the comparative identity of nations: image of nation as an assessment tool of national identity

THE COMPARATIVE IDENTITY OF NATIONS: IMAGE OF NATION AS AN ASSESSMENT TOOL OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

A dissertation submitted

by

BONNIE BUCKNER

to

FIELDING GRADUATE UNIVERSITY

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PSYCHOLOGY

With an Emphasis in Media Psychology

This dissertation has been accepted for

the faculty of Fielding Graduate University by:

____________________________________

Garry Hare, PhD, Chair

Dan Sewell, PhD, Faculty Reader

Don Polkinghorne, PhD, Faculty Research Specialist

Catherine Shainberg, PhD, External Examiner

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The Comparative Identity of Nations: Image of Nation as an Assessment Tool of

National Identity

by

Bonnie Buckner

Abstract

Identity is a concept central to the field of psychology. Establishing a sense of

belonging is at the core of identity development for both individuals and groups.

Contemporary personal identity scholars argue that multiple identities are present,

necessary, and even adaptive in today’s society. National identity is one of many forms of

group identity that establishes belonging. Scholars of national identity posit that the

nation becomes a meta-identity, an umbrella under which multiple identities such as

ethnicity, gender, or social affiliations can exist.

National identity scholars argue that the nation is imagined, living in the mind’s

eye of the individual. Research in the related fields of place identity and brand identity

has informed and corroborated the use of image as a holistic construct for understanding

identity. Many scholars within the fields of cognitive, neuro- and environmental

psychology also argue that image is the basis of comprehension. Cognitive scientists in

particular have shown that behavioral change is necessarily preceded by a change in

image. To date, measures of national identity have fallen short of providing any

understanding that goes beyond factual, semantic measures. Yet many scholars have

shown that understanding the emotions and visceral bases of identity is paramount when

dealing with decision-making, conflict resolution, and collaboration.

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This dissertation sought to establish the role of image as a viable assessment tool

for national identity. Using online surveys, participants from the United States and

Mexico provided descriptive responses to a set of imagery exercises in their native

language. There were three evaluation groups for each country—natives, some

familiarity, no familiarity—for a total of 6 groups, N=338. The data were evaluated

using the neural network software CATPAC II and qualitative analysis to identify the

qualitative themes and linkages that emerge organically from participant descriptions.

This was an exploratory investigation looking at two hypotheses. The first

hypothesis of this study was (H1) Individuals possess a holistic and visualizable image of

a nation. The results support the hypothesis with 92% of respondents across all groups

reporting images. The second hypothesis of this study was (H2) There is a collective

nation image for individuals belonging to one nation. Results from both CATPAC II and

the follow-on qualitative analysis indicate that, while each individual nation image is

unique, it is unique to the individual and not a shared image by a population. There were

many similarities among the images and clear themes arose, but the images themselves

were unique. Therefore, the data did not support the second hypothesis.

Because salient themes emerged that demonstrated differences in image between

residents and nonresidents of each country, it is the hope of this researcher that this study

will establish the potential for imagery as a national identity assessment tool that can

further the research supporting conflict resolution and dissonance reduction techniques.

Key words: image, imagery, national identity, destination image, place image,

nation branding

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Copyright by

BONNIE BUCKNER

2011

v

Acknowledgements

Dissertations are not the lone person struggling to push the boulder up the

mountain as I presumed them to be. In fact, there are many people alongside offering

support, encouragement, advice and insights that help make clear the best paths, and who

transform the image from boulder to full-spectrum experience.

My dissertation committee was invaluable in shaping my experience, and to them

I offer deep gratitude. Dr. Garry Hare generously gave of his time, guidance and support.

From my first meeting him during the application process to the program I recognized a

brilliant mind that luckily also happened to share many of my core interests – I knew he

would challenge my thinking, which he has done a thousand-fold throughout my studies.

His masterful shepherding and sense of humor were key, and I consider him a valued

mentor, friend and collaborator. Dr. Dan Sewell is credited with opening the world of

cognitive psychology to me by always taking the abstract to multiple and unexpected

ways of application. His deep thinking at every stage consistently broadened my

perspectives. Dr. Donald Polkinghorne asked all the hard questions that kept my

methodology on track, and which have made me a much stronger researcher. And, to Dr.

Catherine Shainberg, a special thank you – you’ve changed the way I see everything

because of what you know about image.

Very simply, without my colleagues at Fielding I would still be at the base of the

mountain. To each of you who walked alongside, or who forged the path a step ahead, I

am grateful for your friendship, your cheerleading, your always perfectly timed tips and

your insights.

And, to Catherine, who planted the idea of my getting a PhD, I had no idea what a

positive, life-changing experience this would be for me. I’m glad you did. Thank you.

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Table of Contents

CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................... 1

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1

Identity ........................................................................................................................ 1

National Identity ......................................................................................................... 3

Image........................................................................................................................... 5

From Nation Branding to Nation Identity ................................................................... 6

Hypothesis................................................................................................................... 9

Furthering Research .................................................................................................. 10

Purpose ...................................................................................................................... 11

CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................ 13

Literature Review.......................................................................................................... 13

Identity ...................................................................................................................... 13

National Identity ........................................................................................................... 18

Image......................................................................................................................... 21

Nation-Branding ....................................................................................................... 26

Brand Image .............................................................................................................. 27

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Place Image ............................................................................................................... 28

Assessing the Images of United States and Mexico ................................................. 31

Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 34

CHAPTER THREE ........................................................................................................ 36

Methodology ................................................................................................................. 36

Measures ................................................................................................................... 36

Descriptions of the Survey Statements ..................................................................... 37

Procedures ................................................................................................................. 40

Data Analysis ............................................................................................................ 42

Hypotheses ................................................................................................................ 43

Participants and Design............................................................................................. 44

CATPAC II ............................................................................................................... 44

CHAPTER FOUR ........................................................................................................... 48

Results ........................................................................................................................... 48

Participants ................................................................................................................ 48

Hypothesis 1: Respondents Who Reported Image.................................................... 50

CATPAC II Analysis ................................................................................................ 50

Exploration of CATPAC II Results ...................................................................... 52

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CATPAC II Output: Frequencies, Dendograms, and Concept Maps ....................... 67

MEXICO: Consumers ........................................................................................... 68

Mexico: Outsiders ................................................................................................. 72

Mexico: Residents ................................................................................................. 76

United States: Consumers ..................................................................................... 80

United States: Outsiders ........................................................................................ 85

United States: Residents ....................................................................................... 90

Hypothesis 2: The Collective Nation Image ............................................................. 94

Emerging Themes ..................................................................................................... 95

CHAPTER FIVE ............................................................................................................ 99

Discussion ..................................................................................................................... 99

The Images .............................................................................................................. 103

Chapter Six .................................................................................................................... 114

Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 114

Limitations .............................................................................................................. 116

Recommendations for Future Research .................................................................. 118

References ...................................................................................................................... 121

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List of Tables

Table 1: Completes for Each Participant Pool .................................................................. 49

Table 2: Respondents Who Reported Image .................................................................... 50

Table 3. Examples of Multiple Coding Categories .......................................................... 53

Table 4. Initial Coding Categories ................................................................................... 54

Table 5. Explanation of Categories .................................................................................. 56

Table 6. Coding for Positive, Negative, and Conflicted Emotional Valence ................... 66

Table 7. Overall Image of Mexico .................................................................................... 66

Table 8. Overall Image of United States ........................................................................... 66

Table 9. Conflicting Perceptions about Mexico in Mexico: Consumers .......................... 71

Table 10. Images with Conflicting Valence for Mexico: Residents ................................. 78

Table 11. Mexico: Consumers Example Coding of Flag Symbol .................................... 82

Table 12. Mexico: Consumers Example Good Life .......................................................... 82

Table 13. United States: Outsider Contextual Variations for Red, White, Blue, and Flag 87

Table 14. Examples of Childhood Category in United States: Residents......................... 92

Table 15. Examples of Multiple Contexts for blue and flag in United States: Residents. 93

Table 16. Emergent Themes Across All Categories ......................................................... 95

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Table 17. Distribution of Images into Themes Across All Respondents .......................... 96

Table 18. Rich, Sensory-Laden Images and Emotional Responses ................................ 107

Table 19. Sensation in Imagery ...................................................................................... 108

Table 20. Meaning in Imagery ....................................................................................... 109

Table 21. Emotion-laden Images .................................................................................... 110

Table 22. Reactions to Symbolic Imagery ..................................................................... 111

Table 23. Imagery Potential for Increasing Empathy ..................................................... 112

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Frequencies and Dendogram for Mexico: Consumers’ Images ........................ 68

Figure 2. Top 10 Qualitative Categories from Images for Mexico: Consumers .............. 69

Figure 3. Mexico: Consumers 3D View Concept Map .................................................... 70

Figure 4. Mexico: Consumers 2D View Concept Map .................................................... 70

Figure 5. Frequencies and Dendogram for Mexico: Outsiders’ Images .......................... 72

Figure 6. Mexico: Outsiders 3D View Concept Map ....................................................... 73

Figure 7. Mexico: Outsiders 2D Concept Map ................................................................ 73

Figure 8. Top 10 Qualitative Categories from Images for Mexico: Outsiders ................. 74

Figure 9. Frequencies and Dendogram for Mexico: Residents’ Images .......................... 76

Figure 10. Top 10 Qualitative Categories for Mexico: Residents .................................... 77

Figure 11. Mexico: Residents 3D View Concept Map ..................................................... 79

Figure 12. Mexico: Residents 2D View Concept Map ..................................................... 79

Figure 13. Frequencies and Dendogram for United States: Consumers’ Images............. 80

Figure 14. Top 10 Qualitative Categories for United States: Consumers ........................ 81

Figure 15. United States: Consumers 3D View Concept Map ......................................... 83

Figure 16. United States: Consumers 2D View Concept Map ......................................... 84

Figure 17. Frequencies and Dendogram for United States: Outsiders’ Images ............... 85

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Figure 18. Top 10 Qualitative Categories for United States: Outsiders ........................... 88

Figure 19. United States: Outsiders 3D View Concept Map............................................ 88

Figure 20. United States: Outsiders 2D View Concept Map............................................ 89

Figure 21. Frequencies and Dendogram for United States: Residents’ Images ............... 90

Figure 22. Top 10 Qualitative Categories for United States: Residents ........................... 91

Figure 23. United States: Residents 3D View Concept Map ........................................... 93

Figure 24. United States: Residents 2D View Concept Map ........................................... 94

Figure 25. Five Emergent Themes Across Images ........................................................... 96

Figure 26. Comparison of Emerging Themes: U.S. Residents and Mexico Residents .. 100

Figure 27. Major Themes in Images of Mexico ............................................................. 101

Figure 28. Major Themes in Images of the United States .............................................. 102

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List of Appendices

Appendix A: Survey Instrument & Script ................................................................ 137

Appendix B: Catpac Ii Exclude File ............................................................................ 142

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

This study was an exploratory study to ascertain if individuals hold an image of a nation,

and if there is a common image for the nation. The dissertation is organized by first introducing

the theoretical underpinnings and initial queries that led to embarking upon the study, followed

by a brief overview of the methodology employed. Chapter 2, the literature review, delves more

deeply into the topics of identity, national identity, image, nation-branding, brand image, place

image, and the target countries of the study. Chapter 3 provides a depth accounting of the

methodology employed and chapters 4 and 5 provide the results and discussion, respectively.

Finally, in chapter 6, is the conclusion which includes a discussion of limitations and

recommendations for future research.

Identity

Identity is a concept central to the field of psychology. Inherently dualistic, it pertains

both to individual and group, sameness and difference (Buckingham, 2008; Erikson, 1956;

Jenkins, 2004). While identity is something we consider as a core and unique essence in

distinguishing ourselves from others, it is also something shared with others, representing group

belonging (Buckingham, 2008).

Contemporary identity scholars argue that modern society is characterized by, and even

necessitates, multiple and fluid personal identities (Bauman & Vecchi, 2004). Contributing

factors are numerous, and include a) the shift of society from agrarian- to technology-based,

erasing stations which previously provided lifelong identity anchors (Gellner, 1997); b) the

loosening of institutions and social forms that maintained routines and acceptable behavior

norms (Bauman, 2007); c) the spread of class-equalizing literacy; d) land ownership replaced by

Imagery of Nations 2

political boundaries (Gellner, 1997); e) the technology-aided removal of time/space boundaries

(Buckingham, 2008; Schachter, 2005); and f) globalization and increased social mobility

(Buckingham, 2008).

With these shifts, modern society is mobile and anonymous (Gellner, 1997). Individuals

navigate multiple, and at times contradicting, social groups and contexts (Schachter, 2005).

Thus, personal identities are dislocated, fragmented, and must be constructed and adopted as a

process of choice, rather than assumed (Bauman & Vecchi, 2004).

Some contemporary identity scholars argue that such ambiguity and multiplicity of

identity is an adaptive and resilient response to the modern environment (Lifton, 1993; Sampson,

1985). Others hold that multiple personal identities arise from, and can potentially create, ”inner

confusion” (Schachter, 2005, p. 141).

At the core of individual and group identity is the question of belonging. Even with

modern society’s fractured, fluid, or ambiguous individual identities, the need remains for each

person to have that sense of belonging (Bhabha, 1994; Buckingham, 2008). Group identity is one

means of providing belonging within an uncertain world (Triandafyllidou & Wodak, 2003).

Individual and group identities occur at different levels of cognitive self-categorization

(Turner, Oakes, Haslam & McGarty, 1994). Social identity theory argues that social identities

are motivated by subjective uncertainty reduction toward one’s place in society (Hogg & Terry,

2000). As social identity becomes salient, individual identity recedes (Turner, et al., 1994).

Individuals use group identities to locate themselves in a social environment (Ashforth & Mael,

1989).

Hall (1996) proposes that national identities “stitch up differences into one identity” (p.

618). Gellner (1983) echoes this in asserting that tribe, religion, race, and region are subsumed


under the unifying umbrella of the nation. It is possible that, in the modern environment of

multiple and ambiguous self-identities, national identity becomes an important anchor of

belonging for the individual.

National Identity

Bauman and Vecchi (2004) state that the idea of national identity historically arose from

a “crisis of belonging” (p. 20), and scholars suggest that nations are invented in part as a

response to the need for identity and belonging (Anderson, 2006; Gellner, 1972; Hall, 1996;

Hobsbawn, 2008). National identity is said to provide continuity to the human being, affording a

larger human narrative (Anderson, 2006). Specifically, Gellner (1997) argues that with the

dissolution of status and class, individuals are left to identify with the political. As modernity

dislocates the individual, national identity simulates “a closed cosy [sic] community” (Gellner,

1997, p. 74).

The cozy community of the nation, however, is a complicated polycultural, multi-ethnic

mix, increasingly composed of displaced and immigrant individuals (Bauman, & Vecchi, 2004).

How, then, is the nation to be understood?

Nations, from many scholarly perspectives, are subjective constructions. Seton-Watson

(1977) asserts that there is no scientific definition of a nation. Nations can be considered as

political entities (possessing legal structure) and cultural entities (held together by historical

mythology and cultural bonds), but nationality is best described as something more abstract: “the

quality of belonging to a nation”( p. 4). For him, “a nation exists when a significant number of

people in a community consider themselves to form a nation, or behave as if they formed one”

(p. 5).


Anderson (2006) writes that nations are imagined communities: Imagined, “because the

members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them,

or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion”(p. 6). Gellner

(1997) argues that nations are invented, and Hobsbawm (1990) stresses that nationalism creates

nations, not the inverse.

Nations are ideas, a means of representing culture that is always evolving (Hall, 1996).

As Hall states, “National cultures construct identities by producing meanings about ‘the nation’

with which we can identify; these are contained in the stories which are told about it, memories

which connect its present with its past, and images which are constructed of it” (p. 613).

The sense of belonging that a nation provides is both concrete and abstract. Concretely,

nations provide a point of reference in a mobile, fluid, and boundless world. Tuan (1977)

describes the tension between space and place: Space is the limitless freedom for which we

yearn; place absolves us from that oppression, providing attachment and belonging. Nations are,

paradoxically, both mobile and fixed. Gellner (1997) asserts that, without the identity ascribed to

status and class, identity becomes something carried by the individual as a culture, and Bauman

(2004) argues that national identity travels with the person across boundaries. To announce

nationality is to proclaim geography as well as culture. National identity carries implicit

geographic meaning regardless of where one is physically located. Therefore, one’s sense of

belonging is always mobile.

Abstractly, the understanding of the nation and the meaning of national identity are held

internally by each individual (Erikson, 1956). This is largely unstated, and yet assumed to be in

concord with the others who share that denomination (Boulding, 1959). As cited above,

numerous national identity scholars depict national identity as something imagined that speaks to


an image of a nation. That nation image is said to contain the history, real or mythological, the

present (Hobsbawm, 1990; Anderson, 2006; Bhabha, 1990), and the future of the nation

(Boulding, 1959). As Bhabha (1990a) writes, it is in the “mind’s eye” that nations are realized (p.

1). This thinking raises a question rarely, if at all, addressed by scholars: Beyond the metaphor,

do individuals truly hold an image of a nation in their mind’s eye? If so, what does the quality of

belonging to a nation look like? Is it a cognitive construct such that a nation can be described

and understood through its image? And, is a nation’s self-perception – the nation image -- in

concert with, or in discord, from the way it is perceived by others? Kelman (2007) focused on

collective beliefs regarding identity, noting that “psychological processes at the individual and

collective levels constitute and mediate much of the behavior of nations” (p. 62).

Image

Tomkins (2008) exhorts that image is our blueprint. Cross-discipline findings in the

cognitive and neuro-sciences strongly suggest that our conceptual understandings arise from

bodily perceptions which are expressed as mental representations, or images (Aslin & Smith,

1988; Barsalou, 1999; De Young, 1999; Gardner, 2006; Gibson, 1986; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999;

Shainberg, 2005; Taylor, 2008; Tolman, 1948; Tomkins, 2008). These phenomena are described

as mental images, cognitive maps and basic level categories and are uniformly conceptualized as

images, emerging from both top-down and bottom-up perceptual processes which serve to

holistically link past experiences to present events, senses, and emotions (Block, 1981; De

Young, 1999; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Rosch, Mervis, Gray, Johnson, & Boyes-Braem, 2004;

Tversky & Hemenway, 1984). Images are the level at which knowledge is organized, including,

objects, actions, abstract concepts, emotions, or events (Block, 1981; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999;

Rosch, Mervis, Gray, Johnson, & Boyes-Braem, 2004; Tversky & Hemenway, 1984). The


construct of image encompasses a range from minimal sensory experiences to “very rich and

engrossing ‘real’ experiences” (Bone & Ellen, 1992, p.93) with vivid imagery. The perception of

image varies with context, culture and individual differences (Shainberg, 2005).

Imagery is distinct from language as a means of processing and representing information

(Farah, 2004; Fodor, 1981; Gardner, 2006; MacInnis & Price, 1987; Paivio, 1969). Discursive

processing involves summaries of attributes, whereas, according to MacInnis and Price (1987),

imagery is integrated and holistic. Scholars argue that image operates precognitively, providing a

direct link between perception, belief, and behavior (Achterberg, 1985; Epstein, 1989;

Shainberg, 2005; Sheikh, 2003). Bone and Ellen (1992) define imagery as: “A holistic, sensory

method of encoding, processing and evoking information” (p. 93).

