .. ya Samaki), Benjamin Kamunoi, Christopher Chirchir and n
the name Oloo. Before, the Tugen fishermen sold a fish at
:« but when marketing situation improved, the Tugen traders
j : at 18 cents a fish in 1953. The Tugen would sell dried
- loads of 250 fishes at a cost of 45/- per load. To ease
.ng problems, the lake Baringo fish industry created a market
ciru in 1955 where fresh fish were in high demand . 4b
rrtation to Nakuru was favoured by the good road which had
;=en improved. An overhaul of the fishing industry was also
dth the influence of Mr. R.D. Roberts of Limuru who leased a
i t Kampi ya Samaki where he built a large refrigeration room.
,sh trade continued steadily so that about 5 million fish were
ted in 1959 "which put nearly £6,000 into the pockets of the
tensed fishermen." A1 but the catches dropped to an alarming
\ evel in the following year without any apparent reason.
I/ignif icance of this presentation of fish trade and fish
try was to show how the Tugen changed from casual fishermen
"mercial fishermen. The reader should not be misled by the!j numbers of licensed fishermen because the licensed fishermen
i-i only as middlemen representing the many other Tugen who sold
*:ish to them. But the important thing is that the Tugen tribe
ft:d Lake Baringo ventured into a trade and industry which had
(been tried before. *
* Conclusionf340 the Tugen were 1ivestock, skins and hides traders. There
* only three progressive Tugen traders who had either a shops or
rry. But by 1963, there were many Tugen who had already built
195
some had bought lorries. Shopkeeping as a trade had
?d the Tugen mind so much that it began to alarm the LNC
I clonial government late in the 1940s. Trading companies
jmed, and groups organized to boost the tradingr
.rns. Beginning in 1943, a fishing industry was pioneered
the first time In Tugen memory, the Tugen became fish
When most Tugen concentrated on shopkeeping and fish
trade in livestock, skins, and hides was neglected,
n as a factor played a major role in making Tugen shop and
-ders. As trade flourished there were visible signs of an
ing number of people getting modernized and westernized
I they had interacted with foreigners more than before.
:rds wage labour, the pattern was that not many Tugen went to
4 jjtside the District towards the 1960s. The Tugen were never
7 tent in their performance of duty at their working places
j.ally labour outside their district. At certain stages the
■> wanted to be employed while at certain stages they were not.
- : some Instances such as in 1941 the Tugen picked up arms with
* employers by demonstrating and not working. These issues in
It put the colonial government and the European farmers in an
ird position not knowing how to handle a Tugen labourer. But
ihing was evident among the Tugen that they only worked during
:is periods when economic constraints were many at the reserve
vould return home any time they wished.
196
ry,*A, DC/BAR 1/3, Annual Report, Labour, 1940.I b id .
O.I., Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92; Chetalam Arap Cheptorum, Kapkiamo, 22/10/92.
Kandie Yator, Ossen, 17/10/92.i b i d .?NA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Labour, 1943.Ibid.0,1., Reuben Kiprop Cherutich, Kabarnet, 1/10/92.1NA, DC/BAR 1/3, Annual Report, Labour, 1945.«NA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Labour, 1945.Mazurl, 24/10/92. I b i d .I b i d .O.I., Reuben Kiprop Cherutich, Kabarnet, 8/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Annual Report, Labour. 1946.KNA, DC/BAR 1/5, Annual Report, Labour, 1953,KNA, DC/BAR 1/3, Annual Report, Labour, 1940.Kariko Komen Cheboiwo, Kabartonjo, 8/10/92; KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Trade, 1941.O.I., Klptoo Arap Lenda, Maji Mazuri, 24/10/92.KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Trade, 1945.
J O.I., Raymond Cherono, Marigat, 11/4/93; KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report Labour, 1947.O.I., Mariko Komen Cheboiwo, Kabartonjo, 8/10/92.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Trade, 1949.Ibid.
| O.I., Raymond Cherono, Marigat, 11/4/93.j| O.I., Kandagor Chesire, Endao, 10/9/92.| KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Trade, 1953.1' O.I., Benjamin Amdany, Seretunln,15/4/92.
KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, trade, 1946,1947. KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Trade, 1946.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, KNA, DC/BAR 1/5, Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, I b i d .KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, KNA, DC/BAR 1/4, KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, 1954,1955.KNA, DC/BAR 1/5,
Annual Report, trade, 1949.Annual Report, trade, 1950 -1963.Annual Report, Trade, 1950.
Annual Report, Fishing Industry, 1943.
Annual Report, Fishing Industry, 1944. Annual Report, Fishing Industry, 1945.
Annual Report, Fishing Industry, 1948.
Annual Report, Fishing Industry, 1949. Annual Report, Fishing Industry, 1950. Annual Reports, Fishing Industry, 1953. Annual Reports, Fishing Industry,
Annual Reports, Fishing Industry, 1959.
CHAPTER IX
TUGEN AS HERDERS ON BARINGO PLAINS, 1915 - 1963
IntroductionJ;d Me Beath Anderson, in his Ph.D. Thesis entitled "Herder,
tier, and Colonial Rule: A History of the peoples of Baringo
-ns, circa 1890 to 1940" has dealt with the history of Tugen
itoralism up to 1940 in detail. He has examined the reasons
r Tugen expansion to the plains, the difficulties faced by the
ren pastoralists, the colonial policy of destocking, and Tugen
rategies in response to these difficulties and colonial policy,
stead of writing about the 1915 - 1940 period I intend to
“narise major points and then deal with the subsequent period
-ween 1941 and 1963.
