social capital its measurement and relationship with
TRANSCRIPT
Social Capital – Its measurement and relationship with health and
communitization of health centers in Nagaland, India
by
Avril Kaplan
A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Baltimore, Maryland
April 2018
ii
Abstract
Social capital and health is a highly studied relationship in public health. Researchers are
interested in social capital in order to understand how personal connections and relationships
influence health. The concept has meaning for both individuals and communities: for individuals,
it is the resources available through personal relationships; for communities, it is collective trust,
norms and networks that facilitate coordinated action for mutual benefit. Social capital is
hypothesized to influence health through a variety of mechanisms. For individuals, it could help
people acquire health related information, instrumental support that helps them overcome
barriers to seeking care, or affective support that reduces stress. For communities, it could lead to
social contagion or informal social control that influences health-related behaviors, or the ability
to mobilize people to work towards shared goals. The theme connecting the three papers in this
dissertation is the relationship between social capital and health in the northeastern state of
Nagaland, India.
Social capital is a relevant topic of study in Nagaland. Features of the state – including
the strong tribal bonds, numerous community groups, and remote nature of villages – suggests
that communities may have high levels of social capital. Furthermore, in 2002 the government
established a cross-sectoral policy, the Communitisation of Public Institutions and Services Act,
which aimed to leverage social capital in Naga villages to improve the quality of government
services. In the health sector, the policy established committees at government health facilities
that included both community representatives and health workers. The idea behind the act was
that communities with high social capital could mobilize to make improvements to their services.
The three papers in this analysis used data from a cross-sectional survey of 1642
households, 97 health facilities and 179 health workers. The Department of Health and Family
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Welfare, Nagaland conducted these surveys in 2015 through the World Bank-funded Nagaland
Health Project.
Paper 1 examines the association between social capital and self-rated health. We used
multilevel confirmatory factor analysis to assess the construct validity of a 9-item scale at two
levels. We found that our scale measured two constructs at an individual level (cognitive and
structural social capital) and one overarching social capital construct at the community level.
We then found that higher community social capital was associated with worse self-rated health
in a given community.
Paper 2 assesses four implementation outcomes of health facility committees that were
established through the Commmunitization Act: fidelity, acceptability, appropriateness and
feasibility. We used data from all three surveys, as well as data from 61 in-depth interviews with
committee members and health workers. We found that there was variation in how the
committees were implemented, and that many had not been implemented as planned.
Communitization was widely accepted by committee members and health workers. Yet, some
respondents expressed that relying on community donations to compliment gaps in government
funding was difficult due to economic constraints within their communities, and that withholding
health worker salaries may not be an effective way to motivate absent staff given challenges they
faced in their everyday work.
Paper 3 builds off the first two. We used multilevel-structural equation modeling to
examine the relationship between our validated measure of community social capital and an
index of health committee functioning. We found that there was a positive, but not statistically
significant, association between the two. We also found that facilities that had more female
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members and received government funding and supervision visits were associated with better
functioning committees.
Findings across the three papers suggest that social capital may not always function as
expected. First, many researchers have found that higher social capital has a positive association
with self-rated health, although there is a growing body of studies that have found a negative
association. Second, the Communitization Act was designed under the premise that communities
with high social capital would take action through the health committee to improve government
services. Our findings suggest that beyond social capital, health committees need meaningful
engagement with the government to take action and improve their services.
This dissertation contributes to the existing body of social capital research. It is the first
study to examine social capital and health in Nagaland. It is among the first to apply multilevel
latent variable modeling to the study of social capital, and use social capital theory to assess
health committees. The modeling techniques used in this dissertation are applicable to other
researchers examining community level constructs with individual level data, and have the
potential to investigate the complex pathways through which social capital influences health.
More research that examines the relationship between social capital and health committees in
other settings could help demonstrate how social capital translates into effective interventions.
This is an area that holds critical insights into the true utility of social capital to reach tangible
health system impacts.
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Committee of Thesis Readers
Committee members:
Krishna D. Rao, PhD, MSc (Advisor)
Assistant Professor, Department of International Health
David Bishai, MD, PhD, MPH
Professor, Department of Population, Family and Reproductive Health
Lorraine Dean, ScD
Assistant Professor, Department of Epidemiology
Caitlin Kennedy, PhD, MPH
Associate Professor, Department of International Health
Qian-Li Xue, PhD
Associate Professor, School of Medicine
Alternate committee members:
Rupali Limaye, PhD, MPH
Assistant Scientist, Department of International Health
Alden Gross, PhD, MHS
Assistant Professor, Department of Epidemiology
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Acknowledgements
My experience writing this dissertation was so much more than I ever imagined – it was
exciting, challenging, and humbling. It would not have been possible without the support of
many people.
To my advisor, Krishna Rao, your insight over the past four years has been instrumental
to my learning. You always managed to strike a balance between challenging me to do my best
work while helping me survive the program. My skills and outlook on public health have been
transformed through your mentorship. I look forward to seeing not only the impact of your own
research, but that of the next generation of students you advise.
To my colleagues that I met through the Nagaland Health Project – Patrick Mullen, Dr.
Nandira Changkija, Aarushi Bhatnagar and Dr. Thomas Keppen – thank you for making this
dissertation possible. A special thank you goes to Meyajungla Longchar, Yamosoba
Longkumer and Akangla Longkumer who helped me collect data. For the rest of my career, it
will be hard to top the time that we spent together working on this project. Nagaland will always
have a special place in my heart.
To my professors at Johns Hopkins – David Bishai, Lorraine Dean, Caitlin Kennedy and
Qian-Li Xue – your input has strengthened this work tremendously and pushed me greatly in my
thinking. A very special thank you goes to Ronald Heck at University of Hawaii at Manoa, who
answered my cold email about multilevel structural equation modeling. I would still be stuck in
the weeds of this analysis if it were not for your insight.
To all of my family, but especially my parents who supported me through a decade of
university, you made this dream a reality. To my mom – who has been my role model for what
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determination, focus and hard work looks like – you went above and beyond to help me finish
this dissertation.
To Zach, this has been quite the journey. I would not have been able to do this without
your encouragement through the tough times of this program, and your belief in me when I
doubted myself.
And lastly, to Eve. Nothing was better than taking breaks from my analysis and building
forts, taking nature walks and going to the park with you. Like others here have done for me, I
hope to provide you with inspiration and support to pursue your passions to the highest level.
viii
Table of Contents
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. x
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xi
1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Origins of social capital research .................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Social capital research in India ........................................................................................................ 3 1.3 Gaps in social capital and health research ....................................................................................... 5 1.4 Organization of this dissertation...................................................................................................... 8
2. The State of Nagaland ......................................................................................................... 10 2.1 Social capital in Nagaland ............................................................................................................. 10 2.2 Health sector in India .................................................................................................................... 14 2.3 Health in Nagaland ........................................................................................................................ 18 2.4 Social capital and health policy in Nagaland ................................................................................ 22
3. Social capital and self-rated health in Nagaland, India: Application of multilevel latent
variable modeling to study a classic relationship in public health (Paper 1) ......................... 29 3.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 30 3.2 Background ................................................................................................................................... 31 3.3 Methods ......................................................................................................................................... 42 3.4 Results ........................................................................................................................................... 53 3.5 Discussion ..................................................................................................................................... 66 3.6 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................... 72
4. Communitization of health centers in Nagaland, India: have health facility committees
been implemented as planned? (Paper 2).................................................................................. 74 4.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 75 4.2 Background ................................................................................................................................... 76 4.3 Methods ......................................................................................................................................... 78 4.4 Results ........................................................................................................................................... 86 4.5 Discussion ................................................................................................................................... 104 4.6 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 110
5. Does social capital influence the functioning of health facility committees? A
quantitative analysis in Nagaland, India (Paper 3) ................................................................ 111 5.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 112 5.2 Background ................................................................................................................................. 113 5.3 Methods ....................................................................................................................................... 120 5.4 Results ......................................................................................................................................... 136 5.5 Discussion ................................................................................................................................... 141 5.6 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................. 147
6. Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 148 6.1 Summary of findings ................................................................................................................... 148 6.2 Contributions to existing research ............................................................................................... 150 6.3 Policy implications ...................................................................................................................... 151 6.4 Areas for further research ............................................................................................................ 153
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Annex 1: Summary of social capital research in India ............................................................... 156
Annex 2: Comparison of multilevel regression modeling and multilevel structural equation
modeling ..................................................................................................................................... 164
Annex 3: Comparison of original SASCAT and modified SASCAT ........................................ 169
Annex 4: Exploratory data analysis for relationship between social capital and self-rated health
..................................................................................................................................................... 172
Annex 5: Results of multilevel regression analysis examining association between social capital
and self-rated health .................................................................................................................... 174
Annex 6: Results of multilevel regression analysis examining association between social capital
and self-rated health stratified by sex ......................................................................................... 176
Annex 7: Summary of quantitative data (paper 2) according to implementation outcome ....... 183
Annex 8: Descriptive statistics for health committee functioning index ................................... 186
Annex 9: Results of linear regression analysis examining association between social capital and
health committee functioning ..................................................................................................... 188
Annex 10: Exploratory data analysis and linear regression model diagnostics for association
between social capital and health committee functioning .......................................................... 189
Annex 11: Mplus code for final models ..................................................................................... 198
References .................................................................................................................................. 201
Curriculum Vitae – Avril Kaplan ........................................................................................... 219
x
List of Tables
Table 2.1: Geographic location of the tribes of Nagaland ........................................................... 10 Table 2.2: Population and health indicators in Nagaland and India ............................................ 21 Table 2.3: Annual state and central government funding for health facilities in Nagaland ........ 24 Table 3.1: Glossary of social capital terms .................................................................................. 34 Table 3.2: Summary of social capital dimensions measured through surveys ............................ 36 Table 3.3: Coding of nine survey items to measure structural and cognitive social capital ........ 45 Table 3.4: Characteristics of study participants by self-rated health ........................................... 54 Table 3.5: Descriptive statistics for social capital items by self-rated health .............................. 55 Table 3.6: Model fit statistics for single level social capital measurement models ..................... 57 Table 3.7: Interclass correlation coefficient for social capital items ........................................... 58 Table 3.8: Polychoric correlation of social capital items within and between communities ....... 59 Table 3.9: Model fit statistics for multilevel social capital measurement models ....................... 60 Table 3.10: Standardized factor loadings for single and multilevel social capital measurement
models ........................................................................................................................................... 61 Table 3.11: Multilevel structural equation model results for relationship between social capital
and self-rated health ...................................................................................................................... 65 Table 4.1: Summary of in-depth interview participants .............................................................. 82 Table 4.2: Role of health facility committee and government under Communitization of Health
Centers Act.................................................................................................................................... 87 Table 4.3: Recommended and actual composition of health facility committees ....................... 88 Table 4.5: Availability and condition of infrastructure and equipment at government health
facilities ....................................................................................................................................... 103 Table 5.1: Pandey's ten mantras of social capital ...................................................................... 119 Table 5.2: Variables included in health committee functioning index ...................................... 128 Table 5.3: Summary of health committee functioning determinants ......................................... 137 Table 5.4: Structural equation model results for relationship between community social capital
and health committee functioning index ..................................................................................... 139
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List of Figures
Figure 2.1: Map of India and districts of Nagaland ..................................................................... 11
Figure 2.2: Organization of government health services in India................................................ 16
Figure 3.1: Path diagram of single level measurement model ..................................................... 47
Figure 3.2: Path diagram of multilevel measurement model ....................................................... 48
Figure 3.3: Path diagram of single level social capital measurement model ............................... 57
Figure 3.4: Path diagram of multilevel social capital measurement model ................................. 62
Figure 3.5: Path diagram of relationship between social capital and self-rated health with
covariates ...................................................................................................................................... 64
Figure 4.1: Process to select health facilities for qualitative data collection ............................... 81
Figure 4.2: Implementation outcome framework ........................................................................ 83
Figure 5.1: Conceptual framework for determinants of health committee performance ........... 121
Figure 5.2: Path diagram of association between social capital and health committee functioning
index ............................................................................................................................................ 134
Figure 5.3: Path diagram of relationship between social capital and health committee
functioning index with covariates ............................................................................................... 140
1
1. Introduction
1.1 Origins of social capital research
The central theme of this dissertation is the relationship between social capital and health
in Nagaland, India. The concept of social capital originated outside the field of public health.
The first known use of the term was by Lyda Judson Hanifan in 1916. Hanifan, a school
supervisor in West Virginia, used the term to describe the role of communities in improving
educational outcomes (1). The concept did not initially gain traction among researchers.
Although many other scholars used the term – including Jane Jacobs (1961), Glenn Loury
(1977), Pierre Bourdieu (1986), James Coleman (1988), Ekkehart Schlicht (1993), and Alejandro
Portes (1996, 1998 and 2000) – it was Robert Putnam‘s conceptualization of social capital in his
analysis of democracy in Italy (1993) and the United States (1995 and 2000) that made social
capital a household term (2-13). Putnam‘s work was so powerful that it inspired President of the
United States Bill Clinton to propose an approach to confront the ―suffering‖ civil life and
―badly frayed‖ community bonds in America during his 1995 State of the Union Address (14).
Since the 1990s, and largely attributed to Putnam‘s work, there was a marked increase in the
level of interest and amount of research conducted on social capital (15-17).
A series of working papers published by the World Bank in 1998 provide insight into
why there was, and continues to be, immense interest in social capital (18). The authors
described that the traditional approaches to achieve sustainable development focused strongly on
building and leveraging natural, physical and human capital. Yet, these approaches often
overlooked ―the way in which the economic actors interact and organize themselves to generate
growth and development‖ (18). The authors suggested that the ―missing link‖ between the three
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types of capital and economic growth was social capital. In essence, they described that social
capital may be the reason why some communities were more prosperous than others. Prosperity
was defined broadly, in terms of economic development, achieving income and gender equality,
and improving health outcomes.
The concept of social capital entered into the public health realm under similar
assumptions, namely that greater levels of social capital could be related to better health
outcomes. In 1997, Kawachi et al. published the first paper to examine social capital and health
(19). In their analysis of 39 US States, the authors hypothesized and also found that higher state-
level income inequality was associated with lower levels of social capital and increased mortality
(including total mortality, death from coronary heart disease, malignant neoplasms and infant
mortality).
Since this first study, researchers have proposed a series of mechanisms through which
social capital could influence health. These mechanisms include the spread of information that
informs health; receipt of instrumental support (e.g. cash, transportation) that could help reduce
barriers to seeking care; exchange of affective support that could reduce stress; influence of
individual behaviors and habits through social contagion (the behavior of others) and informal
social control (a community‘s ability to informally maintain social order); and the ability to
mobilize people to undertake collective action (20-22).
The idea of social capital – that individuals can access resources through their personal
relationships and that the common norms, social networks and trust within a community
facilitate coordinated action for mutual benefit – is relevant in many different settings. Where
initially there was a lot of focus around social capital in the United States, studies have now
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expanded globally and have been conducted across a range of low, middle and high-income
countries and multiple disciplines.
1.2 Social capital research in India
Within India, multiple studies have examined social capital and health. DeSilva et al. led
two social capital and health studies in Andhra Pradesh in 2007, one that examined the
association between social capital and nutritional outcomes, and another that examined social
capital and mental health (23,24). In their nutritional study, the authors found inconsistent
results. When they examined one measure of social capital, citizenship activities, they found that
―children whose mothers are involved in some citizenship activities have lower height-for-age z-
scores,‖ which was contrary to their hypothesis that social capital would increase height-for-age
(23). However, when they used a different measure of cognitive social capital (which they
defined as perceptions of the quality of social relationships such as trust and social harmony)
they found that ―high compared to medium or low levels of maternal cognitive social capital are
associated with increased height-for-age and weight-for age z scores‖ (23). In their mental health
study, the authors found that the same measure of cognitive social capital was associated with
reduced odds of anxiety and depression.
Next, Sivaram et al. examined the association between social capital and HIV stigma in
Chennai (25). Their 2009 study found that among men and women who visited community based
alcohol outlets, people who reported membership in community groups, perceived that their
neighborhood had high levels of collective action and reciprocity, and had trust in health workers
who provided care for sexually transmitted disease had lower levels of HIV stigma.
In 2014, Story studied the association between social capital and utilization of maternal
health services (26). This study used nationally representative data (from the 2005 Indian Human
4
Development Survey) and concluded that social capital that bridged people of different
backgrounds was positively associated with use of antenatal care services, professional delivery
care, and childhood immunizations. However, Story found that social capital working to bond
people of similar backgrounds was negatively associated with antenatal care and childhood
immunizations, and positively associated with professional delivery care. In 2017, Story and
Carpiano examined the association between social capital and child nutrition (27). Using the
same data source, they found that households with greater wealth were associated with higher
social capital and that social capital that bridged people of dissimilar backgrounds within a
community was associated with reduced odds of a child being underweight.
After Story, Rawal et al. examined the relationship between social capital and self-rated
health among older people in Chandigarh in 2017 (28). Using a cross-sectional survey, the
authors found that social capital was positively and significantly associated with mental health.
However, there was no association between social capital and physical health.
Lastly, in 2018, Vikram studied the association between social capital and child nutrition
(29). Using the same data source as Story, she found that social capital that bridged people of
dissimilar backgrounds was positively associated with better child nutrition, whereas social
capital that bonded people of similar backgrounds had a negative association. When she
examined these relationships at a community, rather than household level, she found that social
capital that bridged people of dissimilar backgrounds was still associated with better outcomes,
but it was dependent on the level of economic development within a community.
Across the social capital and health studies in India, the measures of social capital used
and the outcomes studied were not consistent. Furthermore, social capital did not consistently
have a positive relationship with health.
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Outside of the public health literature, there has been interest in examining the role of
social capital in India more broadly. Annex 1 presents a summary these studies. Besides health,
social capital in India has been studied in relation to economic development, governance and
democracy, environment, microfinance, water and sanitation, disaster recovery and land
ownership. A common discussion within this body of literature is about social hierarchy and
gender in the Indian context (30-33). For example, Pai described, ―In India, segmentation has
created deep-seated divisions, which are an important determinant of social capital and political
action in the countryside. Thus, a culture of distrust historically has developed among the various
hierarchical segments of society‖ (30). A finding from a different social capital study in India
described, ―Building social capital is not easy. It is not enough to create public space and believe
that human beings will naturally become citizens leaving behind their traditional hierarchies and
positions‖ (34). While there were some themes that emerged across the existing body of social
capital research, making generalizations is challenging in a large and diverse country like India.
One such illustration of the difficulty of generalizing insights on social capital research is its
application in the state of Nagaland. As the next chapter will discuss, Nagaland is unique from
the rest of India, leading to important considerations for the study of social capital in the region.
1.3 Gaps in social capital and health research
This dissertation was designed to build upon gaps in global research conducted within the
public health arena. Multiple reviews have summarized the body of literature examining the
association between social capital and physical health (21), mental health (35,36) access to
health services (37), health related behaviors (38), and health inequality (39,40). Findings from
these studies consistently demonstrated that the majority of social capital studies:
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Used inconsistent definitions of social capital. The definition provided by Putnam,
which described social capital as the networks, norms and trust that facilitate coordinated
action for mutual benefit, was the most commonly cited definition of social capital within
the public health literature (16). However, multiple other definitions of social capital
have been applied in empirical studies. The way that social capital was defined had
implications for the level at which it was measured and the ways in which it could impact
health. Putnam conceptualized social capital as a community level resource, which has
benefits for everyone within the community. However, other scholars, such as Bourdieu
and Portes, have defined social capital as an individual level attribute as well (4,11).
When researchers do not use a consistent definition of social capital, they are not
studying the same concept.
Used inconsistent measures of social capital. Measuring social capital has not been
standardized (41). The majority of scales and indices that measured social capital in low
or middle-income countries were adapted from those used in high-income countries.
However, few tools underwent cultural adaptation, validation or tests of reliability (41).
Lacking a consistent measure of social capital has made cross-country comparisons a
challenge.
Measured social capital at an individual level, and then developed an aggregate
measure of social capital at the community level by calculating a community
average. Despite researchers‘ recognized need to develop better community level
measures of social capital, most researchers measured social capital at the individual
level and then aggregated these results to reach a community level construct (42).
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Were quantitative and cross sectional in nature. Few studies used longitudinal data or
qualitative methods (21,37). As a result, few studies empirically demonstrated how social
capital was associated with heath.
Increasingly took into account the contextual effects of social capital through the use
of multilevel models. Given that social capital could be considered an individual, as well
as community level attribute, multilevel studies have become a popular research method.
Multilevel models allow a researcher to examine the independent effects of community
social capital beyond individual level social capital. Yet, multilevel models were more
commonly applied in social capital studies that took place in high-income countries (43).
Took place in high-income countries. DeRose and Kim both concluded that there was
limited evidence examining the association between social capital and health from low or
middle-income countries (21,37). Story‘s review of social capital and health studies in
low-income countries between 1990 and 2011 identified 14 studies that had an outcome
of interest related to physical health or health behaviors, and attempted to measure social
capital (43). Among these studies, 12 were in Africa and two were in South Asia.
Examined the relationship between social capital and physical health. The majority
of studies focused on the relationship between social capital and physical health, with
fewer studies examining the relationship between social capital and mental health, access
and use of health services, health related behaviors or health inequality. Studies that
examined the relationship between social capital and physical health generally showed a
positive association between individual level social capital and self-rated health (21).
However, in studies where social capital was also examined at a community level, the
association with self-rated health was mixed (21). Two components of social capital that
8
were frequently associated with better self-reported health were trust and associational
membership. A growing body of literature has also found a negative association between
social capital and health (44).
Had limited applicability for health programming. Since the majority of studies
examined the statistical association between social capital and self-rated health, a current
criticism of the body of research is that it has not resulted in tangible evidence to improve
health promotion, health services or health outcomes (45). A key research question
missing from the existing body of literature is how social capital can be built or leveraged
to improve health?
1.4 Organization of this dissertation
This dissertation includes three papers that target some of the gaps in the existing body of
social capital and health research. The first paper presents a new way to measure social capital,
using multilevel confirmatory factor analysis, so that measurement is better aligned with the
multilevel nature of the construct. The validated measure of social capital is then applied to
examine the classic relationship between social capital and self-rated-health in Nagaland. This is
among the first studies to use multilevel latent variable techniques to study social capital.
The second paper examines the implementation outcomes of the health facility committees
that were established through Nagaland‘s Communitisation of Public Institutions and Services
Act in 2002. The premise of the Communitization Act was to leverage social capital in Naga
communities. Through the Act, health committees were established at government clinics and
within communities. The health facility committees included community representatives and
health providers, and aimed to promote health and improve the quality, responsiveness and use
9
of government health services. The Communitization Act is a rare example of a health system
policy that was designed to leverage community social capital.
The final paper builds upon the first two. The primary objective is to determine whether
social capital is associated with better functioning health facility committees. The secondary
objective is to identify features of the health facility, committee and community that are
associated with better functioning committees. While there is also a deep literature that examines
community participation and health committees, this is among the first studies to use social
capital theory to examine the functioning of health committees.
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2. The State of Nagaland
2.1 Social capital in Nagaland
Situated in the northeast of India, Nagaland is geographically remote from the majority of the
country. Today, of the approximately two million people living in the state, 71% of people live
in rural areas (46). Most people in Nagaland (87%) are affiliated with one of sixteen recognized
tribes (46). The origin of the Naga tribes is debated (47). Each tribe has its own dialect and
unique customs, and many people have and continue to live in villages that are homogeneous by
tribe. Table 2.1 maps each of Nagaland‘s eleven districts to its predominant tribe. In 1836,
American missionaries traveled to Nagaland and began the spread of Christianity (48). This
explains in large part why today, the majority (88%) of people throughout the state identify as
Christian (46).
Table 2.1: Geographic location of the tribes of Nagaland
Tribe District/Subdivision
1. Angami Kohima
2. Ao Mokokchung
3. Chakjesang Phek
4. Chang Tuensang
5. Kachari Dimapur
6. Khiamniungam Noklak in Tuensang
7. Konyak Mon
8. Kuki Dimapur; Peren
9. Lotha Wokha
10. Phom Longleng
11. Pochury Meluri in Phek
12. Rengma Tseminyu in Kohima
13. Sangtam Kiphire; Tuensang
14. Sumi Zunheboto
15. Yimchungru Shamator in Tuensang and Kiphire
16. Zeliang Peren Source: (47)
11
Figure 2.1: Map of India and districts of Nagaland
12
Nagaland has had conflict since before India‘s independence, arising from resistance to
British rule and then resistance to becoming a state of independent India (49). When the British
arrived in Nagaland in 1832, there were a series of violent raids while the Naga‘s attempted to
maintain their control of the region. Ultimately, the British established control over parts of the
modern day state, but certain regions, including Mon and Tuensang in the northeastern section of
the state, remained ‗Unadministered Areas‘ through the 1920s. When India gained Independence
in 1947, Nagaland was not part of the country. Factions of the population tried to remain
independent from India, which resulted in violence. Located in a strategic position to link India
and China, Nagaland ultimately became the 16th
state of India in 1963. The Nagas gained
special protections in the Indian constitution that would preserve their law, institutions and
practices. However, since this time, there have been groups within Nagaland that continue to
fight for independence, and multiple agreements have been signed with the Indian government to
try to bring peace to the state; the most recent peace agreement was signed in August 2015. The
Indian military still maintains a strong presence in Nagaland. The history of resistance to outside
control shapes social identity today. An analysis conducted in 2015 found that people within
Nagaland had a stronger sense of identity with their tribe and as a Naga than with the rest of
India (50).
That which differentiates Nagaland from the rest of India, beyond its identity drawn
along tribal lines and a sense of regional independence, includes the preservation of tribal laws
and institutions within the Indian constitution. This means that villages in Nagaland continue to
be run according to community governance structures. The Village Council, which consists of
people elected from within the community, has the authority to make a wide range of decisions –
from settling land disputes to making decisions about criminal cases (51). The Village
13
Development Board consists of both men and women from within the community, and is
responsible for village development (51). Many state government initiatives and schemes are
decentralized and implemented in villages through the Village Development Board. The power
of these entities to deal with village administration was summarized by Shimray in his analysis
of local governance in Nagaland. Shimray described:
“It is the duty of the Village Council to frame rules and regulations regarding civil,
criminal, and tradition related cases, they also ensure that offenders are duly punished. Most of
the disputes are settled within the village by the Village Council based on their framed existing
laws and regulations...The council also has full powers to deal with the internal administration
of the village, maintenance of law and order” (51).
Such a unique governance structure in Nagaland may enable these village entities to reinforce
common norms within the community that shape behaviors and facilitate cooperation among
people.
The main driver of the economy in Nagaland is agriculture, which may also play a role in
fostering social capital in the state. The hilly terrain throughout Nagaland makes farming a
challenge, so over time, the Nagas have relied on Jhum practices (52). Jhum is a labor-intensive
farming technique that has been passed down through generations and involves first burning land
and then rotating where agricultural products are cultivated on an annual basis. Agriculture is so
prominent in the lives and social structures of the Nagas that many villages throughout the state
are sustained entirely by the products that they cultivate (52). The labor-intensive farming
practice requires cooperation from an entire community. For example, according to a recent
government and United Nations Development Program report, ―Jhum is central to not only the
survival needs but to the very existence, thinking and psyche of the inhabitants of the state‖ (52).
14
Together, these cultural, geographic and socioeconomic characteristics of Nagaland may
have contributed to high levels of social capital in Naga villages. However, there has yet to be a
study of social capital and health in the state.
2.2 Health sector in India
The 1946 Bhore Committee report, which was released one year prior to India‘s
Independence, outlined the vision for the health sector in India. The report stated:
“The maintenance of the public health requires the fulfillment of certain fundamental
conditions, which include the provision of an environment conducive to healthful living,
adequate nutrition, the availability of health protection, preventive and curative, to all
members of the community irrespective of their ability to pay for it and the active-co-
operation of the people in their own health” (53).
This statement touches upon fundamental principles of the health system in India: that access to
health services should be available to all and people should be involved in health promotion,
disease prevention and curative care. Based on the report, India‘s public sector health system
was designed according to the Beveridge model: financed by tax revenues, delivery of basic
services through government facilities, and payment of health providers through the government
payroll.
Since the 1946 Bhore Committee report, India has developed multiple health system
policies that have sought to update and drive this vision. In 1983, the government passed its first
National Health Policy, which set the goal to deliver primary health care to all by 2000 (54). The
second National Health Policy, established in 2002, expanded on the principles of the first policy
by calling for greater government expenditures on health, partnerships with the private sector and
decentralization of health sector management to the district and community levels (55). In 2005,
the National Rural Health Mission was established to implement the 2002 National Health
Policy. The goals of the initiative were to improve access to health services for India‘s mostly
15
rural population (70% of Indians live in rural areas), and improve health outcomes for women
and children (56). The initiative also aimed to increase the availability of human resources by
creating a new cadre of community health workers, the Accredited Social Health Activists, and
by improving government infrastructure. A core pillar of the National Rural Health Mission was
to further incorporate community members into the management and financing of health
services. Hence, the initiative established Village Health, Sanitation and Nutrition Committees
and Rogi Kalyan Samiti (Patient Welfare Committees) that incorporated community members
into health promotion and disease prevention activities, as well as health facility management.
In 2013, the National Rural Health Mission became the National Health Mission, as it expanded
its scope to also target the urban poor. The urban poor in India include one-third of the country‘s
population, and are growing three times faster than the national population growth rate (57).