There is a great deal of support for the presumption that within the mind’s eye of the

individual, a complex image of a nation exists. This image encompasses the total rendering of

their sensory and emotional connections, past and present knowledge and beliefs, experiences

and understandings. Boulding (1956) writes that the image locates an individual in time, space,

personal relationships, natural relationships (such as physical laws), intimations, and emotions,

and is the “total cognitive, affective, and evaluative structure of the behavior unit, or its internal

view of itself and its universe” (p. 120). He further argues that studying images held by

individuals as well as those held by the collective, is critical to understanding individual and

group behavior (Boulding, 1959).

From Nation Branding to Nation Identity

There is a practice and philosophy emerging today of nation branding (Fan, 2006). As a

practice, nation branding is the commoditizing of a country to promote it on the competitive

global stage (Volcic, 2008). This practice draws from traditional, product-based brand practices


and theories (Kotler, Haider, & Rein, 1993; Fan, 2006) and manifests as recognizable marketing

efforts. Branding has traditionally been viewed as a manipulation of identity rather than an

accurate reflection. However, in a globally and socially networked world, brand and identity

converge, becoming more authentic out of necessity (Leigh, Peters, & Shelton, 2006).

The end use of national brand and national identity are very different. Yet, the practice of

nation branding is relevant to national identity because national brands cannot be successful

unless they are substantively reflective of national identity. Both brand and national identity live

in the perceptions of the receiver (Anderson, 2006; Fan, 2006), therefore any national brand must

maintain some level of congruence to gain credibility. Consequently, the scholarly work on

nation branding can partially inform our understanding of the ability to define and measure a

holistic national image. Further, national identity is not conceived or measured in the literature in

any consistent way.

The philosophy of nation branding is rooted in brand theory which argues that brand is a

holistic construct with the ability to transcend the product level to convey broad concepts

(Anholt, 2007) via a brand identity (Van Gelder, 2005). This philosophy proposes greater

opportunity for developing countries to promote a unique essence beyond specific output in

order to attract resources such as tourism to further the country’s economic growth (Anholt,

2007). These scholars argue that nation branding involves more than simply the commoditizing

of a country because it includes the totality of the nation in context, integrating economic,

political, historical, cultural, and aesthetic dimensions (Fan, 2006). In this sense the philosophy

of nation branding demands a discourse on national identity. It can be argued that, in this sense,

nation branding has equivalences to national identity, not in content, but in formation.


Both the practice and philosophy of nation branding have also drawn from the research

and practice of place branding (Kavaratzis, 2005). A child of the tourism industry, place

branding was also informed by product-based branding theories and practices in much the same

way as nation branding -- place branding embraced brand as an integrating structure that would

allow the selling of concepts, destinations, and places, rather than merely targeting attractions

and services (Morgan, Pritchard, & Piggott, 2003).

The most influential theoretical construct to emerge from the field of branding, and by

extension to that of place branding, is that of brand and place image (Hankinson, 2004; Kotler,

Haider, & Rein, 1993). A widely accepted premise in branding literature is that branding has

many equivalences to human identity, such as personality, and, as with national and individual

identity, brand exists in the mind of the consumer (Dobni & Zinkhan, 1990). The symbolism

associated with brands works in two directions: inward in constructing our self-image and

outward in construction of our social world and social image (Elliott, 1997; Elliott &

Wattanasuwan, 1998). It is for these reasons that place and nation branding are relevant to this

dissertation.

Place image is analogous to brand image. It is the “sum of beliefs, ideas and impressions

that people have of a place” (Kotler, et. al., 1993). Brand and place image have cognitive,

affective, and conative components (Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Pike & Ryan, 2004). Ryan and

Cave (2005) insist that images have “particular powers” (p. 143) that go beyond the cognitive

and affective to include the senses and physically equivalent experiences that are evocatively

charged and non-neutral. In a study of destination marketing, experts Tasci and Kozak (2006)

note one respondent’s meaning of brand as “a mental picture, mood/emotion” and that the link

between image and brand is “all interface into one mental image or map” (p. 310).


Dixon and Durrheim (2000) argue that place identity has been widely ignored by social

psychologists, positing that “who we are” is often intimately related to our sense of where we are

or where we are from. Social categories of community, ethnicity, and nation are inextricably tied

to a sense of place. Proshansky, Fabian, and Kaminoff (1983) described place identity as a “pot-

pourri of memories, conceptions, interpretations, ideas and related feelings” (p. 60) that might

function to underwrite personal identities and mediate experience.

It is these definitions of image – the holistic summation of perceptions in a mental picture

inseparable from self – that link the literature in national and place branding to this research. I

argue that national identity is understood and assessed through image, and that image is a holistic

cognitive construct, a product of both top down and bottom up processing. Research on place

branding and image is relevant because place scholarly investigation of image has contributed to

the conceptual development of methodological choices for this research. Theoretically, however,

this research extends beyond nation branding by focusing on national identity as a phenomenon

that can be understood through the cognitive construct of image.

Hypothesis

Research on brand and place image, while predominantly coming from a commercial

orientation, is theoretically rooted in the complex intersection of cognitive psychology,

neuroscience, sociology, and social psychology, and informed by post-structuralist thought.

Drawing on and synthesizing this rich heritage, I argue that national identity exists and can be

understood through image. It is here, in the mind’s eye spoken of by Bhabha (1994), that a

holistic understanding of the meaning of a nation can be discerned. I contend, therefore, that just

as an individual holds an image of his or her nation and national identity, the perceptions

individuals hold of another’s nation are also expressed via image. Ascertaining the image of the


nation can be a valuable tool for understanding national identity by comparing the images from

three vantage points: (a) residents, (b) visitors, and (c) those who have never been to the country

but who, nonetheless, will hold an image of it.

Using a qualitative approach appropriate for collecting and describing subjective

experience such as imagery, this research examines hypotheses concerning (a) whether

individuals possess an image of a nation, and (b) whether there is a collective nation image for

individuals from the same nation.

Participants were surveyed from the United States and Mexico for perceptions of national

image as both a native and foreigner. Three respondent groups were assessed: individuals who

are from, or currently live in, the specified country; individuals who have visited the specified

country, and individuals who have never been to the specified country.

The survey questions probed for the quality of belonging to a nation, how a nation is

described and understood via image, and whether, collectively, individuals from the same nation

express a nation image that is in concert with the way it is perceived by others. The purpose of

this research was to determine if nation-image can be pursued as a means of assessing national

identity.

Furthering Research

Research on brand and place image, which has its roots in cognitive representation, has

yet to be extended to that of national identity. Scholars on national identity discuss the

phenomenon as existing as image and describe it in metaphor; however, national identity has yet

to be studied from these perspectives. When investigating brand and place image, much of the

research centers on lists of attributes via structured surveys and not holistic impressions

attainable through open-ended surveys (Echtner & Ritchie, 2003). Consequently, the research


limits its focus to the cognitive elements of image that do not address the complexity of image

(Echtner & Ritchie, 1993, as cited by Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997).

This dissertation addresses the above concerns, furthering existing research by querying

whether national identity exists as an image, and by assessing the image held by the individual

via an open-ended survey, rather than through attribute lists. The study is unique because it

addresses the holistic impression of nation image by asking respondents to close their eyes and

describe what they see, not to describe what they think

The results of this work should be used to refocus nation branding to reflect the

internalized rather than externally imposed understanding of national identity and to highlight

potential avenues of investigation in the broader fields of imagery and identity research.

. Imagery has greater isomorphism with

perception than verbal processes, therefore offering greater descriptive accuracy (Sheikh, 2003).

In addition, words have to be “consciously understood before they are spoken,” therefore images

are less likely to be “filtered through conscious critical apparatus” suggesting that imagery “may

be a more direct expression of the unconscious” (Sheikh, 2003, p.22). This is in concord with

imagery theories that regard imagery as a separate information-processing system than the

discursive one. According to Rapaille (2006), having respondents see and describe an internal

image bypasses cortical processing.

Purpose

It is also my hope that the results of this study will have direct application and positively

impact the practice of cognitive dissonance reduction and conflict resolution techniques where

image can be used alongside, or in place of, verbal information to improve results. Imagery is a

powerful means of revealing self-inconsistencies (Shainberg, 2005). Research on cognitive

dissonance and dissonance reduction suggests that recognizing and acknowledging


inconsistencies can generate cognitive and attitudinal change (Leippe & Eisenstadt, 1999).

Gardner (2006) suggests that semantic meaning and content can be conveyed via multiple means,

including that of image. Further, he advocates the use of different forms to convey the same

information in multiple manners to aid in the shifting of beliefs. Images allow individuals to

predict behavior, and to recalibrate behavior as events impact predictions; as images alter,

behavior alters (Boulding, 1959; Gardner, 2006; MacInnis & Price, 1987). Gardner (2006) and

Shainberg (2005) stress that for behavior to change there must be a change in image.

Empathy, the ability to see from and identify with another’s point of view, is key to

conflict resolution both individually and globally (Bar-Tal, 2007; Brewer & Pierce, 2005;

Kelman, 2001). To step inside the other requires a different looking glass. Boulding (1959)

writes that the image political actors hold of national situations, not the “objective facts”,

determines behavior; “it is one nation’s image of the hostility of another, not the ‘real’ hostility,

which determines its reaction” (p. 120).


CHAPTER TWO

Literature Review

Identity

Erikson (1980) viewed identity as a combination of a core, individuated self, and the

aspect one shares socially. For him, identity is a psychosocial, dualistic continuum. It develops

over time as the individual moves through stages across the lifespan, made up of developmental

milestones that reinforce inner coherence of both uniqueness and affiliation. Successful identity

development is “both a persistent sameness within oneself (self-sameness) and a persistent

sharing of some kind of essential character with others” (Erikson, 1956, p. 56). It is recognition

of that sameness in oneself, especially over time, and the awareness that it is recognized by

others, that makes identity conscious (Erikson, 1980).

Identity sets a person apart as a separate and unique individual and simultaneously

connotes adherence to group values (Erikson, 1956). It is both differentiation and assimilation,

the development of which is inextricably negotiated with “the other”. For Erikson (1968),

identity, at first focused on differentiation, becomes increasingly inclusive with the recognition

of the social and its significance to that individual. Today, identity is also seen as an individual

and social cognitive function of categorization (e.g. Spears, & Doosje, 2002; Turner, Oakes,

Haslam, & McGarty, 1994), a mapping of our place in the world (Jenkins, 2004). Thus, at its

core, identity places us in society and is a matter of belonging.

Contemporary identity scholars question aspects of Erikson’s views (Schacter, 2005).

Erikson’s developmental theory of identity, drawing from psychoanalytic roots, can also be

thought of as ego identity or personal identity. Where Erikson described milestones fixed by age

and task, many scholars now see identity as a continual process, being perpetually negotiated


within and influenced by the social sphere (Hall, 1996; Jenkins, 2004; Schacter, 2005). Many

contemporary scholars are also drawing more from a social psychological tradition and place

greater emphasis on the importance of social identity as intrinsic to personal identity. Where

Erikson viewed identity as encompassing social identity but fundamentally self-generated, the

later theorists have given more weight to the role that social and cultural determinism play

(Appiah, 2006; Ashmore, Jussim, & Wilder, 2001; Sen, 2006).

Where Erikson’s theory of identity sees the individual as developing a singular identity

coherence (Schacter, 2005), many see modern society as posing multiple challenges to this idea

(Hall, 1996), because today people must interact in numerous, often contradicting, and

fluctuating social environments (Schacter, 2005). Erikson (1956) conceptualized the individual,

psychological, and social components of identity as being synthesized in the healthy individual

in the development process. Schacter (2005) argues that identity theory must better

accommodate identity fluidity and complexity because people must form multiple identities to

allay the confusion of a fractured social context where identities gain and lose in relevance

(Schacter, 2005). Sampson (1985) proposes a postmodern identity that is decentralized, wherein

nonequilibrium is viewed as adaptive and positive.

The loss of multiple traditional frameworks presents many challenges to identity

formation and maintenance in the modern world (Gellner, 1997; Hall, 1996). No longer agrarian-

based, today society is driven by technology and characterized by wide-spread literacy (Gellner,

1997), rapid globalization, and increased social mobility (Buckingham, 2008). Traditional social

stations have dissolved, and along with them the security and the expectations of entering them.

Political boundaries continue to replace land ownership, and class is increasingly equalized

(Gellner, 1997). Further, cultural moorings such as sexuality, ethnicity, and race are questioned


and in flux (Hall, 1996). In addition, technology has compressed time and space, creating novel

and non-geographically located means of interacting, blurring the real and the virtual

(Buckingham, 2008; Giddens, 1991; Schacter, 2005).

Together the above factors lead to what Hall (1996) calls dislocation and fragmenting of

the individual. In addition to being multiple, identities are fluid, created and adopted (Bauman &

Vecchi, 2004; Buckingham, 2008; Slater, 2002; Stryker, 2000). Choice is necessary in identity

formation, and the act of choosing means identities shift and are impermanent (Baumeister,

1987; Hall, 1996). A “chronic” availability of knowledge, such as media reflections on the self,

lend toward a self-reflexivity in identity (Giddens, 1991). While some see inconstant and

uncertain identities as resilient (Lifton, 1993), others perceive it as a problem and a modern crisis

(Hall, 1996).

Multiple identities vary in salience and are organized hierarchically (Stryker, 2000). They

rise and fall in importance depending on circumstance, and are the results of situations, groups,

and processes that are also fluid (Cornell & Hartmann, 2007). Identities become constructive and

reflexive, influenced by the environment and influencing the environment; they are accepted or

rejected, sized and ordered, as an individual’s response to his or her environment and internal

goals (Cornell & Hartmann, 2007).

As identity is underscored by a need for belonging, individual assertions of identity must

be recognized by society in order to sustain self-esteem and validation (Buckingham, 2008;

Erikson, 1956). The individual is located within a social context and identity is historically and

culturally dependent (Baumeister, 1987). Perceptions and preferences of identity, in structure and

content, vary between cultures, groups, and individuals within those cultures (Schachter, 2005).


Identities are cognitive schema that the individual “carries” across multiple situations.

These schema become a lens for interpretation and meaning; they influence the individual’s

understanding of a situation so that experience becomes self-reinforcing, regardless of whether

the situation is expressly related to that identity (Stryker, 2000). Individuals within groups will

identify with that group in varying degrees and expressions (Snow, 2001). Those expressions are

dependent upon the salience and pervasiveness of the identities, and those identities can change

in hierarchy and meaning (Cornell & Hartmann, 2007; Kiecolt, 2000; Snow, 2001; Stryker,

2000).

Social accentuation – minimizing differences between members of the ingroup and

maximizing differences between the ingroup and outgroup – is a cognitive ordering function

(Tajfel, 1982). The same process also protects subjective value systems (Tajfel, 1982).

Intergroup behavior is characterized by two types of uniformity: that of the attitudes of

individual members of the ingroup toward the outgroup, and that of ingroup’s perception of

differences among individual members of the outgroup (Tajfel, 1982).

Ingroup behavior is equated with the self; threats to the ingroup are regarded as threats to

self (Fiske, 2005). Some studies have suggested that emotion (prejudice) is a stronger governing

factor than cognition (stereotypes) on outgroup perception and tendencies toward ingroup

protection (Fiske, 2005).

Social identity theory grew from Tajfel’s (1982) observations of categorization and

value-enhancement of group membership, positing that groups with which individuals identify

contain categories congruent with those held in self-definition (Hogg, 1996). These categories

vary in degrees of salience, and both influence and depict behaviors (Hogg, 1996). Social

identities directly relate to self-evaluation, thus members work to reinforce “intergroup


comparisons that favor the ingroup, and thus the self” (Hogg, 1996, p. 67). Social identities are

motivated by self-enhancement and subjective uncertainty reduction towards one’s place in

society (Hogg & Terry, 2000). Uncertainty reduction is better achieved through gross, simple

prototypes (Hogg & Terry, 2000). Social identities allow individuals to “locate or define him- or

herself in the social environment” (Ashforth & Mael, 1989, p.21).

Self-categorization theory argues that there exists a collective identity, distinct from that

of the individual (Turner, Oakes, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994). As social identity becomes salient,

individual identity recedes and the individual becomes “depersonalized,” an “interchangeable

representative” of a social group (Turner, et al., 1994, p. 455). Self-categorization is fluid and

context dependent. Self-identity becomes more salient in intragroup relations; whereas,

collective identity emerges in salience in ingroup comparisons of outgroups (Turner, et al.,

1994).

Categorizations must match the individual in content and meaning, with content being

filtered through an individual’s own background and knowledge. A category is “selectively

defined by what it best represents” (Turner, et al., 1994, p. 457). Knowledge about the different

characteristics of people and the social categories constructed to represent them do not

necessarily directly correspond (Turner, et al., 1994).

Social exchange theories argue that group behavior is motivated in part by the perceived

resources one expects to receive via group membership (Tyler & Blader, 2001). The investment

model of group behavior uses social exchange theory to predict group membership on the basis

of perceived dependence on that group’s resources (Tyler & Blader, 2001).

Group identity is defined by its ability to reflect the cognitive, affective, and moral

perceptions of the individual members (Snow, 2001). While personal, social, and collective


identities are distinct, they can overlap (Snow, 2001). Identity convergence is the merging of

personal and collective identities where participation in the collective often involves the

expansion and fulfillment of personal identities (Gamson, 1992; Snow, 2001). Collective identity

supplants other identities when activated, however the collective identity tends to be more fluid

and transient than either categorical, social, or personal identities (Snow, 2001).

One of the principle group identities and cultural locations, is that of the nation (Hall,

1996). Therefore, as Smith (2004) writes, understanding contemporary politics today is

incumbent upon identity research.

National Identity

Nations, nationalism, and national identity are relatively new constructs to the modern

world (Gellner, 1997; Hobsbawm, 2008), and much debate exists over their origins in time, basis

(historic or cultural) and definition (Seton-Watson, 1977). Scholars generally place their

emergence between the 17th and 19th centuries and centered in Europe (e.g., Anderson, 2006;

Gellner, 1997; Hobsbawm, 1990). Seton-Watson (1977) states that there is no scientific

definition of a nation. As Gellner (1997) notes, the concept of nationalism is not inherent in the

human psyche or in social and political groupings, yet national identity is perhaps the most

critical force driving the organization of human society today.

A common theme emerges in scholarly discussion of national identity. National identity

and the nation are depicted as individual, internal agreements held in common with others as an

abstraction that transcends the multiplicity of ethnicity, culture, geography, history, or religion

(Hall, 1996). Seton-Watson defers to Stalin’s definition of a nation, where commonality and the

abstract are inherent: “a common language, a common territory, a common economic life, and a

common mental make-up” (Stalin, 1913, cited by Seton-Watson, 1977, p. 4). Erikson (1956), in


recounting Freud’s views of his relationship to Judaism, adds that it includes a willing agreement

of living in opposition. Freud saw nation as an identity known within the individual and bound to

a value set and a history but not based on race or religion (Erikson, 1956).

Renan (1990) also dismisses race and religion, as well as language and geography, as

defining a nation. For him, national identity lies in a sense of patriotism and sentimentality,

where the nation is composed of common past memories and a present desire to be a nation.

Central to the formation of that patriotism is consciously forgetting the unpleasantness of a

creationist past, such as massacres, wars, domination and other injustices (Gellner, 1997;

Hobsbawm, 1990 & Renan, 1990). Nations are cultural inventions, created under stated political

bounds, and driven by the feeling of nationalism, the need for identity and belonging (Gellner,

1997; Hobsbawm, 1990).