'formation on herders prior to 1915 is covered in chapter III
waling with the Tugen economy between 1895 and 1914. This
a p t e r therefore begins with the period when the Tugen began to
sttle on the plains in the 1910s.
.rises in Tugenland may have began either in 1916 or 1917 when
x c e s s i v e rains hit the land. Crops in Mosop were completely
destroyed, an incident which helped the Tugen into becoming
a s t o r a l i s t s . The Tugen energies went into livestock rearing and
r e f f o r t was made to accumulate surplus grain. During the time
:i m i n o r droughts, Tugen herders would subsist upon the produce
tiie livestock by slaughtering some regularly.
I S I S , the drought famously known by the Tugen as Klpng*osia
198
? Tugen making the next harvest fall, deteriorating grazing
:nd thereby undermining the Tugen herders' abiiity to
purely upon the livestock produce.
J, there was a short breathing space before the Tugen were
\ :y yet another drought which adversely affected their,i
:ock in 1921 and 1922. The 1921 to 1922 drought was not asi■ :s as the 1918 to 1919 drought. There was also another
J| .ling space up to 1926 before another drought in 1927.
{Jj allure of rains in 1927 marked the beginning of the drought
.arly known as Kiplel kowo (the white bones). The Tugen
that it was the worst drought in the living memory. It was
J3rst Saranaach to denote an era of a multitude of hardship,
ime that is better not spoken of." The Kiplel Kowo drought
its name from the white bones of the dead animals in the
country. "There was no grass available", said an
rmant. Kiplel Kowo continued up to the middle of 1929
-ing a heavy stock mortality. Many cattle died because of a
- m a t i o n of sheer starvation through lack of pasture and
-ness brought as a result of the livestock being walked for
"7 distances in search of pasture and water. It was during
-- t i m e that the Tugen livestock trespassed the white settlers
“~s in Solai.
a s t e r after disaster kept on haunting the Tugen. During 1927,
-5 a n d 1929, complete zones of grazing were eaten out by
"jst. "Arable as well as pastoral production was hit, the
b i n a t i o n of drought and locust plague taking a heavy toll of✓
199
reduction in the Tugen Hills, and having a serious
5sions on the normal patterns of exchange between Hill and
Tugen." Famine relief was the only remedy for the Tugen
ren the caravan traders could not come to the help of the
jj failure in Mosop intensified the drift of people to Solnj ,■ least they could eat meat of the ctying cattle,
n 1931 and 1934 , low rains and locust invasion wasIsed again. The 1931 - 1932 is often referred to as the
; t of Talamwet (locust) as distinct from all other locust
j -s which contributed to the drought of Klpkoikoro (big
; locusts).
from drought and locust invasion, rinderpest and bovine
3-pneumonia reduced the Tugen herds. Rinderpest is known
79ri as Kipkeita and it is the most dreadful of all stock
-3es. Four major occurrences of rinderpest disease are
b e r e d :
1919, just after the Kipq,osia drought. The diseases
z e d t h e Tugen cattle then it spread its virus on to the
rean farmlands of , Ravine and Londiani where it ran rampantly
: g h t h e settler dairy stock already weakened by the drought.
It c a m e in 1926 and lingered on in the Reserve up to 1929.
,-g 1 9 2 7 and early 1928, settlers bordering on the Reserve
s s e d concern in the way cattle w ere dying of starvation near
r f a r m boundary because of rinderpest victims.
T ^ e P o k o t or the Samburu stock spread rinderpest to the✓
2 0 0
.3 cattle and the Iljamus cattle spread to the Northern
cattle at Loboi and Endorois in 1934.
: 1939 another rinderpest hit the Lembus cattle although it
:t a serious one.
‘ from rinderpest disease, foot and mouth disease was known
j causing adverse damage to the Tugen cattle particularly in
■ Quarantine restrictions were therefore instituted to ease
ralamity.
diseases affected Tugen stock for a long t im e and it was
until 1933 when a Veterinary Department began to operate
:Iarly in Baringo that stock diseases reduced.
* 1 T h e Tugen Pastoralists response to crises.
m u l t i p l e disasters of 1919, 1927-28, 1931-32 and 1933,
; il t e d in a stock mortality rate of above 50%. These losses
-'e r e c o v e r e d to some degree by a widespread active stock
d i n g .
s t r a t e g y , to avert these problems, Tugen leaders would move
: o f h o m e for 2-3 months accompanying the animals and leaving
i r r f a m i l i e s behind. Another strategy was through loaning,
o f f s e t the problem also Tugen emphasized goat and sheep
o i n g o t h e r than cattle. Goats therefore acted as a form of
-- q f f o r the Tugen in the 1920's and 1930's as a^( form of
201
' -he goats fast breeding, the Tugen herder's believed that
oat herd is an essential part of his economic strategy,
trend of goat keeping continued rapidly so that by the year
5, there was a big number of goats that it alarmed the
rtment of Agriculture. During the 1930s, Mr. Colin Maher,
• as the agricultural Officer in Baringo, went round the Tugen
try and found out that goats had increased in big numbers
oosed danger to the soil.
against the increasing number of goats' then began but
ampts to control goat numbers became unpopular with the Tugen.
*ie the Tugen did not appreciate the damage these animals were
• ng in some parts of their lands, the administration made no
:oirt to accommodate the Tugen viewpoint regarding the economic
r u e o f the goat.
-biier important form of strategy employed by the Tugen in
■ p o n s e to the crisis was in resorting to wage-employment.