Health is a state subject in India (58). At the national level, the Central Ministry of Health
and Family Welfare is responsible for setting national guidelines and standards, and managing
programs of national importance (i.e. medical education, prevention and control of major
communicable diseases, monitoring the quality of drug manufacturing) (58). At the state level,
Ministries are responsible for implementing health programs, delivering health services and
managing public health and sanitation (58). Government services throughout India are delivered
through a large network of facilities, including Sub-Centers, Primary Health Centers,
Community Health Centers and District Hospitals (59). Details about each of these facilities are
presented in Figure 2.2.
16
Figure 2.2: Organization of government health services in India
Source: (59)
Delivering high quality health services to 1.2 billion people – one-fifth of the world‘s
population – through the public sector is a challenge. Numerous studies have documented issues
related to poor quality of health services in India (60-62). For example, in a study of seven
neighborhoods in Delhi using clinical vignettes, Das and Hammer found that in 50 to 75 percent
of cases studied, doctors provided harmful treatment to patients.1 They also concluded that the
poor had access to less competent providers as compared to the rich, with the availability of
MBBS doctors (formally trained doctors) more than doubling when moving from poorer to
wealthier neighborhoods (63). In a different study, Rao et al. used clinical vignettes to examine
the technical quality of health providers. They found that at Primary Health Centers in
1 For diarrhea, viral pharyngitis, depression and preeclampsia
17
Chhattisgarh, 61% of Medical Officers and Rural Medical Assistants made appropriate
prescriptions for the health conditions they were treating, whereas this figure was only 51% for
AYUSH Medical Officers2 and 33% for pharmacists and nurses (64).
Despite India‘s vision to provide basic health services to all citizens free of cost in the
public sector, today, the majority of health services throughout the country are paid through out-
of-pocket expenditures and delivered through the private sector. In 2014-15, total health
expenditure (THE) for the country accounted for four percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
and Rs. 3,826 per capital (roughly US$60) (65). Government health expenditures accounted for
one percent of GDP, which is substantially lower than other BRICS3 countries, and 29% of THE
(65,66). Out-of-pocket expenditures accounted for the majority of THE (63%), whereas private
health insurance expenditure accounted for a very small proportion of THE (4%) (65). The
majority of current health expenditures for 2014-15 were spent in private hospitals and clinics
(31%) and at pharmacies (29%), followed by government hospitals and clinics (21%) (65).
Across India, there are notable trends in population health since 1990. Overall, the
country is advancing along the epidemiologic transition with the prevalence of communicable
diseases decreasing while the prevalence of non-communicable disease rises. However, among
the ten leading causes of disease burden remain diarrheal disease, respiratory infections, iron-
deficiency anemia, preterm birth complications and tuberculosis (67). Injuries, and specifically
road injuries and self-harm, have also increased in nearly all states (67). While maternal and
child malnutrition has decreased, it was still responsible for 15% of the total disease burden in
2016 (67). Likewise, there have been major improvements in water and sanitation. Once the
second leading risk factor for disease in 1990, it dropped to the seventh leading cause (67).
2 AYUSH = Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homeopathy.
3 Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa
18
However, in 2016, unsafe water and sanitation was still responsible for 40 times the disease
burden per person in India as compared to China (67). Contrary to water and sanitation, which is
improving across the country, outdoor air pollution is worsening. Air pollution in India is among
the highest in the world (67).
2.3 Health in Nagaland
Health outcomes and health service delivery vary widely across India‘s 29 states and
seven union territories. The remote and rural nature of Nagaland makes health service delivery a
challenge. As of 2009, Nagaland had 396 Sub-Centers, 126 Primary Health Centers, 21
Community Health Centers, and 11 district hospitals (68). As of 2012-13, 79% of villages were
within 3 kilometers (km) of a Sub Center, whereas 77% of villages were within 10 km of a
Primary Health Center (69). Contrary to other states in India, private sector health facilities
(both hospitals and clinics) have only recently opened in Nagaland, and are primarily
concentrated in three of the state‘s urban districts – Kohima, Dimapur and Mokokchung (70). In
2015-16, the public sector was the main source of care for three-fifths of households in Nagaland
(71). More people in rural areas (64%) than urban areas (50%) reported that the public sector
was their main source of care, and people were more likely to seek care at private hospitals
(30%) than private clinics (6%) (71).
Table 2.2 summarizes key population and health indicators in Nagaland in 2015-16 and
2005-06, and in India for the same years. There are also health disparities across Nagaland‘s
eleven districts. Overall, health outcomes are better and health service use is greater in the three
more urban districts (Dimapur, Kohima and Mokokchung). The more remote districts, which are
located in the eastern part of the country (Kiphire, Longleng, Mon and Tuensang), have worse
outcomes overall.
19
Key service utilization indicators in Nagaland are low. In 2015-16, only 15% of women
had at least four antenatal care visits, as compared to 51% nationwide (71). Furthermore, 33% of
women had institutional births, which was less than half of the national average of 79% (71).
Only 21% of women used a modern method of contraception, which again, was less than half of
the national average of 48% (71). Similarly, only 36% of children 12-23 months old were fully
immunized, as compared to the national average of 62% (71).
The story changes when we examine health outcomes – while service utilization
indicators in Nagaland are below their respective national averages, health outcomes tend to be
above national averages. In 2015-16, the infant mortality rate was 29 deaths per 1000 live births,
as compared to the national average of 41 deaths (71). For under-five mortality, the rate in
Nagaland was 37 deaths per 1000 live births, whereas it was 50 deaths nationwide (71).
Nutritional outcomes in Nagaland were also better than the national average. The proportion of
children under five years who were stunted was 29%, as compared to 38% nationwide, and 11%
were wasted, as compared to 21% nationwide (71).
Similar to India, Nagaland is moving along the epidemiologic transition. Disability
Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) lost to non-communicable diseases increased over the past ten
years, whereas DALYs lost to communicable, maternal, perinatal and nutritional causes
decreased (67). The leading causes of death have also changed. While the leading causes of
death were lower respiratory infection, ischemic heart disease and HIV respectively in 2005-06,
they were ischemic heart disease, cerebrovascular disease and lower respiratory infection
respectively in 2015-16 (67).
Certain health risk factors in Nagaland are either above national averages, or have
increased substantially over the past ten years. Tobacco use has been steady since 2005-06, but
20
was much higher than the national average in 2015-16, particularly among women (28% of
women used tobacco in Nagaland versus 7% in India) (71). Alcohol consumption, which is
banned throughout the state, was also higher than national averages for both genders in 2015-16
(71). While obesity was lower than the national average for men and women, prevalence
increased by nearly 10% from 2005-06 for both sexes (71).
Other indicators of note are related to the status of women, which appears to be higher in
Nagaland than in other parts of India. A large proportion of women in Nagaland attended school
(81% as compared to 69% nationwide in 2015-16), and were literate (81% in Nagaland as
compared to 68% nationwide in 2015-16) (71). Nationally, there was a gap in literacy between
women and men in 2015-16, with 68% literacy for women as compared to 86% literacy for men
(71). However, the gap was much smaller in Nagaland with 81% literacy for women versus 86%
literacy for men (71). Furthermore, a lower proportion of women in Nagaland were married
before the age of 18 years, and 97% of women in Nagaland reported that they participated in
household decisions, as compared to 84% in India (71).
Overall, the health indicators in Nagaland reveal that there are disparities in service use
and outcomes across districts. In 2015-16, service utilization in Nagaland was lower than the
rest of India, but health outcomes were higher than their respective national averages. Similar to
the rest of India, the disease profile is changing in Nagaland, with the burden of communicable
diseases being replaced by non-communicable diseases.
21
Table 2.2: Population and health indicators in Nagaland and India
Indicator Nagaland India
2015-16 2005-06 2015-16 2005-06
Bu
rden
of
dis
ease
DALYs lost to communicable, maternal,
perinatal and nutritional causes (%) 32.2 50.5 32.7 47.1
DALYs lost to non-communicable diseases
(%) 57.2 40.8 55.4 42.3
DALYs lost to injuries (%) 10.6 8.6 11.9 10.6
Infa
nt/
Ch
ild
Children12-23 months fully immunized (%) 35.7 21.0 62.0 43.5
Children under 5 years who are stunted (%) 28.6 38.8 38.4 48.0
Children under 5 years who are wasted (%) 11.2 13.3 21.0 19.8
Infant mortality rate (per 1000 live births) 29 38 41 57
Under-five mortality rate (per 1000 live births) 37 65 50 74
Mate
rnal Mothers who had 4 antenatal care visits (%) 15.0 12.1 51.2 37.0
Institutional births (%) 32.8 11.6 78.9 38.7
Total fertility rate
(children per woman) 2.7 3.7 2.2 2.7
Ad
ult
Women who use any kind of tobacco (%) 27.5 28.1 6.8 10.8
Men who use any kind of tobacco (%) 69.4 67.9 44.5 57.0
Women who consume alcohol (%) 3.3 3.5 1.2 2.2
Men who consume alcohol (%) 39.0 38.5 29.2 31.9
Women who are overweight or obese (%) 16.2 6.4 20.7 12.6
Men who are overweight or obese (%) 14.0 5.7 18.9 9.3
Gen
der
Literate women (%) 81.0 75.2 68.4 55.1
Literate men (%) 85.6 83.1 85.7 78.1
Population (female) age 6 years and above
who ever attended school (%) 81.0 68.5 68.8 58.3
Women age 20-24 years married before age 18
years (%) 13.3 21.4 26.8 47.4
Currently married women who usually
participate in household decisions (%) 97.4 96.9 84.0 76.5
DALY: Disability adjusted life year
Sources: (67,71)
22
2.4 Social capital and health policy in Nagaland
In 2005, Village Health, Sanitation and Nutrition Committees and Rogi Kalyan Samitis were
established in villages and at health centers across India through the National Health Mission.
However, prior to the National Health Mission, health committees were established in Nagaland
through a state specific policy. The Communitization of Public Institutions and Services Act,
which began implementation in 2002, is a cross-sector policy that aims to improve the delivery
of government services. Policymakers envisioned that the Communitization Act would be
successful in Nagaland because they believed that villages throughout the state had high social
capital (72). According to the government‘s Handbook on Communitisation of Health Centres,
―The State is rich in ‗social capital‘ having community spirit in abundance and existence of
traditional community institutions such as Village Council and Village Development Board in
every village. Communitization was introduced to harness this ‗social capital‘ in order to vitalize
public institutions‖ (73). Hence, the policy was in part based on the idea that given the
opportunity through the health committees, communities would work together collectively to
make improvements to the quality and responsiveness of their health services.
In the health sector, the Communitization Act established health facility committees that use
community representatives to manage services at Sub Centers, Primary Health Centers and
Community Health Centers. When a village does not have a health facility, a Village Health
Committee is established to spread information about health promotion and disease prevention.4
The health facility committees have three main functions: to take ownership and management of
4 Within Nagaland, health committees associated with Community Health Centers (CHC) and Primary Health
Centers (PHC) are called Health Center Management Committees (HCMCs). The committees associated with Sub-
Centers (SC) or those that are not affiliated with any facility are called Village Health Committees. For this
dissertation, we refer to the committees associated with SCs, PHCs and CHCs as health facility committees.
23
health centers, to promote preventive health through education and action, and to popularize and
encourage traditional medicines and its practitioners (73).
The health facility committees and Department of Health and Family Welfare both have
specific roles to manage health service delivery. These roles were outlined in the
Communitization Act for Sub Centers, Primary Health Centers and Community Health Centers
(available in the Department of Health and Family Welfare‘s Handbook on Communitisation of
Health Centres) (73). According to the Act, once the government posts providers to health
facilities, the committees are responsible for supervising their performance, ensuring that they
are present at their post, arranging or making improvements to staff accommodation, granting
leave and distributing their salaries. If a provider is routinely absent, the committees have
authority to withhold staff salaries through the ‗No Work No Pay‘ principle. This principle
enables the committee to suspend a health worker‘s salary for a specified period of time, and
repurpose the funds to make improvements to the health facility. The authority given to health
facility committees in Nagaland to withhold salaries is greater than the authority given to Rogi
Kalyan Samitis elsewhere in India.
The central and state government both provide funds for the health centers that are
transferred to bank accounts managed by the committees. When Communitization first began,
the state government developed the State Communitization Committee (SCC) to allocate funds
to procure medicines and maintain the committees on an annual basis (74). The SCC also
provides funding for staff salaries for a period of three months, whereas funds for infrastructure,
equipment and medicines are provided in annual grants. In addition to SCC funding, the central
government provides funds for health centers through the National Health Mission (74). The
committees have discretion over how untied funds are used, with the National Health Mission
24
providing general guidelines (75).5 After 2005, committees associated with Primary Health
Centers and Community Health Centers became eligible for funding through the national Rogi
Kalyan Samitis initiative. These funds are to be used at the discretion of the committee ―for
smooth functioning and maintaining the quality of services‖ (76). Table 2 summarizes the
funding for each of the committees by source in 2009.
Table 2.3: Annual state and central government funding for health facilities in Nagaland
Health
facility type
SCC (State
funding)
NHM (Central government funding) Total
Untied funds Maintenance
funds
Rogi Kalyan
Samitis
SC Rs. 10,000 Rs. 10,000 Rs. 10,000 N/A Rs. 30,000
PHC Rs. 125,000 Rs. 25,000 Rs. 50,000 Rs. 100,000 Rs. 300,000
CHC Rs. 150,000 Rs. 50,000 Rs. 100,000 Rs. 100,000 Rs. 400,000 Source: (74)
The committee is also responsible for raising funds from within the community, from the
Village Council, Village Development Board or other private sources. The funds raised should
support health facility operations and bridge any gap between the funding provided by the
government and required by the community to deliver health services. The committee has control
over how funds raised from within the community are used. However, they must maintain a book
of accounts, which is to be inspected by the government on a quarterly basis. Furthermore, the
committee must report any salary deductions made through the ‗No Work No Pay‘ principle
directly to the government on a quarterly basis.
5 According to the government operational guidelines, untied funds are for ad-hoc payments for cleaning the facility,
transport of emergency cases and samples, purchase of consumables (bandages, medicines), purchasing of
disinfectants, supplies for environmental sanitation, payment of electricity and water bills, payment for sitting
arrangements, safe drinking water, heating and cooling, sterilization equipment, emergency lighting, making and
displaying information and educational materials, organizing stakeholder meetings and repairing furniture. Untied
funds cannot be used for employee salaries, incentives, vehicle purchases, equipment purchases. The governments
operational guidelines state that annual maintenance funds can be used for minor modifications and repairs to
buildings, providing boundary walls or fencing, septic tanks, water storage, whitewashing, electric installation
works, arrangement for biomedical waste, improvement to the path to the institution, landscaping, making payments
for electricity and water, ad-hoc cleanliness.
25
The health facility committees play a role in procuring medicines and recording health
information. The government provides a list of required medicines, and the committee is
responsible for purchasing these medicines from any retail store or provider using funds
distributed by the government. If the facility has a shortage of medicines, then the committee is
responsible for raising additional revenue required to purchase these medicines. The committee
is also responsible for tracking vital statistics of patients and reporting them to the state
government. The government then aggregates these data for planning purposes.
One of the key objectives of the Communitization Act is to decentralize health system
governance to the community level. Hence, each health facility committee is responsible for
developing and executing an annual plan, which is based on their assessment of village needs.
The committee has authority to devise and execute this plan, whereas the government plays an
oversight role. The Chief Medical Officer for each District is responsible for overseeing
Communitization, along with the District Coordination Committee, which audits committee
expenditures on an annual basis. The government has the mandate to train committee members
on their role, and to incentivize high performance by recognizing well-functioning committees
and specific members on an annual basis.
The committees support service delivery at their facility by ensuring that infrastructure
and equipment is operational and maintained. They also play a role in arranging transportation
for emergency cases, which links community health workers and primary care services offered at
SCs to higher levels of care at PHCs and CHCs. Furthermore, the committees are charged with
making health services more responsive to local expectations by working with the community to
develop the indigenous health care system, which is based on tribal medicinal practices. The
26
government‘s role to improve services is to review and approve any additional services offered
by traditional providers.
Communitization of health centers began in 2002 through a series of awareness campaigns
and trainings for committee members. At this time, the government encouraged implementation
to occur from the bottom up, allowing communities to decide whether they want to partake in the
initiative (77). For a health center to become ―Communitized,‖ the government and health center
sign a Memorandum of Understanding, and a committee is then established (73). The
Communitization Act also outlines the composition of each health facility committee to ensure
that it represents the community. Committee members represent a variety of different community
groups, and should include at least one woman. For all health facility committees, members
should serve for a period of three years and should hold at least one meeting every three months.
The Village Council in the community where the facility is located elects the Chairman for
health committees at Sub Centers. Health committees that serve at Primary Health Centers and
Community Health Centers are supposed to include the Chairmen from the committees within
their catchment area. These Chairmen then elect the leader for the committee at the Primary
Health Center or Community Health Center at their first meeting.
Four existing studies have examined the health facility committees in Nagaland (74,78-80).
From these studies, we know that there is variation in how the committees are functioning and
we have some evidence about why some committees are not functioning well.
In 2009, the Directorate of Health and Family Welfare conducted an impact assessment
of the health facility committees at 70 health centers (10 CHCs, 22 PHCs and 38 SCs)
across all of Nagaland‘s 11 districts (74). This is the only study that has examined health
committees in each district, but data collection was completed six years before this study.
27
The report concludes, ―The beneficiaries [of the policy] indicated improvements in access
to health care facilities due to Communitization‖ (74).
In 2014, Broome conducted a case study of Communitization of Health Services in
Mokokchung and Kohima, which are two of the more urban districts within the state (78).
Using in-depth interviews with policymakers, committee and community members,
Broome found that ―Communitisation of health services has improved the reach of the
health services to rural areas as well as awareness about health issues among the local
villagers‖ (78). Broome further concluded, ―Nowhere has the situation worsened after
Communitisation‖ (78). Despite these positive findings, the author recognized some of
the limitations of the initiative: she found that government officials reported that progress
was slower in eastern regions of the state and that local healers had not widely been
incorporated into the initiative.
Another assessment in 2014 conducted by Oxford Policy Management in four districts –
Phek, Tuensang, Dimapur and Kiphire – painted a bleaker picture of the Act (79). The
authors reported inefficient use of resources, and a dominant role of health staff rather
than committee members in health facility management. They found that some
committees had limited engagement with the wider community, a strong focus on
curative interventions rather than prevention, and a sense of hopelessness about the state
of health services.
Most recently, in 2017, Tushi and Kaur examined input, process and output indicators of
health facility committees in the district of Mokokchung (80). The authors found that
health committees were in place and were completing their administrative duties.
Furthermore, they report that infrastructure, equipment and outpatient service availability
28
was satisfactory. However, they found that shortages in funding and doctors hampered
the initiative.
Despite these existing studies and the fact that the Communitization Act has been in effect
since 2002, there is still a recognized need throughout the state to improve the way that the Act is
implemented so that it can have a greater impact on public sector services (81,82).
29
3. Social capital and self-rated health in Nagaland, India:
Application of multilevel latent variable modeling to study a
classic relationship in public health (paper 1)
Abstract
Social capital and health is a widely studied relationship in public health. Yet over the past
twenty years, there has been an ongoing debate about how to define and measure the construct.
Leading researchers in this field have proposed that social capital should be studied as a
multilevel construct: for individuals, it is the resources made available through personal
relationships and connections, and for communities it is the norms, networks and trust within a
community that facilitates coordinated action for mutual benefit. This study applies a new
technique to examine the classic public health relationship between social capital and self-rated
health: multilevel latent variable modeling. First, we used multilevel confirmatory factor
analysis to examine the construct validity of a nine-item social capital scale in Nagaland, India.
This approach allowed us to separately validate our scale at an individual and community level.
We found that social capital was best represented by a structural factor and a cognitive factor at
the individual level, and one overarching social capital factor at the community level. We then
used multilevel structural equation modeling to examine the relationship between our validated
measure of social capital and self-rated health. We found that community social capital had a
negative and statistically significant association with self-rated health in a given community.
Individual structural and cognitive social capital were not significantly related to self-rated
health. This study fits among a growing body of research that has found a negative association
between social capital and health.
30
3.1 Introduction
Within the past two decades, the relationship between social capital and health has become
one of the most widely studied associations in public health (83). Researchers are interested in
studying social capital to understand whether and how social relationships impact health
outcomes. However, a key challenge with this body of research is defining and measuring social
capital (83,84). In addition, the majority of social capital research has taken place in high-income
countries, with research in low and middle-income countries now growing (21,37,43). In this
study, we examine the definitions of social capital that stem from the fields of political science
and sociology, and discuss existing approaches to measure the concept. We then apply a new
technique to the study of social capital – multilevel confirmatory factor analysis – to assess the
construct validity of a nine-item social capital scale in the context of Nagaland, India. Finally, we
apply our validated scale to examine the classic relationship between social capital and self-rated
health in Nagaland using multilevel structural equation modeling.
This is among the first studies to apply multilevel latent variable procedures to the
analysis of social capital. The approach presented in this paper is applicable to researchers
studying social capital and other community level constructs measured with individual level
data. It is also the first study to examine the relationship between social capital and self-rated
health in Nagaland and only the second study to examine this relationship in India (28). The
unique features of Nagaland, such as the strong connections of its people stemming from their
tribal affiliations, the longstanding community governance structures and the remote nature of
communities, make the study of social capital and health within the state meaningful. This study
elucidates the effect of social relationships and contextual environment on health, which is an
important consideration when designing interventions that address social determinants of health.
31
3.2 Background
3.2.1 Definitions of social capital
Social capital is a widely debated topic (85-87). Researchers have neither come to
consensus about where the concept originated nor its official definition. Today there remain
multiple ways to define the construct (88). Bjørnskov et al. provide a comprehensive summary
of social capital definitions that have been applied across multiple disciplines (see page 1228)
(84). However, in this paper, we focus on the definitions established by Pierre Bourdieu (4),
Alejandro Portes (11), James Coleman (5,6) and Robert Putnam (8-10), as there is general
agreement that their definitions are most commonly applied in public health research (16,84).
Bourdieu defined social capital as ―the aggregate of the actual or potential resources
which are linked to possession of a durable network… which provides each of its members with
the backing of the collectivity-owned capital, a ‗credential‘ which entitles them to credit, in
various senses of the word‖ (4). Bourdieu‘s definition largely viewed social capital as the
resources made available to individuals through their social networks. These resources could be
access to information, opportunities, financial assistance or the ability to influence others. While
Bourdieu viewed social capital primarily as an individual attribute, he also recognized that an
individual‘s social capital depended on the size of their social network, and the collective
resources possessed by other people within their network. In this sense, Bourdieu conceptualized
social capital as a private good that is shaped by the wider community.
Similar to Bourdieu, Portes defined social capital as an individual‘s ―ability to secure
benefits through membership in networks and other social structures‖ (11). Portes provided a
framework for both the sources and consequences of social capital. He described two sources.
First, consummatory sources arise from people‘s feelings of obligation to behave in a specific
32
way because of value introjection (internalizing the beliefs of others) or due to bounded
solidarity (the feeling that a group has common fate). Second are instrumental sources, which he
explained could be reciprocity exchanges (exchanges based on intangible social goods), and
enforceable trust (motivation to act according to group expectations to gain an advantage). He
described the positive consequences of social capital as the observance of social norms, family
support and network-mediated benefits. Unique from the other scholars, Portes also described the
potential negative aspects of social capital including: (1) restricted access to opportunities for
specific individuals within a network; (2) restrictions on individual freedom; (3) excessive claims
on specific group members (some group members are under more stress because they have to
provide support to others in their network); and (4) downward leveling norms (when group
solidarity is focused on an opposition to mainstream society).
Coleman defined social capital by its function, stating that ―it is not a single entity, but a
variety of different entities having two characteristics in common: they all consist of some aspect
of social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of individuals who are within the structure‖
(5). Like Bourdieu, Coleman viewed social capital as the resources made available to
individuals within a network. However, he expanded the concept of social capital to incorporate
features of a public good. Coleman proposed that social capital creates social obligations, norms
and expectations that facilitate actions of people living in a community, such as the spread of
information or the ability to enforce sanctions. This aspect of social capital could have positive
and negative externalities for all people living within a community.
Finally, Putnam‘s definition of social capital built on Coleman‘s communitarian
perspective. Putnam noted that people within communities were better off when they cooperate
to achieve collective interests (10). He therefore defined social capital as ―features of social
33
organization, such as networks, norms, and trust, that facilitate coordination and cooperation for
mutual benefit‖ (9). According to Putnam, social capital is a community attribute. People living
in communities where there are dense associations, active groups, norms of reciprocity and high
trust have a benefit of being able to work together efficiently.
To further assist in defining the concept, social capital has been categorized into sub-
dimensions (89). In public health, researchers commonly use these descriptions when they
measure the construct. Bain and Krishna classified social capital into structural and cognitive
forms (90). Structural social capital refers to features of the networks through which people
socialize and is commonly described as ―what people do‖ (91). Structural social capital can be
objectively verified, and enables people to interact, develop social ties and build their networks
(17,83). Examples of structural social capital include the nature, types of activities and density of
institutions and networks that an individual possesses, or that exist within and between
communities. Cognitive social capital refers to the quality and nature of social interactions and
can be thought of as ―what people feel‖ (91). Cognitive social capital incorporates people‘s
perceptions and values, and is therefore subjective (83). Examples of cognitive social capital
include trust between individuals and within institutions, solidarity and norms of reciprocity that
an individual possesses. Additional categories for social capital include bonding, bridging and
linking (10,92). Bonding social capital describes associations between people of similar social
background and status –for example family members or neighbors – whereas bridging describes
associations across people of different social background – for example different socio-
demographic groups or ethnicities, and linking describes associations between people with
different levels of authority or power.
34
Table 3.1 summarizes the definition of each type of social capital and provides an
example of how it can be measured using indicators that were applied in this study. Note that
certain measures of social capital fall under more than one type. For example, trust is a measure
of cognitive social capital. However, it can be considered a form of bonding social capital if it
measures trust in people of similar backgrounds, bridging social capital if it describes trust in
people of dissimilar backgrounds, or linking social capital if it measures trust in people with
different levels of power. While there are many definitions of social capital, Kawachi
emphasized that the definitions have two common features: they describe social capital as a
resource, and they emphasize that social capital is generated through social connections (22).
Table 3.1: Glossary of social capital terms
Term Definition Examples
Structural
social
capital
Presence or absence of formal
opportunity structures or
activities in which individual
actors might develop social ties
and build social networks.
Membership in community groups
Interaction and support from individuals
Talking with authorities about community
problem
Joining with community to address
community problem
Voting
Cognitive
social
capital
Measures that assess people‘s
perceptions of trust, reciprocity
and support.
Trust in neighbors, leaders, strangers
Social cohesion with community
Bonding
social
capital
Resources that are accessed
within networks or groups having
generally similar characteristics
(i.e. class, race/ethnicity, age).
Membership in groups with people of
similar backgrounds
Support from/trust in people with similar
background
Bridging
social
capital
Social resources that may be
accessed across groups of
different socioeconomic or socio-
demographic characteristics
Membership in groups with people of
different socioeconomic backgrounds
Support from/trust in people with different
socioeconomic background
Linking
social
capital
Social resources that may be
accessed across formal or
institutionalized structures of
authority and power.
Membership in groups in a position of
leadership/power
Support from/trust in people in a position
of leadership/power Source:(17)
35
3.2.2 Measurement of social capital
Without an agreed upon definition of social capital, measurement of the concept has been
inconsistent and critics have questioned whether researchers are really studying the same concept
(85). In an attempt to clarify parameters around the concept of social capital, Harpham proposed
topics that have been considered social capital, but ―can be more correctly and usefully regarded
as intermediate variables between social capital and health‖ (93). These topics include sense of
belonging, enjoyment of area, desirability to move, and neighborhood quality, security and
crime.
There have been several attempts to assess the body of social capital research across a
variety of disciplines to identify how applied researchers have conceptualized the construct
(41,94,95). Table 3.2 presents the components of social capital identified by three recent reviews.
We classified the components as being either structural or cognitive social capital.6 Not
surprisingly, each of the authors concluded that existing studies cover different components of
social capital. Engbers concluded that social capital is merely an ―umbrella term‖ that
researchers have used to describe multiple different constructs related to social relationships and
interactions (94). These findings underscore the importance for researchers working in this space
to specify their definition of social capital and to elaborate on the unique components that they
intend to measure.
6 Each component identified in these studies could also be classified as bonding, bridging or linking social capital.
For example, depending on the nature of personal relationships, they could bond together people with similar
characteristics (class, race/ethnicity, age), bridge people with different socioeconomic or socio-demographic
characteristics, or link people across formal structures of authority and power.
36
Table 3.2: Summary of social capital dimensions measured through surveys
Engbers (2016) Scrivens (2013) Agampodi (2015)
Scope of review Review of 17 large
sample datasets within
the United States
Review of 50 surveys
from Organization for
Economic
Cooperation and
Development (OECD)
countries
Review of 46 studies
examining social
capital and health in
low and middle
income countries
Structural components
of social capital Formal
membership and
participation
Altruism and
political
engagement
Informal
interactions
Personal
relationships
Social network
support
Civic engagement
Social support
Collective action
Community
participation
Group
membership
Social
relationships
Social networks
Volunteering
Cognitive components
of social capital Trust
Shared norms
Trust and
cooperative norms
Social trust
Sense of
belonging
Reciprocity
Social cohesion
Solidarity
Optimism Sources: (41,95,96)
Within the body of research that examines the relationship between social capital and
health, the level at which social capital is studied has also been inconsistent. There has been a
long debate about whether social capital is an individual or community level attribute (97).