Gellner (1997) argues that nations fill a void in today’s uprooted society. Without station

or class, and with land ownership replaced by political boundaries, individuals are left to identify

with the political to create a sense of belonging. This identity becomes mobile, existing within

the individual, and connoted by demeanor and expression as culture. Gellner describes this as a

simulated community, stating that belonging to it becomes “a person’s most valuable

possession” (p. 75).

Anderson (2006) talks about nations as being imagined because the attributes of

community exist in the minds of the people who live there. He suggests that these communities

supplant religion in the secular age, providing continuity to the human being by transcending the

finite boundaries of an individual lifetime. Continuing in a constructivist vein, Hobsbawm (2008)

proposes that nationalism is an aspect of “social engineering” (p. 13), which invents traditions

and legitimizes itself via claims to historic roots. These traditions attain universality because they


are vague, differ from actual memory of the past, and are emotionally powerful by their lack of

definition.

Transcending ethnicity, race, and culture, national identity is formed as a discursive

means of cultural representation; it is an idea generated around symbols, narratives, images, and

other artifacts to produce meaning (Hall, 1996). Rather than unifying a disparate array of

ethnicities, races, genders, and class, the nation represents these differences as an identity,

creating a fantasy of unity (Hall, 1996). Hobsbawm (1990) argues that national identity is always

combined with other identities. National identity cannot be imposed from the top because they

do not reflect the complexity of individual understandings. National identity trumps other

identities in times of crisis.

Bhabha (1994) refers to national identity in the context of the dislocated and the

scattered. He says that nations turn the loss of community into a metaphor that “transfers the

meaning of home and belonging… across those distances, and cultural differences, that span the

imagined community of the nation-people” (p. 291). Extending the deeply internal and private

depictions of national identity, Bhabha (1994) argues that it has many shifting faces. National

identity can never be fully understood or described by the outsider who, by the very act of

speaking about the nation, creates an either/or, a false duality of outsider and insider. This

duality misses the subtle nuances of meaning that lie in the peripheries and the in-betweens.

National identity is fluid; it encompasses an alchemy of past and present, of multiple histories,

and of hopes and futures. He argues that it is only in the image an individual holds that the nation

exists (Bhabha, 1990a).

Nations and nationalism are historically unique, their meaning dependent upon a specific

time and context; yet, because time is moving, the identity and meaning is continually in process


and impermanent (Gellner, 1997; Hobsbawm, 1990). In spite of scholars heralding the end of

nations and nationalism, supplanted by supra-organizations such as the EU or multi-national

corporations (Gellner, 1997; Hall, 1996; Renan, 1990; Robins, 1991), there is widespread

evidence of a rise in tradition (Cobley, 2004; Hall, 1996; Robins, 1991). Some generations

continue to retain cultural identities from displaced parents or to reclaim lost homelands from

former generations (Alasuutari & Alasuutari, 2009). Even EU residents are increasingly

identifying with their home nation rather than as the broader European (Kohli, 2000). This aligns

with Robins’ (1991) perspective that national identity is composed of enterprise and heritage,

with heritage functioning as an insulating salve against modern anxieties.

Image

The idea that national identity and the conceptualization of the nation exists as an image

or internal depiction with a holistic meaning to each individual is a common element among

theories of national identity (e.g. Hankinson, 2004; Kotler, Haider & Rein, 1993; Bhabha, 1990a;

Fan, 2006). From a cognitive perspective, images are a means of information processing and

recall, distinct from that of verbal processes (Block, 1981; Bone & Ellen, 1992; Farah, 2004;

Finke, 1980; MacInnis & Price, 1987; Paivio, 1969). Citing brain imaging studies conducted on

brain-damaged patients, Farah (2004) asserts that comparing patients with visual processing

impairments with those having verbal processing impairments suggests that cognition of images

is distinct from language. Where verbal processes rely upon attribute summaries, imagery is

holistic and includes sensory responses (Bone & Ellen, 1992; MacInnis & Price, 1987). Imagery

is “very like picturing and very unlike describing” (Fodor, 1981, p. 76).

Images are both subjective as well as responsive to visual, perceptual input. They emerge

from the synthesis of bottom-up and top-down processes, infusing cognitive knowledge with


memory and experiences (Boulding, 1959). Distinguishing imagery processing from schemas

and scripts, MacInnis and Price (1987), argue that imagery processes arise in working memory as

sensory experiences. These images include ideas, feelings and facilitate the direct recall of past

experiences.

Imagery and perception share common physiological mechanisms, and some scholars

argue that imagery and perception are the same (Block, 1981; MacInnis & Price, 1987). Gibson’s

(1986) view of ecological perception implies an imagistic nature of perception. He states that

perception is direct, based on perceived affordances that are grasped holistically rather than

through coding and encoding of components or the assembly of parts (Aslin & Smith, 1988;

Gibson, 1986).

Images are products of sensory input (Taylor, 2008). Similarly, environmental

information is also experienced through the senses and is understood and presented by the right

hemisphere via multi-sensory image (Taylor, 2008).

Imagery content influences physiological responses and affective experiences (Finke,

1980; MacInnis & Price, 1987). In a comprehensive review of experimental work on mental

imagery, Finke (1980) describes “specific levels of information processing within the visual

system at which mental images and physical objects and events are functionally equivalent, as

revealed by their perceptual and behavioral effects” (p. 113). Finke also states that “mental

images, once formed… [trigger]…many of the same information-processing mechanisms that

are activated during visual perception” p. 130). Imagery presents along a continuum, ranging

from minimal sensory experiences to images that are rich in texture and feel “real” (Bone &

Ellen, 1992, p.93). According to Finke’s analysis, visual processing mechanisms respond to


images as they do to real objects generating the same physical sensation that an image can be

“seen.” The more vivid the image, the more similar the response to actual events (Noll, 1985).

Sheikh (2003) argues that because of this relationship with perception, imagery is more

descriptively accurate than verbal processes. In addition, because words have to be “consciously

understood before they are spoken…[images are less likely to be] …filtered through conscious

critical apparatus…[suggesting that imagery]… may be a more direct expression of the

unconscious” (p. 22). Shainberg (2005) asserts that image operates pre-cognitively, providing a

direct link between perception, belief, and behavior. Barsalou (1999) argues that “cognition is

inherently perceptual, sharing systems with perception at both the cognitive and the neural

levels” (p. 577).

Tomkins (2008) writes that “sensory data becomes conscious as imagery and memory

data must be translated into imagery” (p. 10). Imagery has been shown to be essential to memory

recall, operating as the mediating device between a verbal question and a verbal or behavioral

response. Studies have also indicated imagery to be more effective than meaning in paired-

associate learning (e.g., Paivio, 1969).

Imagery enhances both verbal and non-verbal learning (Childers & Houston, 1984) and is

a key component of word meaning (Paivio, 1969). Imagery is integral in working memory as a

representation of multi-sensory perceptual experience used to make predictions and inform

behaviors (Baddeley & Andrade, 2000). Historically, imagery has been used as a memory

device, and considered the “mental representative of meaning” (Paivio, 1969, p. 241). Farah

(1989) calls it an “attentional state” (p. 203).

Behavior is image-dependent. Images allow individuals to predict behavior, and to

recalibrate behavior as events impact predictions; as images alter, behavior alters (Boulding,


1956; Gardner, 2006; MacInnis & Price, 1987). Psychologists have long argued behavior change

necessitates a change in image (Beck, 1976; Ellis & Russell, 1977; Gardner, 2006; Shainberg,

2005).

MacInnis and Price (1987) describe imagery as a process of storing sensory information

in working memory. Further, the authors state that imagery processing operates “on an

elaboration continuum that ranges from processes limited to the simple retrieval or evocation of a

cognitive concept to processes involving multiple concepts and constructions” (pp. 473 – 474).

Boulding (1959) describes image as a structured summation of cognition, affect, and

evaluation. Theories of basic-level cognitive categorization similarly suggest that knowledge is

represented by image (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Rosch, Mervis, Gray, Johnson, & Boyes-Braem,

2004). In this view, perceptual input and experience is organized and made sense of as a result of

both bottom-up and top-down processes, resulting in categories which are understood by image

(Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Rosch, Mervis, Gray, Johnson, & Boyes-Braem, 2004). Basic level

categories can be objects, scenes, events, actions, social concepts, and emotions as well as

concepts or structures like home or school (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Tversky & Henenway,

1984).

Lakoff and Johnson (1999) contend their concepts of image schemata are analogous to

basic level categories in cognitive processing. They argue that concepts, and by extension,

language, arise from bodily structures and the relationship of the body to the environment. This

creates image schemata, perception-based categorizations that exist as neural structures in the

sensory-motor system of the brain (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Image schemata are understood

through image and verbally expressed through metaphor (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). “Metaphor


allows conventional mental imagery from sensorimotor domains to be used for domains of

subjective experience” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, p. 45).

Images are holistic information. Our perception-dependent ability to recognize color is a

function of categorization. For example, given the importance of plant life to human existence,

green becomes a category for growth and flourishing with implications for survival (Lakoff &

Johnson, 1999, p. 25). Grady (2005) argues that image schemas are the building blocks of

sensory experience. Imagery is stimuli consciously perceived (Tomkins, 2008).

Neuroscience research supports the assertion that basic level categories, or concepts, exist

as neural representations in the sensorimotor system (Gallese & Lakoff, 2005; Grady, 2005;

Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Rohrer, 2005). Actively processing a metaphor activates the primary

motor and somatosensory cortices necessary to process the image schema underlying the

metaphor. For example, processing the sentence “handing over an idea that is hard to grasp”

activates the neural areas mapping the hand and wrist (Rohrer, 2005). Image schemas, or basic-

level categories, have a “neurobiological grounding in the neural maps performing somatomotor

and multimodal imagery tasks” (Rohrer, 2005, p. 172). Consequently, when national identity

scholars talk about the nation as metaphor, it can be considered as the verbal expression of an

internal mental image.

Rohrer (2005) states that “mental imagery carried out in the premotor and multimodal

somatosensory cortices is functionally critical to semantic comprehension…[and that]…image

schemata are likely instantiated as activation patterns (or ‘contours’) in topologic and

topographic neural maps” (p.173). Gallese and Lakoff (2005) extend this to argue that the same

neural substrates underline imagery and understanding.


Contrary to these views on imagery are the propositional claims led mainly by Pylyshyn

(Kosslyn, Thompson & Ganis, 2010). These views argue that all cognitive representations

require unseen, conceptual and propositional mental structures. This argument suggests that the

images that we see are simply epiphenomenal.

Given the research described above it is my position that image is a product of the senses,

and the means of perceptual processing on an experiential level. As put by Damasio (1994,

quoted in Newton, 1996):

Images are the main content of our thoughts regardless of the sensory modality in

which they are generated, and regardless of whether they are about a thing or a

process involving things, or about words or other symbols (p.147).

Nation-Branding

As mentioned in the introduction, today nations are bending to the pressures of

globalization by marketing themselves to the global stage (Anholt, 2007; Fan, 2006; Kotler et al.,

1993). This response has been largely shaped by conceptions of brand and informed by the

practice of place branding (Anholt, 2007; Kavaratzis, 2005; Tasci & Kozak, 2006). Both are

underscored by the theory that brand transcends physical product, allowing marketing principles

to be applied to larger concepts (Anholt, 2007; Kavaratzis, 2005; Tasci & Kozak, 2006).

For some scholars, the application of branding to nations is a humanistic approach.

Anholt (2007) points to brand as an antidote to the victimhood experienced by developing

nations as a result of globalization, in part because it bypasses product. He considers nation

brand a metaphor for the national process of which the key component is “a benign nationalism”

combined with “cultural, social, ethnic, linguistic, economic, political, territorial and historical

divisions” (p.14).


Fan (2006) proposes that nation branding is equivalent to a national economic

development strategy, integral to political marketing, and critical for developing nations. Morgan

et al. (2003) argue that branding allows a country to globally promote existing resources

culturally, economically, and politically.

Nation branding in these contexts takes on a broader meaning than merely marketing. It

must be in the context of the greater global community and reflect all the facets of a nation’s

character (Fan, 2006; Morgan et al., 2003). This expanded, global scope means nation branding

becomes a discourse on national identity.

Understanding outsider perceptions of the country is a critical component to successful

nation branding. Informed by brand theory, particularly the construct of brand image, many

scholars and practitioners recognize that brand exists within the minds of the consumer (Stern,

Zinkhan, & Jaju, 2001). Anholt (2007) argues that “responsible governments, on behalf of their

people, their institutions and their companies, need to discover what the world’s perception of

their country is, and to develop a strategy for managing it” (p.2). Fan (2006) agrees that when it

comes to nation brand it is essential to understand existing perceptions. Volcic (2008) discusses

challenges of the Balkan region — negative stereotypes of neighboring countries and an internal

identity crisis — in achieving the economic and social transformation necessary to enter the

European Union. Volcic notes that a Slovene marketer hired to brand the country writes, “We

will as a country disappear, if we do not get known internationally” (p. 398).

Brand Image

Brands are a “multidimensional construct, matching a firm’s functional and emotional

values with the performance and psychosocial needs of consumers” (Chernatony & Riley, 1998,


p. 417). Brands have the ability to trigger belief systems, emotions, and behaviors and are

intertwined in the identity of the consumer (Kotler & Gertner, 2002).

Brand image is considered a vital construct critical to understanding brand and

consumers’ perceptions of it (Low & Lamb, Jr., 2000). Brand image is a mental construct

consisting of ideas, beliefs, feelings, expectations, and attitudes linked to physical realities

(Gardner & Levy, 1999; Levy, 1999; Stern, Zinkhan, & Jaju, 2001). Brand image encapsulates

the subjective interpretation and an individual’s perceptions of a holistic experience (Keller,

1993; Levy, 1999). Brand image “transforms physical stimuli (real world and/or media

representations) into mental pictures” (Stern, et al., 2001, p.204) and is the “key determinant of

brand equity, the set of assets and liabilities connected with the brand” (Tasci & Kozak, 2006, p.

301).

Brand image affects consumer behavior by enhancing recall and influencing conative

aspects of the relationship to brand, such as purchasing decisions (Bone & Ellen, 1992). For

Tasci and Kozak (2006) image dictates brand perception.

Levy (1999) explains that imagery is born from experience. By representing experience

as image, the significance becomes clear. He describes this process using a convertible car as

illustration. A visceral and prominent aspect of riding in a convertible is that of the wind blowing

one’s hair. This experience becomes the image conveying the meanings “freedom, youthfulness

and irresponsibility… and release from conventional restraints” (p. 236). As he writes, this has

prompted one scholar to state that for him the image of a convertible is a mistress.

Place Image

As with nation branding, place branding evolved from a competitive necessity to utilize

marketing techniques borrowed from consumer product marketing practices (Hannigan, 2003;


Kavaratzis, 2005). In the same way that nation branding is influenced by brand theories that

elevate marketing above specific product, so, too, is the field of place branding (Kavaratzis,

2005; Tasci & Kozak, 2006). In fact, the growth of place branding influenced the emergence of

nation branding as a philosophy and practice (Fan, 2006).

As with brand, the prominent concept for place is that of image. Studies of place image

have advanced the research on brand image -- it is difficult to consider place image research

discretely from that of consumer brand image research (Echtner & Ritchie, 2003). Further,

Echtner and Ritchie (2003) assert that place image is a “subset” of the general, cross-discipline

field of imagery.

Place image is a holistic means of information representation, containing functional and

psychological characteristics, and synthesizing multiple associations (Echtner & Ritchie, 2003).

Place image contains multi-sensory information and can create physically equivalent experiences

to those of real ones (Echtner & Ritchie, 2003; Ryan & Cave, 2005). It is because of this, Ryan

and Cave (2005) argue, that image holds such power for individuals.

Place images possess cognitive, affective, and conative aspects, and are formed as a result

of perception, cognitive evaluations of both knowledge and beliefs, and affective feelings

(Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Frias, Rodriguez, & Castaneda, 2007; Pike & Ryan, 2004). Place

image has been shown to be a significant driver of (a) behavior and decisions related to travel

(Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Echtner & Ritchie, 2003; Tasci, Gartner, & Cavusgil, 2007), (b) the

way consumers differentiate destinations (Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997), and (c) the propensity to

repeat experience (O’Leary & Deegan, 2005). Image is the most important concept to destination

positioning (Pike & Ryan, 2004).


Image is abstract, multi-faceted, complex, and uncontrollable (Tasci & Kozak, 2006).

Images held by individuals do not necessarily contain similarities or elements of produced,

corporate-derived images. Nor do they necessarily contain existing, measureable properties of

actual place or even assumed psychological characteristics of a destination (Echtner & Ritchie,

2003; Tasci & Kozak 2006). These distinctive elements of individuals’ images that are “based on

more ‘unique’ features, events, feelings or auras…[are]…largely overlooked” in destination

image research (Echtner & Ritchie, 2003, p. 43).

In a narrative-based, content analysis study on Morocco as a destination, Govers, Go, and

Kumar (2007) found that the second most salient attribute related to smell (spices, aromatic food,

etc.). Citing a case study by Polunin they describe that Morocco had once adopted the slogan “A

Feast for the Senses” to position itself in the tourism market, but abandoned it under pressure

from German tour operators, who insisted on a sun and sand product. The results of the Govers

et al. study show clearly that the original Moroccan slogan was better suited to promote the

country as it matched and amplified individuals’ existing images.

Another important aspect of the Moroccan study is that the scent attributes were unique

to Morocco as compared to the other countries studied. Rather than blending into a beach and

sun market with no differentiation, Morocco’s image attributes suggest that aspects of their

culture are highly appealing, thus providing the opportunity to differentiate the country and

preserve national characteristics. Gover et al. used open-ended questions, which underscores the

need for capturing unique attributes of destinations rather than reducing options to lists of pre-

determined attributes. They also found respondents frequently included comments about the

senses, such as hearing, smelling, and feeling, as well as color, that were associated with the

image. This highlights the experiential and multi-sensory aspects of place image.


Echtner and Ritchie (2003) note the connection between a country’s tourist image and

their national image, explaining that a nation’s total aspects are present in a destination image,

including their history, politics, and culture. Speaking specifically to a nation, Anholt (2007)

states that the image of a country “has a direct and measurable impact on just about every aspect

of its engagement with other countries, and plays a critical role in its economic, social, political

and cultural progress” (p. 9).

Assessing the Images of United States and Mexico

This study will assess the images pertaining to the United States and Mexico. Border-

sharing neighbors, these two countries have conflicting positions toward each other, with recent

events training focus on differences and interdependences between the two countries.

Approximately 1.5 million Americans currently live in Mexico, which is the foremost

choice of country for American buyers of foreign property (Woodard, 2007). However,

immigration by Mexican nationals into the United States remains a contentious subject (Klein,

2010). The number of estimated Mexicans migrating to the United States in 2006 was one

million (Castillo, 2009). However, that number decreased in 2009 to 636,000, such that inflow

and outflow is at near parity (Castillo, 2009). The drop in immigration is postulated to be due in

part to the economic recession and subsequent fewer job availabilities in the United States, as

well as increased border security by the US (Castillo, 2009). Immigration policy between the US

and Mexico has been contentious, with the Mexican president, Calderon, criticizing the U.S.

position (Carl, 2007).