- * i l e r farms in the region Eldama Ravine became the first to
- ;:e u s e of the Tugen labour. The Tugen became herdboys in the
r o p e a n farms.
id.) T h e Reconditioninq and destocking of the Tugen livestock
o r e 1920, there were fewer herders and there was also plenty
p a s t u r e s . Because of poor soils in Mogoswok, and the big
o f herders and their big herds, the pasture would not
e wealth - as a s t o r e of food a n d as ite m s of excnance.
202
he capac ity by the 1930.
;:tioning as a strategy to reduce the Tugen livestock by the
--ent was as a result of settlers' complaints,
jitioning was therefore intended to reduce confrontation
1 an the Tugen and white settlers living at the border withi1 Tugen in areas such as Solai and Eldama Ravine. Anderson
j the European attitudes vis - a - vis African realities as
jrtained pasture and water: alienation of lands for European
lement and the consequent obstruction of access to dry seasonr: urces. The watering areas were now reduced, forcing Tugen
:ars to congest around the inadequate supplies thus
■ -Tiorating pasture and the available-water sources. Reducing
.r livestock was deemed tantamount to be inadequate to meet
pastoralist families requirements.
rhe long run the Tugen did not just accept the reconditioning
m s of restrictions but utilised the colonial circumstances to
m their own strategies. From then on, the basis of
nfrontation between the settler, the government and the Tugen .
jstoralists was rooted on the land. In 1930s, the issue of land
.-:e c a m e into full discussion and it emphasized on the issue of
^ s t o c k i n g and the carrying capacity of the livestock.
iT<r) T h e Tugen herders and their livestock: 1941-1963
i r i n g the next two decades Tugen herding life was bedeviled by
: t a c k s of disease and the government call to destock their
. n i m a l s . The Tugen continued to resist the government policy to
203
. the number of their livestock because the Tugen looked on
irbers of their animals as a source of security. This
however, changed towards the late 1950s and early 1960s
:he Tugen began to raise exotic animals such as grade cows
1 overseas.
ses
:ole of disease was very detrimental to the Tugen community.
?t every year there was an outbreak of disease which reduced
: numbers of Tugen animals. In 1941 cases of rinderpest and
• virus were reported and 6,683 cattle were inoculated and the
; 3 treated.15 During the same year, there was a wide-spread
.reak of blackwater disease which attacked the livestock,
;rred in Southern Tugen. This necessitated a compulsory
ierpest inoculation in 1942.17 Inoculation was first started
Southern Tugen in September and an immune belt was created
. ng the border of the settled area from Solai to the Elgeyo
rder by the end of that year. With the cooperation of the
-Ten about 19,525 cattle were inoculated.18
■ex*e were minimal problems in the next two years as far as
i s e a s e s were concerned. It was not until 1945 that there were
:tt>reaks of foot and mouth disease in Southern Tugen which
^ c e s s i t a t e d stopping the movement of cattle, sheep and goats in
j u t h e r n Tugenland so as to allow inoculations to be carried out
.Tjned lately.
204
5 and 1956 foot and mouth disease, East Coast Fever and
! vater fever outbreaks were widespread in Tugen country, and
jaused the Tugen to embark on preventive measures such as
;2earing for tsetse fly control. The areas mainly affected
Solai, Endorois and all the areas which bordered Subukia.
( . were the areas in which foot and mouth disease continued
I e a serious problem making cattle sales to come to a
istill.
;jf; 3evelopments in dairy farmingiI .941 a field dairy was begun at Kuress by the VeterinaryIj ttment in conjunction with the LNC. This field diary was
; a to produce a revenue of 114 sterling pounds from the sale3:jhee which was being produced by the cattle keepers in Kuress
’ion per annum. Supervision for this was carried out by the
^ck Inspector Eldama Ravine. The^ghee production at the Kuress
-ty, under the Stock Inspector at Ravine continued to function
r three months and collapsed suddenly because the milk
ppliers failed to bring the milk. To revive the industry the
-z ter inary Officers decided to sell one of the LNC separators
:he separating machine at the ghee industry) to the Iljamus who
‘S h e d to set up such an industry on the shores of Lake
- i r i n g o . 19 The Iljamus chief, Cheptiony Ole Nabori, took the
i n i t i a t i v e of taking care of the industry, but within no time the
. n d u s t r y also collapsed among the Iljamus. Informants say that
.he g h e e industry which began on an experimental basis became
o p u l a r among the Tugen only a few months because the industry
■ a s associated with the practise of keeping huge herds livestock.
205
:en later changed their minds, arguing that they did not
9 reason as to why the colonial government encouraged the
reduction while discouraging the keeping of large numbers
zals.
■ razing as a factor: Trespass, clashes and grazing paddocks
1 se of shortage of grazing the Tugen cows were said by the
inary Officers to have produced poor milk yields. In 1944
; yrtt, the Senior Stock Inspector commented that the Tugen
: .e were good but their milk yields were very low, and heI: .buted the low milk production to ill nourishment. Thej .} rmary Department therefore increased its efforts to teachI
people how to improve the quality, of their livestock and
ecially to increase milk production. The Veterinary Officers
inised a trip whereby Tugen chiefs and elders were taken to
vasha to see Mr. Colvile's farm and learn from the methods of
estock keeping he practised.20 As a result, in 1945 the
^en in Mosop began to create grazing paddocks on their farms.