Kawachi and colleagues proposed that it is both (83). As a result, they have recommended
studying social capital within a multilevel analytic framework, where individual level data are
aggregated to develop a community level measure of social capital (83). Multilevel models
allow researchers to simultaneously model community level measures of social capital with
individual level measures. This enables researchers to understand whether social capital has a
contextual effect on individual health outcomes above and beyond an individual (or
37
compositional) effect (83). Stated differently, multilevel models allow researchers to assess
whether there is a relationship between community level characteristics (i.e. the community‘s
social capital) and health that differs from characteristics of people living in these communities
(i.e. each individual community member‘s social capital).
There are three common approaches to develop individual level measures of social
capital, which are then used to develop aggregated community level variables. First is to use a
single indicator of social capital (i.e. group membership) (98,99). This approach is limited.
Since social capital is a complex construct and existing theory indicates that it is multi-
dimensional, the use of one indicator to measure social capital does not capture the full domain
of the construct.
A second approach is to use a non-validated scale (i.e. to calculate a score across multiple
indicators that researchers assume measure social capital) (98,100-103). When researchers do not
validate their measures, they do not confirm whether their items tap into common underlying
constructs of social capital, such as those presented in Table 3.2. Hence, when researchers take
this approach, they continue down the path of vaguely defining and measuring social capital,
without assessing if there is any common variance among the measures.
A third approach is to use exploratory or confirmatory factor analytic methods to develop
a social capital scale. This approach improves upon the latter two because social capital is a
latent construct – it cannot be measured directly. As a result, the ideal approach is to use
multiple indicators to capture the full domain of the construct, and then examine the co-variation
among these indicators (104). Factor analytic techniques are used to examine the co-variation
among indicators, which we assume is caused by the latent construct. Any variation that is
unique to the indicator is assumed to be measurement error of the latent construct. Hence, factor
38
analysis helps a researcher isolate indicators that are strong measures of a latent construct, as
compared to those that have high measurement error and should be removed from the analysis.
In addition, factor analysis is used to assess the structure of a latent variable, for example,
whether it is uni-dimensional or multi-dimensional. Exploratory factor analysis is an inductive
and data driven approach that is used when a researcher does not have a preconceived theory
about how specific indicators measure the underlying latent construct (104). Alternatively,
researchers use confirmatory factor analysis when they are testing whether a hypothesized factor
structure fits the data (104).
In all three approaches, it is common for individual level measures of social capital to be
group mean centered (to measure variation within a community), and included in a multilevel
regression analysis with a community level measure of social capital (to measure variation
between communities). The community level measure is mean aggregated from the individual
level measures in a given community (26,105-115). More details about using multilevel
regression as an approach to study social capital are presented in Annex 2. This multilevel
regression approach has been widely applied to study social capital and health globally. In a
rapid search, we found 201 articles that used this approach to study the relationship between
social capital and health between 2001 and 2017.7 Despite the popularity of this approach, for the
majority of studies that take place in low or middle-income countries, social capital data have
been collected from individuals and assessed at an individual level only (41).
The third approach is the strongest method identified to develop a community level
measure of social capital using individual level data. Yet, it has limitations. Even when an
individual level social capital scale is validated using factor analysis, the validity of the scale
7 We searched ((social capital[Title/Abstract]) AND health[Title/Abstract]) AND multilevel[Title/Abstract] in
PubMed on November 1, 2017.
39
may not hold at the community level. Deriving community level variables using single level
factor analysis is subject to atomistic fallacy – the relationship between variables at an individual
level may not be the same at the community level (116-118). In addition, if researchers conduct
factor analysis without taking into account nested data structures, their analysis will also have
inaccurate standard errors for the indicator‘s factor loadings (119).
Multilevel factor analysis (ML-FA) is one approach to examine construct validity of a
scale at two different levels. The approach has been applied in educational (120-123),
organizational (124-126) and health (127,128) research, but it has not yet been widely applied to
the study of social capital. Single level factor analysis is based on the analysis of a total
correlation or variance co-variance matrix of observed variables, whereas multilevel factor
analysis decomposes this matrix into a pooled within group covariance matrix and a between
group covariance matrix (119). ML-FA therefore takes into account that social capital can vary
within a community as well as between communities.
3.2.3 Social capital and health in Nagaland, India
While the relationship between social capital and self-rated health has been studied in
many contexts, the results across country contexts are not always consistent (129). A potential
reason for the inconsistent findings is due to the complex set of pathways through which social
capital may influence health. These hypothesized pathways differ depending on whether social
capital is conceptualized as an individual level construct, where people are able to obtain
resources from within their social networks that would otherwise be unavailable, or as a
community level construct, where people in communities can work together more efficiently to
achieve collective goals.
40
As an individual level construct, social capital can influence health by providing people
with affective support, instrumental support, and rapid spread of information (20,22,83).
Affective support can positively affect health by reducing an individual‘s stress level, or
enhancing their ability to cope with difficult life events (130). Aye et al. argue that when people
live in areas where the delivery of government health services and market systems are weak, they
will rely on their social networks to access resources that are unavailable to them (131). Hence,
people may use their personal relationships to access instrumental support (e.g. cash, provision
of transportation) and overcome barriers, such as treatment and transportation costs, to seeking
care. Thiede argues that a key component of spreading information is trust: people are more
likely to share information and confide in others with whom they have trusted relationships
(132). Hence, people living in communities with high social capital may more rapidly spread
information that shapes decisions related to health and health seeking behavior.
As a community level construct, social capital can influence health through social
contagion, informal social control and collective efficiency (22,83). Social contagion is when
behaviors spread quickly through a tightly knit network, whereas informal social control occurs
when people in tight knit communities rapidly and efficiently sanction others in their community
who exhibit behaviors that go against common norms (22,83). Hence, behaviors in a community
with high social capital are likely shaped by the behaviors of others and common norms within
the community. Mohnen et al. identify five behaviors that could be shaped by the community,
and that would have a profound impact on health: smoking, alcohol consumption, sleep patterns,
nutritional habits and physical activity (133). Collective action is when people are willing to
intervene for the benefit of the wider community (83). Collective action could impact health
when the community takes action to improve their physical environment (e.g. by taking action to
41
improve sanitation facilities), or to ensure that health services are delivered effectively (e.g. by
ensuring that health workers are available at health facilities).
The specific social and communal features of Nagaland present a unique setting to study
these dynamics. Nagaland is a state in northeast India that is different from other states in many
ways. Nagaland is home to two million people. Most people in the state are associated with one
of sixteen recognized tribes. Each tribe has its own customs and traditions, and many villages
are homogeneous by tribe. In the mid nineteenth-century, American missionaries spread
Christianity throughout the state, so today, most people in Nagaland share a common religion.
The Constitution of India protects the religious and social practices of the Nagas, and enables
them to be run by customary law. As such, a Council of elected men runs each village. The
Village Council has authority to make decisions about a range of civil activities, from decisions
about criminal justice to ownership and transfer of land. Furthermore, in 2002, the state initiated
a cross-sectoral policy (in the health, education, forestry, water and sanitation, roads and power)
to leverage community social capital by incorporating community members into the management
of government services.
Recent data from Nagaland underscores the importance of social and environmental
determinants of health throughout the state. As compared to the rest of India, Nagaland ranks
less favorably in many health service delivery outcomes. In 2015-16, Nagaland had among the
lowest rates of immunization, institutional deliveries and pre and postnatal care in the country
(71).8 Yet, Nagaland ranks better in certain health outcomes, including infant and under-five
8 The proportion of pregnant women who had an institutional delivery was 32.8% (national average: 78.9%); the
proportion of women who received post natal care form a health professional was 22.3% (national average: 62.4%),
and the proportion of fully immunized children aged 12-23 months was 35.7% (national average: 62.0%).
42
mortality (71).9 This indicates that beyond accessibility of health services, social and
environmental determinants likely play a large role in health outcomes in Nagaland. Our study
seeks to understand whether one critical determinant of health is social capital.
3.3 Methods
3.3.1 Study population and household survey
We used data from a cross-sectional household survey conducted in April and May 2015
by the Department of Health and Family Welfare, Nagaland through the World Bank‘s Nagaland
Health Project. The survey employed a multi-stage cluster sampling approach. First, 101 health
facilities were purposively selected, and then a village from within the catchment area of the
health facility was randomly selected. Next, 15 households within each village were selected to
complete the household questionnaire using a random walk technique. An additional nine
villages were included in the pilot phase of the survey, increasing the total number of
communities in the survey from 101 to 110. The target sample size was 1,650 households, and
the survey achieved a 99% response rate (1642 households). A trained enumerator collected data
from the head of the household in the local dialect using a structured questionnaire that included
questions on social capital, health seeking behavior and health expenditures of household
members, water and sanitation facilities available to each household, and other socio-economic
indicators.
In this study, we considered community social capital to be confined to a village.
However, we recognize that social ties in Nagaland are complex. People have connections with
their family, their clan (group of inter-related families), their Khel (group of multiple clans), their
9 Nagaland had an infant and under-five mortality rate of 29 deaths and 37 deaths per 1000 live births respectively,
as compared to the national average of 41 deaths and 50 deaths per 1000 live births.
43
village and their tribe (47). Most villages in Nagaland have multiple clans and two to three
Khels (47). The data in our study did not sufficiently capture the social capital of a clan, Khel or
tribe. Furthermore, we recognize the limitation of our data to capture community social capital
using data reported from a small number of individuals in each village.
Ethical clearance for the quantitative data collection was gained from the Institutional
Review Board of the Public Health Foundation of India, and the Institutional Review Board of
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health for secondary data analysis.
3.3.2 Validation of social capital scale
The nine social capital items we used in this study were based on items from the
Shortened Adapted Social Capital Assessment Tool (SASCAT) developed by researchers at the
Young Lives Project (134). The SASCAT was first validated in 2006 in Peru and Vietnam. The
authors convened a group of experts and determined that the SASCAT had good face and
content validity. They also conducted single level exploratory factor analysis to examine the
construct validity of the scale. They found that three factors emerged: 1) group
membership/social support, 2) citizenship and 3) cognitive social capital. The first two factors fit
under the umbrella of structural social capital. Lastly, they used cognitive validation to examine
whether respondents interpreted the questions in the same way that the researchers intended.
The authors provided a set of recommendations for adaptations of the SASCAT, which were
made to the version applied in Nagaland. A summary of the SASCAT and modified SASCAT is
presented in Annex 3. Shortly after data collection was completed in Nagaland for this study,
another cognitive validation of the SASCAT was conducted in Bangladesh (135).
As presented in Table 3.3, we hypothesized that the items in the modified SASCAT
measured the structural and cognitive components of social capital. The structural social capital
44
indicators included two items (1-2) that assessed formal and informal networks. These items
were aligned with Bourdieu‘s theory that social capital is a product of an individual‘s social
relationships, and the resources that they can obtain through these relationships. The three
remaining structural social capital items (3-5) assessed citizenship, which aimed to capture the
extent to which people were willing to intervene for the benefit of their community. For the
cognitive social capital items, three items (6-8) assessed interpersonal and generalized trust,
which was based on relationships between people and within the community more broadly. The
last item (9) assessed social cohesion, which facilitated the sharing of resources and working
together to improve access to resources. All items were worded so that an individual (as
opposed to the community) was the referent. All social capital items were coded so that a larger
value indicated higher social capital.
45
Table 3.3: Coding of nine survey items to measure structural and cognitive social capital
Question Coding
Str
uct
ura
l
1. a. In the last 12 months have you been a member of any
of the following types of groups in [NAME OF
VILLAGE]?
Bonding/bridging groups
Religious Group (for example regularly attending
church)
Students' Union
Traders' Association
Professional Association
Sports group
Cultural or Arts Group
Agricultural Group
Linking groups
Village council
Village Union
Women's Village Union
Village Education
Village Health Committee
Political Group
Non Governmental Organization
b. If respondent is a member of a group ask: In the last 12
months, did you receive any support (emotional,
economic, or other kinds) from [NAME OF GROUP]?
0 = No group
membership/did not
receive support from
community groups
1 = Receive support from
bonding/bridging or
linking groups
2 = Receive support from
bonding/bridging and
linking groups
2. In the last 12 months, have you received any support
(emotional, financial, or other kinds) from any of the
following:
Bonding/bridging individuals
Family
Neighbors
Friends who are not neighbors
Religious leaders
Linking individuals
Community leaders
Politicians
Government officials
Charitable organizations/NGOs
0 = Do not receive
support from individuals
1 = Receive support from
bonding/bridging or
linking individuals
2 = Receive support from
bonding/bridging and
linking individuals
3. In the last 12 months, have you joined together with
other community members to address a problem or
common issue?
0 = No
1 = Yes
46
Question Coding
4. In the last 12 months, have you talked with a local
authority or governmental organization about problems
in [NAME OF VILLAGE]?
0 = No
1 = Yes
5. Did you vote in the last state or national election?
0 = No
1 = Yes
Cogn
itiv
e
6. In general, do you trust your neighbors? 0 = None
1 = Some
2 = All
7. In general, do you trust leaders of [NAME OF
VILLAGE]?
0 = None
1 = Some
2 = All
8. In general, do you trust strangers in [NAME OF
VILLAGE]?
0 = None
1 = Some
2 = All
9. Do you feel as though you are really a part of [NAME
OF VILLAGE]?
0 = No
1 = Yes
As a point of comparison for our analysis, we first conducted single level CFA on our
entire sample of 1642 households, which has been a common approach to validate social capital
scales (136-149). We used confirmatory factor analysis rather than exploratory factor analysis
because we had a preconceived theory for the components of social capital we were measuring,
and our goal was to determine whether our data fit our theory. Figure 3.1 presents a path
diagram for single level CFA. In single level CFA, items ( ) tap into a social capital construct
( ), which is represented by the equation:
= (1)
Where is a x 1 vector of observed responses on p items, is a x 1 vector of factor loadings
relating each item to the underlying latent construct , and is a x 1 vector of error
terms for the observed items.
47
Figure 3.1: Path diagram of single level measurement model
When running ML-CFA, the total correlation matrix for the observed items is
decomposed into a pooled within-group and between-group matrix (119,150). Hence, as
illustrated in Figure 3.2, each observed scale item is separated into within and between
components. The within-group component (level 1, representing relationships within
communities) is represented by:
, (2)
where is a vector of observed responses for each item for each individual ( in village ( ),
represents a vector of village ‘s random intercepts (average response for each item), is a
vector of factor loadings relating the latent variable at the individual level to each
observed item , and is the residual for individual ( in village ( ).
Following common path notation, circles represent latent variables, squares represent
observed variables, straight one-headed arrows represent direction of influence between the
latent trait and observed items, and short one-headed arrows represent measurement error
of the latent trait. This diagram models the association ( between a latent construct ( and each observed indicator ( .
48
The between-group component (level 2, representing relationships between communities)
is represented by:
where is the overall expectation (grand mean) for each observed item, is a vector of factor
loadings relating the latent variable at the between level to each village ‘s random
intercept ( , and is the residual for village
Combining the models, each observed item ( ) is represented by:
(4)
Figure 3.2: Path diagram of multilevel measurement model
This path diagram illustrates the relationship ( between an individual level latent construct ( ) and each
observed item ( . The red dots at the within level represent the village random intercepts for each item. At the
between level, random intercepts are represented as ovals. The diagram presents the relationship ( between
the community level latent construct ( ) and each random intercept ( . At the within and between levels, the
error terms are represented as a short-one headed arrow. This is considered measurement error of the latent
construct at each level.
49
To assess the construct validity of our social capital indicators at an individual and
community levels, we applied multilevel confirmatory factor analysis (ML-CFA) based on
Muthen‘s approach (119) using Mplus version 7 (151).
First, we examined the between group variance within the data by calculating the intra-
class correlation (ICC) for every item in the scale. The ICC determined the proportion of
variance that was explained at the community level. If a substantial proportion of the total
variance is explained by variation between communities, a multilevel analysis is justified. Hox
recommended that in general cases, ICC values of 0.05, 0.10 and 0.15 were considered small,
medium and high, respectively (152). In an assessment of work conducted to analyze
neighborhoods and health, Diez-Roux found that the variance in outcomes between
neighborhoods is often well under 10% (153). However, Diez-Roux explained that while an ICC
below 10% may seem low, in fact, the variation between neighborhoods could still characterize
―important and policy-relevant effects of neighborhood characteristics on health‖ (153).
Second, we estimated the within and between group structure of the data using a
polychoric correlation matrix since the items were ordinal (154). Polychoric correlations assume
that the underlying constructs measured by an ordinal item are continuous and normally
distributed. We used the within group correlation matrix to examine the correlation of our items
within communities (119). We used the between group correlation matrix to examine the
correlation of our items between communities. For each matrix, we compared the direction and
magnitude of association among the nine items in the scale.
Next, we ran the ML-CFA on our entire sample. To assess model fit, we examined the
model chi-square test, normed comparative fit index (CFI), Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), root mean
square error of approximation (RMSEA) and standardized root mean square residual (SRMR).
50
We used the following guidelines to assess the fit of our model: a non-significant chi-square test,
CFI and TLI above 0.95, RMSEA below 0.07 and the SRMR is below 0.08 (155). The chi-
square test is sensitive to sample size, so it is often not an adequate measure of model fit for
larger samples (156).
We then ran a series of different models. First, we tested the hypothesis that there was
one social capital factor at both the individual and community levels. Next, we hypothesized that
there were two factors at both the individual and community levels to represent the structural and
cognitive dimensions of social capital. For these models, we also tested cross-level measurement
invariance by constraining factor loadings to be equal across levels and specifying that there was
no residual for items at the community level (157). This model, also called a Hierarchical Latent
Variable Model, imposed strict constraints so that the factor structure was estimated at the within
level only, and then imposed at the between level (158). If cross level measurement invariance
holds, then the factor structure and relationship between each scale items and its associated latent
construct would be the same at each level. In other words, the scale items were tapping into the
same latent construct at each level. If cross level invariance did not hold, then the relationship
between the items and the underlying latent construct would not be the same at each level. This
would indicate that the items were tapping into different constructs at the individual and
community levels. We compared each model using a Satorra-Bentler scaled chi-square
difference test, which better estimates chi-square for non-normal data.10
10
Reference 153 describes calculations for the Satorra-Bentler scaled test chi-square difference test. To run the test,
each model had to be re-run in WLSM rather than WLSMV to obtain the scaling correction factor that could better
calculate chi-square under non normality.
51
For each model, we used Weighted Leased Square Mean and Variance adjusted estimator
(WLSMV), which was specifically designed for ordinal data (151,159).11
The WLSMV
estimator generates probit coefficients. A probit regression coefficient reports a change in z-
score for a one-unit change in the predictor. The models were estimated by fixing the factor
variance to 1.0.
3.3.3 Application of validated scale to the study of social capital and health
After validating our measure of social capital at an individual and community level, we
assessed the relationship between social capital and self-rated health. We ascertained data on
self-rated health from the head of each of the 1642 households interviewed. The respondent was
asked: overall, how would you describe your health these days? The response options were very
good, good, fair and poor. For the purpose of this analysis, the outcome variable was
dichotomized (poor/fair versus good/very good). In 2013, Kawachi et al. found that the most
consistent evidence between social capital and physical health had been reported for a one-item
measure of self-rated health that was dichotomized during analysis (129).
We first ran a model that only examined the relationship between social capital and self-
rated health. Next, we controlled for several individual and community level covariates. At the
individual level, we controlled for gender, age, education (less than primary school, primary
school and more), occupation (agriculture or non-agriculture), marital status (not married,
married but Gauna12
not performed, and married) and household assets. These covariates were
commonly included in other social capital and health studies (83). At the community level, we
controlled for average village education level (proportion of respondents in a village with
11
According to Muthén and Muthén: a WLSMV estimator uses weighted least square parameter estimates using a
diagonal weight matrix with standard errors and mean and variance adjusted chi-square test statistic that use a full
weight matrix. 12
A husband and wife may not live together after formal marriage. Oftentimes, a woman will return to her parent‘s
home after her wedding ceremony. A husband and wife may only cohabitate after the Gauna ceremony is performed.
52
primary school education or more), average household assets, and geographic region of the state
(urban district, rural district, remote and rural district).13
Since we included individual and
aggregated community average measures for education and household assets, the individual level
measures were group mean centered. After examining both models, we examined the robustness
of our results by running a stratified analysis by gender.
We constructed a household asset index due to the difficulties of collecting accurate data
on household income or household expenditures. To construct the asset index, we examined
descriptive statistics of various indicators of asset ownership that distinguished the poor from the
very poor, or the wealthy from the very wealthy. Consistent with other asset indices, our final
index included variables related to durable assets, access to utilities and infrastructure, and
housing characteristics (160,161). Unlike social capital, we constructed an index rather than a
scale. We assumed that all items in a scale had the same underlying cause. However, for items
in an index, their underlying cause may differ. When items in an index are considered all
together, they determine the level of a construct (104).
To run our models, we used multilevel structural equation modeling (ML-SEM), rather than
multilevel regression analysis (ML-regression), the more common approach to study social
capital and self-rated health. Both methods are similar in that they model variation in self-rated
health within and between communities, allow for the analysis of individual and community
level explanatory variables within the same framework, and correct for inaccurate standard errors
that result when cluster sampling is used. ML-SEM is an extension of ML-CFA. It allowed us to
examine the relationship between the latent social capital variables, which we validated at the
individual and community levels, with other observed variables. The advantage of ML-SEM
13
Urban districts included Dimapur, Kohima and Mokokchung. Rural districts included Peren, Phek, Wokha and
Zunheboto. Remote and rural districts included Kiphire, Longleng, Mon and Tuensang.
53
over multilevel regression is that it controls for measurement error of social capital (162).14
A
comparison of the model specification of ML-SEM with multilevel regression is presented in
Annex 2, along with details about our exploratory data analysis in Annex 4 and results of the
multilevel regression analysis in Annex 5. We also estimated our ML-SEM models using MPlus
version 7 with a WLSMV estimator.
3.4 Results
3.4.1 Description of sample
Table 3.4 presents the characteristics of the 1642 individuals who provided data in the
household survey, disaggregated by self-rated health. The majority of respondents were female,
with an average age of 39 years and had primary school level of education or more. The
majority of people in the sample were married, but their Gauna had not been performed. The
sample was split between those who worked in the agriculture sector as compared to the non-
agriculture sector. At the community level, most people in a given village had primary school
level of education or more. The villages were split almost equally among urban, rural and
remote and rural districts of the state. When disaggregated by self-rated health, there was a
statistically significant difference among people who were younger, had more education, who
were not married or married (but did not have a Gauna performed) and had greater household
assets – these individuals reported having better health. Likewise, people living in communities
with more educated people, higher average asset scores and in urban districts were more likely to
report good or very good health.
14
As previously mentioned, factor analysis identifies commonality between items in a scale, which is the variation
caused by the latent construct, as well as uniqueness. Uniqueness is variation in the indicator that is not caused by
the latent variable, and it is considered measurement error of the latent variable. ML-SEM extends upon ML-CFA,
so once we confirm the structure of social capital at an individual and community level, we model relationships with
other observed variables while controlling for measurement error (or the variation in each indicator that is not
caused by social capital) at each level.
54
Table 3.4: Characteristics of study participants by self-rated health
Characteristic
Total
N or Mean
Self-rated health
P-
value Poor/Fair
(%) or
Mean(SD)
(N=724)
Good/Very
Good
(%) or
Mean(SD)
(N=918)
Individual Characteristics
Sex
Male 737 46.13 53.87 0.11
Female 877 42.19 57.81
Age 39.38 (15.47) 42.15(16.30) 37.22(14.45) <0.001
Education
Less than primary school* 449 52.23 46.77
<0.001 Primary school and more 1,151 40.49 59.51
Marital Status
Not married* 317 38.80 61.20
<0.01 Married, Gauna not performed 791 41.72 58.28
Married 491 51.12 48.88
Household occupation
Non-Agriculture*
824 42.96 57.04 0.37
Agriculture 815 45.15 54.85
Household Assets 0.00(2.07) -0.19(2.03) 0.15(2.09) <0.01
Community Characteristics Average education level
** 0.72 (0.16) 0.71(0.17) 0.73(0.16) 0.01
Average household assets 0.00(1.68) -0.30(1.62) 0.24(1.68) <0.001
Geographic region
Urban district* 510 31.37 68.63
<0.001 Rural district 621 39.77 60.23
Remote and rural district 511 62.04 37.96 *Reference category
**Proportion of respondents in a given village who had primary school education or more
We use chi-square tests of independence to examine differences by self-rated health for categorical variables and t-
tests to examine differences by self-rated health for continuous variables; SD is standard deviation
Table 3.5 presents the descriptive statistics for each of the nine social capital items. We
present the grand mean for each item. We also disaggregated each social capital item by self-
rated health. We found that there was a statistically significant difference among people with
more individual support, who joined with others in the community to address common problems,
who voted in the last state or national election, who trusted strangers and who thought that the
55
majority of people in their village got along with each other – these individuals reported having
worse self-rated health.
Table 3.5: Descriptive statistics for social capital items by self-rated health
Indicator Total
(N)
(N=1642)
Self-rated health P-
value Poor/
Fair
(%)
(N=724)
Good/
Very Good
(%)
(N=918)
1. Group support: In the last 12 months, received support
(emotional, financial, or other kinds) from:
Nobody 1,255 42.71 57.29
0.11 Bonding/bridging or linking groups 343 48.10 51.90
Bonding/bridging and linking groups 44 52.27 47.73
2. Individual support: In the last 12 months, received support
(emotional, economic, or other kinds) from:
Nobody 312 29.17 70.83
<0.001 Bonding/bridging or linking individuals 929 48.87 51.13
Bonding/bridging and linking individuals 401 44.64 55.36
3. Join: In the last 12 months, joined together with
other community members to address a
problem or common issue
No 1,233 41.85 58.15 <0.01
Yes 405 50.37 49.63
4. Authorities: In the last 12 months, talked with a local
authority or governmental organization
about problems in village
No 1,436 43.80 56.20 0.74
Yes 202 45.05 54.95
5. Vote: Voted in the last state or national election
No 177 33.33 66.67 <0.01
Yes 1,461 45.24 54.76
6. Trust neighbors: In general, trust all neighbors in village
None 61 37.70 62.30
0.35 Some 331 41.69 58.31
All 1,236 44.90 55.10
56
Indicator Total
(N)
(N=1642)
Self-rated health P-
value Poor/
Fair
(%)
(N=724)
Good/
Very Good
(%)
(N=918)
7. Trust leaders: In general, trust all leaders in village
None 143 35.66 64.34
0.11 Some 421 45.37 54.63
All 1,068 44.48 55.52
8. Trust strangers: In general, trust all strangers in village
None 516 38.95 61.05 0.01
Some 692 47.69 51.31
All 428 44.16 55.84
9. Belong: Feel as though really a part of village
No 40 32.50 67.50 0.14
Yes 1,593 44.19 55.81 We use chi-square tests of independence to examine differences by self-rated health
3.4.2 Scale validation
We first validated our nine-item social capital scale at the individual level (level one, or
within level). Table 3.6 presents the model fits statistics for a one factor and a two-factor
measurement model. The one factor model did not sufficiently fit the data, whereas the two-
factor model was a better fit. We compared the models using a chi-square difference test, and
found that the one factor model was significantly worse and should not be retained (chi-square:
244.34, p<0.001). We present the standardized factor loadings for the two-factor model in Figure
3.3. The factor loadings for vote and trust in strangers were poor (0.37 and 0.33 respectively),
but all factor loadings were statistically significant. The structural and cognitive factors had a
low correlation of 0.27.
57
Table 3.6: Model fit statistics for single level social capital measurement models
Model x2 Df CFI TLI RMSEA
1 factor model 686.90 27 0.72 0.63 0.63
2 factor model 163.77 26 0.94 0.92 0.06
Figure 3.3: Path diagram of single level social capital measurement model
Rather than assuming that the same relationships held at the community level, we
examined the factor structure at an individual and community level. Table 3.7 presents the ICC
for each item, a measure of the proportion of variation that is due to differences between
communities. The ICCs for the items in our scale ranged from a low of 0.06 to a high of 0.19.
According to the standard established by Hox (152), the ICCs were high enough to warrant a
multilevel analysis.
Standardized coefficients; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
58
Table 3.7: Interclass correlation coefficient for social capital items
Indicator ICC
1. Group support 0.06
2. Individual support 0.08
3. Join 0.09
4. Authorities 0.10
5. Vote 0.11
6. Trust neighbors 0.08
7. Trust leaders 0.09
8. Trust strangers 0.18
9. Belong 0.19
Next, we examined the item correlations within and between communities to examine
whether they were similar. Table 3.8 presents the polychoric correlations for individuals within
communities below the diagonal, and the polychoric correlation between communities above the
diagonal. For the structural social capital items (1-5), item five (vote) weakly correlated with all
other structural social capital indicators at the individual level, with correlations ranging from
0.05 to 0.33. At the community level, the correlations between item five (vote) remained low
with the other citizenship items (join and authorities).