In addition, drug and gun trafficking is rampant along the shared border (“Lawless

Roads”, September 24, 2009). The recent and violent drug war in Mexico has threatened the

safety of citizens of both countries (“Mexico Under Seige”, 2010), compromising relations


between the US and Mexico. This has prompted some U.S. analysts to suggest the country is on

the verge of failure (Moran, 2009). Current President Calderon rejected this suggestion and

criticized these remarks as unjustly tainting the image of Mexico (Moran, 2009).

The United States and Mexico are in a state of identity flux. The United States in 2008

elected its first ever African American President of the country, Barack Obama. Obama assumed

leadership under a national recession, and his presidency has been rife with criticism ranging

from pressing national issues, to those racial in nature, with many of his policies deemed

socialist (Kornblut, 2009). Dissent over his policies has resulted in the formation of a new

political party, the Tea Party Patriots1

Mexico is also experiencing economic hardship, in part due to dependence on the United

States (“How many Mexicans does it take to drill an oil well?”, 2009). However, Mexican

President Calderon is vocal about shifting the Mexican image. In his address to the 2007 World

Economic Forum, he stated, "We want to revert the image of the guy leaning up against a tree

snoozing with his sombrero pulled down over his eyes to the Mexico of Nobel Prize scientist

Mario Molina and Golden Globe-winning director Alejandro González Iñárritu” (“The Future is

Now for Mexico’s President”, 2007, para. 6).

.

The United States and Mexico are both predominantly Christian countries, with a mixed

population dominated by a majority ethnicity. The United States is primarily composed of in

ethnic group by whites at 79.96% (CIA World Fact Book, 2011). The remaining groups are

composed as follows: Black 12.85%, Asian 4.43%, Amerindian and Alaska native 0.97%, native

Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander 0.18%, two or more races 1.61% (CIA World Fact Book,

2011). The CIA site notes, “a separate listing for Hispanic is not included because the US Census

1 http://www.teapartypatriots.org/


Bureau considers Hispanic to mean persons of Spanish/Hispanic/Latino origin including those of

Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican Republic, Spanish, and Central or South American

origin living in the US who may be of any race or ethnic group (white, black, Asian, etc.); about

15.1% of the total US population is Hispanic” (CIA World Fact Book, United States, Ethnic

Groups dropdown paragraph).

Similarly, Mexico is composed primarily of the Mestizo ethnic group (60%) which is a

mix of Spanish-Indian descent (Adventure Learning Foundation, n.d.). The remaining ethnic

groups are as follows: Amerindian or predominantly Amerindian (30%), a group itself composed

of 56 distinct indigenous groups, White (9%), and other (1%) (Adventure Learning Foundation,

n.d.).

I chose the countries of the United States and Mexico for this study for two primary

reasons: (a) both are experiencing, and or seeking, shifts in their identities, and (b) as border-

sharing neighbors the two countries have interactions with each other, and familiarity with each

other, such that a comparison between images held of the other will be fruitful and potentially

revealing areas of inconsistencies.

This research looks at a single point in time. Our image of a nation, as a perception,

changes as our understanding changes, no matter what the source of change. The ultimate aim of

this study was to promote an image-based analytic approach to facilitate conflict resolution by

illuminating significant discrepancies in group understanding between groups, or at different

points in time. While the United States and Mexico differ in many factors, the national identities

of any countries poised for potential conflict is an apt comparison.


Conclusion

The imagery debate consists of two views, one holding that images are epiphenomenal

and propositional in nature, the other that images are depictive, a distinct means of information

processing, and are the perceptual language of our right brain at the basis of all cognition. The

majority of national identity scholars postulate that national identity exists as an image (e.g.,

Bhabha, 1990a; Baloglu & Briinberg, 1997; Frias, Rodriquez, & Castaneda, 2007). Therefore, I

take that assumption as the basis for my research.

A large body of literature on branding supports the idea that holistic place image exists.

Attribute lists historically have dominated the research methodology in the place image field. A

shortcoming in place image research in assessing image is the lack of truly qualitative research

using open-ended questions (Echtner & Ritchie, 2003). As discussed above, it is argued that

using attribute lists to capture image, rather than open-ended questions, does not allow for the

capture of the holistic aspects of image, among other concerns. Evidence from cognitive

psychology supports the idea of image as representative of individual identity. The purpose of

this study was to bridge that gap through qualitative investigation of image representing national

identity.

Imagery is the interface between the abstract understanding of identity and of public

discourse. Identity stands at the core of conflict and cooperation as well as public sentiment and

international policy. Therefore, using imagery for more accurate and relevant understanding of

national identity can make a significant contribution to how nations position themselves and

approach each other globally, and will inform that process far beyond the scope of marketing.

Examining the images of the US and Mexico using new qualitative assessment approaches sheds

light on how individuals see their own countries as well as the discrepancies between them. This


insight can improve interventions and communications, reveal moderating factors that influence

national identity, and document change over time.


CHAPTER THREE

Methodology

This qualitative study employs a neural network approach to evaluate questions which are

exploratory and experiential. This method has been shown to aid understanding of emerging

patterns because of its ability to identify meaning in context. The process illuminates the

patterns of meaning arising from descriptions of participants’ images of a nation, incorporating

the holistic impressions of experience and personal identity. My objective in pursuing the

assessment of imagery was to determine the potential for its use as an assessment tool to more

accurately understand complex, emotional, and experiential constructs, such as national identity.

Measures

To achieve the research objective, I developed a questionnaire informed by literature on

intercultural communication and brand and place image research methodologies, as detailed in

this chapter. The survey was designed to assess the image individuals hold of a nation. The

instrument was developed through a multi-step pilot study that included post-survey cognitive

interviews as suggested by Brace (2008) and Dillman, Smyth, and Christian (2009).

Literature on destination image suggests that qualitative methods are necessary to capture

the unique and holistic aspects of image and to adequately capture affective components

(Echtner & Ritchie, 2003; Pike, 2002; 2007; Ryan & Cave, 2005; Tasci & Kozak, 2006).

Keaveney and Hunt (1992, cited by Tasci, et al., 2007) argue that image is expressed by both

single words and “elaborate and thick descriptions” (p. 201) that require a qualitative assessment.

Govers et al. (2007) draws from phenomenology and narrative psychology to advocate a model

of assessing destination image that employs open-ended questions in which respondents describe

destinations in their own words.


Thus, my instrument consisted of two parts, a primary section of three open-ended

questions bracketed by short sections totaling eight questions for location screening and

demographics. The open-ended questions gathered (a) a verbal description of how respondents

“see” the image of the nation, (b) the feeling associated with the image of the nation, and (c) the

respondent’s thoughts about the nation.

Because participants in the study were either residents of the United States or Mexico, the

survey instrument and accompanying audio files were available to respondents in the United

States in English, and to respondents in Mexico in Spanish. The audio files of both languages

were produced by native speakers born in the target country. The text portion of the survey was

translated into Spanish by a translation company recommended by the data-gathering group at

the online survey company Zoomerang’s Market Research Service, MarketTools2

Descriptions of the Survey Statements

. Non-English

written responses to the survey were translated into English by the same company.

The survey instrument was developed based on unstructured, culturally-sensitive

methodologies in brand, place, destination image, and brand perceptual mapping research that

utilizes free verbal responses (a free-elicitation method) to assess image (Arasaratnam &

Doerfel, 2005; Boivin, 1986 as cited by Stern, et al., 2001; Echtner & Ritchie, 2003; Govers, et

al., 2007; Low & Lamb, Jr., 2000; MacInnis & Price, 1987; Ryan & Cave, 2005; Steenkamp,

Trijp, and Berge 1994). Based on extensive work in image mapping, Echtner and Ritchie (2003)

assert that “unstructured methodologies are more conducive to measuring the holistic

components” of image, and for “capturing unique features and auras” (p. 44). The complete

questionnaire is available in Appendix A.

2 http://www.markettools.com


Introduction. As suggested by Dillman et al. (2009) to ensure respondent participation

and completion of the instrument, a descriptive introduction is provided detailing the purpose of

the study, the objectives, and expressing gratitude for the respondent in taking the time to

participate.

Questions 1-3. This section determines geographic location and place of residence for

screening purposes only.

Question 4. This question instructs the participant to close their eyes and listen to an

audio file. The audio file asks the participant to close his or her eyes, breathe out slowly three

times, and then see and describe in writing his or her image of the nation.

This question is based on guided imagery techniques in brand image research (Bone &

Ellen, 1992; MacInnis & Price, 1987) for free elicitation responses. This study is based on the

research-supported assumption that image operates precognitively (e.g., Achterberg, 1985;

Epstein, 1989; Shainberg, 2005; Rapaille, 2006). To be consistent with that research, it was

important for the respondents to close their eyes in order to visualize their nation image. Without

this step, participants will frequently say what they think the image they have is rather than see it.

Rapaille (2006), for example, has respondents close their eyes while in a reclining position and

listen to calming music in order to elicit non-cognitive perceptions of cultural artifacts.

The pilot study revealed that when respondents had to read the question, some had

difficulty remembering the instructions to close their eyes and see the image. Other respondents

reported that they began to see the image while reading the instructions and found it confusing.

Therefore, an audio file was added that is directly accessible in the questionnaire, so that

respondents can hear the instructions in full with their eyes closed. They are then verbally


instructed to see an image of the nation, and, after a pause, to open their eyes and write the

description of their image.

Question 5. This question asks for the feelings experienced when seeing the image of the

nation. It is a fail-safe to ensure respondents include a description of their feelings in the event

that they did not do so in Question 4.

Question 6. This question, “what are your overall thoughts and opinions of the nation?”,

is ancillary to the main data and included as a comparison with the image response. The

cognitive interviews from the pilot study elicited various criticisms of this question. Some

respondents felt that it was redundant to image, while others felt that it took them out of the

holistic space and put them into a “thinking” framework that forced them to focus in an educated

way on facts and figures about the country. Because of these responses, the question was moved

to follow the imagery exercises, rather than precede them. I decided to leave in the question,

however, because of the potential for further analysis.

Questions 7 – 11. These are demographic questions of ethnicity, occupation, age, and

gender. They are open-ended, rather than closed-ended category choices, due to responses from

the cognitive interviews that showed potential language and cultural differences in naming

occupation and ethnicity. This feedback is consistent with a review of census items from 147

countries by Morning (2004), who found that ethnic classifications vary widely across cultures,

and that confusion often resulted among respondents when faced with closed-ended options that

did not reflect their own vocabulary.

The imagery questions precede the demographic questions so that the visualization is

easier to prompt, as suggested by many respondents from the pilot study.


Procedures

The pilot study used to develop the questionnaire took place from July 1, 2009 to August

31, 2009. It included six respondents from a convenience sample. Each respondent received the

instrument by email, which was then self-administered with written responses returned also by

email. Upon receipt of the completed instrument, I conducted a cognitive interview to assess the

ease of taking the survey, to understand and clarify any questions about the instructions, and to

hear comments and feedback. The pilot was rolled out one respondent at a time in order to

incorporate feedback from each respondent prior to sending it to the next. By the third

respondent, the comments reached similarity. The pilot study ended at six respondents with

satisfaction that the instrument was clear and structured in a way so as to obtain the necessary

data.

The full study was conducted in April 2011.

Data Collection Procedure: Participants were recruited through the market research

firm MarketTools3

MarketTools gives participants “points” for completing the survey to incentivize

participation. The points can be redeemed for household items. MarketTools delivers access to

a diverse participant group by recruiting from multiple online and offline sources. Online

recruiting includes website advertising, co-registration partners, and friend referral programs.

and their partner company in Mexico. MarketTools built the online survey

using the provided elements; Spanish translations of the survey were provided via the

MarketTools vendor. The participants were selected at random from a widely recruited sample of

adults ages 18 and older and were an equal mix of male to female. Participants accessed the

instrument through a secured link via email invitation from MarketTools and their partner

company.

3 Market Tools is the market research arm of the online survey company, Zoomerang. http://www.markettools.com/products/zoompanel


Offline participant outreach is through conventional direct mail services. MarketTools tracks a

wide range of metrics to maintain a quality participant pool. They monitor participant

responsiveness, demographics, membership tenure, frequency, completions, and quality of

response. MarketTools promptly removes non-responsive participants based on behavior-based

metrics. The company also audits the length of time individuals have been members on the

panels to protect data integrity from experience bias. MarketTools also constantly manages

participants to ensure accurate representation of sample demographic relative to the most current

published government census reports (MarketTools, 2009).

Security and Privacy of Data: The privacy of participants and security of the data are

protected as follows:

Participants receive an invitation to fill out an online questionnaire.

Access is invitation only.

Data are protected with SSL (Secure Sockets Layer) encryption to protect all data

transmissions. This includes any survey links given to the participants, any participant

responses, as well as data access and downloads to the researcher.

All participant information is managed by MarketTools following the published legal

agreement and consent signed by each volunteer at time of membership. All personal

information is strictly guarded by MarketTools and is not available to the researcher.

Consent: Beyond the initial consent to participate as a member of the MarketTools panel,

a separate consent was requested from all participants prior to accessing the project survey. An

introductory screen detailed the informed consent material and study explanation. The informed

consent was approved by Fielding’s Institutional Review Board prior to launch. The participants


indicated their acceptance of the informed consent by clicking the clearly-labeled “advance”

button.

Participants were given full information as to study’s purpose, privacy precautions taken

on their behalf, and their ability to withdraw at any time should they choose to stop for any

reason.

All downloaded data are stored securely and password protected.

Data Analysis

This study was designed to assess the image held of each of two nations: the United

States and Mexico. In order to compare perceptual differences not only between the nations but

relative to a participant’s relationship to the nation in question, the participants were grouped as

follows: (a) residents of the target nation, (b) consumers/tourists/visitors of the nation, and (c)

outsiders who have never been to the nation.

The primary data are the qualitative descriptions of the images invoked by participant for

each nation. This study used a relatively new approach for content analysis of textual data using

an artificial neural network model provided by the software CATPAC II. The CATPAC II

software is a “self-organizing artificial neural network that has been optimized for reading text.

CATPAC identifies the most important words in a text and determines the patterns of similarity

based on the way they are used in text” (Woelfel, 1998, p. 11). CATPAC II generates

hierarchical and relational perceptual maps, and word frequency charts. Content analysis is a

common and well-documented method of analyzing open-ended questions in destination image

studies (Govers, et al., 2007; Ryan & Cave, 2005) and addresses challenges in intercultural

communications (Arasaratnam & Doerfel, 2005). The neural network analysis advances that by

also looking at relative connections between themes.


Hypotheses

The hypotheses I explored are

1. H1 = Individuals possess a holistic and visualizable image of a nation

2. H2 = There is a collective nation image for individuals belonging to one nation

I proposed these exploratory hypotheses, because I expected the research to show that

individuals hold rich and distinct images of a nation that illuminate a complex understanding of

how they view that nation. I also expected that these images and their associated understandings

would tap into a more sensory-laden palette of foundational beliefs than other methods of

assessment more commonly employed. A list of attributes, while useful, is inherently reductive

where image is holistic and experiential. Assessments that solicit attribute lists don’t capture

experience: the feeling in the pit of your stomach or the choke in your throat when you hear your

national anthem. Listing the outstanding qualities of Michelangelo’s David does not include the

chills on the skin or the awe one feels standing before it. Thus, I expected this exploratory study

to reveal a new means of assessing national identity.

I also expected a notable difference in image and understanding of national identity

between those who are residents of a nation versus those who are outside that nation, and among

those outsiders who have intersected with the nation and those who have not. This is important

for understanding inconsistencies between insider and outsider, and can be useful in conflict

resolution where providing a different view of core beliefs is critical (Sen, 2006). I expected this

exploratory study to provide a new means of tapping identity and beliefs in a deeper and more

holistic way. My goal was to advance a methodology for those scholars actively involved in

understanding and bridging cultural and national identity gaps for consensus-building. Based on

wide-ranging literature reviews, this is one of the first studies to examine national identity


through image. I expect this study to challenge the assumption that people view nations as a list

of attributes rather than a holistic understanding, and to promote a new methodology for

assessing national identity.

Participants and Design

Participants consisted of respondents from each of the countries, drawn from three

sample pools for each country maintained by MarketTools and their partner company. The

sample pools were

1. Residents (current or previous residents or individuals having current resident family

members)

2. Consumers (business, education, or tourism)

3. Non-connected individuals (never visited)

The participants were selected at random from a widely recruited sample of adults ages

18 and older and were an equal mix of male to female. Each sample pool had a target number of

N=50 to satisfy power analysis, making a total of N=150 per country, N=300 for the overall

study. This number included the required N plus 20% overage to account for incompletes, as

suggested for online data gathering by Rudestam and Newton (2007).

CATPAC II

CATPAC II is an artificial neural network software designed for the content analysis of

large amounts of text (Woelfel & Stoyanoff, 1998). According to Monge and Eisenberg (1987),

network analysis techniques are an effective way of identifying prominent symbols and emergent

themes and understanding their interrelatedness in text-based qualitative data.

Humans organize experience and recall stored information as patterns. Artificial neural

network analysis was developed during the last 15 years based on this biological understanding


of pattern recognition (Yegnanarayana, 1999). Neural or semantic network analysis is different

from frequency-based content analysis. In neural network analysis such as CATPAC II, the

words are analyzed in the context of the network structure, as they would appear in natural

language (Woelfel & Fink, 1980).

CATPAC II works by processing text with algorithms that learn relationships between

words and phrases in a way that illuminates the underlying concepts. This works in the same

manner as the biological nervous system does, inferring holistic information and inherent

structure based on pattern recognition (Woelfel & Stoyanoff, 1998). Because of this approach,

CATPAC’s analysis of a body of text results in the structural and contextual implications and

imputed meaning derived from dominant symbols (Arasaratnam & Doerfel, 2005).

Because CATPAC II is an objective software modeled on neurological processes, it

eliminates the potential personal and cultural biasing of coding processes for text analysis that

can be a factor in other content analysis methods or programs. It also overcomes the challenges

and potential biases of a human analyst in reading and understanding textual data (Woelfel &

Stoyanoff, 1998). Because of these qualities, CATPAC II is used extensively in the fields of

destination image research (Govers, Go, & Kumar, 2007; Ryan & Cave, 2005, Stepchenkova,

Kirilenko, & Morrison, 2009).

The objective of this study is to identify patterns and meaning in the nation images held

by individuals. CATPAC II offers several advantages to other qualitative methods: (a) it is used

extensively in related fields, (b) it simulates neural network pattern recognition to establish

context to words, (c) it infers meaning from texts, and (d) it bypasses potential coding biases.

CATPAC operates by viewing each word as a connected node or “neuron” in the text. It

scans the text using an algorithm that evaluates each connection between words and measures the


strength of that connection relative to the network. The network boundaries are defined by the

total data pool (Woelfel & Stoyanoff, 1998). CATPAC II operates using an iterative process,

with each next progressive scan evaluating and reassigning connection strengths based on their

appearance through each successive grouping of data. This structure can be mathematically

represented by a matrix of numbers similar to a correlation or covariance matrix. It is similar in

concept and intent to the statistical models of cluster analysis and perceptual mapping

(multidimensional scaling).

CATPAC II’s output includes word frequency charts, cluster analysis using dendograms,

and hierarchical and relational perceptual maps (Woelfel, 1990). CATPAC II can run seven

different agglomerative clustering techniques. The one used in this study, Ward’s Clustering

Method, measures distance as an increase in the total sum of squares between two objects

clustered together (Woelfel, 1998). This method is recommended by Woelfel for small groupings

of concepts.