*s w a s one of the positive effects of the Naivasha trip. On
is episode the District Commissioner wrote:
In the hills (Mosop), the Kamasia are becoming more grass- m i n d e d and a number of small grazing paddocks were stumped a n d fenced during the year, also a block of some 30 acres o f forest land at Kimwojoch in Sacho location.21
- e r e a s there was an improvement on. grazing paddocks, trespass
E u r o p e a n farms was witnessed in 1946. A number of Tugen
from Lembus and Keben trespassed onto white settler farms
n s e a r c h of grass in Solai region. The offenders were, however,
206
ted in the Provincial Commissioner's court and deterrent
;es imposed on the them.22
', trouble over gracing land erupted between the Tugen and
,s. Tugen expansion into Ngelesha and the areas reserved
.e Iljamus was creating friction between the two tribes,
f ouble dated back to the Carter Commission (1911) which had
*ended that part of Ngelesha be reserved for the use of the
js and another part for the Tugen. This proposal was not
rented in the amendment to the Crown Lands Ordinance (No;l
I ) of 19 3 8,23 which specified Ngelesha as being for the use
■ --he Iljamus tribe only. By 1938, the time of the amendment,iiiI Iljamus had already allowed some Northern Tugen (who were
r neighbours) to graze in the Ngelesha area so that by thei
■ the Tugen were told to vacate the land they outnumbered the
fnus . The grazing conflict was solved by the government when
Tribal Police were used to evacuate the Tugen from the
r i t o r i e s of the Iljamus. But it became difficult to evacuate
- T u g e n who lived in Ngelesha- they were thus left in the area
. competition over grazing continued.
-i ) Reconditioning and destocking measures
1 9 4 0, the colonial government had not succeeded in reducing
e n u m b e r s of livestock which the Tugen had accumulated. It was
i d e n t that stock and grazing control provided only part of the
s w e r to reduce the Tugen livestock since the major problem lay
t h e realities of Tugen life. As long as Tugen pastoralists
n s i d L e r e d it necessary to accumulate stock, there could be no
207
-ry redaction of livestock. Instead the Tugen environment,
punctuated by famine and locust invasions gave the Tugen
reason to accumulate as many animals as possible. The
t challenge to the colonial administrators was how to teach
rce the Tugen people to reduce their livestock.
; '.9 1940s the Tugen continued to resist the destocking
! res and even the chiefs joined them and voiced complaintsi; st the destocking policy. An example of this was in 1946
an important meeting of the Samorr elders was held at
m e t involving the Provincial Commissioner.24 Concern was
-ssed in connection with orders which the government had
; i to limit the stock at Kiplombe (Southern Tugen). Chiefji:no of Lembus, for example, told the government that his
/ ■le realized that they had overstocked but pleaded for time
I ' .■ enable them to organize a voluntary cull before drastic
;ures were taken. It was decided at the meeting that the
?n o f Kiplombe would cull up to 30% cattle. The proposal was
en calmly by the Samorr Chief and Lembus elders who were
sent although the meeting requested the District Commissioner
personally visit all the sections concerned in order to
-■lain the proposals for culling to the people so as to ensure
i s e c u r e their co-operation. About this, the District
m i s s i o n e r wrote:
T h e PC agreed to these proposals but pointed out that the t i m e for discussion about the overstocking problem was p a s t ; government was contributing handsomely and it was t i m e the Tugen played their part.25
e n t h o u g h the Tugen generally resisted the destocking measures,
208
were some few instances where some Tugen implemented
ck reduction. For example, the year 1946 ended with
-ry culling of cattle in Kiplombe and other parts of
rn Tugen. Other measures calculated to lead to voluntary
ing of surplus stock were the inauguration of locational
rcounts for such purposes as water supplies. As a result,
' and Keben locations in particular promised to contribute
i llocks towards the cost of a borehole. This was one of the
! is used by the colonial government to reduce the TugenIj :ock indirectly.*/If1 factors such as drought and diseases assisted in the
;tion of livestock and the improvement in terms of quality.
J48, the Tugen had gradually begun to heed the reconditioning
Tures and were beginning to implement them. In 1948 the
r i c t Commissioner wrote:
T h e District Officer, Eldama Ravine reports; 'The loss of a n estimated 10.000 head in the drought at the beginning of t h e year appears to have made little difference to the s t o c k population, at least judging by the grazing, though t h e condition of much of the stock is considerably better t h a n it was at this time last year. I think the people are g r a d u a l l y , due to a variety of factors, beginning to a p p r e c i a t e the benefits of a better and fewer stock, though t h e stock from Lembus Forest, potentially the best area in t h e whole reserve, is consistently of a very poor q u a l i t y . . .and trespass has been less than might have been e x p e c t e d . The idea of control is gradually gaining f a v o u r .26
t h o u g h there were many livestock in the Lembus Forest even m
■Zl, t h e r e was still hope of destocking as the District
- m i s s i o n e r wrote: "In Lembus Forest overstocking is reaching
i g h t e n i n g proportions... Nevertheless it is apparent that the
209
.:il probably agree 10% or even 20% cull.'*27
:Xing not only threatened the carrying capacity of the
r it presented a real obstacle to the implementation of
?i policy. This was particularly so in the case of sheep
its for which at that time there was only a very small
market. A stock census was done in 1953 and the figures
s follows;
■orth Tuaen South Tuqen
Jattle: 27,000 52,000
Joats and sheep 36,000 84,000
f race the number of cattle, particularly in South Baringo,}j auction sales were held throughout the year at Emining and
j -dama Ravine. The monthly sales at Emining proved to be thej! successful. The average number of cattle sold each month
-72 and the price averaged out at Sh 117/19 per head. Nyanza
ers were the main buyers although a few Somali also came to
from time to time. In 1954 total numbers of cattle sold in
-hern Tugenland numbered 3710.