The cognitive social capital items (6-9) were weakly correlated with the structural social
capital indicators at the individual level, with correlations ranging from -0.04 to 0.36. As
expected, they were more strongly correlated with the other cognitive social capital indicators,
with correlations ranging from 0.10 to 0.76. At the community level, some of the results were
unexpected. The social cohesion item belong (item 9) was weakly correlated with items 6-8 (the
trust variables), and instead more strongly correlated with the structural social capital items.
59
Table 3.8: Polychoric correlation of social capital items within and between communities
Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1 Group support 1.00 0.99 0.59 0.32 0.68 0.23 0.12 -0.21 0.03
2 Individual support 0.39 1.00 0.63 0.46 0.50 0.24 0.48 -0.20 0.69
3 Join 0.33 0.30 1.00 0.99 0.26 0.31 0.20 0.31 0.62
4 Authorities 0.32 0.26 0.73 1.00 0.13 0.29 0.31 0.36 0.50
5 Vote 0.15 0.05 0.33 0.26 1.00 0.43 0.28 0.32 0.58
6 Trust neighbors 0.16 0.21 0.09 0.15 0.17 1.00 0.54 0.61 -0.01
7 Trust leaders 0.10 0.18 0.05 0.02 0.07 0.70 1.000 0.08 0.17
8 Trust strangers -0.04 0.05 0.13 0.02 0.11 0.31 0.25 1.00 -0.26
9 Belong 0.36 0.24 0.12 0.14 0.08 0.43 0.63 0.10 1.00 Individual level polychoric correlations on lower left triangle and community level polychoric correlations on upper
right triangle
Next, we ran the ML-CFA. Table 3.9 presents the fit statistics for the 1 factor within: 1
factor between (1:1) and 2 factors within: 2 factors between (2:2) multilevel models. Similar to
what we found when we ran the single level analysis, a one-factor solution at the individual and
community level did not fit the data well. Moving from a one-factor model to a two-factor model
at each level improved the model fit indices, with the exception of the SRMR-between. We
found that the 1:1 model was significantly worse than the 2:2 model and should not be retained
(Satorra-Bentler Scaled Chi-Square: 448.60, p<0.001).
We then examined cross level measurement invariance for our 2:2 multilevel model by
comparing a 2:2 model where factor loadings were freely estimated at each level to one where
the factor structure and loadings were the same at each level. We found that there was a
significant difference in the models when we constrained the factor loadings (Satorra-Bentler
Scaled Chi-Square: 47.87, p<0.001). This indicated that restricting the loadings to be equal
across each level worsened the model. Hence, the items in our model may have a different
relationship with the underlying latent variable at the individual level as compared to the
community level. To further justify the need for a multilevel model, we also compared the 2:2
multilevel model to a nested model where all level two factor loadings were constrained to zero.
60
We found that the nested model had a significantly worse fit (Satorra-Bentler Scaled Chi-Square:
120.60, p<0.001), thereby justifying the need for a multilevel model.
Table 3.9: Model fit statistics for multilevel social capital measurement models
Model x2 Df CFI TLI RMSEA
SRMR
Within Between
1 factor within: 1 factor between 657.92 54 0.73 0.63 0.08 0.18 0.21
2 factors within: 2 factors between 176.24 52 0.94 0.92 0.04 0.08 0.21
Table 3.10 presents the standardized factor loadings for the 2:2 multilevel model. As we
expected from our assessment of the correlation matrix and from our single level analysis, item 5
(vote) had a lower factor loading on the structural social capital factor as compared to other
structural social capital indicators. All loadings of the structural social capital items were
approximately the same or stronger at the between level with the exception of ―talk with
authorities.‖ For the cognitive social capital variables, the loadings at the community level were
all lower than at the individual level. Similar to the single level analysis, one cognitive social
capital variable, item 8 (trust strangers), had low loadings at both levels.
In the 2:2 multilevel model, the correlation of the factors at the individual level was 0.24,
whereas it was 0.91 at the community level. The high correlation between the factors at the
community level likely explained why there was a very small difference in the SRMR-between
value for the 1:1 multilevel model (0.21) and the 2:2 multilevel model (0.21), and indicated that
all items may load on a single factor at the community level. We therefore ran an additional
model with two factors at the individual level to represent the structural and cognitive
dimensions, and one overall social capital factor at the community level. The results of this
model are also presented in Table 3.10, and are depicted in the path diagram in Figure 3.4. The
model fit statistics and factor loadings of the 2:1 model were similar to the 2:2 model (Model fit
statistics: x2: 174.54, df: 53, CFI: 0.95, TLI: 0.93, RMSEA: 0.04, SRMR-within: 0.08; SRMR-
61
between: 0.21). We compared the two models, and found that the nested 2:1 model was not
significantly worse than the 2:2 model, and could be retained (Satorra-Bentler Scaled Chi Square
= 0.04, p-value=0.85).
Lastly, in all multilevel models, the factor loading on item 8 (trust in strangers) was low:
at the within level the factor loading was 0.33 (Standard error (SE): 0.03), and at the between
level the factor loading was 0.08 (SE: 0.15). This indicator had high measurement error,
particularly at the between level. We therefore removed this item from our final 2:1 model in our
analysis of social capital and self-rated health.
Table 3.10: Standardized factor loadings for single and multilevel social capital measurement
models
Item
2 factor
single level
model
2 factors within: 2
factors between
multilevel model
2 factors within: 1
factor between
multilevel model
Factor loadings
Group support 0.51***
(0.04)
0.50***
(0.04)
0.74***
(0.16)
0.50***
(0.04)
0.74***
(0.16)
Individual support 0.48***
(0.03)
0.44***
(0.03)
0.91***
(0.09)
0.44***
(0.05)
0.90***
(0.09)
Join with community 0.84***
(0.04)
0.82***
(0.03)
0.79***
(0.13)
0.82***
(0.03)
0.79***
(0.13)
Talk with authorities 0.82***
(0.04)
0.83***
(0.04)
0.64***
(0.17)
0.83***
(0.04)
0.63***
(0.17)
Vote 0.37***
(0.05)
0.35***
(0.06)
0.61***
(0.18)
0.35***
(0.06)
0.61***
(0.18)
Trust neighbors 0.88***
(0.04)
0.86***
(0.04)
0.44*
(0.19)
0.86***
(0.04)
0.40**
(0.15)
Trust leaders 0.78***
(0.04)
0.81***
(0.04)
0.46*
(0.20)
0.81***
(0.04)
0.43**
(0.15)
Trust strangers 0.33***
(0.03)
0.33***
(0.03)
0.10
(0.16)
0.33***
(0.03)
0.08
(0.15)
Belong 0.64***
(0.06)
0.68***
(0.06)
0.64*
(0.28)
0.68***
(0.06)
0.61**
(0.21)
Factor 1 with Factor 2 0.27***
0.24***
0.91 0.24***
(0.04) (0.05) (0.33) (0.05)
N 1642 1642 110 1642 110 Standardized factor loadings (standard error); *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
62
Figure 3.4: Path diagram of multilevel social capital measurement model
We found that at the community level, a single social capital factor captured variation between communities. At
the individual level, the structural and cognitive factors captured variation of people within villages.
Standardized factor loadings; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
63
3.4.3 Analysis of social capital and self-rated health
More than half of the respondents in the sample (56%) reported that they had good or
very good health. Self-rated health had an ICC of 0.20, indicating that a large proportion of
variation in self-rated health could be explained by community characteristics. Model 1 in Table
3.11 presents our analysis of individual and community level social capital and self-rated health
(model fit statistics: x2: 168.50, df: 52, CFI: 0.94, TLI: 0.92, RMSEA: 0.04, SRMR Within: 0.08;
SRMR Between: 0.17). Within communities, individual structural and cognitive social capital
did not have a statistically significantly association with self-rated health (Estimate (Est.): -0.01,
Standard Error (SE): 0.05 and Est.: -0.04, SE: 0.04 respectively). Between communities, we
found that community social capital had a negative and statistically significant association with
self-rated health (Est. -0.43, SE: 0.08).15
We present the path diagram for our final model with covariates in Model 2 of Figure 3.6
(model fit statistics: x2: 395.79, df: 140, CFI: 0.86, TLI: 0.83, RMSEA: 0.03, SRMR-within:
0.09; SRMR-between: 0.29). When controlling for sex, age, education level, marital status,
occupation, household assets, average education level, average household assets and geographic
region, we still found that there was no statistically significant relationship between individual
structural social capital or individual cognitive social capital and self-rated health (Est: -0.05, SE:
0.05 and Est.: -0.01, SE: 0.04 respectively). We found that community social capital still had a
statistically significant and negative association with self-rated health (Est: -0.26, SE: 0.06). We
also found that women (Est: -0.20, SE: 0.09), people who were older (Est: -0.02, SE: 0.00), and
who lived in rural and remote districts (Est: -0.85, SE: 0.16) were significantly associated with
15
The non-standardized coefficient is interpreted as follows: For every one-unit increase in community social
capital, the self-rated health z-score decreased by 0.42, controlling for all other variables in the model. The
standardized coefficient is interpreted as follows: For every one-standard deviation increase in community social
capital, the self-rated health z-score in a given village decreased by 0.83, controlling for all other variables in the
model.
64
worse self-rated health. However, those who were wealthier were significantly associated with
better self-rated health (Est: 0.07, SE: 0.02).
Figure 3.5: Path diagram of relationship between social capital and self-rated health with
covariates
Unstandardized (standardized) coefficients; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
65
Table 3.11: Multilevel structural equation model results for relationship between social capital
and self-rated health
Covariate Model 1 Model 2
Est. SE Est. SE
Individual level
Structural social capital -0.01
(-0.01)
0.05 -0.05
(-0.04)
0.05
Cognitive social capital -0.04
(-0.04)
0.04 -0.01
(-0.01)
0.04
Sex (ref: male)
Female -0.20*
(-0.19)
0.09
Age -0.02***
(-0.29)
0.00
Education 0.07
(0.03)
0.09
Marital status (ref: not married)
Married, Gauna not performed 0.10
(0.09)
0.10
Married -0.15
(-0.14)
0.12
Occupation (ref: non-agriculture)
Agriculture -0.02
(-0.02)
0.07
Household assets 0.07***
(0.13)
0.02
Community level
Social capital -0.43***
(-0.87)
0.08 -0.26***
(-0.48)
0.06
Average education -0.19
(-0.10)
0.48
Average household assets 0.05
(0.16)
0.05
Geographic region (ref: urban district)
Remote district -0.24
(-0.44)
0.16
Remote/rural district -0.85***
(-1.54)
0.16
N (individual) 1642 1592
N (community) 110 110 Unstandardized (standardized) probit coefficients; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
66
In Annex 5, we compare the results of our structural equation model to the results of a
multilevel regression analysis using a scale score for social capital. Both models came to the
same conclusion – that community social capital was negatively and significantly associated with
self-rated health in a given community. We also examined the robustness of our results when
stratified by sex, as presented in Annex 6. We found that men and women provided statistically
different responses to the nine social capital items, with the exception of trust in leaders.
However, when we ran our analysis on the male and female samples separately, we continued to
find that community social capital was negatively and significantly associated with self-rated
health, whereas individual structural and cognitive social capital did not have a significant
relationship with self-rated health.
3.5 Discussion
This paper aimed to validate a nine-item social capital scale at two levels to match the
conceptualization of social capital as a multilevel construct – in other words, a construct that has
meaning for both individuals and communities. It then applied the validated scale to assess the
classic relationship between individual and community level social capital and self-rated health
in Nagaland, India.
3.5.1 Scale validation
We began our analysis by conducting a single level CFA. This approach is commonly
used to examine the construct validity of latent variables, such as social capital. The results of
our single level factor analysis demonstrated that our nine-item scale was a valid measure of
social capital for individuals. We determined that a two-factor model, one factor for structural
social capital and a second factor for cognitive social capital, adequately fit our data. One
structural social capital indicator, vote, and one cognitive social capital indicator, trust in
67
strangers, had lower loadings as compared to the other indicators. While the majority of social
capital researchers would take the results of the single level CFA and construct a community
level measure using a mean score, we used an alternative approach.
We first determined that the ICCs for each of our indicators were above 0.05, indicating
that a substantial proportion of variation in our data were based on differences between
communities, rather than within communities, warranting a multilevel analysis. We also
examined the correlation structure of our data within as compared to between communities, and
determined that there were different relationships among certain indicators when we examined
them at two different levels. These findings suggested that the indicators might have a different
relationship with the underlying latent construct at each level, and potentially even a different
factor structure.
Our use of ML-CFA revealed that the factor loadings for our social capital indicators were
not the same when we examined their relationship within and between communities. We also
found that our nine indicators had a different factor structure at each level. Within communities,
the model with the best fit had two factors – structural social capital and cognitive social capital
– which was what we found in our single level CFA. However, between communities, the
indicators all loaded onto one social capital construct. These findings suggest that the items were
tapping into different latent constructs at each level. This finding is consistent with current
thinking about social capital, where individual social capital is considered the resources made
available to people through their relationships. This is distinct from community social capital,
which is conceptualized as the social cohesion within a community that facilitates coordinated
action for mutual benefit.
68
The two items that performed poorly in the single level analysis, vote and trust in
strangers, also performed poorly at the individual level when we applied the ML-CFA.
However, the vote indicator had a higher loading at the between level, whereas the trust in
strangers indicator had an even lower loading at the between level. Hence, we determined that
voting was a relevant indicator to leave in the analysis, as it taped into community level social
capital. However, trust in strangers should be removed, as a large portion of its variance was
unique at each level, and not common with the other indicators in our scale.
Overall, our results from the ML-CFA suggest that the common approach of conducting
single level factor analysis to confirm the structure of a social capital scale, and then aggregating
the data to construct community level measures might not be the best approach to develop
community level social capital variables. The factor loadings and factor structure of community
level social capital was different from those at the individual level. Our findings corroborate
those of Dunn et al., who came to the same conclusion based on their multilevel factor analysis
of collective efficiency, a related construct to social capital (158).
3.5.2 Relationship between social capital and self-rated health
When we applied our validated scale to measure social capital and self-rated health at two
different levels, we found surprising results. First, individual structural and cognitive social
capital did not have a statistically significant association with self-rated health. We also found
that higher community social capital was associated with worse self-rated health in a given
community.
The results from our study were different from the findings of Rawal‘s study, which was
the only other study of social capital and self-rated health in India (28). This study, which took
place in an urban location in Chandigarh (as compared to our study, which was in a much more
69
rural region), focused on the relationship between social capital and self-rated health among
people over the age of 60. The authors assessed social capital at the individual level only and
found that it did not have a statistically significant relationship with self-rated physical health,
but it did have a positive and significant association with self-rated mental health.
The findings in our study were contrary to most social capital theory, which suggests that
higher social capital has positive implications for health. Our findings should be interpreted with
the recognition that our analysis was conducted using cross-sectional data. Within a SEM
framework, we hypothesized the direction of the relationship between social capital and self-
rated health. In our analysis, and consistent with other research in this area, we expected that the
direction of influence was from individual and community social capital to health. However,
with cross sectional data, it is possible that there was reverse causation – poor health could be
driving higher levels of community social capital. The direction of this relationship could be
plausible in Nagaland, as people may be especially reliant on one another during times of illness
and particularly when barriers to seeking care are high. In essence, people might rely solely or
primarily on their community members when they are ill, rather than formal care providers. This
community dependence and common experience among people with poor health could foster
social capital.
To interpret our findings, we also considered reasons why there could be a negative
relationship between social capital and health. As discussed earlier, Portes proposed four
potential downsides of social capital (11). In communities with high social capital, certain people
could be excluded from gaining access to community benefits, specific members could be under
more stress to support others, people could be reluctant to seek help for personal health issues for
70
a fear of lack of privacy, or behaviors and beliefs reinforced by the wider community could be
damaging to health.
A recent systematic review conducted by Villalonga-Olives and Kawachi specifically
examined the ―dark side‖ of social capital and its implication for health (44). In addition to
Portes‘ four categories, the authors proposed an additional downside of social capital: social
contagion of unhealthy behavior (when influential people spread damaging health behaviors). In
their review, Villalonga-Olives and Kawachi identified 44 studies that found a negative
relationship between social capital and health. The majority of these studies were cross sectional
(34 studies), conducted in the United States or Japan and written after 2008. The presence of this
large body of research reinforces the idea that social capital might not always positive – it could
have downsides. However, since we use cross-sectional, we cannot reach a conclusion about the
―dark side‖ of social capital in our study.
3.5.3 Study limitations
The results of our study should be considered alongside its limitations. In relation to our
measure of social capital, Stapleton et al. indicated that when modeling group level constructs
using individual level data, it is not possible to statistically evaluate whether the variation at the
community level is spurious, or in fact a true cluster level construct (163). Since there is a both
literature and consensus that social capital operates as both an individual and community level
attribute, we believe that there is theoretical underpinning to explain our results. However, there
is a chance that community level variation in our study was spurious.
Second, due to time and budget constraints, the nine social capital items were not forward
or back translated, and did not undergo more rigorous cognitive validation within Nagaland
before the survey was implemented. As a result, people responding to the questionnaire could
71
have different interpretations of some of the more abstract concepts covered (i.e.: trust). A more
rigorous approach to validating the social capital items using in-depth interviews could help
ensure that study participants interpret the items appropriately. Story et al. and DeSilva et al.
have both published studies with similar social capital questions, and conducted in-depth
interviews in the setting where the scale was to be applied (135,164). Using a similar approach
would be beneficial in Nagaland, or any other country setting where a social capital scale is
applied.
Finally, our study did not calculate a measure of reliability for our social capital scale.
Geldhof, Preacher and Zyphur provide recommendations for calculating reliability estimates of
multilevel scales (165). However, their reliability measures are for continuous data that tap into a
uni-dimensional construct. Geldhof and colleagues highlighted that more research is needed to
examine reliability estimates of binary and ordinal data. While there are recent developments in
examining multilevel reliability using multilevel item response theory (including multilevel item
response functions and multilevel information curves), these applications have examined uni-
dimensional scales only (166). More research is needed to apply these techniques to examine
multi-dimensional scales, such as our social capital scale.
3.5.4 Implications for future research
Our study has several implications for future research. To improve measurement of social
capital using individual level data, our study underscored the importance of clearly defining
social capital and specifying the level at which it is being studied. Since we could not statistically
test whether the community level relationships from our ML-CFA was in fact due to a true
community level construct or spurious clustering, more research is needed to compare
community level measures constructed with individual level data with social capital measures
72
ascertained at the community level (i.e. voter turn out rates, or features that the researcher
directly observes (167)).
Our application of ML-SEM is a new approach to examine the association between social
capital and self-rated health. More research is needed to compare the advantages and
disadvantages of employing multilevel regression analysis and ML-SEM, and to understand
when the results of these analyses converge, and when they diverge.
One of the criticisms of the body of social capital and health research is that there is
limited evidence to support the pathways through which social capital is associated with health
(37,39). In our study, we proposed potential reasons why social capital could have a negative
association with self-rated health, but we did not assess these pathways with our data. ML-SEM
may be an appropriate technique to model these complex pathways in the future. ML-SEM has
the added advantage of taking into account measurement error of social capital to generate more
accurate estimates of the relationship between social capital and health. In addition, it enables
researchers to explore complex relationships between predictors, including mediating variables
and reciprocal effects. Moving forward and with existing research, ML-SEM could be a useful
approach to confront existing challenges with measuring social capital and studying its complex
relationship with health.
3.6 Conclusions
This paper proposed a new way to examine social capital and health. Our application of
ML-CFA helps to bridge existing gaps between how social capital is conceptualized and how it
is measured. If social capital is conceptualized as a multilevel construct, then ML-CFA enables
researchers to validate a scale at multiple levels. When we applied our validated measure of
social capital to examine its association with self-rated health, we determined that there was a
73
negative association between community level social capital and self-rated health in a given
community. This finding suggests that the effects of social capital may not always be positive
and that more research is required to understand the reason behind this negative association.
Moving forward, ML-SEM could be used as a method to deepen our understanding of the
complex pathways that link social capital to health.
74
4. Communitization of health centers in Nagaland, India: have
health facility committees been implemented as planned?
(paper 2)
Abstract
In 2002, the Government of Nagaland, India began implementation of the
Communitisation of Public Institutions and Services Act to improve the quality of government
health services. The Act aimed to leverage social capital in Naga villages by establishing health
facility committees at government health centers that included community representatives. The
committees were responsible for taking ownership and managing health centers, promoting
disease prevention, and encouraging traditional medicines and practitioners. In this study, we
used in-depth interviews with 61 committee members and health workers, and survey data from
97 health facilities, 179 health workers and 1446 households, to assess four implementation
outcomes of Communitization of Health Centers: fidelity, acceptability, appropriateness and
feasibility. We determined that there were some gaps between how the committees were
envisioned and how they operated in practice. While most respondents accepted the concept of
Communitization and thought that it was appropriate for the social context in Nagaland, they felt
that certain design components of the Act, such as relying on community donations to
supplement gaps in government funding and withholding salaries of absent staff, were
challenging to implement. Many respondents felt that the health facility committees have not
reached their full potential. These results suggest that additional investment and specific
adjustments to the program‘s design could help these committees have a strong and positive
impact on health service delivery in the future.
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4.1 Introduction
Health policymakers increasingly recognize that people are more likely to use health
services if they take part in how they are delivered (168-171). While community participation in
health can take many forms, a common approach is to establish health facility committees.
McCoy et al. defined health facility committees as, ―Any formally constituted structure with
community representation that has an explicit link to a health facility and whose primary purpose
is to enable CPH [community participation in health] with the aims of improving health service
provision and health outcomes‖ (172). With many countries in Africa (173-180), East Asia
(181), South Asia (182-184), and South America (185,186) creating health facility committees,
there is still limited evidence on how implementation – the act of carrying an intent into effect –
has occurred and could be improved in the future (172,179). One way to determine whether
implementation of the health facility committees has been successful is to assess implementation
outcomes (187,188). Implementation outcomes precede service delivery and patient satisfaction
outcomes in that a policy, program or intervention will not have its desired effect unless it is
implemented well (189). An assessment of implementation outcomes is important to determine
whether the success or failure of an initiative is due to its design, or the way in which it was put
into effect. This study examines four implementation outcomes (fidelity, acceptability,
appropriateness and feasibility) of the health facility committees that were established at
government clinics in Nagaland, India through the state‘s 2002 Communitisation of Public
Institutions and Services Act.
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4.2 Background
Health service delivery in Nagaland is a challenge. The majority of health services in
Nagaland are delivered through the public sector. Across India, chronic underfunding for public
sector health services has contributed to poor infrastructure and unavailability of medicines
(69,190). At the turn of the millennium, the Government of Nagaland recognized many of these
limitations and acknowledged that the quality of health services in the public sector needed
improvement. At this time, utilization of health services was low, with 60% of women in
Nagaland reporting that they needed to visit a health facility, but did not (191).
To confront these service delivery challenges, the state government initiated the
Communitization Act to improve the quality and utilization of existing public services (73). The
Communitization Act has been implemented in various sectors. In the health sector, the Act
established health facility committees that include community representatives into committees
that manage services at Sub Centers (SCs), Primary Health Centers (PHCs) and Community
Health Centers (CHCs) alongside health workers.16
When a village does not have a health
facility, a Village Health Committee is established to spread information about health promotion
and disease prevention.17
The health facility committees have three main functions: to take
ownership and management of health centers, to promote preventive health through education
and action, and to encourage traditional medicines and its practitioners (73).
The committees in Nagaland are part of a larger initiative throughout India, and globally,
to decentralize health service delivery to communities. Notably, the Alma Ata Declaration of
16
Government services are delivered in India through a network of SC, PHCs, CHCs and district hospitals. Chapter
two provides more details about the services provided at these facilities. 17
As mentioned in the background section, within Nagaland, health committees associated with CHCs and PHCs
are called Health Center Management Committees (HCMCs). The committees associated with SCs or those that are
not affiliated with any facility are called Village Health Committees. For this paper, we refer to the committees
associated with SCs, PHCs and CHCs as health facility committees.
77
1978 called on countries to strengthen the role of communities in the delivery of primary health
care (192). Health facility committees serve a variety of purposes to achieve the goals of Alma
Ata – ensuring that health services meet local expectations, drawing on resources from within the
community to supplement those provided by the government, adding a layer of accountability to
providers and linking the community to the health system (172).
Multiple studies have demonstrated that health facility committees have a positive impact
on service delivery. Health facility committees have been linked with greater immunization rates,
vitamin A coverage, institutional births, community heath knowledge, facility revenues, staffing
levels and use of antenatal care and family planning (174,193,194). However, the achievements
of health facility committees differ in each setting. In some instances, health committees were
not functioning well (175,195-197). These findings indicate that merely giving people the
opportunity to take action and improve their health services does not lead to success (198).
A consistent finding when examining the performance of health facility committees is the
importance of context (172,199-201). While health facility committees have had positive
impacts, findings from one country about how and why committees were effective (or not
effective) may not be applicable in another setting. Even results from studies of health facility
committees in different parts of India – which highlight that some committees have limited
awareness of their role and were not routinely meeting – may not be applicable to the health
facility committees Nagaland (202-205). The committees in Nagaland were established prior to
those in the rest of India, and follow a state specific policy. The government in Nagaland
envisioned that the health committees would leverage the social capital in their communities to
increase financial resources, hold health providers accountable and promote health. Contrary to
the other states in India, the majority of people in Nagaland are affiliated with a tribe and live in
78
villages that are governed by community level institutions that have been protected through the
Indian constitution. Since governance in Nagaland is already highly decentralized, devolving
health facility management could be more effective than in other parts of the country.
This study builds upon existing research on health committees in Nagaland that has mixed
results – some assessments concluded that the health committees improved the reach of health
services to rural areas and were routinely functioning (74,78,80), whereas others found that
funding and human resources shortages hampered the initiative (79). Despite these findings,
today there is still a recognized need to improve the way that the health committees are
implemented so they can have a greater impact on the delivery of public sector services (81,82).
Our study confronts this need directly.
We first examine the fidelity of the intervention by comparing how the committees operate
in practice (thirteen years after they were first established), to the original policy documents,
which are available in the Department of Health and Family Welfare‘s Handbook on
Communitisation of Health Centres (73). We then examine three contextual factors – the
acceptability, appropriateness and feasibility of the intervention – to understand why there are (or
are not) gaps in fidelity. This analysis helps determine whether changes are needed to the design
of the Act or the way it has been put into effect. Our study contributes to a growing body of
global evidence that studies how contextual factors of the health system and society more
broadly influence health committee implementation and effectiveness (199).
4.3 Methods
We used multiple methods to assess the implementation outcomes of the health facility
committees in Nagaland. Our data came from two sources: a survey from health facility
managers, health workers and community members; and in-depth interviews with people
79
responsible for establishing and running the health facility committees. Data collection and
analysis took place in a series of three steps. The first step was quantitative data collection,
followed by qualitative data collection, and finally data analysis.
4.3.1 Quantitative data collection
The quantitative data were collected through the Government of Nagaland‘s baseline
health survey during April and May 2015, as part of the World Bank‘s Nagaland Health Project.
A health facility questionnaire and health worker questionnaire were completed at 101 project
health facilities throughout the state to better understand the structural and technical quality of
health services. All CHCs (21) and PHCs (55) targeted by the project were included in the
sample. Of the 90 Sub Centers targeted by the project, two were randomly selected from each of
the eleven districts in Nagaland, with an additional three SCs included during the pilot stage of
the survey. In total, 25 SCs were included in the sample. The Medical Officer or head of the
facility was the main respondent of the health facility questionnaire, drawing on information
from the facility‘s pharmacist, lab technician and records officer. The health facility
questionnaire had a response rate of 96% (97 facilities, including 23 SCs, 53 PHCs and 21
CHCs). From each health facility, two health workers, including the officer in charge and the
next most senior staff member, were selected to complete the health worker questionnaire. The
health worker questionnaire had a response rate of 89% (179 health workers, including 42
Medical Officers, 5 AYUSH doctors, 50 Nurse/midwives, 55 Auxiliary Nurse Midwives, 23
pharmacists and four other types of providers).
A household questionnaire collected data on community members‘ perceptions of
committee functioning, health seeking behaviors and socio-economic status. A multi-stage
cluster sampling approach was used to select households for the survey. From the same 101
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health facilities selected for the health facility and health worker questionnaires, a village from
within the catchment area was randomly selected, and then 15 households were selected to
complete the questionnaire using a random walk technique. The response rate associated with
the 97 health facilities that provided data for the health facility questionnaire was 99% (1446
households representing 7285 individuals).
Ethical clearance for the quantitative data collection was gained from the Institutional
Review Board of the Public Health Foundation of India, and the Institutional Review Board of
the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health for secondary data analysis.
4.3.2 Qualitative data collection
We selected sites for qualitative data collection to achieve maximum variation in
experiences. Hence, we selected committees that differed in their level of care (SC, PHC, CHC),
geographic region (urban vs. rural) and level of activity of the committee (high vs. low). At each
level of care, we first selected a committee with the highest number of meetings in an urban
district (Dimapur, Kohima and Mokokchung) and a rural district (Kiphire, Longleng, Peren,
Phek, Wokha and Zunheboto) as reported by the head of the health facility in the health facility
survey.18
Within the same district, we selected a committee with the lowest number of meetings
or with an ―unknown‖ number of meetings – thus from each district there was one high and one
low activity committee. On average across our sample, the committees had three meetings
during the year preceding the survey (standard deviation 2.6 meetings). We used this measure
because having regular meetings is a necessary, but not sufficient indicator of committee
functioning. Figure 4.1 illustrates how twelve health facilities were selected for this study.