CATPAC II is an objective software modeled on neurological processes. Unlike other

forms of content analysis, the output represents neural relationships, and each frequency is

represented by dual measures of concept and neural connection. This linkage is one of the

strengths of CATPAC II that allows for the mitigation of researcher bias.

Additional precautions to mitigate bias were addressed by using three separate raters, the

author and two external researchers. The raters determined separately, based on the initial

iteration of CATPAC II analysis, any qualitative adjustments, such as eliminating non-

conceptual words (e.g. “almost”). Data were examined to ensure that elimination of words was

not disruptive to meaningful phrases; for example, eliminating the word “same” when doing so

might corrupt a meaningful phrase like “same as Honduras.” The thematic understandings by


each rater were compared and evaluated for interrater reliability on both manifest and latent

content. Latent content where raters provided subjective interpretations was examined to arrive

at a shared interpretation. As Potter and Levine-Donnerstein (1999) note, while the judgments of

raters are subjective, it is important that “those judgments, while subjectively derived, are shared

across coders, and the meaning therefore is also likely to reach out to readers of the research” (p.

266). The relational data from neural network analysis is calculated and therefore not subject to

adjustment.

The final subjective analysis consisted first of identifying initial categories. A rubric was

developed informed by grounded theory to interpret the images based on emerging categories

and themes identified by CATPAC II. Preliminary dichotomous categories as informed by

Russel, Ward, and Pratt's (1981, as cited in Pike & Ryan, 2004) Affective Response Grid were

initially conceived of as a guide for the review of the CATPAC II image analyses output.

However, it became evident among raters that while these categories may guide research on

place image, national identity is more broad and varied. Initial categories were then culled for

emergent themes by the raters. The research team reviewed and analyzed the output

independently, and then met to discuss the emerging categories and themes. Once a consensus on

the key concepts and themes in the data was reached, the researchers compared the data between

subjects, to identify emerging trends.

The initial, dichotomous categories include (a) calm/hectic, (b) active/passive, (c)

optimistic/pessimistic, (d) safe/dangerous, (e) modern/antiquated or historical, (f) political-

based/social-based, (g) sensory or affective-based/fact-based, and (h) specific descriptor/general

descriptor. The categories and themes to emerge during analysis are described in the next

chapter.


CHAPTER FOUR

Results

This section is a presentation of collected data and the results of analyses conducted to

test the hypotheses regarding imagery as an assessment tool for national identity.

Participants

Participants for this study consisted of respondents from the United States and Mexico,

drawn from a pool of volunteers provided by the market research firm MarketTools and their

partner company in Mexico. Participants were asked to participate in the study via an email

invitation sent directly from MarketTools and their partner company. In return for taking the

survey, participants received “points” redeemable for household items as stipulated by their

agreement with MarketTools.

Participants consisted of three sample pools for each country:

1. “Residents” who are current or previous residents of each target country or individuals

who have current resident family members

2. “Consumers” who have visited the target country for business, education, or as tourists

3. “Outsiders” who are non-connected individuals who have never visited the target country

The survey for respondents living in the United States was administered in English. It

launched April 28, 2011. The survey for respondents in Mexico was administered in Spanish. It

launched April 26, 2011. Both studies closed within 10 days of launch.

The surveys had a total of 338 completes. The English-language surveys had a total of

165 completes; the Spanish-language survey had a total of 173 completes. All respondents met

the requirements of adults aged 18 and older, and was an equal mix of male to female.


Incomplete and insincere responses were eliminated during the initial stage of data

inspection. Insincere responses were those where numbers or symbols were used instead of

actual responses to the open-ended questions. Forty six responses were removed due to

incomplete or insincere responses, consistent with research on online survey insincerity rates

(Rudestam & Newton, 2007). The total usable and complete responses were 292. The number of

completed responses for each sample pool are shown in Table 1.

Table 1 Completes for Each Participant Pool

Completes

Mexico Residents 61

Mexico Consumers 43

Mexico Outsiders 44

U.S. Residents 41

U.S. Consumers 52

U.S. Outsiders 51

The survey used two open-ended questions to ascertain the image held by the respondent.

The first question was recorded on an audio file and asked respondents to close their eyes and

breathe out counting backwards with each exhale from 3 to 1 and then see the image they have of

the target country. After seeing the image, the participants were instructed to open their eyes and

describe the image in detail. The second question asked the respondents to describe the feelings

they have when experiencing their image for the target country. This second question was asked

to ensure that all possible details surrounding the image were captured. The answers to these two

questions were combined for each respondent for analysis.


Hypothesis 1: Respondents Who Reported Image

The first step in the analysis was to determine whether or not responses indicated that the

participants had an image of the country. To qualify as an image, a response must include (a)

description of one or more images; (b) description of visual based responses such as colors,

patterns, or lights; and/or (c) sensory responses such as taste, touch, hear, smell.

Table 2 shows the percentages of respondents who reported an image in each respondent

pool.

Table 2 Respondents Who Reported Image

Respondent Groups Percent with Images

Mexico Residents 89%

Mexico Consumers 98%

Mexico Outsiders 89%

U.S. Residents 93%

U.S. Consumers 90%

U.S. Outsiders 94%

The first hypothesis of this study is as follows:

H1) Individuals possess a holistic and visualizable image of a nation

The results support the hypothesis with 92% of respondents across all groups reporting

images.

CATPAC II Analysis

Responses to the two, open-ended image questions were run through CATPAC II

software. The settings used in these analyses were


1. Neural network options with learning parameters of 25 unique words

2. Ward’s Clustering Method

Ward’s Clustering Method uses a measure of distance as the “increase in the total sum of

squares that would result from clustering together two objects” (Woelfel, 1990, p. 42). Ward’s

Method was chosen due to its advantage of working with “smaller concept groupings of

concepts” (p. 42).

CATPAC II includes a default “exclude file” consisting of frequent, non-content words,

such as of, and, the. This file can be customized to contain more words as analysis bears, and

words pertinent to this specific research were added, such as image. The exclude file used is

included in Appendix B. The chosen settings and word selections for the exclude file were

reviewed and supported by the other researchers on the team.

CATPAC II output includes basic statistics such as word frequency counts and

descriptors of the settings used to generate the analysis, a hierarchical cluster analysis displayed

as a dendogram, and perceptual maps. The dendogram outputs of CATPAC II show the

relationships between the most commonly occurring concepts, and the perceptual maps display

this data in a three-dimensional, relational manner.

The CATPAC II output was examined for emergent themes, which were both latent and

manifest; for example, a cluster of descriptive words for beach such as bright and ocean that also

included the word unsafe. Thus, following this inspection the data were then analyzed to

understand the latent themes. For example, the word unsafe was examined in order to understand

its relationship to beach and to determine if the relationship to the word unsafe referred to the

beach experience (such as sharks) or if it referred to the broader experience of being in the

country.


Exploration of CATPAC II Results

The next stage of the analysis was an examination of the data informed by grounded

theory following guidelines by Glaser and Stauss (1967). In contrast to the grounded theory

approach, however, this step was taken to confirm the conceptual output by CATPAC II and to

best illuminate the categories and concepts behind the latent themes rather than generate a theory

from emerging themes.

Initial categories were developed as they emerged from the data. The data were again

examined against the initial categories to cull the results and look for emerging themes. The

resulting main themes behind the images were identified through an iterative process among the

raters. The categories coding process expanded the initial relational clusters identified by

CATPAC II and allowed raters to deepen our understanding of the meanings embedded in the

images and derive themes in the context of the neural network analysis provided by CATPAC II.

This analysis of links in the data and development of categories in the analysis revealed

that images such as flag, which CATPAC II includes in frequency counts and as a major theme

in the dendograms, were often considerably more complex than visible at that level of analysis.

Thus, each theme that CATPAC II found was individually examined in context for broader

meanings and interactions.

Because of the richness of the images, and the associations they elicited, many images

were coded in multiple categories. Table 3 shows examples of responses where the images

included the word flag.


Table 3 Examples of Multiple Coding Categories

Image Coding Categories

The large Statue of Liberty, high in its original color behind that flag waving and the Twin Towers. Spread, it’s an imposing and beautiful image.

World Power

Overall Positive

I saw an image of people being attacked by military weapons the flag of the United States in broken blood with an odor of gun powder in the air, military men, children, women and men running scared since it generates a fear of war in me.

War

Fear

Overall Negative

United States Flag: big, huge, white stars and blue background, it looks like the sky, beautiful red stripes, the red is very vivid, I imagine thousands of smiling faces to see the flag proud of her. I feel a kind of pride, joy.

World Power

Good Life

Tranquility or Happiness

Overall Positive

The initial analysis generated 37 categories across all six participant groups, as shown in

Table 4.


Table 4 Initial Coding Categories

Anger Immigration

Childhood Lack of Confidence in Government

Clean or Orderly Money Emphasis in Society

Confidence Nature

Conflicting Overall Negative Overall

Cultural Diversity Opportunity for Individual

Cultural Imposition Positive Overall

Culture Possibility for Country Improvement

Dangerous Poverty

Decline Proud or Patriotic

Desire to Visit or Live Respect Among Citizens

Dirty or Crowded Sad

Discrimination or Racism Safe

Drugs or Weapons Threat

False Image Tourist Perspective

Fear Tranquility or Happiness

Freedom War Images

Good Life World Power

Great Resources

Twenty-seven themes compose the top-10 themes for each respondent group’s image

combined. While raters endeavored to keep the number of categories small, there were variations


in perspective between the two countries, and the holistic and rich content of each image often

covered multiple and conflicting themes with meanings that would have been lost by collapsing

categories. As noted above, each image could receive multiple codings (see Table 3) The coding

was approached initially with dichotomous categories, as informed by Russel, Ward, and Pratt's

(1981, as cited in Pike & Ryan, 2004) Affective Response Grid. This approach was used to

evaluate destination image based upon eight dimensions of affect. The assumption is that these

dimensions represent a circumplex model of affect with a horizontal axis that is set to a positive

valence and vertical set to a negative or arousal valence. Work by Baloglu and Brinberg (1997,

as cited in Pike & Ryan, 2004) demonstrated how the model could apply to perceptions of

destinations. While some of the categories that emerged from the image data could be organized

in this manner, this was not true across many of the categories. Most importantly, using this type

of reductionist approach would have hidden the subtleties in the response meanings. Examining

place from a tourist or destination perspective might lend itself to dichotomous sorting, but these

data suggest that national identity is deeper and more complex.

Table 5 shows the explanation of the primary categories that compose the top-10 across

all respondent groups.


Table 5 Explanation of Categories

Category Description Example

Childhood Reference to childhood memories, images, or experiences.

I pictured a map of the US, but with some 3-D images, like the white house, Mount Rushmore, landscapes, like mountains and rivers, as well as a variety of people smiling in different parts of the country what I was picturing reminded me of something that I would have seen in elementary school, or maybe like a USA puzzle I had as a kid. It was sort of nostalgic and had an overall positive feeling around it.

I saw a brightly colored map of the US - like the ones for children. On the map were the states, but also different logos at different regions. There was corn and farming in the Midwest, an oil rig in Texas, a star in California, the Statue of Liberty in New York, and an alligator in Florida. It was very cartoony. At the same time I saw a flash of different faces - similar to the diverse faces of people that you see in textbooks (who usually look about a decade behind).

Clean or Orderly

Reflects direct mentions of social and structural order and cleanliness, but not broader concepts like safety.

The United States flag and clean streets and the order in which things are, attitudes and respect among citizens…

…it’s an image of progress, of a country where they respect one another, they respect the laws…

Conflicted I see a brown, uneven image. I felt a short feeling of freedom and uneasiness. Freedom, uneasiness, curiosity. Open ended freedom, in a land of lawlessness.


Cultural Diversity

Presence of ethnically diverse images and impressions.

Many different immigrants from many different countries, broad mixing of cultures and customs in one place. I feel a little confused to see so many different and each one of them in their own circle of people oblivious to the others and even apathetic to the rest of the people there who only live there because they are different.

Many people walking, the neon signs of new york, people of many races, different clothes voices speaking English with different accents…

Culture Appreciation of culture, cultural experiences, celebrations, and rituals.

My first image of Mexico was it’s customs, mariachi music, traditional food of Mexico, the smell of this food so rich and tasty, popular celebrations in Mexico.

It came to my mind a map of my country of caramel brown color, with pale blue oceans. Immediately the map was filled with varied pictures, a person came to mind, like pictures of people in the center of the country with typical happy dishes, as a family people from jalisco as if they enjoyed the sea, in the southeast musical instruments…

Dangerous Various aspects of personal safety.

The first thing that came to my mind is was the broadcast on the news of the collapse of the Twin Towers, I felt concern. suspicious, uneasy.

There is a place called underground in Atlanta, it was the first thing I saw, there are many steps and many floors, many people and many shops… it was the first time that I went to that place and felt fear of the people…

…the image of the northeast of the country also showed images that represent violence, firearms, very negative images… the contrast that I saw in the Northeastern part of the image was gave me chills.


Dirty or Crowded

Images of crowded or dirty streets and cities, pollution, and traffic.

Tequila, cacti, dirty streets, and earth tone colors….

Dry Dirty Hot….

I see it as a place with a lot of noise, people rushed from all sides…

Discrimination or Racism

Discrimination, racism, or social inequity.

The first image that comes to my mind is the attack on the Mexicans without documents for throwing them out many times by force. [I feel] Anger, it’s the neighboring country and I think we depend on each other but it is very racist.

It’s a dark image, opaque. In it appears a woman of color (African American) who is being beaten by a policeman during a type of demonstration. Although the image is provided to hear screams of violence, I do not hear any noise. [I feel] Insecurity, even though the picture shows a woman of color, this shows violence by U.S. authorities towards a minority, as I am to be Latino, especially now-a-days that certain authorities put laws in place against the immigrant.

Drugs or weapons

References to drugs, drug-related violence, and weapons not related to war images.

An plump adult male, red-faced, white-haired, somewhat misaligned with a marijuana cigarette poorly rolled. It is no different than other countries, suffers from many problems that the rest of the world has as well, it’s a country like all the other ones.

I see pollution, bad smells, and people being murdered…


Duplicity Perceptions of a country presenting itself in one way while acting as another.

…the image of Uncle Sam, with his big hat, his smile, his jacket, his beard, and all its colors of red, blue and stars, great and so false. It inspires me so much falsehood, a spirit full of vengeance to see what will happen, there is money and work but not for you.

the first thing that came to mind was the flag, its stars, its colors and after its president, the way people live and their food etc. Visually I like the flag a lot but at the same time it gives me a kind of sadness to know that this country is not at all what people think.

Fear Fear related to personal danger, such as conflicts over immigration, crime, violence, drugs, and urban environments.

The first thing that came to my mind is was the broadcast on the news of the collapse of the Twin Towers, I felt concern. suspicious, uneasy.

Very ugly and frightening, yet pretty colors! I feel very sad and happy at the same time and very unsafe.

I see bright colors, people everywhere, and lot's of noise. I feel excited, but wary at the same time.

Freedom Sense or symbols of freedom.

…to see the Statue of Liberty and its flag, brings to mind the feeling of freedom and commitment of people living in that country…

STATUE OF LIBERTY. A large concrete structure in the form of a woman holding a torch. This reminds me that I live in the land of the free. Happy, protected.


Great Resources

Country is described as having great or abundant resources, or if the resources were identified by name.

A city with great buildings in the center with clean streets, parks, shopping malls, roadways well designed…

The first image that came to mind are large shopping centers with many people it’s Christmas time and there are very many Christmas decorations, most of them are red and gold, a large pine tree at the center of the entire mall, there are children taking photos with Santa Claus, many Christmas lights and I get the smell of cinnamon and feel a holiday warmth, I'm looking for gifts for my family and I see many offers on toys and clothing… happy to be in stores so elegant.

Lack of Confidence in the Government

Expressions of concern and frustration about ineffective or corrupt government systems and officials.

I see the American flag. I see the colors red, white, and blue. I see horses. I can hear the sounds of the horses. I see wars. I men on horses carrying flags in the dessert. I see war. I see military men. I see white men on horses. It feels like we are always at war with each other. We are quick to help out other countries in their time of need, but we can't get together and help each other out….

…Frivolous, superficial and easily manipulated…

I see a dusty white group of buildings with dusty streets The scene is hazy and smells of earth and plants. Unhealthy and dangerous due to poor sanitation, poor medical care, many animals and drug dealers and gangs. It is an old poorly policed country that has had so much graft, greed and poor government at all levels for so long that although the top government may try to control crimes the environs have been so bad for so long it will take many years to uproot it.


Money Reference to economic power, greed or misuse of money, and other references specific to money.

…the best companies in this place the perfect place where only smart people succeed and make a lot of money…

I saw a map image of the US in green surrounded by blue ocean. Various colors and abstract shapes began to pop up around areas of the country where large cities are located. Then I saw dollar signs and money flying out and away happy, united, and enjoyable, yet wasteful.

A great nation that is in trouble because of the greed of many and the willingness to buy votes by giving to those greedy people…

Nature References to and experience of different natural environments.

I saw a big round earth and a big map of the United States all the united states. Ii saw some of the main features of it as the big lakes, the desert, the mountains and the beaches…

The ocean with rocky cliffs, the waves breaking on shore. Happy, I like the ocean.

Negative Small plot of corn growing, with pigs and chickens in the background. Farmer feeding the chickens. Very dry and dusty - not much greenery other than the corn. Very poor surroundings with no large buildings around anywhere. Somewhat unsafe, very dreary with not much color. Reminds me of what it would have been like to grow up in middle America in the 30's. Poor country.

Opportunity Impressions and references to individual opportunity.

… A great country with great opportunities and changes of life …

…Just seeing the colors of the United States I feel a racist country and at the same time see a country with many opportunities for work and business but not to live in the USA.

Positive I imagine a field with many trees, happy and safe.


Possibility Optimism that the target country can overcome difficulties and move toward improvement.

I see a lot of different people, some hurting because of the current conditions of the economy. I see people still having hope and not giving in….

I saw a man fighting for his dreams that will not stop at anything he is seasoned and really seeks to accomplish his goal with all the intensity and passion of the world. I am optimistic that things can be achieved and we only need the collaboration of all to achieve what we want, I still believe that things can change for the better.

I see a bright and peaceful city with no crime nor hatred, a city where everyone works for the benefit of all and my heart is full of peace ... it’s the Mexico I want the Mexico that I know it will someday be.

Poverty Images of individuals in impoverished environments.

Crime ridden, impoverished, brown and dirty, uncomfortable and almost uneasing [sic], small shack-like homes with almost no children playing outside…

…a border town (Nogales) with hawking vendors, long lines, dirty streets, beggars, and lots of people waiting to enter the U.S. The sidewalks are crumbling, the buildings are old, and the local people hanging around give off a feeling that it isn't safe to be alone here….

Proud or Patriotic

Patriotism and pride experienced in home nation or in residents of other nation.

…happy and enthusiastic when I see something representative of my country lights up my spirit and I feel motivated to continue making the best of myself in my work. I love my country, its traditions, its food…

I saw a picture of the US with many people of different ethnic backgrounds inside of it. I felt the song God bless America playing also. I feel happy, proud, freedom, privileged to be living here….


Sad Expression of sadness over country’s social or economic troubles, or of decline.

The sky. Pale blue. No clouds. Peaceful and tranquil. Red, white, and blue. I experience an overwhelming proudness. At the same time, I am saddened by the future of our great nation. Our poor education system. Our economy in ruins and slow to recover. Our place in the world falling from #1.