-9 55 thousands of livestock died due to drought and diseases,
w a s such a big loss that one informant exclaimed: "The
e m i n e n t bewitched our livestock. They died in big numbers and
E u r o p e a n s were pleased."28
a c c e l e r a t e the destocking process, an abattoir was installed
M a r i g a t but this was unpopular among the Tugen. In 1955, for
m p l e / the breakdown of the abattoir dealings were as follows:*
210
: t l e : 1,144
='8p and goats : 2,367
r.key: 46
i local people took bones on their own to the abattoir.
the Marigat Abattoir took 1513 cattle and 8838 sheep and
-an average slaughter of 6 cattle and 34 sheep and goats
.■eking day.29 During the following year the abattoir at
disposed of 1215 cattle and 3423 sheep and goats.30
j 9r' Tugen did not like the abattoir at all. One
I .ant with bitterness exclaimed, ” The colonial government
j ?ally determined to impoverish us through the abattoir but
f porously refused!”31
/ear 1959 was an important year because of tfie following
o n s : a bull centre of four Sahiwal Bulls was opened on the
irrigation Scheme and proved to be very successful and
-S f o r another centre in the southern part of Tugen were
trway. In Kabarnet also, 4 young Jersey Bulls were reared on
K a b a r n e t Agricultural demonstration farm for sale to the
en farmers.
- h e r developments took place in 1960. Cattle dips, paid for
tbie Tugen, were constructed at Chemogoch, Kisokon and Kabimoi
t h e ADC passed stock cleansing By-Laws and applied them to
-■se a r e a s . The Esageri people also agreed to finance the
. s t r u c t i o n of two’ dips in their area and when those, together
211
a second dip in Kabimoi and Chemogoch were completed, more
’ips controlled by the ADC were constructed. As a result of
-alks during farmers days more people began to spray their cattle
individually•
Tte ADC also served an area of 48,000 acres with Sahiwal centres.
In all medium Kurget and Mosop zones in the Tugen country there
tas been an increased emphasis on animal husbandry in preparation
for the first official importation of grade cattle namely Jersey
into Mosop and Red Poll into Chemogoch-Kisokon area.32 The
Government African School farm at Kabarnet changed from Sahiwals
to Jersey when a gift of Jersey Bull was posted to the School by
the Veterinary Department. During 1960, a trial for herds of
exotic sheep was demonstrated at Torongo in preparation for the
importation of such sheep into the higher areas of the Lembus
Forest Settlement Scheme. The trial was remarkably successful.
(Viii) Conclusion
Beginning in 1915, Tugen herders faced untold miseries of varying
types including floods, droughts, locust invasion and disease.
The drought of 1927 was particularly severe and almost paralysed
the whole system of their pastoral life. Natural disasters such
as the locust invasion of the 1930s seriously affected the Tugen.
In response they resorted to various strategies. An important
strategy was the keeping of goats because goats were able to
withstand difficult times better than cattle. By the 1930s the
number of goats had increased to the point of damaging the soils.
Soil erosion became an issue and the need arose to limit the
212
- from keeping too many animals. The colonial government
.-before came into confrontation with the Tugen over the issue
destocking. Whereas the Tugen did not appreciate the damage
-— e by their animals, they could not risk reducing the size of
.-sir herds since animals were their only source of security in
-i.r.es of disasters. There was no breakthrough on the part of the
government in the implementation of destocking policies until the
late 1950s and early 1960s. By 1960 the Tugen had realised the
importance of having a reduced but quality herd of cattle, goats
and sheep. The change showed by the individual areas such as
Esageri depicted a remarkable change that has left a mark in the
history of the Tugen society. The government, also, through the
Veterinary Department imported grade animals from overseas for
the Tugen to try. The trials proved successful.
213
Notes
Anderson, David Mcbeath, "Herder, Settler, and Colonial Rule: A History of the peoples of Baringo Plains, circa 1890 to 1940." Ph.D. Thesis, University of Cambridge. p,89.Ibid.
3,
3.:o.:i.:2.13.14.15.16.17.18.
Ibid.pp,95-96O.I., Kamaron Rotich, Endao, 20/10/92.Anderson, Op.Cit.p,96.Ibid.p,97.KNA, DC/BAR/1/2, Annual Report, Native affairs Department, 1928.Anderson, Op.Cit.p,102.Ibid.Ibid.Ibid.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Anderson, Op.Cit.p,109.KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Ibid.
Veterinary, 1939.Veterinary, 1933.Veterinary, 1934
Veterinary, 1941.Veterinary, 1942
19. O.I., Chepkonga Ruto, Marigat, 23/9/92.20. Ibid.21. KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Veterinary,22. KNA, DC/BAR/1/4, Annual Report, Veterinary,23. KNA, DC/BAR/1/1, Annual Report, Veterinary,
1938.24. 0.I ., Chebilioch Moiben, Sigoro, 26/10/92.25. KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Veterinary,26. KNA, DC/BAR/1/3, Annual Report, Veterinary,27. KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Veterinary,28. O.I., Talaa Chemjor, Tuloi, 10/9/92.29. KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Veterinary,30. KNA, DC/BAR/1/5,,Annual Report, Veterinary,31. O.I., Talaa Chemjor, Tuloi, 10/9/92.32. KNA, DC/BAR/1/5, Annual Report, Veterinary,
1945. '1946.1911; and
1946.1948.1951.
1957 . 1958.
1960.
214
CHAPTER X
CONCLUSION
^-colonial systems of agriculture, pastoralism, trade, labour and
j use had all undergone profound change during the colonial
| reriod. At the close of colonial rule in 1963 the Tugen economy
-ad been transformed in various ways.