18
We did not consider committees in Mon and Tuensang due to the poor road conditions in the rainy season during
which data collection took place.
81
Figure 4.1: Process to select health facilities for qualitative data collection
At each facility, we aimed to interview five respondents: the chairman of the committee,
a health workers serving on the committee, a community member serving on the committee, and
two health workers not serving on the committee. The exact composition of people interviewed
varied by facility. Table 4.1 summarizes the interviews conducted at each level of the health
system.
Level of care Region Activity
Sub Center
Urban
4 meetings
2 meetings
Rural 5 meetings
2 meetings
Primary Health Center
Urban 12 meetings
3 meetings
Rural 15 meetings
Unknown
Community Health Center
Urban 4 meetings
Unknown
Rural 3 meetings
Unknown
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Table 4.1: Summary of in-depth interview participants
Level Role of respondent Number of respondents
Male Female Total
SC Committee chair 3 0 3
Health workers serving on committee 3 2 5
Community member serving on committee 3 0 3
Health worker not serving on committee 1 6 7
Total 10 8 18
PHC Committee chair 4 0 4
Health workers serving on committee 5 2 7
Community member serving on committee 3 1 4
Health worker not serving on committee 0 4 4
Total 12 7 19
CHC Committee chair 2 1 3
Health workers serving on committee 2 2 4
Community member serving on committee 3 0 3
Health worker not serving on committee 2 4 6
Total 9 7 24
Total number of interviews 61
A trained interviewer conducted each in-depth interview in Nagamese or English using a
semi-structured questionnaire. During each session, the interviewer took hand written notes in
English, and the data collection team met after each session to discuss findings and write notes
from the daily session. Based on permission from the respondent, the data collectors recorded
each session. Recordings were not used in nine interviews, in which case, the research team
relied on hand written notes only. Upon completion of data collection, the data collectors
translated and transcribed all recordings. The qualitative data collection received ethical
clearance (exemption) from the Institutional Review Board of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg
School of Public Health.
83
4.3.3 Data analysis
Conceptual framework
We used the qualitative and quantitative data to inform how the committees had been
implemented according to an adaptation of Proctor et al.‘s implementation outcomes framework.
Proctor and colleagues proposed the use of eight implementation outcomes (acceptability,
adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, fidelity, implementation cost, penetration and
sustainability) to assess how an intervention was carried into effect (189). Peters et al. adapted
the definitions of Proctor‘s eight implementation outcomes to make them more applicable to the
analysis of health policies, programs and interventions (187,188). Proctor suggested that the
implementation outcomes are inter-related, but that the relevance of each outcome and its
relationship with the other outcomes is context specific. For the purpose of our analysis, we
proposed that the implementation outcomes work together in a system as illustrated in Figure
4.2.
Figure 4.2: Implementation outcome framework
84
At the core, we proposed that implementation of a policy, program or intervention is
about moving from adoption to penetration, and from penetration to sustainability. Adoption is
defined as ―the intention, initial decision, or action to try or employ a new intervention‖ (187).
Penetration moves beyond adoption to include the degree to which a policy, program or
intervention is integrated into a service setting and its subsystems (187,189). For our study, this
means that health facility committees were not just established but they also took action to
improve the quality and responsiveness of health services. Sustainability follows penetration and
is defined as the ―extent to which an intervention is maintained or instiutionalised in a given
setting‖ (187). For this study, existing evidence supports that the health facility committees were
adopted, that they penetrated the health system and have since been sustained – a 2009 impact
assessment conducted by the Government of Nagaland found that 100% of SCs, 73% of PHCs
and 100% of CHCs had a committee in place (74).
The starting point of our analysis was therefore the fidelity of the Communitization Act
in the health sector, which can only be assessed once the health committees have penetrated or
been sustained within a system. Fidelity is defined as the ―degree to which an intervention was
implemented as it was prescribed in the original protocol or as it was intended by the program
developers‖ (189).
Surrounding adoption, penetration, sustainability and fidelity in Figure 4.2, we have the
remaining implementation outcomes. We proposed that acceptability, appropriateness and
feasibility are contextual factors that influence whether an initiative moves from adoption to
sustainability in a manner that is consistent with how it was designed. Hence, in this study
where the health committees have been operating for 13 years, we focused on how the contextual
85
factors influenced the consistency between how the facilities were operating in practice and how
they were designed (i.e. their fidelity).
Acceptability is defined as the ―perception among stakeholders (for example, consumers,
providers, managers, policy makers) that an intervention is agreeable‖ (187). For our study, we
first assessed whether the committee members had a sufficient understanding of the purpose of
the health facility committees and the broader Communitization Act. Once we determined how
committee members understood their role, we assessed the extent to which they thought it was
agreeable.
Appropriateness is defined as the ―perceived fit or relevance of the intervention in a
particular setting or for a particular target audience or problem‖ (187). We assessed whether
committee members thought that the health facility committees and Communitization Act were
relevant and fit the wider social and economic context in Nagaland.
Feasibility is the ―extent to which an intervention can be carried out in a particular setting
or organisation‖ (187). For our study, we examined the extent to which the health facility
committees were facilitated or hindered by the broader health system constraints in Nagaland.
Application of conceptual framework to data analysis
The quantitative and qualitative data analyses were done iteratively. We deductively
analyzed our qualitative data using a thematic framework method according to the
implementation outcomes (206,207). We first developed codes for each implementation outcome
and applied them to all transcripts. We then reviewed all data from a given facility and wrote a
memo describing our overall impression of how that health facility was functioning, including
key findings across the implementation outcomes. After developing a similar memo for each
health facility, we compared and contrasted memos across facilities at the same level of the
86
health system (i.e. SC, PHC, CHC) and then across each level. This approach helped us identify
common themes and significant outliers across the 12 facilities. Once all data were coded, we
identified relevant quantitative indicators from the survey data to complement our findings and
triangulate our results. We then calculated descriptive statistics for each indicator (means,
standard deviations). The quantitative data is presented in the text, as well as in Annex 7.
4.4 Results
4.4.1 Fidelity
The Communitization Act specified the responsibilities for the health facility committees
and government, which are summarized in Table 4.2. The health facility survey found that 98%
of the health facilities in our sample had a committee. With regards to whether the committees
had been implemented as planned, a CHC health worker explained, ―What happens at the policy
level, theoretically, is very good. Then it comes to facility level. Some dilution. Then it trickles
down to another level at the district level. Again some dilution is there. Then from the district
level it comes to village level. By the time it goes down to village level, the quality decreases‖
(CHC committee health worker, male). Consistent with this perspective, other respondents
shared inconsistencies in how the committees were implemented as compared to how they were
envisioned in the original Act.
87
Table 4.2: Role of health facility committee and government under Communitization of Health
Centers Act
Health system
function
Health Facility Committee Role Government Role
Health
workforce Check staff attendance and
implement ‗no work no pay‘
rule
Supervise, direct, guide and
support the health center staff
Train and deploy health workers to
facilities
Health financing Manage health facility
finances
Mobilize funds from private
sources
Provide annual grants for
purchasing of medicines, salaries of
health workers and other recurring
expenditures
Health
information Record and maintain all vital
statistics
Collect and aggregate vital statistics
Medicines,
vaccines,
technologies
Procure annual requirement of
medicines from any retail
store according to government
list
Provide list of required medicines
Governance Assess village health needs
and develop/execute annual
plan for the facility
Construct District Coordination
Committee (DCC) in each district
to monitor and provide technical
support to committees
Build capacity of committee
members
Service Delivery Make repairs to the facility
infrastructure
Arrange transport for
emergency cases and referrals
Establish a center for health
promotion or develop
indigenous health care system
Approve and promote development
of indigenous health care system
with involvement from the
committees
Source: (73)
Committee composition
The composition of the committees varied depending on whether they were affiliated
with a SC, PHC or CHC. All committees were required to have at least one female member, the
most senior health workers at the facility and a representative from the church. Committees
associated with SCs should also include the village Anganwadi worker, Dai and Accredited
88
Social Health Activist (ASHA). Alternatively, committees associated with PHCs and CHCs
should include the chairmen of the Village Health Committees from the communities covered
within the catchment area of the facility. As Table 4.3 indicates, the committees were often
missing key personnel. Most notably, 28% of SCs and 16% of PHCs and CHCs did not include
the senior most health worker of the facility, and only one third of the PHCs and CHCs included
Village Health Committee Chairmen from other villages.
Table 4.3: Recommended and actual composition of health facility committees
Facility Type
SC (n=23) PHC/CHC (n=74)
Senior most health worker 72.7% Senior most health worker 83.8%
Female member 91.3% Female member 82.4%
Church representative 63.6% Church representative 62.8%
Member of Village Council 86.4% Chairman of Village Health
Committees from other villages
33.8%
Accredited Social Health Activist 50.0%
Village Anganwadi worker 36.4%
Village Dai
13.6%
*Chairman elected by Village Council *Chairman Elected from among all of the
VHC chairmen at the first meeting
Source: (73)
Health workforce
Checking staff attendance and implementing „no work no pay‟ rule: The household
survey revealed that health worker absenteeism was a challenge at government facilities – among
households that were aware of where the nearest government health facility was located, 49%
reported that the doctor was never or sometimes present during working hours. This figure was
15% for nurses.
In the qualitative interviews, some respondents corroborated this finding and reported
that health worker absenteeism was a problem at their facility, with one committee member
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calling absenteeism ―the most pressing problem in the facility‖ (CHC committee member, male).
Despite this finding, many interview respondents shared that they did not implement the No
Work No Pay rule. Oftentimes respondents at the same facility were not consistent – some
stated that they implemented the rule, whereas others said that they did not.
Supervising, directing, guiding and supporting health center staff: The health worker
survey revealed that the majority of providers were content with the management of their facility
and the support they received from supervisors and managers: 87% were satisfied or very
satisfied with their supervisor support, whereas this figure was 69% in relation to facility
management.
Interview respondents reported that they mostly gave verbal encouragement to providers.
Certain facilities took a different approach to support heath workers. At one PHC, the committee
explained to the community the constraints that health workers faced. In doing so, the committee
helped confront misconceptions about why the facility was unable to provide medications and
certain services. The providers at this facility found that this support reduced blame on health
workers who were sometimes unable to treat patients due to structural challenges at their facility.
At a different PHC, the committee uniquely worked to make the schedule more manageable for
providers by assigning people to 24-hour shifts for three or four consecutive days, which
decreased absenteeism. Furthermore, the committee assigned tasks to each provider to manage
during their downtime to make their work more engaging.
Training and deploying health workers to facilities: Results from the health facility
survey indicated that all SCs had at least one auxiliary nurse midwife (ANM), and nearly all
PHCs (98%) had an ANM and general nurse midwife. The majority of PHCs (88%) had a
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medical officer, whereas all CHCs had at least one senior medical officer and medical officer.
In addition, 73% of providers reported that they received their salary on time.
The interview respondents explained that positions at their facility were vacant. At one
PHC, a doctor was posted to the facility, but had left on study leave for three years and had not
been replaced. A committee member described that people did not come to the facility because
there was no doctor. The committee members were discouraged because of staff vacancies, with
one member explaining, ―We the staff as well as the patients suffer‖ (PHC committee health
worker, female).
Committee members also corroborated the survey finding that health workers often did
not receive their salary on time. The committees were responsible for disbursing salaries, but
funding for salaries came from the government. According to a PHC health worker, ―People are
looking for a monthly salary not a quarterly salary, and it‘s been like this since I came for the
past four to five years. So instead of encouraging us, the department is discouraging us‖ (PHC
committee health worker, male).
Health finance
Managing health facility finances: The health facility survey found that 51% of
committees approved the annual facility budget and 66% reviewed facility expenditures.
Furthermore, only 44% of the facilities maintained a book of accounts to record funds received
from the government, community or other private sources. In many instances, interview
respondents explained that one or two committee members controlled facility funds and others
were unaware of how much money was available or how it was spent. A community member
described, ―The Senior Medical Officer and the Chairman deals with all the funds. I have no idea
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how much funds and how many times the government funds come‖ (PHC committee member,
male).
Mobilizing funds from private sources: The health facility survey indicated that 8% of
facilities collected financial donations from the community, and 10% collected in-kind
contributions from the community. Interview respondents described that in-kind contributions
ranged from providing the land or wood to build the health center, time to make the facility or
community cleaner, furniture for the facility or refreshments for staff.
Providing annual grants for medicines, salaries and other recurring expenditures: The
health facility survey revealed that there were delays in funding from various government
sources. Among the facilities that maintained a book of accounts (n=43), 49% reported that they
did not receive funds from the District Health Department or Department of Health and Family
Welfare in 2014, whereas this figure was 30% from the Central Ministry of Health/National
Health Programs.
Interview respondents confirmed that funds for the initiative were often limited and could
be delayed. Several committees did not meet if they did not have funds to implement activities.
Funding constraints contributed to a sense of discouragement among committee members. One
SC committee member shared, ―We usually face financial problems a lot, like not getting funds
in time. Sometimes getting only half or even less, so all this makes it impossible for us to work
smoothly so that‘s when I feel discouraged‖ (SC committee member, male).
Health information
Recording and maintaining all vital statistics: The health facility survey found that all
but one facility maintained a health management information system report, and the interviewers
visually confirmed the report in 89% of cases. However, in the health worker survey, 20% of
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providers reported that the health management data had been discussed during a committee
meeting. In the interviews, some respondents described that they examined their data to
understand community health trends. A PHC health worker described, ―We have our monthly
data. So if delivery is less or immunization is less, then like, we try to see why the rates are going
down‖ (PHC committee health worker, male).
Medicines, vaccines and technologies
Procuring annual requirement of medicines from any retail store according to
government list: The health facility survey found low availability of drugs at all facilities.
Among five essential drugs,19
none of the SCs surveyed had all five available on the day of the
survey. Similarly, only 6% of PHCs and 5% of CHC had all five drugs available. The health
worker survey indicated that 81% of providers were dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with the
availability of drugs, supplies and equipment at their facility.
Many interview respondents confirmed that the unavailability of medicines was one of
the largest challenges at their facility, and that funds provided from the government were not
sufficient to procure the medicines needed by the community. For example, a CHC committee
member explained, ―Most of the funds are being used in buying medicines. Since our hospital is
big these medicines bought for one month gets over within one week‖ (CHC committee member,
male).
The committees had a variety of different ways to cope with the limited funds to procure
medicines. One respondent explained that their facility relied on medicines from their District
Hospital, as well as contributions from the Village Council to procure medicines. At a different
19
Paracetamol, Chloroquine Phosphate, Zinc Sulphate, Oral Rehydration Salt and Tetanus Toxoid vaccine
93
facility, a respondent shared that the committee increased out of pocket payments for patients so
that they could purchase medicines.
While some committees established coping mechanisms to deal with the shortages of
drugs, other committees felt more helpless about the situation. A SC Chairman described that the
committee was demotivated when they did not have drugs. Their only option was to write the
name of the drug required, and send it with the patient to purchase at a private pharmacy. At a
different SC, when asked about the lack of medicines at their facility, a health worker shared,
―We become helpless though we want to help them‖ (SC committee health worker, male).
Governance
Assess village health needs and developing/executing annual plan for the facility: The
health facility survey found that 11% of facilities reported mobilizing the community to use the
health facility during the prior six months.
The interview respondents did not describe a formal process to reach out and assess
community health needs. While some committees used their meetings to discuss village health
needs and to develop a strategy for the health facility, some expressed fatigue with developing a
plan because they did not have the resources to make improvements. A SC health worker
described, ―The thing is that only if the government gives anything or funds, then we can take
decisions, but since there‘s nothing to discuss and nothing to decide and divide, we got no point
of decision making‖ (SC committee health worker, male).
Building capacity of committee members: The health facility survey indicated that
government authorities engaged some facilities to provide instruction: 20% of facilities received
health-related instruction and 16% received administrative instruction from higher authorities in
the month prior to the survey during a supervision visit. Most interview respondents shared that
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they had not received Communitization-specific training. Some participants were able to
describe trainings they attended, like traveling to model facilities to study how committees were
operating and to learn from their experiences. These respondents described the trainings as
effective, but they had not taken place recently.
Monitoring, reviewing and improving health facility committees: The health facility
survey revealed that 41% of facilities received at least one visit from the Chief Medical Officer,
and 47% received one or more visits from the Department of Health and Family Welfare within
the prior 6 months. Many interview respondents shared that they did not receive supervisory
visits from the government. Also, respondents said that when they reached out to the government
about specific issues, such as lacking a blood bank, creating an orthopedic or eye clinic,
obtaining new equipment, or upgrading their facility, they often did not hear back.
Service delivery
Making repairs to the facility infrastructure: The health facility survey revealed that 14%
of facility committees provided new supplies or equipment to the facility, 11% provided new
infrastructure, and 19% made repairs to the facility during the 6 months preceding the survey.
Interview respondents explained that they used their position on the committee to reach
out to higher authorities and lobby for equipment or improved infrastructure. Other committee
members described that they had completed road and fence construction, improved the water
supply for the facility and cleaned the facility compound. In rare instances, respondents said that
they were responsible for constructing components of the facility.
Arranging transport for emergency cases and referrals: Transportation served a major
barrier to accessing health services in Nagaland due to poor road conditions and lack of public
transport. The health facility survey revealed the remote nature of many of the facilities in
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Nagaland. Facilities were on average six kilometers away from a paved road (standard deviation:
13 kilometers), and 41 kilometers away from a District Hospital (standard deviation: 24
kilometers). When health facility managers described the main activities implemented by their
committee, very few (3%) reported that they arranged transport for health workers to make home
visits.
The interview respondents corroborated that geographic accessibility was a barrier to
care. For example, a SC health worker explained, ―The road condition is so bad that even when
the patients are taken to [urban center in Nagaland], some die on the road before reaching the
hospital, and on rainy days, we cannot travel at all‖ (SC committee health worker, male).
Many patients could not afford to pay for transportation to reach the facility, so instead,
providers reported that they walked to deliver antenatal care to pregnant women and
immunization to children, provide nutritional days and obtain medicines. Respondents at certain
facilities shared that the poor condition of the ambulance was a source of frustration. A CHC
committee member explained, ―At times, there is an emergency case at night and we are unable
to provide ambulance to the patient because the ambulance is also not in good condition. So
these things are frustrating when the blame comes upon the committee‖ (CHC committee
member, male).
Establishing a center for health promotion or developing indigenous health care system:
The health facility survey found that Village Health and Nutrition Days (VHND) were the most
common activity implemented by the health committees. When asked what actions the
committee had taken for the facility in the last six months, 26% of health facility managers
reported that the committee organized a VHND. However, the health facility managers were
also asked about the number of VHNDs the facility held during the past six months. On average,
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the facilities had 8 VHNDs during this period (standard deviation = 11), and only 10% of
facilities reported that they did not hold a VHND.
Interview respondents described that both communicable and non-communicable
diseases affected people in Nagaland, explaining that poor water quality and changes in climate
contributed to many cases of malaria, diarrhea and typhoid. Respondents believed that poor food
habits led to an increase in diabetes and hypertension, and the availability of opioids led to an
increase in drug addiction. Overwhelmingly, the respondents focused on their ability to provide
curative services during the interviews. In certain instances, the committees did not function
because they did not have medicines. However, some respondents highlighted the potential
impact of holding VHNDs. An SC health worker shared, ―There is a lot of changes in the village
and this is all because of the VHND. The village is cleaner, and the mothers and the children are
healthier because of the regular antenatal care, prenatal check-ups and immunization. There is no
stagnant water around the homes of the villagers‖ (SC health worker, female).
4.4.2 Contextual factors
The prior section revealed that nearly all health facilities had a committee. However,
there were some gaps between how committees were envisioned in the Communitization Act and
how they were operating in practice. In this section, we present contextual factors that may
explain these findings.
Acceptability
The health worker survey captured perceptions about the health committees 15 years after
initial implementation, and found that 72% of providers thought the committee helped improve
service delivery at their facility. However, for frontline workers to accept the committees, they
should have a sufficient understanding of their purpose.
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Many interview respondents described Communitization as a partnership between the
community and the government where the community took an active role in the delivery of
health services. However, others understood Communitization more narrowly. Some respondents
described the initiative as supervision, where the committee‘s role was to check staff, monitor
their performance and ensure that drugs were available. Certain committee members described
their role even more narrowly, explaining that they were responsible for cooking and preparing
gifts for visitors of the facility.
When the committees and Communitization was first introduced, respondents described
having resistance to the concept. A CHC health worker explained that since people in Nagaland
received many social services, people were accustomed to the government being the sole
provider of these services. As a result, it was a ―major hurdle to overcome the myth that the
government should be the sole provider‖ (CHC committee health worker, male). In addition,
respondents described resistance from village governing authorities. The idea of creating new
committees for health and other sectors to oversee development threatened to dilute the powers
of the Village Development Board, which was the main entity to receive government funds for
village development prior to the Communitization Act. Alternatively, respondents described that
some people were in favor of the initiative for this very reason – there was an opportunity for
new groups to receive funds directly from the government. As the same respondent explained,
there was initially a lot of ―fanfare‖ for the initiative ―because people thought they would get
funds.‖
Despite some initial resistance, respondents described Communitization as a good
concept. They thought that the initiative could ensure greater transparency in how funds were
used, help health workers feel closer to the community, and enable community members to
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communicate their grievances with higher authorities. As a PHC health worker explained, ―Any
development program, it belongs to the community…definitely Communitzation is much better.
No other scheme will work better‖ (PHC committee health worker, male).
Although some community members recognized that the health committees were not
functioning well, they did not recommend overhauling the initiative. Respondents were
interested in finding ways to make it work better, or as a CHC health worker explained, ―The
wheel is already there, let's not try to reinvent it, but how to get it moving? That is the question‖
(CHC committee health worker, male).
Appropriateness
Two themes emerged to assess the appropriateness of the health facility committees: the
appropriateness given the social and economic context in Nagaland.
Social context: The household survey confirmed that specific components of social
capital in Naga villages were high. Nearly all respondents reported that they felt as though they
belonged in their village (97%). Furthermore, respondents were very trusting of neighbors and
leaders in their villages, but are less trusting of strangers (75% trusted all neighbors and 64%
trusted all leaders, versus 27% who trusted all strangers). Respondents also actively voted in
state and national elections (89%), were involved in community groups (45%), and received
emotional or economic support from family, friends and leaders within their community (80%).
More surprisingly, however, was that a smaller percentage of people reported that they joined
together with community members to address a problem or common issue, or talked with a local
authority or governmental organization about a problem in their village (24% and 12%
respectively).
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Interview respondents confirmed that since communities in Nagaland were small and
people knew each other intimately, they had high levels of social cohesion. As one PHC health
worker described, Communitization ―is perfectly fitted to this Naga culture…because this Naga
community is very, very much a socialized society. Individuality is not much, community
concern is very important‖ (PHC committee health worker, male). This respondent continued to
describe the context in Nagaland, where people could rely on others within their community for
support, providing an example of how community members often come together to build each
other homes. He explained the same community mentality would make the committees effective:
―If it is a very sincerely taken… every activity and every performance should be focused as for
community.‖
Committee members expressed that they were motivated to serve in the best interest of
their village where they were from and had deep ties. A PHC committee member explained that
the physician serving on their committee was motivated because ―he is also from this same
village, born and brought up here. So from what I have observed is that he also wants to bring
changes during his time and leave a mark before his tenure ends‖ (PHC committee member,
male).
Furthermore, respondents described that community representatives were in the best
position to understand the needs of the village, which was relevant since some health workers
were not from the community they served and were not familiar with the village customs. A
PHC health worker described, ―Public participation is very important for us because I am here
but I am not a local citizen of this area… if it works, then we can know what is the real problem
and what they [the community] want‖ (PHC committee health worker, male).
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Since the Communitization Act was designed to leverage social capital, the government
intended for the Act to be implemented from the bottom up. A CHC health worker described
that this design was appropriate, explaining, ―To sustain this mission of the Communitization, it
has to come from within, not from outside‖ (CHC committee health worker, male). To ensure
that the initiative came from within, communities could elect to participate in the initiative.
However, in practice, respondents said many committees were established based on a
government directive. The same respondent described, the bottom up approach was never
realized in practice: ―Without much research [Communitization] came down from top to bottom.
While we wanted things to go from bottom to top.‖ This participant believed that implementation
of the Act was not appropriate from the very beginning, stating, ―Started from 2001 or 2000 it
was a dead concept.‖
Respondents described that village politics permeated committee implementation and
often played a role in who served on the committees. A CHC, a health worker shared, ―As per
my observation, selection is done based on relations, clans and not through proper criteria…
according to me the system of selection of the member is not appropriate. Because of this the
talented people are not selected‖ (CHC health worker, male).
Some respondents shared that they used their personal connections to get medicines or
upgrade facility infrastructure. A PHC health worker explained, ―I pursued [upgrading the
facility infrastructure] with the department, and frankly speaking, that time the medical minister
was my friend. So I went personally to his house to file, and like this, built the quarter‖ (PHC
committee health worker, male).
Economic context: The household survey provided information about the economic
context in Nagaland. The highest level of education for 45% of households was completion of
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primary school. Furthermore, 51% of households relied on agriculture as their main occupation.
The level of education and type of occupation were not evenly distributed across the villages –
some committees had less access to educated members or members with government jobs.
Interview respondents described the economic situation throughout the state. Farmers
who were serving on the committees expressed that they had difficulties traveling to committee
meetings because they had to sacrifice time in the field, and incur travel expenses (committee
members do not receive compensation for their time). Many farmers simply could not cover
these expenses, and did not show up for meetings. A CHC committee member explained, ―It
becomes frustrating when they don‘t turn up for meetings‖ (CHC committee member, male).
Several respondents also expressed that the committees could be more effective if
members were educated. Respondents described that educated members could better understand
how the health facility operated and could develop better ideas to confront village needs. One
respondent described that her committee would run better if they had educated members or
members from the administration. She described: ―All the four members from the community
are farmers and to do anything official we cannot do it on our own‖ (CHC health worker,
female).
Feasibility
Three main health systems challenges emerged that impacted the feasibility of the
Communitization Act: the availability of funds, human resources and facility infrastructure and
equipment.
Funding: The health facility survey revealed that it was not feasible to collect funds for
health from existing community governing bodies. Among the facilities that maintained a book
of accounts (n=43), none of the facilities recorded funding from the Village Council in 2014.
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In the interviews, respondents at nearly every committee discussed implementation
challenges due to funding constraints. As described in the Fidelity section, funding was often
delayed. The respondents shared two reasons why they did not collect donations from the
community. First, many committees felt that it was the government, and not the community‘s
role, to fund health services. A SC health worker explained, ―We should be the ones helping
people‖ (SC committee health worker, male). Secondly, the majority of people in the villages
could not donate to the facility. The same committee member shared: ―Most of [the community]
is poor, so donation is not possible. All are farmers…The Village Development Board alone
can‘t help us.‖
Human resources: The health worker survey indicated that most providers live 18
minutes from their place of work (standard deviation = 23 minutes)20
and 76% reported that were
satisfied or very satisfied with the amount of their salary.
Committee members explained that it was difficult to motivate or sanction health workers
in light of the larger health system constraints, primarily because housing for providers was
insufficient and salaries were often delayed. This prevented the committees from implementing
the No Work No Pay rule, as one committee health worker explained that rather than cut pay ―we
try to compromise as much as possible and work on mutual understanding‖ (SC committee
health worker, male). At a PHC, a committee member explained that if they cut salaries, they
would ultimately feel too guilty to spend the recovered funds, so when providers were absent
―we just warn them repeatedly‖ (PHC committee health worker, male).
Interview respondents also shared that working on the committee was difficult due to
human resource constraints. Health workers explained that making time to work on the
committee in addition to their routine work was challenging, with one ANM at a SC disclosing,
20
This could be 18 minutes walking, driving or taking public transport.
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―Sometimes I tend to neglect my duties as an ANM because of too much work as the secretary of
the committee‖ (SC committee health worker, female).
Infrastructure and equipment: As Table 4.5 presents, the health facility survey revealed
that the health committees were operating at facilities that lacked of infrastructure and
equipment. The condition of repair of the facilities and cleanliness was also low. Infrastructure
availability, condition of repair and cleanliness was poorer at SC as compared to the other
facilities.