Crumbling, brown, sadness. People in distress unsafe, unhappy, stressed, the United States falling into this brown dark abyss.

I seen a nation of hurt and people crying. things were very dull and grey and smoke was in the air. peoples clothes were ratty and torn. I feel very upset and sad. It's almost makes me feel unsafe to live here.

Safe Expressions and feelings of personal safety or national or political implications of safety.

Hollywood, in a residential area of the highest luxury, heat and warm air as well as the best views. The ambience is mostly quiet and safe.

White House, Statue of Liberty, U.S. Army. I felt Protection Responsibility. Leadership…

The Good Life Holistic sense of contentment, or having it all.

It is a main street where there are some malls, shops, banks, restaurants. The day is sunny with some breeze as the city is on the east coast of the United States. There is a lot of heat but the place is nice. It is a Sunday and there are many people who go on their trucks to go fishing. I am enthusiastic, with an urge to travel and visit more often and even to be able to live there.

Major highways clean and with few cars, shopping centers with normal people shopping and fast food places with people eating. Seems to be an organized country.


Threat Feelings of concern of aggression by the other country.

A green image, odorless, which occupies almost the entire northern hemisphere from Canada to Mexico, but I imagine how the southern area of the country, formed part of Northern Mexico, being the part with greater wealth. It produces mixed feelings of insecurity, because it is one of the countries where there is a steep population, where as in all countries of the world there are marked differences between rich and poor, and that at any moment it can be attacked by powerful enemies and as the neighboring country we would be involved in the same way for being a neighboring country, there is a very important discrimination toward Mexicans, as well as smuggling of weapons that foster crime and hinder attempts to reduce the Mexican Government.

I see war, armed soldiers invading a country, people crying and suffering everywhere. I hate to see how they cause harm to others in order to get more money.

Tourist Point of View

Experiences and images from a tourist perspective.

The image I saw was in Magic Kingdom at Disney in the games, parades, the show of the castle, fireworks, walking the streets….

My first image was of beaches in Puerto Vallarta with sand sculptures, pole dancers, shops restaurants and tourists. It is a bright sunny day in March. The sky is blue and so is the ocean. Separated by sand, boats sailing past and parasailers gliding by….


Feelings of tranquility or happiness in their images related to the country.

The waves from the pacific coming through a protected cove and onto a coarse sand beach. A villa of lush green and wealth. happy. relaxed.

The sea and in the horizon the city of San Francisco CA. Tall buildings with many shops, joy, enthusiasm and serenity.


An overall impression of the emotional valence of each image was also coded for

positive, negative, or conflicted, if the image contained both positive and negative with no clear

leaning. If an image was not clearly identified as positive, negative, or conflicted, it was not

rated.

War Images of country at war, associated with combat, military, or precipitating war.

I see an armed soldier in the midst of a semi desert terrain, I felt a lot of tension and also felt a little scared, the soldier was wearing brown and grey camouflage and had a gun in his hand, no lka [sic] distinguish well I could only see that it was black and shiny like a machine gun, that long, he had a helmet and headset also carrying a backpack. He wore brown boots, a belt and on the belt hung several dark colored things almost black, the soldier had an arrogant posture, looking down I felt insecure, frightened and like less, unarmed and a little confused, I tried to immediately open my eyes but I didn’t.

American soldiers, the war, I image [sic] of many green-clad soldiers with various weapons which is a very violent country. I was afraid.

World Power An image or reflection on an image that the target country was a world power.

A gray map, which shows all states of the United States. There is a black star for each entity. Under it, a smaller Mexico but without territorial division. … I felt confident because America is something like the world’s super power: there are all the products that one can imagine.

I imagine a blue, white and red flag, which is very strong and means a lot to most countries for its economy…


Table 6 Coding for Positive, Negative and Conflicted Emotional Valence

Positive I imagine a field with many trees, happy and safe.

Negative Small plot of corn growing, with pigs and chickens in the background. Farmer feeding the chickens. Very dry and dusty - not much greenery other than the corn. Very poor surroundings with no large buildings around anywhere. Somewhat unsafe, very dreary with not much color. Reminds me of what it would have been like to grow up in middle America in the 30's. Poor country.

Conflicted I see a brown, uneven image. I felt a short feeling of freedom and uneasiness. Freedom, uneasiness, curiosity. Open ended freedom, in a land of lawlessness.

Table 7 Overall Image of Mexico

Negative Positive Conflicted

Mexico: Residents 27% 34% 16%

Mexico: Consumers/Visitors 12% 49% 21%

Mexico: Outsiders 27% 30% 34%

Table 8 Overall Image of United States

Negative Positive Conflicted

United States: Residents 10% 46% 25%

United States: Consumers/Visitors 21% 54% 25%

United States: Outsiders 37% 45% 12%

The highest percentage of positive images for both countries came from consumers-

visitors of the country. Residents held more positive than negative views of their own countries.

Residents of Mexico had a higher percentage of negative images of their own country than did


residents of the United States for the United States. Those who were consumers or outsiders of

the United States had more negative images of the United States than did consumers and

outsiders of Mexico for Mexico.

CATPAC II Output: Frequencies, Dendograms, and Concept Maps

The CATPAC II output and the researcher-driven themes for each group follows, along

with examples and links to qualitative coding categories.


MEXICO: Consumers

Figure 1. Frequencies and Dendogram for Mexico: Consumers’ Images


This dendogram for Mexico: Consumers is shown in Figure 1. It produced eight clusters.

The largest cluster includes the words beach, happy, bright, blue, colors, unsafe, beautiful, and

people. The next largest cluster is areas, safe, and relaxing. This is followed by ocean and sand;

church and day; country and poverty; crowded and little; air, relaxed, and smell; and beaches,

food, and green.

The top 10 categories from the qualitative analysis for this group of respondents were (in

order from highest to lowest): Nature, Tranquility or Happiness, Tourist Point of View, Culture,

Dangerous, Dirty or Crowded, Fear, Poverty, Drugs or Weapons, Clean or Orderly.

Figure 2. Top 10 qualitative categories from images for Mexico: Consumers.

The themes to emerge in this group amplify the CATPAC II analysis of beach-associated

words, feeling happy, thinking about the Mexican culture vis-à-vis its people and the church, yet

deeply interwoven into impressions of danger. These relationships are illustrated in Figure 3 and

Figure 4. The nature-based (beach) descriptions were often from a tourist perspective.

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%

Nature


Tourist POV

Culture

Dangerous

Dirty or Crowded

Fear

Poverty

Drugs or Weapons

Clean or Orderly

Mexico: Consumers


Figure 3. Mexico: Consumers 3D view concept map.

Figure 4. Mexico: Consumers 2D view concept map.


Overall, 49% of this respondent group had positive images for Mexico with 21% having

images with conflicting aspects. The conflicting aspects are made obvious in the CATPAC II

association with beach and unsafe, as illustrated by the quotes in Table 9.

Table 9 Conflicting Perceptions about Mexico in Mexico: Consumers

Categories Example

Conflicting view:

Dirty or crowded, poverty versus nature, good live

I see two Mexicos. The one I described previously is bright and clean, beaches, canals, trees, historic churches and interesting markets, vendors, shoppers, tourists and friendly locals. The other Mexico I see is a border town (Nogales) with hawking vendors, long lines, dirty streets, beggars, and lots of people waiting to enter the U.S. The sidewalks are crumbling, the buildings are old, and the local people hanging around give off a feeling that it isn't safe to be alone here. Tourist areas = riches. Residential areas = poverty.

Mountains of Monterrey, sunshine, people hustling about, beggars sadness on the poverty


Mexico: Outsiders

Figure 5. Frequencies and dendogram for Mexico: Outsiders’ images.


Figure 6. Mexico: Outsiders 3D view concept map.

Figure 7. Mexico: Outsiders 2D concept map


The dendogram for the Mexico: Outsiders images produced nine clusters (Figure 5). The

largest cluster includes color, colorful, happy, unsafe, ocean, water. This is an example where

the CATPAC II results warrant closer analysis – ocean and unsafe could indicate fears of the

ocean, such as sharks. However, there were no images of sharks, ocean hazards, or fear of the

ocean. Instead, beach descriptors as well as feeling unsafe in the country, generally ascribed to

crime and violence, were described.

The next most prominent cluster is buildings, poor, and dirty, followed by everywhere

and people; beach, sand, and blue; calm, white, and country; hot and desert; bright and colors;

small and brown; and beaches and fun.

The top 10 categories to emerge from the qualitative analysis of this respondent group are

(listed from highest to lowest) nature, tranquility/happiness, drugs or weapons, dangerous,

culture, poverty, tourist POV, dirty or crowded, fear, and lack of confidence in the government.

Figure 8 shows the percentage breakdown.

Figure 8. Top 10 qualitative categories from Images for Mexico: Outsiders.

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50%

Nature


Drugs or Weapons

Dangerous

Culture

Poverty

Tourist POV

Dirty or Crowded

Fear

Lack of Confidence in Govt

Mexico: Outsiders


The results of this respondent group are similar to the Consumers of Mexico respondents.

Both had a cluster and emergent themes of the ocean or beach (nature) that were alongside

unsafe. Likewise, both had distinctly tourist points of view with the beach, feeling relaxed, and

tranquil.

What differentiates Outsiders of Mexico from Consumers of Mexico is the Outsiders had

a more negative and conflicted image. Twenty-seven percent had a negative image, as opposed

to 12% of the Consumer group; 34% had a conflicted image, compared to 21% of the Consumer

group; and 30% had a positive image, compared to 49% of the Consumer group. Drugs or

weapons appeared more times, as did poverty and dirty or crowded. While the Consumers

included references to clean or orderly, the Outsiders did not. Only the Outsiders of Mexico

reflected lack of confidence in the government. For example, one participant in the Mexico:

Outsiders group responded

I see poverty, smells from street vendors and small restaurants, I see bright colors on some

buildings and faded colors on old buildings in disrepair. Unsafe, dilapidated, it is a country of

beautiful places and areas of poverty. I think safety is an issue.


Mexico: Residents

Figure 9. Frequencies and dendogram for Mexico: Residents’ images.


As shown in Figure 9, the dendogram for the Mexico: Residents’ images produced eight

clusters. The largest cluster includes colors, country, people, white, things, proud, and happy.

This is followed by beautiful and family; color and full; city, flag, and good; insecurity and think;

change, want, and life; day and will; and, green and peace.

The top 10 categories from this group are (listed highest to lowest) tranquility or

happiness, culture, opportunity, nature, proud or patriotic, sad, possibility, fear, dangerous, and

lack of confidence in the government. The percentage breakdown is shown in Figure 10.

Figure 10. Top 10 qualitative categories for Mexico: Residents.

The themes again expand upon the broad clusters indicated by CATPAC. In this

extended analysis, proud, happy, people, and country express as happiness, culture, and nature.

Within this respondent group there is some mention of sadness, the potential for change, and

fears and concerns about the government. These are mirrored in the CATPAC clusters of

insecurity, change, want, and peace. In spite of tranquility or happiness, culture, and opportunity

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35%


Culture

Opportunity

Nature

Proud or Patriotic

Sad

Possibility

Fear

Dangerous

Lack of Confidence in Govt

Mexico: Residents


as the top three categories, only 34% of the Mexico: Residents had positive images. The top 10

categories of sad, fear, dangerous, and lack of confidence in the government are reflected in 27%

with negative images and 16% conflicting. Examples of contrasting images are shown in Table

10.

Table 10 Images with Conflicting Valence for Mexico: Residents

Category Example

Fears and danger in the country Unfortunately, the first color that came to mind was the red blood that has been spilled throughout the country, it is the bloodshed

Image of hope, of a desired future I see the bright colors of our flag .. I feel optimistic for a Mexico that will enable more to come, which can be a great nation

Though many Mexicans saw their own country as one with dangers and problems, the

images also revealed possibility and opportunity. This dual view is apparent in the concept maps

showing insecurity at the center of the images (See Figure 11 and Figure 12). In contrast, the

images of Mexico from both Outsiders and Consumers of Mexico (i.e., United States residents)

focused more on dangers and problems in the context of tourist experiences, such as the beach.

From this vantage, danger is an issue of personal safety rather than the more global sense

reflecting on the well-being of the country and its potential for improvement.


Figure 11. Mexico: Residents 3D view concept map.

Figure 12. Mexico: Residents 2D view concept map.


United States: Consumers

Figure 13. Frequencies and dendogram for United States: Consumers’ images.


As shown in Figure 13, United States: Consumers dendogram produced eight clusters.

The largest cluster is composed of country, economy, imagine, world, nation, hand. This is

followed by liberty, statue, and great; blue, red, white, and flag; city, people, and time; different,

and safe; colors, and happy; respect, large, and color; and little and lot.

The top 10 categories from the qualitative analysis for this group of respondents are

(from highest to lowest) great resources, world power, tranquility or happiness, clean or

orderly, discrimination or racism, safe, war images, fear, good life, and false image.

Figure 14. Top 10 qualitative categories for United States: Consumers.

The data from this group show the value of digging deeper into the CATPAC analysis to

understand the relationships among the images. The CATPAC II analysis revealed Statue of

Liberty and great as the second largest cluster, and red, white, blue, and flag as the third. Rather

than assume a meaning for these images imputed from their cultural symbolism, by examining

the data in context of the relationships the raters identified that the iconic symbols had different

contextual meanings. The result was that the images were coded into categories (fear, world

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%

Great Resources World power

Tranquility or Happiness Clean or Orderly

Discrimination or Racism Safe

War Images Fear

Good life False Image

United States: Consumers


power) that were quite different from the innate bias of cultural symbolism (patriotism). (See the

example in Table 11.)

Table 11 Mexico: Consumers Example Coding of Flag Symbol

Category Example

World Power

Fear

A flag waving in the air. In a mast. The red stripes, blue and white wave in the air. The image of an advanced country, imposing authority, which is not flexible, an image of a country that punishes. I admire but don’t have a sense of belonging

The United States: Consumers has the highest number of positive images of the United

States (54%; see Table 8

Overall Image of United States). This is reflected in the happy and safe in the CATPAC

output, and the good life and happiness and tranquility from the category coding, as shown by

the example in Table 12. In this group, negative images were 21% and conflicting images were

25%. The presence of the word hand in the CATPAC dendograms indicated a conflicted view

from the phrase: “on the other hand” elicited from respondents when reporting the images. The

relationship among the words is shown in the concept maps in Figure 15 and Figure 16.

Table 12 Mexico: Consumers Example Good Life

Category Example

Good life

Happiness and tranquility

I imagine a field with many trees happy and safe.


Figure 15. United States: Consumers 3D view concept map.


Figure 16. United States: Consumers 2D view concept map


United States: Outsiders

Figure 17. Frequencies and dendogram for United States: Outsiders’ images.


The dendogram for United States: Outsiders (Figure 17) produced eight clusters. The first

cluster includes big, country, flag, red, stars, large, liberty, people. This is followed by blue and

white; buildings and city; country, different, and think; beautiful and image; little, waving, and

war; color, colors, and mind; and clean and fast.

Further examination of the CATPAC clusters shows that red has 12 mentions, blue has

12 mentions, and white has 8. These results challenge any innate bias that red, white, and blue

must pertain to the American flag. While there are instances where red is related to the

American flag as a descriptor, there are other instances where red is a color integral to the image,

about the United States, but not related to the flag (see Table 13.) Therefore with words such as

flag with embedded symbolic meaning, further analysis is critical in the context of the emotional

content and meanings of the images.


Table 13 United States: Outsider Contextual Variations for Red, White, Blue, and Flag

Word Example

Red I saw red color when the recording told me to close my eyes and think of the first thing you see regarding the United States, and then I saw some images that brought me no pleasure at all, in my mind I saw much suffering and terror in the first image I saw…

Blue I only saw a picture of a gate well protected a gray gate that divides a path of a border, a blue sky but a gray fence and guards prowling one that seems that seems to be a border it’s a sad image. I feel sad because I could have imagined in my mind another image like that of baseball or racing or some program but I could only see that sadness, some rejection, some helplessness and above all a bit of concern. I feel that I could have seen other things like a U.S. flag across the top, but in my mind I gave more importance to the fence

Flag I saw an image of people being attacked by military weapons the flag of the United States in broken blood with an odor of gun powder in the air, military men, children, women and men running scared since it generates a fear of war in me.

The U.S. flag, stars and stripes, blue and red, I see the Statue of Liberty as an icon of the nation. After that the image of women skating on the beach comes to mind Really the mediums move the U.S. as hope for me, it’s an opportunity to vacation and learn.

The first image that came to mind was the flag of the United States waving with bright colors, blue, white and red as well as the stars, appearing to be lit with a spotlight, coupled wing view of the entire country from a satellite view as if observing from space….

The top 10 categories to emerge from the images of United States: Outsiders were

(highest to lowest) world power, great resources, fear, tranquility or happiness, good life,

nature, war images, threat, tourist point of view, and discrimination or racism. These categories

follow the CATPAC output but add necessary detail. As shown in Table 13, the context of the

image allowed flag to be coded as war images, good life or world power. Some of these

relationships are apparent in the concept maps in Figure 19 and Figure 20.


Figure 18. Top 10 qualitative categories for United States: Outsiders.

In terms of overall valence of the images, the United States: Outsiders were more positive

than negative (45% compared to 37% respectively). In this group, 12% of the images coded as

conflicting.

Figure 19. United States: Outsiders 3D view concept map.

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%

World power Great Resources

Fear Tranquility or Happiness

Good life Nature

War Images Threat

Tourist POV Discrimination or Racism

United States: Outsiders


Figure 20. United States: Outsiders 2D view concept map.


United States: Residents

Figure 21. Frequencies and dendogram for United States: Residents’ images.


The United States: Residents dendogram produced nine clusters. (See Figure 21.) The

first cluster is composed of big, great, nation, people, world, and happy. This is followed by

blue, red, and white; liberty and statue; colors and green; help and horses; different and Florida;

country, free, and home; flag and safe; and brown, colored, and rivers.

The top 10 categories to emerge for this respondent group are (highest to lowest)

tranquility or happiness, cultural diversity, safe, nature, freedom, money, proud or patriotic,

childhood, great resources, and dangerous. The percentage breakdown for the categories is

shown in Figure 22.

Figure 22. Top 10 qualitative categories for United States: Residents.

In reviewing the CATPAC II output, Florida, rivers, and Statue of Liberty warranted further

inspection. Delving into these clusters illuminated a category of childhood—images that invoked

childhood experiences, early school experiences, or nostalgia. Within this group, five images

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30%


Cultural Diversity

Safe

Nature

Freedom

Money

Proud or Patriotic

Childhood

Great Resources

Dangerous

United States: Residents


received this coding. Examples are shown in Table 14. The group United States: Residents is

the only participant group to have images coded with this category.

Table 14 Examples of Childhood Category in United States: Residents

Category Example

Childhood I pictured a map of the US, but with some 3-D images, like the white house, Mount Rushmore, landscapes, like mountains and rivers, as well as a variety of people smiling in different parts of the country what i [sic] was picturing reminded me of something that I would have seen in elementary school, or maybe like a USA puzzle I had as a kid. It was sort of nostalgic and had an overall positive feeling around it.

I saw a brightly colored map of the US - like the ones for children. On the map were the states, but also different logos at different regions. There was corn and farming in the Midwest [sic], an oil rig in Texas, a star in California, the Statue of Liberty in New York, and an alligator in Florida. It was very cartoony. At the same time I saw a flash of different faces - similar to the diverse faces of people that you see in textbooks (who usually look about a decade behind). overwhelmed (too broad, too many people).