Before the colonial era, the Tugen had planted only two crops,
namely: millet and sorghum. With the coming of colonial rule,
other crops such as cassava, sweet potatoes, groundnuts and beans
were introduced to Tugenland. Maize, is said to have been
introduced in pre-colonial time by Swahili and Arab traders but it,
and other new crops, only spread extensively during the colonial
period. Droughts, and locust invasions created acute famine
conditions that accelerated the introduction of n e w ' crops in
Tugenland after 1919. The major reason why the colonial government
imported and distributed the new crops for planting was to avert
famine. Cassava and sweet potatoes in particular were referred to
by the Department of Agriculture as drought resistant crops aimed
at helping the Tugen to overcome famine.
Before 1954, the Tugen people did not plant cash crops. The years
that followed 1954 saw the planting of coffee, pyrethrum and onions
as cash crops.
Together with new crops, new methods of agriculture „were
introduced. The Department of Agriculture emphasized crop
rotation, terracing and soil conservation. Demonstration plots
215
used to demonstrate the new methods and also to introduce new
-res. At first, the Tugen did not appreciate the colonial
.-ernment's efforts. On one occasion (at Chebloch), the Tugen
- =tly refused the presence of the demonstration plot and even
sanded its removal. But gradually the Tugen began to accept the
agricultural methods and crops. They abandoned their
t radit ional wooden hoes and began to use majembe (digging iron
implements) and even tractors. They also abandoned the traditional
method of broadcasting seed and began to plant maize, millet and
sorghum in rows, and to practise crop rotation, soil conservation
and terracing.
The transformation of Tugen agriculture can be attributed in large
part to the work of the Agricultural Instructors. The colonial
government took the initiative to provide agricultural education to
the Tugen. Tn this respect, the first Tugen to study agriculture
were sponsored by the government to Bukura Institute of Agriculture
in the 1930s. Upon completion of their studies they, and others
after them, worked as Agricultural Instructors in Tugen country.
Up to 1949, land consolidation was unknown to the Tugen people.
But from 1949 they began to practise land consolidation by
consolidating small holdings among themselves. Friends and
neighbours would exchange small holdings into manageable blocks.
Land consolidation was triggered off by a few educated individuals
in Southern Tugenland, and then the practice spread slowly to the
Northern Tugen. Consolidation was initially opposed by the elders
but the opposition did not go far because the educated Tugen who
were pursuing land consolidation had the support of the Department
216
'-e colonial government Perkerra irrigation scheme at Marigat gave
-.:5n agriculture a new dimension. It changed the Tugen
=:ricultural perspective in that the participants in the scheme
.e re no longer waiting for rain and seasons but could plant their
I _r;:DS even at times when there were no rains or the rains were not
I favourable.
Animal husbandry also changed during the colonial era. Before
3ritish rule, the Northern Tugen in particular had concentrated on
agriculture, but once the Maasai were removed from the Mogoswok
region, the Northern Tugen expanded eastwards from the Tugen hills
and began to practise animal husbandry. By the 1910s, some
Northern Tugen had turned into pastoralists and almost abandoned
agriculture.
Beginning in the 1920s, the Tugen faced demands from the colonial
government to reduce the number of their goats which posed a danger
to the environment. On this issue, the Tugen people resisted
adamantly, thus making the government force them to cull their
animals. One method of coercion was through the reconditioning
measures by which the government demanded that the Tugen sell their
animals and that an abattoir be established at Marigat to hasten
the reduction in the numbers of Tugen livestock. Tugen people were
not ready to reduce their animals because they looked on their
livestock as a source of economic security in times of famines
whereas the colonial government set other priorities and objectives
such as the prevention of soil erosion.
I - agriculture and the Local Native Council.
217
] . ,-*r, in the 1950s and early in the 1960s, Tugen animal husbandry
,.cJc on a modern perspective when new breeds of animals were
-sorted for them on an experimental basis. Better quality cattle
— h as Jersey and Sahiwal, were introduced to Tugenland. The
i-Dorted animals helped to change Tugen animal husbandry and thus
transformed the pre-colonial animal variety into a better breed
which produced greater quantities of milk for commercial purposes.
Before British rule, money economy was only vaguely known and
labour in the Western sense did not exist. Labour in the pre
colonial period was not executed for wage earnings but was offered
on a communal basis in such fields as raiding for livestock,
assisting a neighbour in the planting of sorghum and millet, and
labouring for a specialised activity like iron working. Very few
individuals worked for the Arabs and Swahili as cooks or trade
assistants before colonial rule. With the advent of colonial rule,
the Tugen began to work for wages. The Tugen went outside their
district to work on White Settlers’ farms, mainly to acquire
Rupees so as to pay their taxes and to ease the problems of famines
that frequently hit their country. As early as 1918 the Tugen went
to work outside their district and this trend even intensified in
the 1930s when droughts and locust invasion became an indomitable
problem in their country.
Labour, however, was not offered by the Tugen consistently. It was
a matter of convenience because the Tugen would only go to their
working places when there was a drought or a locust invasion or
they needed cash. The idea of going outside their country to work
was unique, and as- a result of the circumstances of the colonial
218
Labour within the District was preferred by the Tugen because
. Tieant being in their home areas. Even though wages were lower
- home than outside, they preferred to work around home. More
--gen might have worked outside the District if the white settlers
-ad not mistreated Tugen workers and paid them low wages. In
several instances, particularly in the 1940s, the Tugen quarrelled
' with their employers and refused to work because the settlers had
mistreated them. Also, the Tugen could not work outside their
district for long because of the climatic variations and due to the
attack of diseases such as influenza. In the district, the Tugen
worked mainly for the government and the LNC, as Agricultural
Instructors, teachers, clerks and chiefs.