Table 4.5: Availability and condition of infrastructure and equipment at government health
facilities
Composite Scores Total
(N=97) SC
(N=23)
PHC
(N=53)
CHC
(N=21)
p-value
Infrastructure Availability1
(Out of 100))
Mean 56.4 23.32 63.12 75.8 <0.001
S.D. 26.4 15.2 20.9 13.6
General Equipment
Availability2
(Out of 100)
Mean 55.8 40.8 56.4 70.9 <0.001
SD 16.8 17.2 12.8 10.8
Condition of Repair3 Mean 59.6 62.8 59.6 56.1 0.64
(Out of 100) S.D. 23.5 21.7 25.4 20.6
Cleanliness4 Mean 44.7 30.4 49.4 48.4 0.03
(Out of 100) S.D. 29.7 25.0 29.8 30.7 1Composite score for infrastructure availability included 11 items: waiting rooms for patients, separate rooms for patient examination, labor room,
ward/separate room with beds, separate room for drug storage, laboratory, vaccine storage and cold chain, refrigerator, staff quarters for any staff, water supply and a waste disposal pit. 2 Composite score for general equipment included 18 items: children‘s weighing scale, height measuring scale, measuring tape, adult weighing
scale, blood pressure instrument, thermometer, stethoscope, fetoscope, ooscope, vision chart, IV Stand, sterilization equipment, x-ray machine, ultrasound machine, binocular microscope, sharps container ("safety box"), environmental disinfectant (e.g., chlorine, alcohol), alcohol-based
hand rub. 3Composite scores for condition of repair included nine items: windows and doors, interior walls, interior wall paint, floor, condition of outside wall, condition of outside wall paint, ceiling, furniture in waiting room and examination room. If no repairs were required, each item was scored
as ―2‖, if some repairs were required as ―1‖ and if complete renovation was needed as ―0‖. 4Composite score for cleanliness assess whether specific parts of the facility, namely the waiting room, examination room, labor room, in-patient wards, toilets and area surrounding the building, were clean or not.
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The interview respondents shared that while the committees were responsible for
updating facility infrastructure, many were unable to do so because the condition of the facility
was irreparable or it was not available in the first place. In worst-case scenarios, respondents
described that the entire building needed construction, lacked the ability to house patients, and
did not have consistent electricity or water supply. Committee members stressed the importance
of working with the government to improve infrastructure – it was not feasible for the committee
to upkeep infrastructure and equipment if it was not available.
In several instances, committee members described the building as irreparable. In these
situations, health workers often had to turn patients away. At one PHC, a committee member
explained how health workers become discouraged when they could not treat all patients. She
provided an example, sharing, ―When two women are to be delivered at the same time, we pick
one after the other since we have only one ambulance and when we go to pick the other one, they
get angry with us and that‘s how we sometimes get disappointed‖ (PHC committee member,
female).
4.5 Discussion
Overall, respondents expressed that health facility committees had not yet reached their
full potential. While nearly all facilities in our study had a committee thirteen years after the
Communitization Act passed, there was low fidelity between how the committees were described
in the original Act and how they functioned in practice. Most notably, some committees were
missing key representatives from the community and not implementing the No Work No Pay
principle, even though absenteeism was a challenge at many facilities. Furthermore, many
committees did not review facility expenditures or collect donations from the community.
Oftentimes, facility infrastructure was in poor condition. A key question from these findings is
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whether the low fidelity is due to the design of the Act, or the way in which it was put into
effect?
4.5.1 Design of the Act
We identified several strengths in how the health facility committees were designed.
Respondents overwhelmingly accepted the concept of Communitization, which was the premise
for the health facility committees. Most respondents thought that Communitization was a good
idea for the context in Nagaland. Even at facilities where the committees were not working well,
people were still in favor of the initiative and thought that adjustments were worthwhile to
strengthen the committees.
The Act has a strong focus on disease prevention and health promotion. This was a
strong design feature because several respondents described that the most pressing health
concerns in their village were related to poor hygiene, sanitation and diet, or due to high alcohol
and drug use. These findings corroborate with statewide trends in the disease profile – Nagaland
is moving along the epidemiologic transition, but the prevalence of communicable diseases still
remains high, and alcohol and tobacco use in the state is higher than national averages (208).
Health promotion and disease prevention initiatives are cost effective strategies to reduce
diseases associated with these risk factors (209,210). More than any other initiative, respondents
described the positive impact that health promotion initiatives, like VHNDs, and awareness
campaigns, had on their community. Hence, the health committees have potential to make a real
impact on the state‘s most pressing health conditions through health promotion.
The health committees were designed to leverage social capital in Naga communities.
The idea was that given the opportunity through the health committee, people with common
interests in their community would work together collectively to make improvements to their
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health center. We found that social capital was working as expected in some communities, but
not all. For certain facilities, the committee connected health works to their patients and
mobilized people to take action for the health center. At other facilities, the committees were
interested in serving their community by improving health service delivery, but became
demotivated by the lack of infrastructure, funding and human resources available to them. In
other instances, social capital could be exclusive – specific groups within the community looked
out for their own interests and controlled who served in positions of leadership. In these
communities, we observed a darker side of social capital where people were motivated to serve
the interests of a specific group. Overall, social capital did not always work as envisioned, or at
times, it was not enough to overcome the systems level constraints to deliver health services.
While there have not been other studies that examine social capital and health facility
committees, other researchers have found that wider social and political dynamics that exist in a
community will also play out on the committee, which was what we observed in Nagaland
(183,185,211-214).
Our analysis identified some weaknesses in how the committees were designed. While
the committees were responsible for covering the gap between the funds provided by the
government, respondents expressed that raising additional revenue from within the community
was not feasible given the larger statewide economic constraints. The literature outside of
Nagaland has an array of recommendations in regards to ways to increase donations for the
health facility. In Nepal, Bishai found that when health committees were more representative of
their community and included people from lower castes, the facility received more donations
(182). In Nigeria, Abimbola‘s study of health facility committees found the opposite (215). The
authors concluded that including more high-income and high status committee members was
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critical when the committees lacked funding and government support because these individuals
could invest in the intervention with their personal funds and influence others within their
network to support the facility. In Nagaland, we sometimes saw this trend, where people with
connections could use their time and influence to obtain more resources for the facility.
One of the greatest responsibilities of the health facility committees was to deduct staff
salaries through the No Work No Pay principle. This is a unique mandate in Nagaland as
compared to other states in India. Globally, there is no positive or negative evidence to support
the impact of salary deductions on absent staff. In Nagaland, providers at the same facility often
gave conflicting accounts about whether the principle had been implemented. This may have
been because some respondents considered threatening to take away a salary was sufficient to be
considered actual implementation of the policy. Alternatively, there was social desirability bias
where respondents wanted the committees to appear more active than they were in reality.
Overall, when providers explained why they did not use the principle, it was because they were
considerate of the challenges that providers already faced in their work, and did not want to add
additional constraints. These accounts suggest that the No Work No Pay principle may not be
the most effective way to reduce staff absenteeism and motivate staff. Elsewhere in India, Peters
et al. found that job content and work environment were more important characteristics of the
―ideal job,‖ above having a good income (216). Likewise, Purohit and Bandyopadhyay found
that above an adequate salary, the top ranked motivating factors for government doctors were job
security, interesting work and respect and recognition (217).
4.5.2 Implementation of the Act
A separate issue from the design of the health facility committees is the way in which
they were put into effect. We identified certain strengths in how the committees were
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implemented. Most notably was the initial sensitization of community members. While there
was some variation in the understanding of Communitization, the initial efforts to educate
community members about the Act and to establish committees across the state were largely
successful, as at the time of this study (thirteen years after initial implementation), committees
were aware of their mandate. This finding confirms what another analysis of Communitization
in Nagaland found (74).
A second implementation strength was that the health facility committees reported that
they were routinely collecting service delivery data to report to the government. However, only
some respondents indicated that the committees used the information for their own planning
purposes. Most respondents described a more unofficial process to understand community needs
and develop a plan for the health facility. There is an opportunity to improve the health
committee‘s responsiveness by training members on how to use this data for facility planning.
In addition to these two strengths, we found certain weaknesses in implementation.
Despite the strong emphasis on health promotion and disease prevention in their design, the
respondents focused strongly on their ability to improve curative services. Furthermore, none of
the committees described initiatives they took to link health services to traditional providers.
This finding is similar to that of a 2014 study conducted on the health committees in Nagaland
(79). In our quantitative data, we also found a discrepancy in how many VHNDs the committee
reported as compared to what the facility reported. This indicates that the health facilities might
be holding VHNDs without involvement of the committee. While other studies found that rifts
between health workers and community members serving on the committees could lead to
difficulties working together (218,219), this was not a major theme in our analysis.
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Inadequate funding was a key constraint to implementation that emerged in nearly every
interview, and which was verified by our quantitative data. However, less than half of the
facilities maintained a book of accounts to document the funds they had received during the year
preceding the survey. Numerous studies have found that funding, either from the government or
a non-governmental organization, was a critical input to ensure that health committees
functioned and had an impact (193,201,219,220). A common finding across many settings,
including Nagaland and other states in India, was that when funding was not available, the
committees did not feel that there was a point to meet or plan activities for the facility
(79,201,219). We also found this trend in our study.
A main role of the health facility committees was to motivate and support health workers,
whereas the government was responsible for training and deploying health workers. While most
committee members described that they primarily gave verbal encouragement to providers, more
could be done to motivate health workers. Some committees were able to dispel myths within the
community about the quality of services being delivered, and make the community more aware
of the constraints that the providers faced. These committees were able to defend providers who
were sometimes blamed for constraints that were out of their hands. In Nagaland, as has been
found elsewhere, the committee‘s ability to support providers was a powerful way to motivate
them (215).
Finally, the government was responsible for building capacity of community members
and supervising the committees, yet at many facilities, the committees were detached from the
government. In these circumstances, respondents underscored the importance of working in a
partnership with the government to make the committees more effective. The Communitization
Act stressed for the committees to work with the government in a partnership. Other studies
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have also documented that the strength of this partnership strongly influences the functioning
and performance of the committees (201,215).
4.5.3 Study limitations
The limitations of this study are worth noting. First, the facilities were not randomly
sampled and thus survey results may not be generalizable to other health facilities in Nagaland.
Second, our quantitative and qualitative data sources sometimes had discrepancies (the
quantitative data would show that the health committees were less active than some of the
interview respondents suggested), as did some interview respondents at the same facility. There
may have been social desirability bias, where certain interview respondents felt pressured to
make the committees seem more active than they were in reality. Third, the qualitative data
incorporated perspectives from the frontline workers who were responsible for implementing the
Communitizaton Act, namely, community members serving on the committee and health
workers. Perspectives from community members served by the health facility and policymakers
at the state level could provide additional insight into how the health facility committees were
implemented, but were not included in this study.
4.6 Conclusion
After more than a decade of implementation, the health facility committees established
through the Communitization Act in Nagaland have been adopted, but some were not
functioning as they were envisioned in the original policy. Before the health facility committees
can have an impact on the quality and use of government health services, certain elements of the
Act may need to be adapted. In addition, the committees need to work in partnership with the
government to ensure that they can fulfill their role within the context of Nagaland‘s health
system.
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5. Does social capital influence the functioning of health facility
committees? A quantitative analysis in Nagaland, India
(paper 3)
Abstract
Social capital has been proposed as a key ingredient to achieve a wide set of development
objectives: it has been described as the ‗missing link‘ to generate economic growth, and is
recognized by the World Health Organization as a factor that shapes population health outcomes.
In 2002, the Government of Nagaland initiated a cross-sectorial policy that leveraged social
capital to improve the delivery of government services. In the health sector, the policy
established committees that incorporated community members into the management of
government clinics, alongside health workers. The idea behind Communitization was that given
the opportunity, communities with high social capital would take action to improve their health
services. Our analysis used cross sectional data collected in 2015 to examine the association
between social capital and health committee functioning in Nagaland, India. We found that there
was no statistically significant association between social capital and health committee
functioning. When we examined other determinants of health committee functioning, we found
that committees that included more women, and received government funding and supervision
visits were associated with better functioning. The results of our analysis suggest that social
capital may not be enough to make health committees function: committees should be
empowered with financial resources and have meaningful engagement with the government to
take action to improve their health services.
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5.1 Introduction
Health facility committees have been established in many countries to improve the quality
of health service delivery. Health committees serve a variety of purposes. They provide a forum
for community members to discuss service delivery challenges, connect the community to formal
health system actors, lobby government officials, provide back-up support through co-financing
and co-management, and oversee the day to day operations of the facility (215). A deep body of
literature examines the factors that make these committees successful (171,172,199). However,
within the existing body of literature, there has not been a focus on the role of social capital in
making health committees function more effectively. The primary objective of this study is to
determine whether communities in Nagaland, India with higher social capital are associated with
better functioning health facility committees. The secondary objective is to determine whether
other features of the community, health committee and facility are associated with better
functioning committees.
Multiple studies within India have examined the functioning and effectiveness of Village
Health Sanitation and Nutrition Committees (VHSNCs) (219,221-225) and Rogi Kalyan Samities
(Patient Welfare Committees) (202-205), which are health committees that were implemented
nationwide under the National Health Mission. The VHSNCs are village committees responsible
for promoting health and nutrition in their community, whereas the Rogi Kalyan Samities are
affiliated with health clinics and play a role in managing primary health services. Distinct from
elsewhere in India, the health committees in Nagaland were established under a statewide policy
before the National Health Mission was in place. This is the first paper in Nagaland and India to
quantitatively examine the factors associated with health committee functioning, and to
investigate the role of social capital in committee functioning.
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5.2 Background
5.2.1 Community participation and health committees
Community participation in health – defined as ―the process by which individuals and
families assume responsibility for their own health and welfare and for those of the community,
and develop the capacity to contribute to their and the community‘s development‖ – has a long
history within and outside the heath sector (226). The importance of community participation
stems from a reaction to traditional economic development approaches, which relied heavily on
top down and external expertise to design, implement and evaluate programs that targeted the
most disadvantaged populations. As global initiatives shifted to adopt a more holistic
understanding of the complex political, social and cultural aspects of poverty, so did the
approaches to alleviate it. Starting in the 1960 and 1970s, there was greater emphasis on
involving communities in the design and implementation of programs from which they would
benefit (212,227).
The global commitment to apply a people centered approach to improve population
health outcomes followed a similar trajectory – after years of top down programs, the importance
of engaging beneficiaries of health interventions became more apparent to achieve success. The
importance of communities in designing and delivering programs that aimed to improve their
health was solidified in the Alma Ata declaration, which explicitly stated, ―People have the right
and duty to participate individually and collectively in the planning and implementation of their
health care‖ (192). As Arnstein noted in her landmark paper on community participation, ―The
idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle because
it is good for you‖ (228).
114
The widespread support that Arnstein alluded to in her 1969 article has continued until
today, as evidence by continued support of Declaration of Alma Ata in 2018 at its 40th
anniversary (229). The rationale for community participation in health is, first and foremost,
based on the belief that communities have the right to be involved in health initiatives that target
them (168). Second, is that the expertise needed to make changes to population health does not
lie solely in the hands of medical or public health professionals. Rather, communities have
unique knowledge of their needs, values, preferences and lifestyle, which are necessary to make
health services more responsive to local expectations (230,231). Community participation can
also increase accountability of health providers and use of government funds by making
providers directly answerable to the people they serve (198,227,230,231). Furthermore,
community participation can generate more awareness of health problems, which could change
behavior, inform the appropriate use of health services and promote disease prevention
(198,231,232).
Community participation can be achieved through many different mechanisms.
Countries have established health boards, cooperatives, committees, coalitions, forums and focus
groups to elicit greater participation from health program beneficiaries (198). Evidence from
these experiences demonstrates that there have been many challenges to achieve community
participation in health: merely giving community members an opportunity to participate in their
health programs does not lead to success. Oftentimes, there is resistance among those in
leadership positions to redistribute power to communities, or there may not be a genuine
commitment of health workers to include community members in new roles (212,228).
Furthermore, the community may not have the knowledge base to assume a new leadership role,
115
or the ability to organize an accountable and representative group of citizens in face of social
distrust (226,228,232,233).
The establishment of health facility committees is a common approach to incorporate
community members into the management and delivery of health services. Three systematic
reviews have examined the factors that facilitate and hinder health committee performance
(171,172,199). In all three reviews, the authors discussed the importance of the community that
the committee serves. For example, McCoy et al. found that the political, economic and cultural
features of the community influenced the performance of health facility committees (172).
Molyneux et al. described that community structures and socio-cultural norms could influence
the functioning and impact of community accountability mechanisms more broadly (171).
Lastly, George et al. described that health committee effectiveness could be a product of
community contextual factors, such as awareness, trust, resources and social inequalities (199).
While these three studies all highlighted the role of the community in health committee
performance, they did not explicitly describe the potential role of social capital.
5.2.2 The role of social capital in health committee functioning
Like community participation in health, the concept of social capital has also gained
widespread attention among public health practitioners. Social capital has many definitions (17).
However, the ‗communitarian‘ school of thought made popular by Robert Putnam is particularly
relevant to community participation and health committees (8,83). Putnam defined social capital
as ―features of social organizations such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate
coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit‖ (9). In essence, Putnam proposed that
relationships among people in a community were a resource that enabled them to work together
towards collective goals.
116
Despite immense interest in both the relationship between social capital and health, and
the role of health committees in improving health and health service delivery, researchers have
not yet widely applied social capital theory to study health committees. Social capital is relevant
to this area of research because it captures a community‘s ability to work together. A
community with a high level of trust, common norms and dense networks may be more equipped
to overcomes some of the common pitfalls of community participation. Specifically,
communities with high social capital may be better able to organize a committee that works in
the broader interests of the community, mobilize existing knowledge and resources to benefit
service delivery, and increase the accountability of healthcare providers and government
resources. While social capital could be a precursor to health committee functioning, it is also
possible that the health committees build (or diminish) social capital within a community.
The existing literature on community participation in health has already tapped into some
of the concepts that were popularized by Putnam and social capital theory. Brancht discussed
the factors that inhibit or facilitate community participation, noting that the degree of
homogeneity or heterogeneity of the community, the degree of internal control and existing
involvement in community life were key factors (226). Hurlbert discussed the role of social trust
in making people more willing to cooperate with one another and work towards a common
solution, stating, ―A clear link exists between trust and the levels of citizen involvement‖ (233).
In her review of community participation in health programs, one of Rifkin‘s four main findings
was that ―people have individual and collective resources (time, money, materials and energy) to
contribute to activities for health improvements in their community‖ (168).
Among the studies that examined health committee performance, researchers again
discussed the importance of concepts closely related to social capital. In South Africa, Gilson et
117
al. concluded that trust among committee members, service providers and policymakers was a
key consideration to improve health committee performance (218). In Nepal, Gurung et al. found
that a ―sense of volunteerism and team spirit‖ among committee members was critical to health
facility committees (234). The focus on community, the resources and the trust embedded within
them suggests that the role social capital in health committees should be explored in greater
depth.
5.2.3 Social capital and health committees in Nagaland
Health in India is decentralized to the state level, so each state has the power to adopt
specific elements of the Federal government‘s programs. The health committees in Nagaland
therefore differ from those implemented elsewhere in India (the VHSNCs and Rogi Kalyan
Samities) because they were implemented through the state‘s Communitisation of Public
Institutions and Services Act in 2002. The Communitization Act is a cross-sectoral policy that
incorporates community members into the management of government services. In the health
sector, community members develop village health committees to promote health and spread
awareness about disease prevention. The policy also established health facility committees,
which include both community members and health workers, at Sub Centers (SCs), Primary
Health Centers (PHCs) and Community Health Centers (CHCs). These facilities, along with
District Hospitals and a network of community health workers, deliver government health
services to communities throughout India.
The Communitization Act aims to leverage social capital in Naga communities. In other
words, policymakers in Nagaland envisioned that social capital was a pre-cursor to make the
health committees function effectively and have an impact on health services. They
hypothesized that specific features of the state, such as the strong tribal and Naga identity,
118
traditional governance structures and remote nature of villages, resulted in high social capital.
Hence, the premise for the Communitization Act was to incorporate community members into
the management of government services because they would have a vested interest in making
services work for their community, and the ability to work together efficiently to achieve results
of mutual interest.
In 2010, R.S. Pandey, the Chief Secretary for the Government of Nagaland from 2000-
2004 when the Communitization Act was passed, wrote a book that provides an in-depth
description of the role of social capital in the policy. Pandey described ten mantras of social
capital, which are summarized in Table 5.1. He suggested that understanding these mantras was
necessary to leverage social capital in Nagaland to produce value, and to achieve the underlying
goal of the Communitization Act. This goal was to ―leverage the funds, the expertise and the
regulatory powers of government with the social capital of the user community and combine the
best of the public and the private sector systems‖ (72).
119
Table 5.1: Pandey's ten mantras of social capital
Mantra Description Relevance to Communitization of
Health Services
1. Commonality of
interests is the raison
d‟etre of social capital
Common interest binds the community
together and leads to activation of social
capital for promotion of common interest
―User community‖ of
government health services has
commonality of interests
2. Commonality of
interest and
cooperation in a group
extends to a ―radius of
trust‖
―Radius of trust‖ is a circle of people
among whom cooperative norms operate
Trust cover a whole village or only
members of a particular clan
Groups may also generate ―radius of
distrust‖ of outsiders
Having only one committee in a
village with many factions may
not produce desired results.
Committees may be more
effective in certain areas.
3. Heterogeneous groups
will have less social
capital than
homogeneous groups
Cooperation may be difficult among the
rich and the poor, the young and the old,
different castes
Villages in Nagaland are marked
by homogeneity, whereas urban
areas are more heterogeneous
4. How social capital is
used is dependent on
value system and skills
of the group
Effectiveness of social capital depends
on a group‘s value system and skills of
its members and leaders
Continual capacity building of
committee members is key to
success
5. Social capital is useful
in a variety of ways Social capital can increase productivity
by reducing cost of doing business,
facilitating coordination and cooperation,
promoting information flows and
reciprocity, and promoting contribution
by members in tangible and non-tangible
ways
Social capital can increase
resources available to support
public sector delivery
6. Social capital also has
a downside Factors such as religion, ethnicity, socio-
economic status (which are the basis of
social capital) can also cause social
divides and promote narrow pursuit of
interests
Committees have rotating
membership to avoid rent-
seeking behavior among
members
7. Quantity and quality
of social capital
increases with use
Collective action that benefits society
activates, renews or creates new social
networks, thereby enhancing social
capital
Communitization enables regular
and frequent meetings among
members, thereby renewing
social bonds
8. Need or adversity
triggers utilization of
social capital
Where need is more, collective action or
in other words, activation of social
capital is more likely
The poor state of public delivery
systems may trigger reform
through communitization
9. Investment and use of
social capital is
facilitated through an
agent
Without the agent, social capital may lie
dormant
Both the stock of the social
capital and a strong agent (health
committee) are required to
produce positive results
10. Investment in social
capital‘s is not
sufficient for
achieving desired
results
Social capital is not a substitute for
financial capital, political capital or
intellectual capital
Health committees cannot solve
all challenges alone – health
system and government support
is required
Source: (72)
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While health committees have been established in countries throughout the world, the
health committees in Nagaland are unique in their rationale to leverage social capital. Outside of
Nagaland, there has been minimal discussion of the role of social capital in making health
committees function. This study will fill the current research gap.
5.3 Methods
5.3.1 Conceptual framework
In this study, we examined health committees that are associated with SCs, PHCs and
CHCs. McCoy et al. developed a conceptual framework of the performance determinants of
committees affiliated with a health facility (172). As presented in Figure 5.1, their framework
was divided into features of the health facility, health committee and community. They also
included process factors (features related to how community participation is achieved) and
contextual factors (those related to the health system and society more broadly). We adapted this
framework to our study of health facility committees in Nagaland.
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Figure 5.1: Conceptual framework for determinants of health facility committee performance
Source: Adapted from (172)
As previously discussed, other studies found that features of the community influenced
health committee performance. Political, economic and social divisions that existed in
communities at large also existed on the committees. For example, other researchers have found
that political elites appointed their own supporters to serve in positions of power, and that large
segments of the population faced economic barriers to participating on the committees (235,236).
In their analysis of VHSNCs in Uttar Pradesh, India, Kumar et al. found that local residents and
committee members knew the caste and social status of all other health workers and committee
members. Some higher caste members did not participate in meetings when lower caste members
were also involved (219). Scott et al. had similar findings in their analysis of VHSNCs in rural
north India, as people from different castes did not sit together during meetings (201). In our
Process Factors
Community mobilization
Facilitation and support
Features of Health Facility
•Resources (human, financial)
•Staff skills, attitudes and perceptions towards community participation
Features of Committee
•Composition
•Capability of members (management skills, leadership, confidence)
•Clarity on roles, function and authority
Features of Community
•Socio-economic environmment
•Socio-political environment
•Social capital
Social Health system
Contextual Factors
122
study, in addition to the social capital of the community, we examined the socio-economic
environment of the community.
Other studies found that features of the committee, including its composition and
representativeness, influenced its performance. Committees that represented the communities
they served by including women and members from minority groups ensured that the needs of all
people were represented (181,235,237). More representative committees may also help secure
resources for the health facility. For example, Bishai et al. found that in Nepal, health
committees that included more people from lower level castes were able to raise more funds for
the facility from within the community (182). Other studies have also found that the skills and
capabilities of committee members were important components (180,197,238). In Bangladesh,
Mahmud found that beyond management and leadership skills, committee members needed
confidence because they made suggestions and decisions alongside health workers who were
well-educated and respected members of the community (236). Along the same lines, multiple
researchers identified that committee members should have clear responsibilities so that conflicts
did not arise regarding the roles of the health workers as compared to community members
(197,211,237,239). In this study, we focused on the composition of the committee as a
determinant of its performance.
McCoy et al. also found that health facilities often functioned ―synergistically‖ with the
health facility. Multiple studies concluded that well-staffed, funded and equipped health facilities
that had providers who were supportive of community participation had better committee
performance (180,201,218,219). Conflicts sometimes arose between health workers and
community members serving on a committee or among heath workers that had different levels of
authority (218,219). Some researchers found that younger providers with less training who were
123
already responsive to their community were more welcoming of community participation in
health facility management, and therefore facilitated committee functioning (180,194). In this
study, we focused on the financial resources and government support available to the health
facility.
McCoy et al. noted that process factors could help the committees achieve better results.
These process factors included efforts to strengthen civil society, sensitize communities to
incorporate women or minorities in positions of leadership, interventions to mobilize different
segments of the community and routine follow up with the committees, rather than one-time
training (197,223,234,240,241). We did not study process factors in the scope of this study due
to unavailability of data.
McCoy also discussed features of the health system and society more broadly that could
influence the health facility committees. Health system features included the legislative and
regulatory environment in which the committees were functioning, or the attitudes of health
system leaders (for example, district level authorities) towards community participation in
health. In terms of the wider society, beliefs, customs and power relations could also influence
the functioning of the committees (180,197,235). We also did not examine these contextual
features in the scope of this study due to unavailability of data.
5.3.2 Data sources
We used cross-sectional data from health facility and household surveys conducted by the
Government of Nagaland in 2015 as a part of the World Bank Funded Nagaland Health Project.
One hundred and one health facilities targeted by the project were purposively selected to
complete the health facility questionnaire, including 21 CHCs, 55 PHCs and 25 SCs. The survey
124
achieved a 96% response rate (21 CHCs, 53 PHCs, 23 SCs). The Medical Officer or head of the
health facility provided responses to the questionnaire.
For the household survey, a village was randomly selected from the catchment area of each
of the 101 facilities that was selected to complete the facility survey. Then, within each selected
village, 15 households were selected using a random walk technique. The head of the household
provided responses to the questionnaire, which asked questions about health seeking behavior,
social capital and socioeconomic indicators. The household survey had a 99% response rate. For
this analysis, we used data from the households matched to the 97 health facilities that provided
information for the health facility survey.
Ethical clearance for the quantitative data collection was gained from the Institutional
Review Board of the Public Health Foundation of India, and the Institutional Review Board of
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health for secondary data analysis.
5.3.3 Measures
Health committee functioning
To measure health committee functioning, we developed an index that incorporated
multiple indicators. Our index allowed us to comprehensively assess whether the committees
were performing their roles across all domains of the health system, as outlined in
Communitization Act for health centers (available in the Handbook of Communitisation of
Health Centres) (73). The total score for our health committee functioning index ranged from 0-
12.
We measured health committee functioning as an index rather than a scale. With an
index, we would not expect that the values of the 12 items arose for a common cause (104).
Instead, the value for the 12 items would determine the level of health committee functioning. In
125
addition, we anticipated that the index was multi-dimensional (i.e. it measured functionality
across all domains of the health system, and not just one domain), and so we did not expect that
the indicators would be highly correlated. We present the correlation matrix for the health
committee functioning items in Annex 8.
Table 5.2 presents the roles of the health committee as outlined in the Communitization
Act. Based on the roles of the health committees, we assigned indicators to cover each health
system component. For basic functioning, we included one variable of committee activity,
which was if the committee met during the past 12 months (item 1).
For the health workforce, the committees were responsible for motivating staff and for
implementing the ‗no work, no pay principle,‘ where the committee could deduct salaries from
absent staff. To implement this principle, the committee needed to review and approve staff
salaries. We therefore assessed whether the committee had approved staff salaries within the 6
months preceding the survey (item 2).
For health financing, the health committees were responsible for deciding how facility
funds should be used,21
managing expenditures and raising funds form within the community.
We included three indicators. First, was whether the committee had approved the annual budget
for the facility (item 3). If the committee approved the facility budget, it implied that they had a
plan for how funds should be spent during the upcoming year. The second variable was whether
the committee reviewed expenditures (item 4). This item demonstrated that after approving the
budget, the committee tracked expenditures against how they planned to spend their budget. The
final item was whether the committee raised funds from the community within the past 6 months
21
The National Health Mission has regulations about how certain funds can be used. However, the committees also
have untied funds that they can use more liberally to improve health service delivery.
126
(item 5). This item demonstrated that the committee was able to collect financial resources from
within the community to supplement government funding.
The committees were responsible for supervising and ensuring that health center staff
recorded and maintained vital statistics of patients, and using this information to plan committee
activities. We therefore determined whether the facility maintained a health management
information system report (item 6). The survey enumerator visually confirmed whether the
facility maintained the report.