As discussed above, images with symbolic meaning can be misleading. The word blue

clusters with red and white in CATPAC II output, but blue has a higher frequency count. The

primary associations with blue were in images of the American flag and in nature references,

such as blue skies. There were, however, mentions of blue as a color in images with other

contexts. Within the group of United States: Residents, references to the American flag showed

that the image elicited differing emotions.


Table 15 Examples of Multiple Contexts for blue and flag in United States: Residents

Word Example

Blue Texas and Florida. Texas is bold blue and red, Florida is green the rest of the United States is gray.

Flag I see the american [sic] flag. I see the colors red, white, and blue. I see horses. I can hear the sounds of the horses. I see wars. I men on horses carrying flasgs [sic] in the dessert[sic]. I see war. I see military men. I see white men on horses. It feels like we are always at war with each other…

The US flag, stars and stripes. Calmness.

For United States: Residents, 46% of the images were positive, 20% were conflicted, and

10% were negative.

Figure 23. United States: Residents 3D view concept map.


Figure 24. United States: Residents 2D view concept map.

Hypothesis 2: The Collective Nation Image

The second hypothesis in this study was that there is a collective nation image for individuals of

the same country that is (a) distinct from images individuals hold of other countries and (b)

distinct compared to outsiders’ images of the target country.

H2) There is a collective nation image for individuals belonging to one nation.

Results from both CATPAC II and the follow-on qualitative analysis indicate that while each

individual nation image is unique, it is unique to the individual and not a shared image by a

population. There were many similarities among the images and clear themes arose, but the

images themselves were unique. Therefore, the data do not support the second hypothesis.


Emerging Themes

The final step in the data analysis was to identify emerging themes that were consistent across

the respondents to highlight differences and similarities in theme. The raters grouped the

categories into the following themes:

Table 16 Emergent Themes Across All Categories

Theme Categories Included in Theme

Cultural and Geographic Appreciation

Cultural Diversity Culture Nature Pride and Patriotism Childhood

Good Life Good Life Great resources Happiness Opportunity Tourist Perspective Freedom

Political Aggression Threat War Images False Image

Safety Clean & Orderly Dangerous World Power Fear Safety

Social Ills Poverty Dirty & Crowded Drugs or Weapons Discrimination & Racism Lack of Confidence in Government Sad Money


Table 17 Distribution of Images into Themes Across All Respondents

Themes US: Consumers

US: Outsiders

US: Residents

Mexico: Consumers

Mexico: Outsiders

Mexico: Residents

Good Life 57% 63% 34% 30% 23% 34%

Safety 24% 12% 16% 25% 23% 16%

Social Ills 8% 5% 11% 11% 26% 17%

Political Aggression 11% 12% 0% 0% 0% 0%

Cultural Appreciation 0% 9% 39% 33% 27% 32%

Figure 25. Five emergent themes across images

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70%

Good Life

Safety

Social Ills

Political Aggression

Cultural Appreciation

Mexico: Residents

Mexico: Outsiders

Mexico: Consumers

US: Residents

US: Outsiders

US: Consumers


The emergent themes show several things:

1. Consistent across both countries, residents of a country have appreciation for their own

culture.

2. Residents of Mexico— both as consumers and outsiders —mentioned little appreciation

for United States culture. An interesting question to pursue is whether this is an

ethnocentric response or if the diversity in the US makes the sense of culture difficult to

perceive from the outside.

3. Residents of Mexico had images of political aggression relating to the United States —

both fear of our strength as an aggressor but also awareness of our role in global conflict.

The US linked to war-like images emerged in categories in US responses, but, like

Mexico, while the images were powerful the numbers were negligible relative to the

total.

4. Residents of Mexico and Outsiders of Mexico have more images of social ills than did

Consumers of Mexico. This possibly speaks to the segregation of tourists into specific

areas and hotels. As a tourist, individuals often don’t see a representative sample of a

country and the daily life of its residents. A question to ask is if individuals who have

never been to a country have a more accurate reflection of the country than those who

have been there as a tourist. Or, are they just polar opposites of misinformation?

5. People who have never visited another country have more concerns for safety than those

who have some familiarity, even if that familiarity is restricted to tourism.

6. The images of Mexican respondents for the United States — both consumers and

outsiders — showed a large percentage as perceiving the US as having the good life in


terms of opportunities, resources, and social structure. Residents of both countries

perceive the good life in equal measure for their own country.

7. Outsiders of Mexico had the most negative view of Mexico in terms of the good life-

themed images and the highest level of social ills-themed images.


CHAPTER FIVE

Discussion

In this dissertation, I have investigated whether or not individuals have an image of a

nation. Contemporary identity scholars argue that today’s society is characterized by multiple

personal identities (Bauman & Vecchi, 2004), and some national identity scholars posit that

these identities are threaded together under the umbrella of a national identity (Hall, 1996). At

the heart of identity discussion is the concept of belonging (Bhabha, 1994).

Czech former President, playwright, and human rights activist Vaclav Havel writes that

we all seek to be

anchored in one way or another to the world that surrounds us. Our family, our

friends, the spiritual and social environment we are associated with, the

community, town or region where we grew up and lived, and to which we

accustomed ourselves, our country, our nation, our home in the broadest sense of

the word all these are anchors in this world, and more: they are integral

components of our identity, indeed they are part of ourselves. We have taken

roots in our home, and our home has taken roots in us. (cited in Pontuso, 2004, p.

136)

Nowhere is Havel’s statement more poignant than in the emergent themes of each

respondent group’s image of their own country. Residents of both the United States and Mexico

described seeing images of their own country as evoking feelings of Happiness or Tranquility

more than any other category. In addition, Cultural Appreciation and The Good Life were the

top unifying themes to emerge for residents of both countries.


Figure 26. Comparison of emerging themes: U.S. Residents and Mexico Residents.

As this respondent from Mexico wrote

Mi Mexico, I see a Mexico full of color, different landscapes, full of culture and

fun… when I see Mexico, I see it with so many possibilities… It makes me feel

proud to be Mexican to be born in this country so beautiful.

While the most salient themes were positive for respondents of their own country, the

images for these groups were not without criticism or concern. The Mexican respondents

described worries over corruption in the government, violence, and insecurities of the “prevailing

situation” in general, while the American concerns tended to be economic and over the misuse or

unfair distribution of money. As Havel intones, perhaps countries are home – loved and also that

to which we have become accustomed.

In undertaking this study, I expected to see a notable difference in image between

residents of a nation and outsiders to the nation, and among those nonresidents who have

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%

Good Life

Safety

Social Ills



U.S. Residents Mexico Residents


intersected with the target nation versus those who have not. As expected, an individual’s

national identity appears to be a prominent lens through which respondents saw one another.

Social accentuation predicts the maximizing of difference between ingroup and outgroup (Tajfel,

1982). While the categories that emerged from the responses of non-resident groups were

predominantly positive for the other country, analysis revealed that negative themes were

stronger for those who have never been to the target country.

With Mexico as the target country for Americans in the respondent group Mexico:

Outsider, images of Mexico with drugs or weapons (part of the social ills themes) was the third

most prominent category, representing a concern of 34% of the respondents. (See Figure 27.) In

comparison, concerns about drugs or weapons for American Consumers of Mexico, while in the

top 10 categories, was 12%. Positive views of Mexico for Americans who had never visited

(Mexico: Outsiders) was 45%, less than the 54% of positive views for those who had personal

experience with the country (Mexico: Consumers).

Figure

27. Major themes in images of Mexico.

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%

Good Life

Safety

Social Ills



Mexico: Residents Mexico: Outsiders Mexico: Consumers


With the United States as the target country, the respondent group of Mexicans who had

never visited (United States: Outsider), expressed images that coded to the category of fear of the

US in 24% of the responses. The perceptions of the US as a world power (theme: safety) with

great resources (theme: good life), rated higher compared to 13% of the Mexican Consumers.

(See Figure 28.) Mexican Outsiders were fairly evenly split between overall positive and

negative views of the US (27% negative and 30% positive) whereas for Mexican Consumers —

those who had actually been to the United States — the images were overwhelmingly positive

(49%) compared to negative (12%).

Figure 28. Major themes in images of the United States.

It is interesting to note that while residents of both countries produced high percentages

of the theme Cultural Appreciation for their resident country, U.S. residents had much lower

responses that indicated feelings of either the United States or Mexico offering the Good Life

compared with Mexican respondents’ images of the United States or Mexico. Mexican

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70%

Good Life

Safety

Social Ills



US: Residents US: Outsiders US: Consumers


responses to the United States included perceptions of the Good Life more than they did for any

other theme.

The analysis conducted in this study began at the macro level generating the relational

clusters through CATPAC II. Following this step, the analysis moved to a more granular level,

analyzing the context and details of the results generated from CATPAC. This step revealed the

level of uniqueness in the images and resulted in the initial generation of numerous categories.

After identifying multiple categories, they were merged whenever possible without the loss of

data richness.

The next step was to look at the categories more globally for unifying themes. The

broader themes are helpful in understanding larger patterns and similarities or contrasts among

and between the respondents groups and target countries. Because of the individual nature and

rich detail of the images, however, it is not possible to look at the emergent themes without being

mindful of the individual context.

The Images

Hall (1996) suggests the concept of nations is made up of ideas that represent an ever-

evolving culture. Consistent with this theory, many of the images that all respondents describe

express contemporary concerns, such as current economic or governmental difficulties.

However, at the core of Hall’s perspective is that nations represent culture and, therefore,

also have an enduring quality. For Hobsbawm (1990) and Anderson (2006), nation-image

contains both history and present. For Boulding (1959), nation-image also contains aspirations

for the future of the nation. The nation as an expression of culture that spans a temporal spectrum

was present in the images in several ways. Nostalgia, in the childhood category, was specifically

mentioned, most notably with the American Residents respondent group. In these images, the


individual evoked a past image as his/her present one. In other images, respondents described the

smell of foods they grew up with or are common to their hometown. Respondents also looked

ahead, citing hope for their country or hope that their image is one that will be available for their

children. The prominence of nature as a category also suggests a more enduring quality of a

nation.

Themes of nature also speaks to Bauman and Vecchi’s (2004) argument that nations are

conceptualized as both geographical as well as cultural, and are therefore both mobile and

rooted. Nature appears as the fourth most prominent category for residents of both the United

States and Mexico. Nature also appears in every respondent group with the exception of Mexican

Consumers of the United States. It is important to note, however, that mentions of nature

regarding Mexico, such as beach and ocean, can also be interpreted as tourist point of view and

therefore equivalent to mentions of symbols such as the Statue of Liberty, and places such as

Disneyland and San Francisco. If tourist destinations are included as part of the nature category,

all respondents’ images include perceptions of the environment.

Many respondents had images of maps or aerial views of the geography or outline of the

target countries. Boulding (1956) proposes that our image of the nation serves to locate the

individual in time, relationships (personal and physical), and emotions. Country outlines, maps,

and nature are images that locate the individual – depicting a physical relationship with his or her

nation, as well a temporal one (e.g., an image of the past, present, or future). These images can

also locate the individual in his/her relationship to the nation from a needs and emotion basis, for

example:

The first image that comes to mind is the flag, its three colors, green, white and

red and the national emblem, then I see the country geographically, then comes to


mind a feeling of pride, I see a united country that never ends the strive to be

better each day. I am happy to be Mexican and live where I was born, and with

the certainty that here is all you need to have a good life, also to see my children

grow, there are problems like everywhere but the good outweighs the bad.

Boulding (1956) sees nation image as a “total cognitive, affective, and evaluative

structure” (p. 120), a concept echoed by imagery scholars toward image in general (MacInnis &

Price, 1987). As exemplified by the quote above, this image depicts geography, the flag and

emblem (cognitive), the feeling of pride and happiness with a feeling of a good life (affective), as

well as an evaluative component, comparing positives with negatives to attain a summative

assessment.

Nations are imagined (Anderson, 2006) and subjective (Seton-Watson, 1977). While

similar themes were present in many of the images, such as a country flag, each of the

respondents had their own subjective feeling of it. Likewise, the country they imagine is specific

to their own perspective. As discussed in chapter 4, for some respondents, the flag evoked

feelings of pride or the good life, but for others it elicited feelings of distrust or war. If nations

are composed of multiple ethnicities and cultures, as Bauman and Vecchi (2004) assert, and

national identity is a meaning that resides within the individual (Bhabha, 1994; Erikson, 1956), it

makes sense that individuals would have distinct images of their countries and bring their own

nuanced meaning to cultural symbols.

And yet, as Seton-Watson (1977) proposes in his definition of a nation, nations are also a

function of shared social and cultural meaning. Because specific themes emerged for residents of

each target country we can support Seton-Watson’s proposal. It appears that individuals have

distinct images that bring their own unique nuances, associations, and memories – their own


identities – to larger, cultural perspectives surrounding the nation – that which creates the

umbrella for these unique identities. This was apparent in that categories emerged for the

residents of each target country in the inclusion of colors, smells, and somatic experiences

unique to each country within a theme. For example, happiness or tranquility included different

images for Mexicans (e.g., the sound of a mariachi, the feel of crowds and markets, images of

ocean for Mexicans), compared to United States residents, who saw broad vistas, mountains,

ranges, sky, clouds, and cheering crowds and parade-like images.

While Hobsbawm (1990) argues that nations don’t create nationalism, but that

nationalism creates the nation, the emergence of the category of pride and patriotism for the

home nation was apparent in both groups, but much less dominant as a single category than

contributing to the overall sense of belonging.

Bhabha (1994) suggests that concepts of a nation are held in the “minds-eye” of the

individual, and this dissertation started from that central question: Do individuals hold an image

of the nation? The results of this study suggest that individuals do hold images of a nation and

that the images are most often described as elaborate, experiential, and sensory-laden. These

findings are consistent with the findings of researchers who argue that place image for

individuals is a holistic construct of impressions and beliefs, and sensory and cognitive

associations (e.g., Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Kotler, et al., 1993; Pike & Ryan, 2004).

Image is identified by some scholars as occurring at the knowledge organization level

(Rosch, Mervis, Gray, Johnson, & Boyes-Braem, 2004), and that the experience of image is

precognitive (Shainberg, 2005). It was striking that several respondents noted surprise in what

they saw, saying that their image was different than what they would have expected their image

to be.


The rich, holistic quality of image generated emotional response, often taking the

respondent by surprise, as shown in Table 18

Table 18 Rich, Sensory-Laden Images and Emotional Responses

Sensation Example

Relaxed, calm, peaceful

Immediately saw a beach made me think of palm trees on a sunny day. The sand was white, sky perfectly blue. Heard the ocean in the background. Privacy. No one was around. I felt relaxed and calm - it seemed peaceful. I'm intrigued by my image as in typical circumstances I have an unsafe image of Mexico, especially considering all the hostilities that occur there…

Guilty Very crowded of people, buildings, vehicles, and other things. People everywhere, dirty streets, old polluting cars. I feel guilty that this is the first thing I picture when thinking of Mexico…

Disappointment, embarrassment

Imagine a country road full of land, with houses battered, with the smell of burning tires and bright colors in the clothes of people. There were many trees, cactus and dogs by a cobblestone street, people came and went with hats and baskets. Disappointment, because it is a backwards and demeaning image of Mexico as if I still had the idea that Mexico is mired in ignorance and backwardness. I do not feel happy or proud, rather I'm embarrassed.

Sadness I only saw a picture of a gate well protected a gray gate that divides a path of a border, a blue sky but a gray fence and guards prowling one that seems that seems to be a border it’s a sad image. I feel sad because I could have imagined in my mind another image like that of baseball or racing or some program… I feel that I could have seen other things like a U.S. flag across the top, but in my mind I gave more importance to the fence.

As discussed in chapter 2, research shows that image is deeply rooted, holistic, and an

integrated form of information processing and communication (MacInnis & Price, 1987). The

respondents’ images contain the senses: smells (food, mountains), touch (dust of the 9/11 towers

falling), hearing (sounds of cannons firing), and emotions (embarrassed, sad). The images also

contain feelings, colors, and link to memories and other knowledge artifacts. They are also “real”


experiences and often highly specific (Bone & Ellen, 1992), such as experienced by the

individual who reported feelings of embarrassment, and the examples in Table 19.

Table 19 Sensation in Imagery

Sensation Example

Sensation of smoke in air, sadness

…a nation of hurt and people crying. Things were very dull and grey and smoke was in the air. Peoples [sic] clothes were ratty and torn. I feel very upset and sad. It's almost makes me feel unsafe to live here.

Body shakes and contracts

I saw a big round earth and a big map of the United States all the United States. I saw some of the main features of it as the big lakes, the desert, the mountains and the beaches. I could also see some of the main features of California, were I live. The Golden Gate, The city of Vegas, and Hollywood. My feelings were, some happiness, some unsafeness [sic] and enthusiastic. My body shake [sic] a little bit and contracted. I ended with a kind of blue thought from my country and its food smell.

Satisfaction I thought of the image of the United States as a large or juicy hamburger, happy with desire of satisfaction.

Broad concepts like drug wars, corruption, or immigration are not an image; when these

concepts appeared in image it was as their quality or meaning (such as threatening, unsafe, etc.)

See Table 20.


Table 20 Meaning in Imagery

Underlying Meaning

Example

Dangerous, dirty

I saw a dusty street with a bright blue sky and sun. The buildings were dusty and reddish in color with tiles. There was a parked vehicle with the engine running. The driver was slumped over the wheel. There were several bodies lying around with bullet holes. Extremely unsafe and empty.

Dangerous, Decline

The other Mexico I see is a border town (Nogales) with hawking vendors, long lines, dirty streets, beggars, and lots of people waiting to enter the U.S. The sidewalks are crumbling, the buildings are old, and the local people hanging around give off a feeling that it isn't safe to be alone here.

Pollution, Dangerous

I saw a lot of pollution and a Mexico with a lot of blood, misdirected red clouds covering the whole country, to a degree I could not see the Mexican republic.

Yearning for the good life

I imagine an island in the middle of a big sea and a lot of people trying to reach it and many others manage to get there and others drown trying. When I see the image it gives me nostalgia to see that many people yearn to get there so bad that they do not mind dying in the attempt

While one respondent mentioned immigration as being an outsider trying to take their

job, images such as the last one in Table 20 show a vastly different connotation for immigration

– that of someone yearning for something good for their family.

Emotion is a driving factor in political decisions (Westen, 2008). Using image revealed

some of the deep, sensory-laden and emotional associations underlying broad, abstract concepts

such as immigration. This insight has potential for helping opposing sides of an argument

understand highly emotional issues and could inform policy and communication. For example,

Table 21 shows responses from outsider respondents about the United States.


Table 21 Emotion-laden Images

Emotion Example

Positive What I saw was the picture of the Disney Castle, it must be because since childhood I have dreamed of visiting that place. What you feel is pure magic and that makes me forget all the bad that I have heard in the news, about that country.

Negative [I think of the US as] war mongering, power-hungry and dominant (self-centered), consumerist, safe, racist, racists vs. immigrants/Latinos, superficial, no culture, made up of other cultures. Seems to be different from the images which were more longing, peaceful, etc.

Place image studies are commonly conducted with attribute lists. Even most open-ended

place image studies generate attribute lists as final results (Pike & Ryan, 2004). This study

suggests that attribute lists would be unable to capture the emotional impact and essential

meaning behind image.