The pattern and nature of trade and marketing changed during the
colonial period. During pre-colonial times Tugen trade was by
barter. Cattle, goats, sheep, honey and grain were some of the
products exchanged. There was no modern money economy and the
Tugen used certain items such as honey as a form of currency. With
colonial rule, the Tugen began to use Rupees as a unit of exchange.
In the 19th century most Tugen trade was local or regional,
although the Tugen had traded sporadically with Swahili and Arab
caravans.
During the colonial period the Tugen traded with the Swahili and
with government officials for beads, iron ore, clothes and small
items such as salt and maize flour. The export trade in cattle,
skins hides kept on fluctuating, though the general trend was one
of increasing volume until the 1940s. But the most remarkable
change among the Tugen so far as trade was concerned was in the
duka (shop) business. Beginning in the ‘19205 Tugen began to
219
I -3i nge the Indian and Arab shopkeepers in retail trade. Some of
retail trade initiatives were the result of joint ventures in
.... 1940s, for example, several Tugen in Kabarnet cooperated
--gether as a group to begin a shop, and twelve Tugen formed such
3 cooperative towards the end of 1950.
retail trade affected the growth of trade in livestock so that
cv the end of 1963 many Tugen were less interested in the livestock
trade and were concentrating instead on the acquisition of trading
plots and on building shops.
In 1943, another development in trade was triggered off when Tugen
embarked on fishing as a form of economic activity and trade. They
began to compete with the Jaluo and Iljamus fishermen at Lake
Baringo using their traditional fishing rods. This development was
encouraged by the colonial government and led to a further Tugen
diversification of Tugen trading transactions.
Economic transformation did not take place uniformly throughout
Tugenland. Early changes in Agriculture were most evident in the
areas closest to the government stations at Eldama Ravine and
Kabarnet. Moreover, the influence of ecological zones affected the
way transformation took shape. The Mosop areas received more
attention from the colonial government because their land was good
for agriculture, whereas the Soin areas supplied more labourers
outside Baringo district because they were the most hit during
famines. The distinction between Northern and Southern Tugen was
also an important factor. In general, the colonial administrators
favoured those who cooperated with them. For this reason the
220
rthern Tugen benefited more than the Southern
:he early years of colonial rule, because
ponse towards the colonial presence
Tugen, particularly
of their positive
221
INFORMANTS!
"9 I Place
Tuei Arap Kisorio Maji Mazuri
I Mariko Komen Cheboiwo Kabartonjo
Kandie Yator Ossen
4. Chebilioch Arap Moiben Sigoro
5. Paul Chebilioch Sigoro
Kiptoo Arap Lenda Maji Mazuri
IChepyegon Kandie Maji Mazuri
3. Chepkurgat Arap Chemjor Kabarnet Farm
i(Kabarak)
9. Kandie Kipkech Kabartai
10. Philemon Kandie Talai
11. Frank Chesang Kabarnet Farm
(Kabarak)
12.ft
Kokop Kaplem Kapchepkor
13. Chetalam Arap Cheptorum Kapkiamo
14. Wilson Kiptisia Bosei
15. George Amke Bartolimo
16. Chetalam Kamuren (Karani) Aiyebo
17 . Reuben Kiprop Cherutich Kabarnet
18. Chepkonga Yatich Kaptum
19 . Kandie Cheptumo Ossen
20. Tuyoi Kimenjo Maji Mazuri
21. Kamaron Rotich Endao
9 ' : i- 9 *
Date
24/10/92
8/10/92
17/10/92
26/10/92
26/10/92
24/10/92
24/10/92
21/10/92
8/10/92
11/10/92
23/10/92
12/10/92
12/10/92
12/10/92
13/10/92
7/10/92
17/10/92
8/10/92
16/10/92
17/10/92
24/10/92
20/10/92
222
ISamuel Chemwetich Cherutoi
;3. Talaa Chemjor
;4. Kandagor Chesire
25. Chepkcnga Ruto
25, David Tanui
27. Chepyator Chemurmur
28. Baba Gedion
29. Jakobo Chemoiwo
30. Alexander Tomno
31. Raymond Cherono
32. Elizabeth Chesire
33. Salim Abdalla
34. Joel Kipkech
35. Benjamin Amdany
Kapchepkoiwo 15/10/92
Tuloi 10/10/92
Endao 10/9/92
Marigat 23/9/92
Moringwo 26/10/92
Ossen 17/10/92
Kapchepkor 13/10/92
Kasoiyo
Kasoiyo 15/4/93
Marigat 11/4/93
Kasoiyo 15/4/93
Marigat 11/4/93
Ewalel (Seretunin) 15/4/93
Ewalel (Seretunin) 15/4/93
223
-sr.TnGRAPHY
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Ministry of Agriculture Library, Nairobi.
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225
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-------------------------------- "Research among the Tugen,Kalenjin speaking mixed farming people of Baringo District." Department of Antropology, Illinois, Urbana, 1980)
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KIPKORIR, B.E., "The Kalenjin Phenomenon and the MisraLegneds", History Department, Nairobi, Seminar Paper (1971) .
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226
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THROUP, D.W., "The Official Mind of Sir Phillip Mitchell.The colonial Office view of Kenya, 1944 1950", History Department, Nairobi, SeminarPaper No. 1 { 1980).
____________ "Olenguruone, 1940 - 1950", HAK ConferencePaper,1981 (forth - coming in the next edition of the .Hadith Series).
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Official Publications
1 Kenya Government Publications: official Gazette of the colony and protectorate of Kenya, 1920 onwards (Previously the official Gazette of the .East. Africa and Uganda Protectorates, 1899 -1908).