The committees were also responsible for procuring medicines. We included two items
for this role. First, was whether or not the facility maintained a drug stock register (item 7). If
the facility maintained a drug stock register, at a minimum, the committee would be aware of and
tracking the availability of medicines at the facility. The second indicator was whether the
committee had provided drugs for the facility in the past 6 months (item 8). We included both
indicators because the ability to provide medicines was dependent upon whether the committee
received government funding, which was outside of the committee‘s control.
One of the core design features of the health committees was to decentralize governance
and incorporate community members into service delivery to make services more responsive to
village needs and to better mobilize the community. To assess this objective, we included a
variable for whether the committee mobilized the community to use health services in the past 6
months (item 9).
The health committees played a role in the delivery of health services. They were
responsible for maintaining facility infrastructure and making repairs when needed. Over a six-
month period, all facilities would require at least some basic maintenance. Hence, we assessed
whether the committee had made any repairs or improvements to the health facility during this
127
timeframe (item 10). These repairs could include making general repairs, providing new
supplies, equipment or infrastructure, constructing toilets or improving water quality or supply,
improving electricity or improving security at the facility. The committees were also responsible
for drawing on in-kind contributions from the community to improve patient care. We included
a variable for whether the committee raised in-kind contributions during the past six months
(item 11). Lastly, the committees played a role in implementing Village Health and Nutrition
Days (VHNDs). Across India, VHNDs are events were community members can receive basic
health education and preventive services (242). VHNDs should occur on a monthly basis, and the
committee should help to organize the VHND. We therefore included an item for whether the
committee organized a VHND during the past 6 months (item 12).
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Table 5.2: Variables included in health committee functioning index
Health system
function
Health Facility Committee Role Item %
(n)
General Hold routine meetings 1. Committee held
meeting during past 12
months
77.32
(75)
Health
workforce Supervise, direct, guide and support
the health center staff
Improve staff accommodation
Check staff attendance and
implement ‗no work no pay‘ rule
2. Committee approved
staff salaries in past 6
months
8.89
(8)
Health
financing Manage health facility finances
Mobilize funds from private sources
3. Committee approved
annual budget for
facility
50.52
(49)
4. Committee reviewed
expenditures
(monthly, quarterly or
annually)
65.98
(64)
5. Committee raised
funds from community
in past 6 months
8.25
(8)
Health
information Record and maintain all vital
statistics
6. Facility maintains
health management
information system
report
88.66
(86)
Medicines,
vaccines,
technologies
Procure annual requirement of
medicines from any retail store
according to government list
7. Facility maintains
drug stock register
78.35
(76)
8. Committee provided
drugs in past 6 months
23.91
(22)
Governance Assess village health needs
Mobilize community
Develop/execute annual plan for the
facility
9. Committee mobilized
community to use
health services in past
6 months
11.11
(10)
Service
Delivery Make repairs to the facility
infrastructure and take measures to
prevent damage or misuse of health
facility infrastructure
Organize Village Health and
Nutrition Day (VHND)
Arrange transport for emergency
cases and referrals
At own expense, establish a center
for health promotion or develop
indigenous health care system
10. Committee
maintained/ repaired/
improved
infrastructure in past 6
months
32.99
(32)
11. Committee raised in-
kind contributions for
health facility in past 6
months
9.89
(9)
12. Committee organized
VHND in past 6
months
25.56
(23)
129
Measure of social capital
We used a validated scale of community social capital that was constructed using data
reported by individuals in the household survey. Our social capital scale used five items that
measured structural social capital, which is defined as the formal structures that enable people to
develop social ties and build networks (91,134). The scale also used three items that measured
cognitive social capital, which is defined as the quality and nature of social interaction (91,134).
Chapter 3 describes the details about each of the items and multilevel validation of the scale.
In contrast to health committee functioning, which we measured using an index, we
viewed social capital as a reflective indicator and measured it as a scale (104). Hence, unlike
health committee functioning, where the value of each indicator determined the level of health
committee functioning, we believed that the values of the items in our scale were caused by an
underlying latent construct, social capital. As a result, the indicators in our scale should be
highly correlated since they had the same underlying cause.
Determinants of health committee functioning
We included two variables that captured the composition of the health committee. To
ensure that the committee was representative of the community, we included an indicator of the
number of different stakeholders serving on the committee.22
The number of different
stakeholders on the committee ranged from 0 to 12. A higher score indicated that the committee
was more diverse. We also included a variable for the number of women on the committee.
22
Stakeholders include: 1) head of the health facility, 2) skilled health facility staff, 3) non-skilled health facility
staff, 4) village council representative, 5) committee member from another village, 6) ASHA, 7) AHSA coordinator,
8) Block Program Manager, 9) representative from the church, 10) representative from a Women‘s group, 11)
Anganwadi Worker, 12) trained DAI.
130
Our health facility variables covered the human and financial resources available to the
committees. More specifically, we included the type of health facility (SC or PHC/CHC),23
whether funds were received from the government for the financial year of 2014 and recorded in
the facility‘s book of accounts (yes/no), and the number of supervision visits made by the
Department of Health and Family Welfare in the past six months.
Lastly, our community variables assessed the economic and educational levels within the
community. To measure the economic level of each community, we developed a household
asset index, and took the average score for the community. Consistent with other asset indices,
our final index included variables related to durable assets, access to utilities and infrastructure,
and housing characteristics (160,161). To generate a measure of the education level within a
village, we determined the highest level of education within a given household. The highest level
of education ranged between a score of 1 to 8.24
We then generated a village average education
score for the community.
We also considered other community and facility variables.25
However, our exploratory data
analysis revealed that these variables were not independently associated with and did not explain
a large proportion of variation in the health committee functioning index. Furthermore, when
added into our model, they did not change the association between social capital and health
23
The Communitization Act distinguishes health committees that serve at SCs from those that serve at PHCs and
CHCs. The former are called Village Health Committees (VHC), whereas the latter are called Health Center
Management Committees (HCMC). The VHCs associated with SCs and HCMCs have the same mandate and roles
in the Communitization Act. However, they are working in different contexts. The VHCs are closer to the
community and manage the delivery of basic health services, whereas the HCMCs cover a larger population and
manage more advanced levels of care. 24
The education score for each household could range from 1-8. 1 = did not complete primary education; 2 =
completed primary school/grade 5; 3 = completed high school/grade 10; 4 = completed higher secondary
school/grade 12; 5 = completed undergraduate degree; 6 = completed undergraduate certificate/degree; 7 =
completed postgraduate degree; 8 = completed postgraduate certificate/diploma. 25
Other variables considered: 1) number of doctors at the facility, 2) number of nurses at the facility, 3) distance
from the facility to the nearest paved road, 4) size of facility catchment population.
131
committee functioning. To achieve a more parsimonious model, these variables were not
included in our final model.
5.3.4 Statistical analysis
Our statistical analysis consisted of two parts. The first part was a manifest analysis,
where we used an observed measure of social capital – the average social capital scale score of
the 15 individuals in each village. We conducted the manifest analysis first to facilitate
exploratory data analysis and linear regression diagnostics. The second part of the analysis was a
latent analysis that used multilevel structural equation modeling (ML-SEM). ML-SEM was
advantageous over regression analysis because it controlled for measurement error of social
capital (162). In addition, it allowed us to develop a measurement model for community social
capital (the portion of the model linking observed variables to underlying latent variables) that
was based on how each of the nine observed items varied between communities (119,158,162).
The results section presents the findings form the latent analysis only, whereas the results of the
manifest analysis are presented in Annex 9.
Manifest Analysis
We first conducted exploratory data analysis of our main variables of interest. We
examined the distribution of each continuous variable using a histogram to identify extreme
values. For the continuous variables in our model, we examined their correlation with the health
committee functioning index, and observed the linear relationship with the health committee
functioning index using scatter plots with best-fitted lines. For the binary variables in our model,
we examined the distribution of the health committee functioning index over each response
option using a box plot. For all variables in our model, we examined the bivariate relationship
with the health committee functioning index.
132
We next ran a linear regression analysis using ordinary least squares.26
Our first model
included only our manifest measure of community social capital. Our second model included
other community determinants of health committee functioning, whereas our third model also
incorporated committee determinants, and our final model also included facility determinants.
We examined our model assumptions using a series of regression diagnostics (243). We
first checked for multicoliniearity of our explanatory variables by examining their variance
inflation factors. We then examined any influential data points by exploring outliers, and points
with high leverage and influence. We also examined the Adjusted Variable Plots for each
regression coefficient to visualize any influential points. We then removed the influential data
points from our analysis and re-ran our models to determine whether the results remained
consistent. To assess the assumption of normality of error terms, we examined a Kernel Density
Plot and used a Shapiro-Wilk test to assess the hypothesis that the distribution was normal.
Finally, to examine homoscedasticity, we used a Breusch-Pagan test, which tested the null
hypothesis test that the variance of the residuals was homogeneous. We ran the analysis of the
manifest model in Stata version 13.1.
Latent Analysis
Figure 5.2 presents the path diagram of the ML-SEM we used in our analysis to assess
the relationship between social capital and the health committee functioning index. Structural
equation models include a measurement portion and a structural portion. The measurement
portion of the model describes the relationship between the eight observed indicators of social
26
Note: when we ran our manifest analysis, we developed community averages for three variables (community
social capital, average asset score in a community and average education in a community) and then ran a single level
model for the sample of 97 health committees (level 2 in our multilevel structural equation model).
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capital and the latent construct of social capital, whereas the structural portion of the model
describes the relationship between latent social capital and health committee functioning.
In our analysis, the measurement model was partitioned into within and between
relationships. The ―within level‖ described associations among people within villages. The
―between level‖ described relationships between communities. The between portion of the
measurement model was most relevant to this study, as it established our community level
measure of social capital. The structural model then examined the relationship between
community social capital and the health committee functioning index, which was a community
level measure. Hence, our structural model was at the between, or community, level only.
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Figure 5.2: Path diagram of association between social capital and health committee functioning
index
Path notation: We used common path notation, where circles represent latent variables, squares represent observed
variables, straight one-headed arrows represent direction of influence between the latent trait and observed items, and
short one-headed arrows represent measurement error of the latent trait.
Measurement model: At the within level, we modeled the relationship ( between individual structural and cognitive
social capital (
) and each observed item ( . The red dots at the within level represents the village
random intercepts for each indicator. At the between level, random intercepts are represented as ovals. We modeled
the relationship ( between community social capital ( ) and each random intercept ( .
Structural model: We were interested in studying a structural relationship at the between level only. In our model, the
linear regression coefficient BB related community social capital ( ) to the health committee functioning index (yj).
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We built our latent model in a similar fashion to the manifest model. We first examined
the association between social capital and health committee functioning. We then included the
other community variables, followed by the committee variables and finally the health facility
variables.
Since our observed social capital items were categorical, we estimated this model using a
Weighted Least Squares Means and Variance adjusted (WLSMV) estimator (244).27
The
WLSMV estimator generated probit coefficients in the measurement portion of the model since
our social capital items were ordinal. However, it generated linear regression coefficients in the
structural portion of the model since we considered our health committee functioning index to be
a continuous variable. Our latent analysis was conducted in MPlus version 7 (151).
In each model, we examined the R-squared value, which described the proportion of variance
in the health committee functioning index that was explained by the variables in our model. To
assess the fit of our model, we assessed the model chi-square value, normed comparative fit
index (CFI), Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) and
standardized root mean square residual (SRMR). We used the following guidelines to assess the
fit of our model: CFI and TLI above 0.95, RMSEA below 0.07 and the SRMR below 0.08 (155).
27
According to Muthén and Muthén: a WLSMV estimator users weighted least square parameter estimates using a
diagonal weight matrix with standard errors and mean and variance adjusted chi-square test statistic that use a full
weight matrix.
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5.4 Results
Table 5.3 summarizes the descriptive statistics for the health committee functioning index
and the other determinants of health committee functioning. On a scale that ranged from 0 to 12,
the average health committee functioning score was 4.73 (Standard deviation (SD): 2.26).
The social capital items revealed that few people in the sample received support (financial,
emotional or other) from boding, bridging and linking groups (2.49%), whereas nearly a quarter
received support (financial, emotional or other) from bonding, bridging or linking individuals
(24.14%). Approximately one quarter (23.58%) of the sample joined with others in their
community to address a common problem, whereas less people (11.65%) spoke with a village
authority or government official about a problem in their village within the past year. A large
proportion of people voted in the last state or national election (89.46%). Most people reported
having full trust in their neighbors (75.54%) and village leaders (64.14%), and felt as though
they belonged in their village (97.43%).
In terms of the community variables, the average asset score was 0.17 (SD: 1.65), whereas
the average education score was 3.11 (SD: 0.55). In essences, the average education level for the
head of a household in a given village was the completion of high school. For the committee
composition variables, we found that the committees had an average of 1.50 women (SD: 1.41)
and 4.65 different community representatives (SD: 2.50). For the facility variables, the majority
of the committees in our sample served at PHC or CHCs (76.29%). Among the 97 facilities,
34.02% reported that they had received government funding in the past year, and had received an
average of 0.77 supervision visits from the Department of Health and Family Welfare (SD:
1.06).
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Table 5.3: Summary of health committee functioning determinants
Indicators Mean (SD)/Percentage (n)
Health Committee Functioning Index 4.73 (2.26)
Social Capital Items*
Group support
No group support 76.97 (1,113)
Bonding/bridging or linking groups 20.54 (297)
Bonding/bridging and linking groups 2.49 (36)
Individual support
No individual support 19.85 (287)
Bonding/bridging or linking individuals 56.02 (810)
Bonding/bridging and linking individuals 24.14 (349)
Joined with community to address common issue
No 76.42 (1,102)
Yes 23.58 (340)
Talked with authority/governmental about problems
No 88.35 (1,274)
Yes 11.65 (168)
Voted in the last state/national election
No 10.54 (152)
Yes 89.46 (1,290)
Trust neighbors in village
None 3.90 (56)
Some 20.56 (295)
All 75.54 (1,084)
Trust leaders in village
None 9.12 (131)
Some 26.74 (384)
All 64.14 (921)
Feel as though part of village
No 2.57 (37)
Yes 97.43 (1,400)
Community Variables
Average asset score 0.17 (1.65)
Average education score 3.11 (0.55)
Health committee Variables
Number of women on committee 1.50 (1.41)
Number of community group on committee 4.65 (2.50)
Health Facility Variables
Type of facility
SC 23.71 (23)
PHC/CHC 76.29 (74)
Received government funds 34.02 (33)
Number of DHFW supervision visits 0.77 (1.06) *We did not present the social capital factor score and distribution in this table because Mplus does not currently
have the ability to export factor scores for multilevel analyses estimated with a WLSMV estimator (151).
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Table 5.4 presents the association between the explanatory variables and the health
committee functioning index. Model 1 presents the bivariate relationship between social capital
and health committee functioning. This model revealed that social capital had a negative and
non-statistically significant association with health committee functioning (Estimate (Est.): -
0.20; Standard Error (SE): 0.31). When the community indicators were added in model 2, the
relationship between social capital and health committee functioning remained approximately the
same. When the committee indicators were added in model 3, we found that social capital had a
slightly positive, but not statistically significant association with health committee functioning
(Est.: 0.05; SE: 0.26). We also found that the number of women serving on the committee was
positively and significantly associated with health committee functioning (Est.: 0.56; SE: 0.21).
When we added the health facility indicators, the relationship between social capital and health
committee functioning strengthened, but remained non-significant (Est.: 0.14 SE: 0.24).28
In the
final model, the number of women serving on the committee remained positively and
significantly associated with health committee functioning (Est.: 0.49; SE: 0.24). In addition,
facilities that received government funds and DHFW supervisions visits were associated with
significantly better functioning health facility committees (Est.: 1.00; SE: 0.47; and Est.: 0.51;
SE: 0.24 respectively).
Our models also revealed that social capital alone explained a small proportion of the
variation in health committee functioning (R2
= 0.01 in Model 1). A large proportion of variation
in the health committee functioning index remained unexplained in our final model (R2
= 0.24 in
28
The non-standardized coefficient is interpreted as follows: For every one-unit increase in community social
capital, the health committee functioning index increases by 0.14 units, controlling for all other variables in the
model. The standardized coefficient is interpreted as follows: For every one-standard deviation increase in social
capital, the health committee functioning index increases by 0.06 standard deviations, controlling for all other
variables in the model.
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Model 4). Our final model had a chi-squared value of 169.14 (103 degrees of freedom and p-
value <0.001), an RMSEA of 0.02, CFI of 0.96, TLI of 0.95, SRMR within of 0.09 and SRMR
between of 0.26.
Table 5.4: Structural equation model results for relationship between community social capital
and health committee functioning index
Indicator Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
Est. SE Est. SE Est. SE Est. SE
Community social
capital
-0.20
(-0.09)
0.31 -0.18
(-0.08)
0.32 0.05
(0.02)
0.26 0.14
(0.06)
0.24
Community Indicators
Average asset score
0.21
(0.16)
0.16 0.14
(0.11)
0.16 -0.03
(-0.03)
0.18
Average education
score
-0.53
(-0.13)
0.48 -0.52
(-0.12)
0.46 -0.25
(-0.06)
0.45
Committee Indicators
Number of women on
committee
0.56**
(0.35)
0.21 0.49*
(0.31)
0.24
Number of community
groups on committee
0.04
(0.04)
0.11 0.00
0.00
0.12
Facility Indicators
Facility type (Ref: SC)
PHC/CHC
-0.07
(-0.03)
0.51
Govt. funds (Ref: No)
Yes
1.00*
(0.44)
0.47
Number DHFW
supervision visits
0.51*
(0.24)
0.24
R2
0.01 0.02 0.15 0.24
Number of observations 1446 1446 1446 1446 Standardized linear regression coefficients are presented in parenthesis; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001;
Est. = Estimate; SE = Standard Error
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Figure 3 presents the path diagram for the structural equation model. The path diagram
includes both the measurement model of social capital, and the structural model that examined
the relationship between social capital and health committee functioning (Table 5.4, model 4).
Figure 5.3: Path diagram of relationship between social capital and health committee
functioning index with covariates
Unstandardized (standardized) coefficient; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
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We present our findings for the manifest model, which used a community average score for
social capital, in Annex 9. In the manifest model, we came to similar conclusions. We used the
manifest model to explore outliers and influential data points in our model, and to conduct
regression diagnostic tests. The results of the regression diagnostic tests, which are presented in
Annex 10, revealed that when outliers and influential points were removed from the model, there
were no major changes in our findings. We found that our model met the assumptions of linear
regression: the predictors were linearly associated with our outcome, the explanatory variables
were not highly correlated with one another, and the residuals were normally distributed and
homoscedastic. In Annex 10, we also examined whether the relationship between social capital
and the health committee functioning index differed according to health facility type (being a SC
versus PHC/CHC). However, we found that there was no statistically significant difference.
5.5 Discussion
The purpose of the paper was to determine whether social capital was associated with
health committee functioning, and in addition, to examine whether other characteristics of the
committee, health facility and community were associated with health committee functioning.
Our main finding was that social capital had a positive but not statistically significant association
with health facility committee functioning. We found that facilities that received government
funds and more government supervision visits were associated with significantly higher health
committee functioning scores. In addition, there was a positive association between the number
of women serving on a committee and the health committee functioning index.
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5.5.1 Social capital findings
Our findings were surprising given the design of the Communitization Act, which
intended to leverage social capital within communities to improve service delivery. As Pandey
discussed in his ten mantras, the health committees were designed to mobilize people around a
common interest, namely, the improvement of health services in their community. He anticipated
that the adversity that the community faced in the quality of their health services would trigger
the use of social capital, which would be facilitated through the health committee. However,
our results suggest that social capital may not be enough to make the committees function. Our
findings were therefore in alignment with Pandey‘s tenth mantra, that investment in social capital
alone might not be sufficient for achieving desired results.
5.5.2 Community features
Beyond social capital, features of the community were not significantly associated with
health committee functioning and the magnitude of the association for community assets and
education level was small. This implies that wealthier and more educated communities were not
associated with better functioning committees as compared to communities that were poorer and
less educated.
There may be no association between community wealth and health committee
functioning because people living in poorer communities may not have the time or resources
available to improve services at their government facility. These communities may have a more
difficult time making financial or in-kind donations to the facility, or taking the time away from
their work to make repairs to the facility. On the other hand, people in wealthier communities
may be less inclined to support the committee because they may have fewer vested interests in
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the delivery of public sector services, as they may be more likely to seek services in the private
sector.
While the overall education level of the community was not associated with health
committee functioning, it could be that the education level of the actual committee members was
a more important determinant. The committees in Nagaland do not have any requirements for
the level of education of their committee members (73). While communities with more educated
people overall may also have more educated committee members, this may not always be the
case. Further investigation is required to develop a more concrete conclusion about the role of
education in health committee functioning.
An important consideration in interpreting our community level measures is that they
were based on a community average generated from data reported from 15 individuals from one
village within the catchment area of the health facility. Because we have a small number of
individuals sampled from each village, the average may be unreliable (245).
5.5.3 Committee features
Committees with a higher number of women had a significantly higher level of health
committee functioning. We did not find a strong or a significant association between the number
of community groups represented on the committee and its level of functionality. The
Communitization Act was and continues to be a unique policy in the state because it specifies
that women should serve in a formal leadership position. This contrasts other governance
structures in Nagaland, such as the Village Council, which consist of only men. According to
Amer‘s recent analysis of the political status of women in Nagaland, ―The participation and
representation of women in politics is invisible‖ (246).
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Women may bring unique attributes that help improve the way that the committee is
working, and they may use their role on the health committee to push the boundaries of
traditional gender roles within Nagaland. Scott et al. conducted an analysis of how gender and
power roles play out in VHNSCs in an unspecified Northern and remote region of India (247).
The authors found that in a community where it is unacceptable for women to speak publically in
front of men, their role on the VHNSC pushed female community health workers to serve in
leadership positions and enabled them to work for increased access to education for girls. While
the context in Nagaland is different from other states in India, it may also be possible that the
health committees have enabled women to push their current role within the community, and
make a meaningful impact. However, since our study is cross sectional, we cannot rule out the
potential for reverse causation. The Handbook on Communitisation specifies that each
committee should include at least one female representative (73). Hence, committees that were
functioning better overall may have been following the mandate more closely, and including
women.
5.5.4 Health facility features
Our study found that there was not a strong or statistically significant association between
health facility type and health committee functioning. However, our analysis suggests that top
down government support is important to the functioning of health committees. The
Communitization Act called for the community to work in a partnership with the government to
deliver health services, and our analysis underscored the importance of government funding and
supervision. These findings were similar those of other researchers. Abimbola et al. in Nigeria
concluded that ―to function optimally, community health committees require national
government or non-government organization mentoring and support…and they also require
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financial support to subsidise their operation costs (215).‖ In Kenya, Goodman et al. found that
funding was critical to health facility committee success, as they attributed committee meetings,
planning and their general sense of purpose to a new pilot scheme that provided direct facility
financing (239). In an analysis of VHSNCs in Northwestern India, Singh et al. found that
supervision of the committees was non-existent, and concluded that it was a potential reason why
committees in this District did not meet the National Health Mission‘s guidelines (222). Also in
India, Srivastava‘s analysis of VHSNCs concluded that they needed more monitoring and formal
links with the wider health system (224).
5.5.5 Study limitations
The results of this study should be taken into consideration alongside its limitations. A
main limitation in this study was related to our community level measures. We made the
assumption that variables collected from one community were representative of the entire
catchment area. At higher-level facilities, such as CHCs that covered a larger geographic area,
this assumption may not hold. This assumption may be problematic for our social capital
measure in areas of the state where the catchment area of a health facility was not homogeneous
by tribe or religion (i.e. for health centers that are close to Nagaland‘s boarders with other states
in India).
Second, our model used cross sectional data. Our conclusions were therefore limited to
associations between variables, and not causation. While the path diagrams presented in this
analysis showed one-way directionality between the explanatory variables and health committee
functioning, we could not conclude with our data that the explanatory variables led to, or were
the cause of, health committee functioning.
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A third limitation was that this study used data form 97 purposively sampled health
facilities in Nagaland. The facilities were selected to be part of a new initiative to improve
health service delivery throughout the state. To be selected as a part of the project, the facilities
had to meet a basic level of functionality. While the sample included all CHCs throughout the
state, it included a purposively selected sample of PHCs and SCs. Hence, this study was only
representative of the 97 facilities in the sample, and it did not necessarily capture health
committee functioning at the worst performing facilities.
A fourth limitation was that our study was missing certain explanatory variables that
would be beneficial to further understand the factors associated with health committee
functioning. The R-squared value of our final model was 0.24, indicating that a large portion of
variation in our outcome was unexplained by variables in our model. Most notably, we were
missing indicators on health worker attitudes towards the health facility committees, details
about the capabilities of the specific committee members (including their level of confidence,
education and management capabilities), the committee member‘s clarity of their roles and
responsibilities, details about the political environment in each respective village, and
information about process factors, such as the amount of training that each committee received.
Without these variables, our model was subject to omitted variable bias. In addition, our
government funding variable was based on whether a facility received and recorded funding in
their book of accounts. This variable could be under-reported if facilities received, but do not
make record of their funding.
Lastly, some while the measures of model fit (CFI, TLI, RMSEA) met established cut off
points for model fit, these guidelines were established for single level structural equation models.
More work is needed to develop appropriate indices of model fit for multilevel models (162).
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5.6 Conclusions
The Communitization Act was uniquely designed to leverage social capital in Naga
villages to improve the quality and responsiveness of government services by establishing
committees that include community representatives. However, our study found that social
capital was not significantly associated with health committee functioning at SCs, PHCs and
CHCs. Instead, it was the support the committees received from the government, through the
provision of funding and supervision visits, as well as the inclusion of women, which was
associated with better functioning committees. Our findings suggest that beyond social capital,
health facility committees should have meaningful empowerment and a lasting partnership with
the government to take control of and make improvements to their health services.
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6. Conclusion
6.1 Summary of findings
The theme of this dissertation was the relationship between social capital and health. The
main findings of this dissertation challenged some of the conventional expectations about the
relationship between social capital and self-rated health, and the role of social capital in the
functioning of health facility committees. The main findings in this dissertation were the
following:
Our nine-item scale of social capital had a different factor structure at the individual
and community levels. This factor structure indicated that the scale items had different
relationships at each level, and that the interpretation of the constructs at each level could differ.
For individuals, we proposed that social capital be measured by a cognitive social capital factor
and structural social capital factor, whereas for communities we proposed that it be measured by
one social capital factor.
Our community measure of social capital had a negative and statistically significant
association with self-rated health in a given community. This suggests that social capital may
have a downside: certain groups within the community could be excluded from the benefits of
social capital; people in communities with high social capital could experience greater stress and
pressure to supply resources and support to others in their network; or there could be restrictions
on freedom or downward leveling norms that encourage people to act like others in the group,
even if it does not lead to greater health benefits. Alternatively, since our study was cross-
sectional, our findings could mean that people living in communities where self-rated health is
worse overall could come together to support one another, and this could in turn build
community social capital.
149
The health facility committees established through the Communitization Act were in
place, but there was variation in how closely the committees followed original policy
documents. While some committees included many representatives, met routinely and engaged
the community, others were missing key community members, not monitoring expenditures, or
implementing the No Work No Pay principle. Health workers and committee members
overwhelmingly accepted the concept of Communitization and thought that it was an appropriate
fit for the social context in Nagaland. However, wider health systems challenges (particularly
related to funding, infrastructure and human resource gaps at higher level facilities) made certain
components of the policy less feasible. The act was designed to leverage social capital in Naga
villages. At some facilities, social capital appeared to operate as expected, and drove community
members to mobilize for the benefit of the facility. However, at other facilities, the committees
felt discouraged by the systems level constraints were inactive.
Community social capital had a positive, but not statistically significant, association
with our index of health committee functioning. We recognize that our community social
capital measure may not be representative of the entire catchment area of a health facility so
more research is still required to examine this relationship. We also found that health committees
that included more women, received government funding and supervision visits were associated
with higher functionality. These findings suggest that the committees should work with the
government in a partnership to take action to improve their health facility. They also suggest that
the presence of women on these committees plays an important role in improving how they
function.
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6.2 Contributions to existing research
Many researchers have examined the relationship between social capital and health. This
study builds off those and introduces several new elements to this knowledge base:
This was the first study to examine social capital and health in Nagaland and only the
second study to examine social capital and self-rated health in India. The results of this
application of social capital in Nagaland challenged some of the findings to date and uncovered
meaningful observations. The existing literature on social capital and health research in India did
not have consistent findings. Not all studies used the same measure of social capital, or
measured the construct at the individual and community levels. This has made comparisons
across studies difficult. Interestingly enough, as observed in Nagaland, the association between
social capital and health was not always positive elsewhere in India.
This was among the first studies to examine the relationship between social capital and
health facility committees. A large body of researcher has examined health committees
globally, and these studies have touched upon closely related concepts to social capital like the
importance of trust within a community. Since one of the main functions of social capital is for
people in a community to mobilize and undertake collective action, the role of social capital in
achieving community participation in health may be instrumental.
