the city and citizenship1. political structures and citizen participation how do residents of city...
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The City and Citizenship 1
Political Structures and Citizen Participation
How do residents of city (citizens) participate in governance?
Depends on structures of governance (e.g. city councils, village boards)
Depends on structures of politics (e.g. parties) Depends on civil society – voluntary organizations
which might influence, make demands Depends on “power structure” – who really has
resources, etc.? Depends on policies specifically and general sense of
appropriate functions of city government Relates to basic questions of politics:
Who gets what, when and how? Who does what for whom and why? Who benefits?
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Urban Political Machines Basic characteristics
Ethnic Coalitions Political recruitment, voter mobilization Reward Friends, Punish Enemies Often dominated by Boss (or bosses)
A definition: machines feature “individual self-aggrandizement, coalition-building on a base of mobilized ethnic factions, and the use of government to reward friends and punish political foes”
Techniques of control Organization and mobilization Vetting jobs and candidates Connections to businesses (contractors, etc.)
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Urban Machines & other political forms Similar to:
Patron-client relationships One-party states
Contrast Non-partisan “good government” Suburban governments (board, president,
city manager) Reform and “Independent” movements Neighborhood organizations focused on
development Community control (cf. Arnstein)
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Advantages and Disadvantages of Machines
Advantages Provides services to neighborhoods, communities Mobilizes and integrates immigrants into politics Generally encourages participation (“democratic”)
Disadvantages Services may not be equitably distributed (punish
foes) Corruption Inefficiency: not a market model of public services Economic “development” dependent upon
economic power structures
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The Chicago Democratic Machine Machine politics in 19th century – roughly balanced
between Democrats and Republicans Emergence of Democratic machine (c. 1931)
Cermak mobilized black voters – solidified Democratic dominance
Decentralized machine based on ward organization 50 wards headed by (party) committeemen Emphasis on delivering services to homeowners
Richard J. Daley (1955-1976) Centralized patronage – controlled 40,000 municipal
workers Benefits flowed to white ethnics, but black
neighborhoods less central over time Daley courted big business for development projects
(e.g. O’Hare, expressways), often against resistance from neighborhoods
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Decline of the Daley Machine Suburbanization
City’s population only 3 million out of the 7 million in metro area Machine dominated some metro bodies (e.g. Cook County Board of
Commissioners) while ignoring others Little coordinated metropolitan planning (cf. Downs)
Electoral successes of “Independent” candidates E.g. the “lakefront liberals” and IVI-IPO Focus on “reform” issues like expanded civil service, tighter
election procedures, open government Emergence of block and neighborhood organizations
Immediate roots in Great Society programs, civil rights, Black power
Long history (e.g. Hull House, Alinsky organizations such as Back of the Yards council)
Disaffection of black voters Key to early Daley victories, but voter turnout decreased over time Major disaffection after Daley’s hostile response to civil right
movement
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Between the Daleys Michael Bilandic (1976-1979)
Machine candidate challenged by Washington & Pucinski Blizzard of 1979 led to reputation as ineffectual
Jane Byrne (1979-1983) Ran as reformer and initially supported by black voters Massive voter registration drive among blacks in late 1982
and early 1983 built on black disaffection and politicized neighborhood organizations
Harold Washington (1983-1987) 3-way race in Democratic primary led to racialized general
election Washington’s power limited by Vrdolyak 29 and “council
wars” Won re-election in 1987 with council majority (died soon
after) Eugene Sawyer (1987-1989)
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Harold Washington: Neighborhood Movements and a Progressive Administration
Focus not on the racial issues, but on economic development and political participation Washington got much electoral support from neighborhood
organizations Sought shift from big, central projects to neighborhood
development Wanted to not only end machine politics, but to establish a
“progressive administration” Economic development
Daley’s machine was a “growth machine” A “producer coalition” organized around executive leadership and
indirectly accountable boards and commissions Economic growth supposed to solve urban problems
Neighborhood movements Shift development focus from downtown to neighborhoods Neighborhood control and citizen participation (cf. Arnstein) Decentralized delivery
Progressive administrations (e.g. Santa Monica, Burlington) Govern city while respecting and empowering neighborhoods City government as ally, not opponent
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Arnstein: Ladder of Citizen Participation Citizen participation
“the redistribution of power that enables the have-not citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic processes, to be deliberately included in the future” (LeGates, 235)
Rooted in political struggles coming out of Great Society programs and “maximum feasible participation”
Relevant to neighborhood movements under H. Washington with demands for neighborhood development
Three types of participation “non-participation” – manipulation and therapy “tokenism”
Informing, consultation, placation citizens may be heard, but not heeded
Citizen power Partnership, delegated power, citizen control Neighborhood movement under Washington aimed at this level of
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Examples of Citizen Participation Community (Chicago) Workshop for Economic Development
Emerged prior to 1983 mayoral campaign in Chicago Source of development plans and (eventually) some city officials
Local School Councils (Chicago) Established after Daley “took over” Chicago schools Each school elects representatives from among parents,
teachers, and community Have some budgetary responsibility; hire/fire principals
Neighborhood watch organizations? Harvey’s “militant particularism” Does it make sense to apply Arnstein’s model (focused on
have-nots) to other citizen groups? E.g. Parent-teacher organizations Local chambers of commerce, neighborhood improvement
groups Public-private “partnerships”
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Policing and Urban Social Order Empowering the community/neighborhood
“progressive administrations” Arnstein Jacobs
“Broken Windows” (Wilson & Kelling) Assumes that urban social order is fragile Lack of response to a “broken window” signals that neighbors don’t care
(anymore) Effective response is “community policing”
Police patrol (preferably on foot) to develop relationships, sense of local mores and problems
Goal is to “maintain order” not “fight crime” Enforce community standards
The politics of “community policing” Alternative to community empowerment? Or supplement to it? Whose community standards are being enforced? To whom are police
accountable? Is responding to “minor” violations punitive? Arbitrary? Oppressive?
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