227
1905 Report of the Land Committee.
1910 Memoranda for Provincial and District Commissioners.
1919 Final Report of the Economic Commission.
1922 Final Reports of the Economic and Financial (Borrowing) Committee, 1922 - 1923.
1927 Report of the Labour Commission.
1929 Report of the Agricultural (Hall) Commission.
1933 Report of Expenditure Advisory Committee 1933.
1935 Report of the Economic Development Committee, 1934 .
1937 Report of the Meat and livestock Enquiry Committee.
1941 Interim Report of a Committee Appointed to advise as to the steps to be taken to deal with the problem of overstocking in order to preserve the future welfare of the Native Pastrol Areas (East Africa Pamphlet No. 239).
194 3 Report of the Food Shortage Commission by Sir Phillip Mitchell, Governor of Kenya).
1947 The Agrarian problem in Kenya (Nite by Sir Phillip Mitchell, Governor of Kenya).
1951 Agricultural Policy in African Areas.
1954 A Plan to intensity the Development of African Agriculture in Kenya (R.J.M. Swynnerton).
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1 Books
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BRETT,E. A Colonialism and Underdevelopment in EastAfrica: the Politics of economic Change 1919 - 1939,(New York, 1973).
CARR, C .J ., Pastoralism in crises, (Chicago, 1977)
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228
Tropics, (Commonwealth Agriculture Bureau 1970) .
DE WILDE, J.C., et al, Experiences with agricultural development in Tropical Africa, vol. 2, The casestudies, (John Hopkins, up, 1967).
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GOLDSCHMIDT, W.R. Culture and Behaviour of the Sebei, (UCLA Press, 1978) .
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___________ , Kambuvo's Cattle: the legacy of anAfrican Herdsman, (Berkeley Up, 1969).
HENIGE, D., The Chronology of Oral Tradition, (Oxford, 1974)
HENNINGS, R.O., African Morning, (London, Chatto and Windus,1951).
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MASSAM,J.A, Cliff Dwellers of Kenya,(London:FrankCass, 1968) .
MONOD,T., Pastoralism in Tropical African, (London, 1975).
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229
ORCHARDSON, I . Q . , The K i p s i q i s , ( N a i r o b i , 1961) .
PERISTIANY,J.G ., The Social Institutions of the Kiosigis, (London, 1964).
ROTBERG, R.I., Joseph Thomson and the Exploration of Africa, (London, 1971).
RODNEY, WALTER, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Dar-es-Salaam: Tanzania, publishing House, 1972).
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VAN ZWANENBERG, R.M.A and KING, A., An Economic History of Kenya and Uganda 1800 - 1970 (London,1975) .
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ANON," Overstocking in Kenya", EAAJ, V o l .I (July 1935), PP. 16-19 and Vol.I (Jan. 1936 ), P P . 309-310.
BEACHEY, R.W. " The East African ivory trade in the late 19th century In JAH Vol. 8 ( 1967).
BENETT, G. , " Settlers and politics in Kenya up to1945 ", in V. Harlow and E.M. Chilver (ed's), History of East Africa-Volume II, PP. 265 -332.
BLACKBURN, R.H., " The Akiek and their History " ,Azania, Vol. 9 (1974), PP. 139-57.
BLUNT, D.L., " Report of the Locust Invasion of Kenya", Agricultural Department. (Bui No. 21 of 1931), Nairobi.
BOGDAN, A.V., ” Bush clearing and grazing trial at Kisokon, Kenya ", EAAJ 19 (1954), PP. 253-259.
DOUGALL, H.W. and BOGDAN, A.V., "Browse plants of Kenya with special reference to those occurring in South Baringo", EAAJ Vol. 23 (1958).
DUNDAS, K.R., " Notes the tribes inhabiting BaringoDistrict", JRAI Vol. 40 (1910), PP-49-72.
EDWARDS, D.C., " Some notes on the food of goats in semi-arid areas", EAAJ, 13 ( 1948), PP.221-223.
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230
Pangani to Masai country and to the Victoria Nyanza ", PRGS, Vol. IV (1832), PP. 730-42.
FUREDI, F., " The Kikuyu Squatters in the Rift Valley: 1918-1929", in Hadith 5, B .A. Ogot (ed), PP. 180-197.
HARRISON, E., " History and Activities of Locusts in Kenya and relative costs of destruction ", Agricultural Department (Bull. No. 9 of 1929), Nairobi.
HENIGE, D., "Oral Tradition and Chronology", JAH 12 (1971), PP. 371-398.
HENNINGS, R.O., " Grazing Management in the PastrolAreas of Kenya ", Journal of Africa Administration 13 (1961), PP. 191-203.
LIVERSAGE, V.L.,"Some observations on Farming Economics in Nakuru District ", EAAJ, Vol. 4 (1938), PP. 195-204.
MAHER, C., ” The Goat: Friend or Foe ? ", EAAJ Vol. 11 (1945), PP. 115-121.
---------------- , " Famine in the Nineties ", KION, 18thAugust 1961.
----------------- , " The Early History of the UasinGxshu ", KWN, 23 rd February 1963.
METTAM, R.W.M., " Short History of Rinderpest withspecial reference "to Africa", UJ, Vol. I (1937), PP. 22-26.
NEWLAND, R.N., " Review of the Cattle Trade in BEA,1904- 08 ", BEAAJ, Vol. I (1908) PP.264-268.
PERISTIANY, J. G. , "The Age-Set System of the Pastoral Pokot ", Africa 21 (1951), PP. 188-206 and PP. 264- 268.
PRATT, D.J., " Reseeding Demanded Pastureland inBaringo District, Kenya, I. Preliminary trials ”, EEAJ, Vol. 29 ( 1963), PP. 78-91.
231
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