One of the most striking observations of this study is that images are holistic and the

meaning cannot be determined by examining isolated symbols. An example is the variations in

feeling, emotion, memory, and meaning different individuals brought to the image of the flag.

Often, the images respondents reported included feelings, colors, smells, and further reflections.

Any single objects from the image, such as the flag, without the accompanying context would be

easily misinterpreted. Table 22 shows two examples of complex reactions to symbolic imagery

of the U.S. flag and Uncle Sam.


Table 22. Reactions to Symbolic Imagery

Symbol Example

Flag I imagine the U.S. territory with the flag of red and white stripes and the blue corner with the stars that identify it. [I feel seeing this image] insecure or suspicious.

Uncle Sam The image of Uncle Sam, with his big hat, his smile, his jacket, his beard, and all its colors of red, blue and stars, great and so false it inspires me so much falsehood, a spirit full of vengeance to see what will happen, there is money and work but not for you.

This research suggests cultural symbols, while acting as cognitive shortcuts in many

social and cultural situations, are also connected to rich and complex connotations that are only

exposed by examining the symbol in the context of the image as a whole. The image is

indicative of the holistic feelings a person has toward an entity or concept. Symbol is

representative, referential, and exterior. It functions as a cultural shorthand. Image is an interior

expression drawing on the experience and interpretation of the individual. For example, the

symbol of Uncle Sam is a signifier for something American. The meaning of this symbol in

Table 22 involves unique and powerful reactions. The image acts as a condensation of a richer

and more complex understanding of America relative to the respondent.

With such incredible diversity in individual concepts of the nation, how does the nation

work as a collective, and how does it present itself on the global stage? Anholt (2007) suggests

that nation branding enables countries to convey broad concepts, rather than particularities. The

results of this study suggest that the broad concepts people have of their own country are

essentially the same: home, happiness, rootedness, and belonging. And yet, how we think of each

other, and what we think each other thinks, is different. Using imagery may provide a bridge for

that gap by allowing people to expand their perceptions through experience, facilitating cognitive


restructuring by challenging existing mental schemas in a nonthreatening way (Tarrier,

Sommerfield, Pilgrim & Humphreys, 1999). For example, in Table 23, the responses from two

respondents who had never been to Mexico suggest a shift toward empathy for the people in

Mexico.

Table 23. Imagery Potential for Increasing Empathy

Example

Lots of sunshine and sand--not much vegetation. People are short and rotund--Men are wearing sombreros, women colorful dresses. Some are taking siestas. There is a burro pulling a cart. The aroma of spicy food and the sounds of the samba are in the air. It looks like a nice place to visit, but I feel uneasy because I don't look like they do. It can't be as pleasant as the almost cartoonish scene I envisioned; otherwise, why are so many Mexicans fleeing to this country? And yet I can't help but feel prejudiced because my view is largely shaped by how illegal immigrants are portrayed by the media. The exercise and the questions that followed make me question how informed I am about Mexico and Mexicans.

First I just envisioned the shape of Mexico on a map, then farmers working and poor looking people walking around on orange dirt paths with orange buildings everywhere with no music but just the sound of people everywhere doing their everyday tasks, (pots clanging, etc.) I feel somewhat jealous that they are living a much more simple life. It made me feel warm and happy and calm. I think Mexico is one of the most drug ridden nations in the world. They are largely dependent on the U.S. and I feel that would should [sic] allow Mexican immigrants into the U.S. because we live much better lives than they do.

Empathy is key to conflict resolution (Bar Tal, 2007), as is the ability to understand

inconsistencies between the insider and outsider views of one another (Sen, 2006). While these

inconsistencies are useful in conflict resolution by providing a different view of attributions and

beliefs, using imagery suggests that core beliefs are very similar and may provide an avenue

where sharing similarities is a precursor to resolving the differences.

As one respondent wrote,


It seems like a lot of people today are negative and this [kind of study] seems like

a way to get them to open their eyes.


CHAPTER SIX

Conclusion

This dissertation was an exploratory study to discover if individuals hold an image of a

nation. It was an attempt at inquiry into the internal conceptualizations an individual carries

about nations and place. Bhabha (1994) writes that it is in the “mind’s eye” that nations exist.

The concept of nation is a subsuming of ethnicities, cultures, power struggles, and home. For

Bhabha, nation identity is an accumulation of the past that manifests in the present, living and

breathing through our actions and experience.

With the boundaries of time and place erasing due to technology and globalization (Gellner,

1997), individuals cross numerous social groups, and interact in sometimes disparate contexts

(Schachter, 2005). Commerce spans the globe, and social media brings the world to within a

click. Increased contact holds the potential for increased cooperation or conflict. Therefore,

understanding the nation as anchor for multiple individual identities, as our locus of culture, and

as home is critical in order to bridge differences in understanding.

The research in this dissertation found that individuals do hold an image of a nation – for

their own, as well as for another country. The images from this study were rich in detail, sensory

information, emotions, memories, and associations. Some images lived in the past, others were

located in the present and the future. While similar icons or symbols may have been mentioned,

such as the flag or the Statue of Liberty, their meaning and context varied widely and was unique

to the individual. For some, their image brought forward yearnings for a better future; others felt

disappointment with what they saw. Abstract and broad concepts such as immigration or

patriotism, which are themselves not images, appeared as what they evoked: the fear of a gray


border crossing or the anticipation of a trumpet call. Most of all, the images were complex and

multi-threaded tapestries of the views individuals hold of their nation.

To Bhabha’s point, the complexity and uniqueness of the individual images suggest that

our concepts of culture, of national identity, are truly internal and composed of the multifaceted

background that only we have lived. This speaks to the second area of exploration in this

dissertation: whether or not individuals hold a common image of a nation. The research in this

dissertation suggests that no commonly held image exists. However, amongst the highly

individualistic images common themes arose. Speaking to the image of their own country both

the Mexican and the American respondents cited a happiness or tranquility more so than any

other. Despite the complexity, it seems that we do look to the nation as a home, just using

different vocabulary. Learning each other’s emotional language can be facilitated by

understanding the image that generates them and facilitate the building of bridges between the

individuals that make up nations.

Empathy is a critical component of conflict resolution (Bar Tal, 2007). The more we can

extend into the shoes of the other, the more we are able to build consensus. Images can show

how our differences have commonalities. Using image, it may be possible we can begin to move

beyond conflict and toward cooperation.

Boulding (1959) argues that in conflict the behavior of political actors is predicated on

the image of the hostility each holds of the national situation, rather than the facts of hostility.

The images of this study showed that each respondent group who had never interacted with the

other country saw it more negatively than those who had. Some of the images of this study

showed concern for their own country and fear of the other. Many of the images showed

yearnings for home and a better life for their children and at some times fear that these could be


taken away by the actions of their own or other countries. While the specifics of the fears and

concerns might differ between countries, stepping back reveals more sameness than difference—

we are all working to make a better life for our families, ourselves, our country, and the world.

The intent of this exploratory study was to provide a new approach toward national

identity research. My hope was that imagery would show itself to be a deeper and more holistic

way to ascertain the feelings individuals have toward their country, and their place in it, and be a

tool for scholars looking to bridge cultural and national identity gaps. I hoped that

understandings arising from the images we hold of our own, and other, nations would prove a

useful means of conflict resolution and consensus building. The body of research on place image

relies in great part on attribute lists; I also hoped the results of this study would broaden the view

of the nation and place identity beyond attribute lists and toward a more holistic understanding.

While the results were mixed in terms of the hypotheses, the richness of the data in terms of

emotion and sensory experience suggests that further research in these areas is merited.

Boulding (1959) argues that individual and collective images must be studied to

understand individual and group behavior. Bhabha (1994) asks that we seek to look at the in-

betweens of the “us” and the “them” rather than the dichotomies in order to better understand our

concepts of a nation. Perhaps with image we can simply look within. It is my hope that this

dissertation will further research in this area.

Limitations

While the results of this exploratory study hold promise for further research into the area

of imagery and national identity, there are several limitations to the study that need to be noted.

The sample origin was from a listed population of self-selected people participating in surveys in

exchange for incentives which could bias the results. The survey was administered online; for the


imagery question, which required that respondents close their eyes and follow instructions, the

survey used an mp3 file. To access this file the respondent had to click an icon which opened the

file in a new window with a couple of seconds of delay before the audio began. These two

factors combined seemed to lead to apathy or disengagement in some of the respondents, as well

as technical issues for some respondents in getting the audio file to play. While this is not

uncommon in online surveys, it was disappointing to see some responses done with little

thought. Also, by not being present with the individual to administer the imagery question, I was

unable to answer any questions that would have clarified the problem or probe more deeply.

Finally, because the images were lush in detail and associations there were instances where

clarification would have been useful; however, because the study was administered online this

was not possible.

Generalizability of this study is difficult because it was limited to only two countries. In

addition, using an online survey could bias the selection of the respondents to those who are

more urban-centered, rather than a geographic dispersal in the target country. Particularly to this

study, Mexico and the United States share a border, therefore it is possible that respondents

living in proximity to the border would generate different responses than those more distally

located.

Qualitative research is always subject to potential bias and scholars have identified ways

to identify and manage this process through data analysis (e.g., Krippendorff, 2004;

Polkinghorne, 2005). Unique to analyzing imagery is the potency of the image itself. The raters

realized early on that the impressions made by some of the more powerful reported images

skewed the perceptions of the importance relative to the data as a whole. To counteract this, the

raters repeatedly talked through the coding, the frequencies, and the dendogram analysis to


remain focused on the data and not rater perceptions. This is an attribute of analyzing imagery

that future researchers may want to consider, particularly since media technologies are

increasingly reliant on visual information distribution. Future research on imagery should

consider outside raters and a recursive review procedure as integral to the analysis process.

Recommendations for Future Research

This study was an exploratory study to ascertain if individuals hold an image of a nation,

and if there is a common image for the nation. It was found that individuals do hold an image,

and that the images are individualistic yet present common themes, thus opening the door to

multiple areas for future research.

The first striking area for future research lies in the common themes that emerged

between the countries for their residents. Sameness, rather than difference, was the aggregate.

Rather than the vast body of research on place image used to inform tourism, it might be a more

socially useful use of imagery as ways to bridge gaps and develop empathy. Additionally, further

study could experiment with using images in dissonance reduction techniques to explore their

use in consensus building.

The images individuals hold of their nation were assessed at a particular point in time. It

is possible that these images shift in accordance with cultural, economic, policy, and other

external shifts. Taking baseline images of nations and then conducting post studies following

some of these shifts would be one area of study. For example, it would have been interesting to

assess Japan images pre and post the earthquake for themselves and for other countries who are

featuring prominently in their rebuild; conversely, to assess images of Japan by outsiders pre and

post the earthquake. As some respondents noted in this study their image was surprisingly

different than the impressions and images they noted as having been exposed to by the media.


Anecdotally media and blog conversation in this country immediately following the Japanese

earthquake was expressing the difference in seeing “people like us” experiencing difficulty,

versus developing countries like Haiti. Does media affect the image we hold, or do the images

speak to something more enduring?

Continuing the above recommendation, in this study residents of Mexico showed much

more hope and optimism for the future compared to residents of the US. Further study could

examine images of hope and optimism in the context of cultural values and against perceptions

of current economic and social conditions, similar to measures such as consumer confidence, to

see if perceptions of current conditions have changed or if they are perceived as having been

somewhat constant. Future research could explore how much the psychological profile of the

individuals in a culture affects their images along the themes such as Good Life or Safety.

Another area of research would be to analyze images against international indices

measuring impressions such as corruption and human rights to compare country rankings against

the images samples from their countries present.

Reflections

During the course of this study I learned many things that will inform my approach to

future research, most of which were technical in nature.

While a theoretically sound program, the use of CATPAC II did not by itself suffice in

capturing an apt analysis of the images. Because images are so rich in nature, and create multiple

associations, it was necessary to use grounded theory techniques in order to fully assess the

meaning and context of the images. In future studies I would rely solely on grounded theory

analysis.


Using an online sample affords convenience, particularly in accessing a foreign

population. However, given the technical issues with using an audio file, and the details of the

images that begged elaboration or clarification, I would consider conducting future studies in

person.


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APPENDIX A:

SURVEY INSTRUMENT & SCRIPT

[written introduction]

Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study.

It is very important for countries today to understand themselves – the people who live

there, their potentials and goals, the country’s assets – and to be able to craft and communicate a

unified vision for their future. This is not an easy task of assessment, especially given the

multiple viewpoints and assets found within each country.

This study is to find out about the images we have of a country. These images tell us a lot

about a country.

You will be asked a short series of questions about yourself. Then, you will be asked to

follow a couple of very simple directions for the questions on image. When writing your answers

for these questions take as much space as you would like in the boxes provided, and please

describe in as much detail as you are able. The survey ends with a couple of short demographic

questions.

There are only 11 questions total. There are no right or wrong answers to any of the

questions – whatever you see and feel is correct. At the end of the survey you will have a chance

to let us know your thoughts, or to make any comments – it will be a big help to us to hear from

you.


All of your answers and your comments will be used solely for our research purposes

only, and the publication of any results will not reveal your name.

Thank you again, and enjoy!

[Survey]

1. Are you currently living, or have you ever lived, in the United States?

If yes, please answer question (a) below. If no, please go ahead to the next

question, question #2.

a. If yes: Are you, or did you, live in the United States as a citizen, for work, as a student,

or other? (if other, please indicate what specifically)

2. Do you have family currently living in the United States?

If yes, please answer questions (a) below. If no, please go ahead to the next question,

question #3.

a. If yes: Is your family living in the United States as citizens, for work, as students, or

other?


3. If you are not currently living, or have never lived in the United States, have you

ever traveled to the United States?

If yes, please answer question (a) below. If no, please go ahead to the next question,

question #4.

a. If yes: Did you travel to the United States for work, school, vacation, social vacation

(volunteer work within country), or for other reasons? (if for other reasons please indicate what

they were)

4. Now, we’re going to have you listen to instructions via audio for this question.

Follow the instructions, and when you’ve completed them please write your responses below in

as much detail as you are able.

The writing below in italics is the audio portion.

Sit back, and close your eyes, letting your breathing return to its natural rhythm. On your

next exhale breathe out seeing the number 3. Breathe out again seeing the number two, and then

breathe out once more seeing the number one bright, tall and very clear.

Then, with your eyes still closed, see the image that you have of the United States. What

is the image or images? (The image should pop up quickly, and go with the first one that comes

to you. Take your time to look carefully, and describe to yourself in as much detail as you are

able: colors, shapes, forms, smells, feelings, etc.). When you’ve done, breathe out and open your

eyes.


Please write what you have seen and described to yourself. Whatever your first image is,

describe it as best and completely as you can – all details are important for us.

5. What are the feelings you experience when you see this image and colors of the

United States? (Describe in as much detail as you are able including any feelings or movements

in your body: happy, unsafe, wary, expanded, contracted, enthusiastic, etc.)

6. And now, please tell us briefly, what are your overall thoughts or opinions about

the United States?

Now we’d like to ask you a few more questions about yourself. This will really help us

out in knowing that we’ve talked to as broad a group of people as possible. Please answer as

many questions as you are able.

7. Can you please let us know to what ethnic group do you belong?

8. What is your occupation?

9. In what year were you born?

10. What is your gender: are you male or female?


11. It would be really helpful to us if you could let us know if you have any

comments. Please write as much as you would like in the space below.

The results of this study will be presented in the aggregate and submitted for publication.

Individual quotes may be used to illustrate points indicated by the analysis, however, all

participants’ information and responses are completely anonymous and no identifying

information is associated with any data.

Thank you very much for participating with us today!

END


APPENDIX B

CATPAC II EXCLUDE FILE

\par

\par }}

\par A

\par A

\par ABOUT

\par AFTER

\par ALL

\par ALSO

\par ALTHOUGH

\par AM

\par AMERICA

\par AMERICAN

\par AN

\par AN

\par AND

\par AND

\par ANOTHER

\par ANY

\par APPARENTLY

\par ARE

\par ARE

\par AROUND

\par AROUND

\par AS

\par AT

\par BACK

\par BE

\par BECAME

\par BECAUSE

\par BEEN

\par BEFORE

\par BEGAN

\par BEING

\par BESIDES

\par BETWEEN

\par BOTH

\par BUT

\par BY

\par CAME

\par CAN

\par CAN'T

\par COME

\par COMING

\par COULD

\par DESCRIBE

\par DID

\par DIDN'T

\par DO

\par DOES

\par DON'T

\par DONE

\par DURING

\par EACH

\par ECT

\par EITHER

\par ETC

\par EVEN

\par EVERY

\par EXCLUDE

\par FEEL

\par FEEL

\par FEELING

\par FEELINGS

\par FELT

\par FIRST

\par FOR

\par FROM

\par FROM

\par GAVE

\par GET

\par GIVE

\par GOES

\par GONE

\par GOT

\par HAD

\par HAS

\par HAVE

\par HE

\par HER

\par HER'S

\par HERE

\par HERS

\par HI

\par HIM

\par HIMSELF

\par HIS

\par HOW

\par I

\par I'M

\par I'M

\par IF

\par IMAGE

\par IMAGES

\par IN

\par IN

\par INTO

\par IS

\par ISN'T

\par IT

\par IT'S

\par ITS

\par JUST

\par JUST

\par JUST

\par KEPT

\par KIND

\par KIND OF

\par KINDA

\par LESS

\par LIKE

\par LIKE

\par LOTS

\par MADE

\par MAKE

\par MANY

\par MAP

\par MAY

\par ME

\par MEXICAN

\par MEXICO


\par MID

\par MISS

\par MISTER

\par MORE

\par MOST

\par MOSTLY

\par MRS

\par MUCH

\par MUST

\par MY

\par NEED

\par NICE

\par NIETHER

\par NO

\par NO

\par NOR

\par NOT

\par NOT

\par NOW

\par OF

\par OF

\par OFF

\par ON

\par ONE

\par ONLY

\par ONTO

\par OR

\par OTHER

\par OUR

\par OURS

\par OUT

\par OWN

\par PLACE

\par REALLY

\par REPRESENTS

\par S

\par SAID

\par SAME

\par SAW

\par SAW

\par SAW

\par SAY

\par SEE

\par SEE

\par SEEN

\par SEEN

\par SELECTED

\par SEVERAL

\par SHE

\par SHLL

\par SHOULD

\par SINCE

\par SO

\par SOME

\par STILL

\par SUCH

\par TAKE

\par THAN

\par THAT

\par THAT

\par THE

\par THE

\par THEIR

\par THEIRS

\par THEM

\par THEN

\par THEN

\par THEN

\par THERE

\par THESE

\par THEY

\par THEY'D

\par THING

\par THIS

\par THOSE

\par THOUGH

\par THROUGH

\par THUS

\par TO

\par TO

\par TOO

\par TRIED

\par TRY

\par UNITED STATES

\par UNTIL

\par UP

\par US

\par US

\par USA

\par USE

\par USING

\par VERILY

\par VERY

\par VERY

\par VERY

\par WAS

\par WAY

\par WE

\par WE

\par WELL

\par WENT

\par WERE

\par WERE

\par WHAT

\par WHEN

\par WHERE

\par WHICH

\par WHILE

\par WHO

\par WHY

\par WITH

\par WITH

\par WOULD

\par YET

\par YOU

\par YOUR

\par YOURS

the comparative identity of nations: image of nation as an assessment tool of national identity

Documents

scholars of national

national identity scholars

brand identity

measures of national

image of nation

core of identity development

visceral bases of identity

forms of group identity