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This was among the first social capital studies to use multilevel factor analysis (ML-FA) and
multi-level structural equation modeling (ML-SEM). To date, ML-FA has primarily been
applied in methodological journals, although its application is growing in certain fields
(education, organizational management, psychology). ML-FA allows researchers to validate a
scale at two different levels, controls for measurement error of the latent construct, and model
more complex relationships (both direct and indirect effects) between latent constructs and other
observed variables through ML-SEM.
6.3 Policy implications
The results from our first paper were unexpected. Whereas most social capital theory
supports that communities with higher social capital are associated with better health our study
found a negative association. Recently, there has been more interest and attention to studies that
have found a negative relationship, as a negative association calls into question how we should
expect higher levels of social capital to influence health. More research is needed to explore the
nature of this relationship in Nagaland before concrete steps can be taken. Furthermore, our
study examines association, and not causation. We therefore cannot assume that community
social capital is the cause of worse health, or vice versa.
While acknowledging these limitations, it is still interesting to consider the policy
implications if social capital in Nagaland does in fact have a downside. In this case, it is
important to determine whether social capital in communities is excluding certain groups of
people and if health interventions can specifically target these groups. Likewise, if social capital
is placing high stress on certain groups within a community who take on responsibility to support
others, then interventions are needed to alleviate this stress and to develop mechanisms that pool
resources across the entire community for those who need them. It is also important to
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understand whether there is social contagion or downward leveling norms within communities.
This means that there could be certain health behaviors or habits that are detrimental to health
and could be widely accepted or even encouraged. These behaviors could be in relation to
actions like drinking, smoking or dietary habits, or perceptions about vaccinations or the use of
certain health services. A greater understanding of commonly accepted and promoted health
behaviors could help design a program that targets the issue directly.
Alternatively, it is also interesting to consider policy options if social capital is working
in a different direction where people with worse health come together to support one another,
and this builds community social capital. One of the proposed advantages of communities with
high social capital is that information can rapidly spread through the tight and close networks.
Where true, there may be an opportunity to leverage these tight networks by spreading accurate
information about prevention and care for the main health conditions affecting these
communities.
Findings from chapters four (paper two) and five (paper three) suggest that the health
facility committees in Nagaland would benefit form more engagement with the government. In
chapter four (paper two), nearly all respondents discussed delays in government funding as a
barrier to their work and were interested in having more training opportunities. Chapter five
(paper three) also suggests that engagement with the government through funding and
supervision were important factors for committee functioning. Beyond influencing the
functioning of the committees, increasing the number of supervision visits to the facilities could
provide an opportunity for government officials to hear about challenges that the committees
face. In many communities, there was tension between the community and the health facility
when the health facility could not provide needed services, as well as tension between the
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committee and the government when the government could not provide funding. The ability to
overcome these tensions likely requires better engagement on all sides. Increasing the face-to-
face time between the committees and government maybe a first step to improve engagement,
for each side to better understand service delivery constraints and to strategize ways to overcome
them together.
Chapter four (paper two) also indicated that health promotion initiatives run by the
committees could have a positive impact on community health, and that some committees also
had a positive impact on health worker motivation. However, these positive findings were not
common across all committees. With additional training, the health committees may benefit
from a re-orientation to a focus on health promotion and disease prevention. Furthermore,
specific training on non-financial approaches to motivate health workers – through management
style, increased recognition and appreciation from managers and the community, and
improvements to physical working conditions – could be beneficial.
Lastly, chapter five (paper three) suggests that women may have a unique role in making
the health committees function. Empowering more women to serve on the committees could
have an impact on what the committees can achieve for their community. As has been
demonstrated in many countries, empowering women in positions of leadership has widespread
and positive implications for community health and economic development.
6.4 Areas for further research
As we discussed in chapter three (paper one), there has been an increasing trend to use a
multilevel definition of social capital and to use multilevel methods to study its relationship with
self-rated health. More attention is still needed to explore how different researchers have defined
social capital as a multilevel construct and to assess whether their measure of social capital
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aligns with their definition. To draw attention to this topic, a systematic review that focuses on
measurement of social capital as a multilevel construct would be advantageous. As a part of this
review, attention is needed to determine 1) the multilevel definition of social capital, 2) the
precise items used to measure the construct, 3) the approach to validate the measures and 4) a
summary of study results. This study would call attention to how closely (or not) existing
multilevel measures of social capital are to the definitions provided.
More research is still needed within and outside of Nagaland to understand the pathways
through which social capital influences health. While there are multiple hypotheses about how
the two are linked, they have not been confirmed empirically. ML-SEM is a potentially useful
method to study these pathways because it is designed to accommodate direct and indirect
effects, as well as reciprocal effects. For example, on an individual level, with SEM we could
explore whether social capital is related to health through increase access to information and
health services and reduced levels of stress. At a community level, we could examine whether
social capital is linked to health by influencing behaviors or through collective efficiency.
This dissertation served as a starting point to examine the role of social capital in
community participation in health through health facility committees. There are four different
ways to examine the relationship between social capital and health committee performance (22).
First, as was the case in our study, an intervention could be designed to leverage social capital.
Hence, social capital was a predictor of health committee functioning. A second approach is to
study whether social capital is a channel, or mediating variable, through which the health
committees have an impact on health. A third approach is to examine whether social capital is a
segmenting, or moderating variable, that predicts the success (or the failure) of the health
committees on health. Lastly is to examine whether well-functioning heath committees build
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new forms of social capital. Examining social capital from these four different angles would
help policymakers better understand how social capital can be translated into an intervention that
has broader health impacts – a area of research that is still understudied, yet is imperative to the
utility and importance of this concept.
156
Annex 1: Summary of social capital research in India
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
Bhuiyan, 2011 Dhesian Khana,
Doaba region of
Pubjab
Economic
development
Case study To explore the role of
social capital in
community
development
―The emergence of adversarial
relationships due to material interests
created by postcolonial development
activities had eroded social capital.
But the positive intervention of
external forces such as block
development officials, community-
building activities of the local youth
(organized and trained through their
club), and the overseas financial
support from remittances helped in the
reemergence of social capital, which,
in turn, contributed to the overall
development of the village (pg 538).‖
(248)
Bhattacharya, 2001 Rural West Bengal General Case study To redefine social
capital to fit the Indian
context
For social capital to be relevant in
India, it is necessary to ―redefine
social capital (a) by focusing on its
stratified character in a hierarchical
society of classes and segments and
(b) by refuting the claim that social
capital in civic community is
unconditionally good for democracy
(pg. 673).‖
(34)
Blomkvist &
Swain, 2001
Orissa Governance &
Democracy –
protest
mobilization
Case study To examine the role of
social capital for
environmental protest
movements to succeed
―The success or failure of the protests
cannot be simply explained by social
capital alone…many other intervening
variables may impact the outcome of
such collective action: leadership, the
responsiveness of the political system,
external support to the cause of the
movement. However, social capital
can probably play the most
consequential role in providing space
for the fringe groups to coordinate
(249)
157
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
among themselves under a larger
umbrella of mobilization and also help
to sustain it for longer periods of time
(pg. 641).‖
Das, 2005 Orissa Governance &
Democracy -
Relations between
rural poor and
state
Mixed (In-depth
interviews and
cross sectional
survey)
To determine the extent
to which there are
relations of trust and
cooperation between
officials and poor rural
people, and to explain
the observed level of
trust.
―The beneficial interaction of state
officials is often limited to local
politicians and proprietary classes
(private contractors, rich landowners).
Their relations with the less well-off
in rural society, or those who belong
to the wage laboring class, are
typically characterized by a lack of
trust and therefore by lack of mutual
cooperation (pg. 75).‖
(250)
DeGroot &
Tadepally, 2008
Andra Pradesh Environment –
irrigation
Cross sectional
survey
To determine factors
that facilitate a local
NGO to facilitate
community action for
restoration of an
irrigation system
―(Pre-existing) collective social
capital, as measured through five
simple indicators, strongly correlates
with success of the NGO strategy (pg.
519).‖
(251)
DeSilva &
Harpham, 2005
Andhra Pradesh
(as well as Peru,
Ethiopia and
Vietnam)
Health – nutrition Cross sectional
survey
To determine whether
social capital is
associated with
nutritional outcomes
―Children whose mothers are involved
in some citizenship activities have
lower height-for-age z -scores in
Andhra Pradesh (pg. 349).‖
(24)
DeSilva, Huttly,
Harpham &
Kenward, 2007
Andhra Pradesh
(as well as Peru,
Ethiopia and
Vietnam)
Health – mental
health
Cross sectional
survey
To determine whether
social capital is
associated with mental
health outcomes
―No associations are seen in Vietnam
or Andhra Pradesh (pg. 12).‖
(23)
Meinzen-Dick &
Raju, 2002
Rajasthan and
Karnataka
Environment –
irrigation
committees
Cross sectional
survey
To identify factors
affecting organizational
and collective action
among water users in
major canal irrigation
systems
―Size of the command area and
distance to market play a larger role,
along with leadership and social
capital (indicated by influential
persons, college graduates, and
number of temples, but not other
economic cooperatives in the village)
(pg. 662).‖
(252)
Feigenberg, Field,
Pande, Rigol &
Sarkar, 2014
Kolkata Microfinance Randomized
experiment
To examine the
association between
group meetings and
―Social capital gains associated with
more frequent meetings continue to
accrue across multiple lending cycles.
(253)
158
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
social capital in a
classic microfinance
model
However, these effects are reduced
when group members differ in their
borrowing history. In addition, clients
who start with low levels of
empowerment report higher social
capital gains when matched with
similar clients (pg. 932).‖
Heller, 1996 Kerala General N/A To determine the types
of social capital in
Kerala
―The ―synergy‖ of state and class
mobilization in Kerala has produced
two forms of social capital. The first
underwrote the provision of
redistributive goods, the second
facilitated class coordination (pg.
1066).‖
(254)
Isham and
Kahkonen, 2002
Karnataka and
Maharashtra
Water and
Sanitation -
committees
Mixed (In-depth
interviews and
cross sectional
survey)
To determine the
factors under which a
community based
approach will succeed.
―In communities with high levels of
social capital—in particular, with
active community groups and
associations—design participation is
more likely to be high and monitoring
mechanisms are more likely to be in
place. In those communities,
households are accustomed to working
together, and social ties deter free-
riding (pg. 684).‖
(255)
Jayal, 2001 Uttaranchal Governance &
Democracy
Case study of two
villages
To explore the link
between democracy
and social capital
―Social capital cannot be understood
outside of its particular cultural,
ideological and institutional contexts
or indeed independently of the nature
of social segmentedness, whether
along caste, class or any other lines
(pg. 655).‖
(31)
Joshi & Aoki,
2014
Tamil Nadu Disaster recovery Cross sectional
survey
To determine the role
of social capital in the
implementation of
recovery policies in
areas affected by
disaster
―The style of each community prior to
the disaster and the presence of a
strong village leader are both crucial
for the successful implementation of a
recovery program…social capital
significantly affects successful policy
implementation, which will lead
people to utilize government resources
(256)
159
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
for disaster recovery (pg. 100).‖
Krishna, 2007 Rajasthan General Longitudinal
analysis
To determine how
social capital is formed
and how it changes.
―Factors such as faith in government
institutions, relative modernization,
relative need, and social stratification
do not help explain these changes.
Organizations promoted by outsiders
have also not helped. Social capital is
socially generated through the internal
efforts of community groups.
Villagers‘ self-initiated organizations
and local leadership have helped grow
social capital, along with locally
formulated rules and lower economic
inequality in the initial period (Pg.
941).‖
(257)
Krishna, 2004 Madhya Pradesh
and Rajasthan
Economic
development
Cross sectional
survey
To determine if social
capital improves
development outcomes.
―Villages that have high levels of
social capital also have significantly
higher development performance.
However, the utility of social capital is
enhanced considerably when this
resource is utilized strategically… in
addition to high social capital, agency
capacity matters. Villages that do not
have capable agents achieve much
lower development success even when
they have high levels of social capital
(pg. 293).‖
(258)
Lahiri-Dutt and
Samanta, 2006
Burdwan, West
Bengal
Microfinance -
women‘s groups
In-depth
interviews and
focus group
discussions
To determine the
reasons for the failure
of micro-financing self-
help groups
―A primary reason for the poor
performance of DWCRA is that
women are ‗targets‘ of action and their
voices are rarely heard. The problem
with ‗self-help‘ schemes for women is
the way they problematise the ‗self‘,
mostly in the mould of the
bureaucrat‘s own image, rather than
the women for whom these schemes
are made (pg. 292).‖
(259)
160
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
Levien, 2015 Rajasthan Land ownership Ethnographic case
study
To demonstrate the
limitations of the
collective social capital
thesis and advance the
individual social capital
thesis
―Inequalities in individual social
capital, rooted in the agrarian class
structure, enabled a section of farmers
to capture substantial rents as brokers
of the dramatic real estate speculation
that the SEZ generated…use of
individual social capital came at the
expense of fellow villagers, violated
collective norms, undermined trust,
and removed any possibility for
collective action around shared
grievances toward the project
(pg.78).‖
(260)
Lise, 2000 Haryana, Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar
Forest
management
Cross sectional
survey
To determine the
conditions most
conducive for people‘s
participation in forest
management.
―When the condition of the forest is
good and/or when people are
dependent on the forest, participation
goes up. Low average levels of
education in the family and high levels
of education of the respondent
enhance participation. Greater
involvement of women in the
community stimulates participation
(pg. 390).‖
(261)
Mayer, 2001 15 largest Indian
states
Economic
development
Ecological study To apply the central
methodology of Robert
Putnam‘s work to the
study of Indian states
―The least civic states in India – where
traditional hierarchical dominance is
strong and active citizenship is
weakest – are those where infant
mortality is elevated, life expectancies
are relatively short and too few girls
learn to read (pg. 691).‖
(262)
Mohapatra, 2001 Orissa General Case study To explore the
associations that build
trust among people,
increase the
predictability of their
behavior and promote
―Collective memory and its role in
conflict resolution in the village is
crucial in creating or destroying trust.
Memory, among other things, holds
the key for the continuation of social
connectedness or engagements (pg.
(263)
161
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
collective action. 655).‖
Morris, 1998 17 states Economic
development
Cross sectional
survey
To determine if states
with larger
endowments of social
capital have been more
successful at reducing
poverty.
―Those states which were initially
well endowed with social capital, were
also more successful at reducing
poverty (pg. 16).‖
(264)
Pai, 2001 Uttar Pradesh Governance &
Democracy
Case study To determine the role
of social capital in the
functioning of
democratic institutions
in segmented societies
―Segmentation arising out of
caste/class divisions is a significant
contextual variable in determining the
development of trust, social capital
between groups and democratic
functioning (pg. 645).‖
(30)
Sekhar Orissa Fisheries
management
Cross sectional
survey
To determine the role
of social capital in
fisheries management
―Bonding and bridging social capital
keeps the fishers together in times of
resource scarcity, checks violations of
community rules and sanctions, and
strengthens the community fisheries
management. In contrast, linking
social capital in Chilika appears to be
weak, as is evident from the lack of
trust in external agencies, seeking the
help of formal institutions for legal
support, and increasing conflicts.
Trust and cooperation among fishers
is crucial in helping to build the social
capital.‖
(265)
Serra, 2001 16 Indian states Measurement of
social capital
Cross sectional
survey
To analyze the
feasibility and the
validity of measuring
social capital at the
state level and to
identify its role in
explaining the
differential
The study ―identifies three types of
problems in the application of this
methodology to interstate analysis:
finding appropriate measures for
social capital; locating alternative
indicators valid for interstate analysis;
and interpreting the statistical
association between social capital and
(32)
162
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
performance
state performance (pg. 693).‖
Sivaram, Zelaya,
Srikrishnan Latkin,
Solomon &
Celentano, 2009
Chennai, Tamil
Nadu
Health - HIV
stigma
Nested study in
randomized
control trial
To explore the
associations between
social capital and
stigma among men and
women who are patrons
of wine shops or
community-based
alcohol outlets in
Chennai
―Reports of social capital indicators
were associated with reduced fear of
transmission of HIV/AIDS, lower
levels of feelings of shame, blame and
judgment, lower levels of personal
support and perceived community
support for discriminatory actions
against PLHA [people living with
HIV/AIDS] (pg. 233).‖
(25)
Story, 2014 India – nationally
representative
Health – health
service utilization
Cross sectional
survey
To examine the
association between
social capital and the
utilization of antenatal
care, professional
delivery care and
childhood
immunizations
―Social capital operated at the
community level in association with
all three care-seeking behaviors;
however, the results differed based on
the type of health care utilized.
Specifically, components of social
capital that led to heterogeneous
bridging ties were positively
associated with all three types of
health care use, whereas components
of social capital that led to strong
bonding ties were negatively
associated with the use of preventive
care, but positively associated with
professional delivery care (pg. 73).‖
(26)
Story & Carpiano,
2017
India – nationally
representative
Health – child
nutrition
Cross sectional
survey
To examine the
association between 1)
socio-economic status
and social capital, and
2) social capital and
child malnutrition.
―Greater household wealth is
associated with each social capital
form and amplifies the extent that
linking ties to medical and educational
institutions, and within-village
bridging organizations are associated
with lower odds of child underweight
(pg. 112).‖
(27)
Deininger & Liu,
2009
Andra Pradesh Governance &
Democracy -
Cross sectional
survey
To assess the economic
and social impacts of
There are ―positive impacts on
empowerment and nutritional intake in
(266)
163
Author Population Topic Methods Objective Findings Ref.
Formation of self-
help groups
the formation of self-
help groups
program areas overall and
heterogeneity of impacts between
members of pre-existing and newly
formed groups, as well as non-
participants. Female social and
economic empowerment in program
areas increased irrespective of
participation status, suggesting
positive externalities (pg. 1).‖
Vikram, 2018 India – nationally
representative
Health – child
nutrition
Cross sectional
survey
To examine the
association between
social capital and child
nutrition, and the
mediating role of
development.
―Household based bridging social
capital, expressed as connections with
development base organizations, is
positively associated with child
nutrition. Bonding social capital,
expressed as ties with cast and
religious based organizations, has the
opposite impact. At the village level,
contextual measures of social capital
are associated with nutritional status
of children, but their influence is
conditional on local development (pg.
42).‖
(29)
Widmalm, 2005 Kerala and
Madhya Pradesh
General Cross sectional
survey
To examine the role of
bonding social capital
―High levels of bonding trust cannot
only facilitate political cooperation.
They may also work as a shield
against public sector employees who
attempt to exploit citizens in a corrupt
or clientelistic manner (pg. 75).‖
(267)
164
Annex 2: Comparison of multilevel regression modeling and multilevel structural equation
modeling
Single level regression Single level SEM Path diagrams
Notation
where:
is a continuous outcome
is a scale score for items x1 – x4
is the regression coefficient linking and (change in y for a one unit
change in )
is the intercept (value of when is zero – not shown in path diagram)
is the residual and is
Measurement Model
[
] [
] [
] [ ] [
]
where:
x1 – x4 are observed scale items
is a latent construct
are factor loadings relating the observed scale items to the latent
construct
are intercepts (not shown in path diagram)
are measurement error of the latent construct
Structural model
where:
165
Single level regression Single level SEM is a continuous outcome
is a latent construct
is the regression coefficient linking and (change in y for a unit change
in )
is the intercept (value of when is zero - not shown in path diagram)
is the residual and is
Mplus syntax
Variable:
Names are
x1 x2 x3 x4 x_score y community_id;
Missing are all (-9999);
Usevariables = x_scre y;
Model:
y on x_score;
Variable:
Names are
x1 x2 x3 x4 x_score y community_id;
Missing are all (-9999);
Usevariables = x1 x2 x3 x4 y;
Model:
f1 by x1;
f1 by x2;
f1 by x3;
f1 by x4;
y on f1;
166
Multilevel regression Multilevel SEM Path diagrams
Notation
Level 1 model: Variation of individuals (i) within communities (j)
( )
where:
is a continuous outcome for individual (i) in community (j)
( ) is a group mean centered scale score for individual i
is a regression coefficient linking ( ) to
is the intercept of village j (the random intercept) or community j‘s
estimated mean response for
is an residual for individual ( in community ( ), or the individual
Measurement model:
Level 1 model: Variation of individuals (i) within communities (j)
[
] [
] [
] [ ] [
]
where:
is a vector of observed items for each individual ( in community ( )
is the latent construct at the individual level
is a vector of factor loadings relating to each observed item ( )
167
Multilevel regression Multilevel SEM deviation from community j‘s estimated mean response for
Level 2 model: Variation between communities (j)
where:
is the intercept of village j (the random intercept) or community j‘s
estimated mean response for
is a mean scale score for community j
is a regression coefficient linking to
is the overall expectation of (estimate of the grand mean of )
is the residual for community (the village deviation from the estimated
grand mean of )
Combined model:
( )
A note about group mean centering:
Data collected from individuals ( nested within communities has two
sources of variation: between and within group. An individual‘s deviation from
the group mean is their contribution towards within group variation (
We group mean center the individual level variable to isolate variation that is
within communities from that which is between communities. The average value
in a group ( contributes to between group variation.
is a vector of community ‘s estimated mean responses for each item
(random intercepts)
is the residual for individual ( in community ( ), or the measurement
error of the individual level latent construct
Level 2 model: Variation between communities (j)
[
] [
] [
] [ ] [
]
where:
is a vector of community ‘s estimated mean responses for each item
(random intercepts)
is the latent construct at the between level is a vector of factor loadings relating to
is the overall expectation for each (the estimate of the grand mean)
is the residual for community , or the measurement error of the
community level latent construct
Combined model:
[
] [
] [
] [ ] [
] [ ] [
] [
]
Structural model: Level 1 model: Variation of individuals (i) within communities (j)
Level 2 model: Variation between communities (j)
Combined model:
where all variables are the same as in the multilevel regression model, with
the exception of and which are now latent variables.
168
Multilevel regression Multilevel SEM Mplus syntax
Variable:
Names are
x1 x2 x3 x4 x_score y community_id;
Missing are all (-9999);
Usevariables = x_scre y x_mean;
Cluster = community_id;
Within = x_score;
Between = x_mean;
Define:
CENTER x_score (GROUPMEAN);
x_mean = CLUSTER_MEAN(x_score);
Analysis:
Type = twolevel;
Model:
%within%
y on x_score;
%between%
y on x_mean;
Variable:
Names are
x1 x2 x3 x4 x_score y community_id;
Missing are all (-9999);
Usevariables = x1 x2 x3 x4 y;
Cluster = community_id;
Within = ;
Between = ;
Analysis:
Type = twolevel;
Model:
%within%
f1_w by x1;
f1_w by x2;
f1_w by x3;
f1_w by x4;
y on f1_w;
%between%
f1_b by x1;
f1_b by x2;
f1_b by x3;
f1_b by x4;
y on f1_b;
169
Annex 3: Comparison of original SASCAT and modified SASCAT
The table below presents the indicators included in DeSilva et al.‘s Shortened Adapted
Social Capital Assessment Tool (SASCAT) (24). It then explains the changes made to the
SASCAT based on their validation study (164). Words that are underlined indicate portions of
the SASCAT that were removed in the modified SASCAT. Words that are in italics are those
that were added to the modified SASCAT.
Description of change/rationale SASCAT Modified SASCAT
Removed ―active.‖ Change made
because ―active member‖ was
intended to identify people who
participate in groups rather than
play a passive role, but it was not
well understood by respondents.
―Active member‖ was often
interpreted as having an official role
within the group (ie: being the
group treasurer).
Added list of context specific
groups.
1. In the last 12 months have you
been an active member of any of the
following types of groups in your
community?
Work related/trade union
Community association/co-
op
Women's group
Political group
Religious group
Credit/funeral group
Sports group
1. In the last 12 months have you
been a member of any of the
following types of groups in [NAME
OF VILLAGE]?
Village council
Religious Group (for
example regularly attending
church)
Students' Union
Village Union
Women's Village Union
Non Governmental
Organization
Traders' Association
Village Education
Village Health Committee
Professional Association
Sports group
Political Group
Cultural or Arts Group
Agricultural Group
Other
Removed emotional help, economic
help and assistance in helping know
or do things to include support more
broadly. Enumerator instructed to
provide additional examples if
respondent inquired. Change made
because question aims to identify
respondent‘s sense of social support
more broadly.
2. If respondent is a member of a
group ask: In the last 12 months, did
you receive from the group any
emotional help, economic help, or
assistance in helping you know or do
things?
2. If respondent is a member of a
group ask: In the last 12 months, did
you receive any support (emotional,
economic, or other kinds) from
[NAME OF GROUP]?
170
Description of change/rationale SASCAT Modified SASCAT
Same as above 3. In the last 12 months, have you
received any help or support from
any of the following, this can be
emotional help, economic help, or
assistance in helping you know or do
things?
Family
Neighbors
Friends who are not
neighbors
Community leaders
Politicians
Government officials/civil
servants
Charitable
organizations/NGOs
Religious leaders
Other
3. In the last 12 months, have you
received any support (emotional,
financial, or other kinds) from any of
the following:
Family
Neighbors
Friends who are not
neighbors
Community leaders
Politicians
Government officials
Charitable
organizations/NGOs
Religious leaders
Other
No changes made 4. In the last 12 months, have you
joined together with other
community members to address a
problem or common issue?
Yes
No
4. In the last 12 months, have you
joined together with other
community members to address a
problem or common issue?
Yes
No
No changes made 5. In the last 12 months, have you
talked with a local authority or
governmental organization about
problems in this community?
Yes
No
5. In the last 12 months, have you
talked with a local authority or
governmental organization about
problems in [NAME OF VILLAGE]?
Yes
No
Added question on author‘s
discretion to capture political
participation.
6. Did you vote in the last state or
national election?
Yes
No
Split question into three parts to ask
about trust in neighbors, leaders and
strangers separately. Change made
because respondents felt that they
could not speak about the majority
of people within their community,
and only about people they know or
their leaders.
Also added option for respondent to
answer Yes, all; Yes, some; or No.
Change made so to provide
respondents with greater flexibility
in their response.
6. In general, can the majority of
people in this community be trusted?
Yes
No
7. In general, do you trust your
neighbors?
Yes, all
Yes, some
No
8. In general, do you trust leaders of
[NAME OF VILLAGE]?
Yes, all
Yes, some
No
9. In general, do you trust strangers
in [NAME OF VILLAGE]?
Yes, all
Yes, some
No
171
Description of change/rationale SASCAT Modified SASCAT
This indicator was not included in
our analysis. The indicator included
a don‟t know response option,
which cannot be used to provide a
rating of social capital. This
indicator also measures community
social capital only. In future
versions of this instrument, the
referent should be changed to the
individual (rather than community),
and the response options should be
changed to be consistent with
questions 7-9:
Do you generally get along with
people in [NAME OF VILLAGE]?
Yes, all
Yes, some
No
7. Do the majority of people in this
community generally get along with
each other?
Yes
No
10. Do the majority of people in
[NAME OF VILLAGE] generally get
along with each other?
Yes
No
Don‟t know
No changes made 8. Do you feel as though you are
really a part of this community?
Yes
No
11. Do you feel as though you are
really a part of [NAME OF
VILLAGE]?
Yes
No
Question removed. Change made
because majority of respondents did
not understand what ―try to take
advantage of‖ meant.
9. Do you think that the majority of
people in this community would try
to take advantage of you if they got
the chance?
Yes
No
172
Annex 4: Exploratory data analysis for relationship between social
capital and self-rated health
MPlus does not have the capacity to easily explore data when running multilevel
structural equation modeling. Hence, the exploratory data analysis for this paper was conducted
using STATA and ―manifest‖ measure of social capital. For individuals, this was a score that
ranged from 0-12 and was then group-mean centered to isolate variation within villages. For
communities, we created an average for each of the 110 villages in our sample based on the
individual social capital scores for the 15 people in each village. This mean score enabled us to
examine variation between villages.
We first examined the proportion of variation in self-rated health that was explained by
differences between communities (the ICC), which was 20%. We examined the relationship
between self-rated health and each continuous variable in our model using a logit transformed
lowess curve. We then used t-tests to examine the equality of means for people who reported
poor/fair health and people who reported good/very good health. For categorical variables, we
conducted chi square tests to examine whether the distribution of our independent variable was
similar or different according to self-rated health.
Next, we also isolated within and between effects for self-rated health by group mean
centering the value reported by an individual, and then also creating a village average. This
allowed us to visualize within and between effects. We examined two-way scatter plots between
group-mean centered self-rated health and the group mean centered (individual) social capital
variables (examination of within effects). We also explored two-way scatter plots between
average self-rated health in a village and average (community) social capital in a village
(examination of between effects).
173
Figure A4.1 presents the lowess curve of self-rated health and community social capital,
whereas Figure A4.2 presents the two-way scatter plot of average self-rated health in a village
and average social capital in a village (along with a best-fitted line and lowess curve). Consistent
with the findings in our analysis, there is a negative association between self-rated health and
community social capital.
Figure A4.1: Logit transformed lowess curve of self-rated health and community social capital
Figure A4.2: Scatterplot of average community self-rated health scores and community social
capital
*Best fitted line is presented red, lowess curve is presented in green
174
Annex 5: Results of multilevel regression analysis examining
association between social capital and self-rated health
Table A5.1 presents the models that used a latent and manifest measure social capital.
The manifest measure of individual structural and cognitive social capital are group mean
centered scale scores between 0-7 and 0-5 respectively. The manifest community social capital
score is an average scale score for the 15 individuals in each village.
Table A5.1: Association between social capital and self-rated health using multilevel regression
Covariate Model 2 - latent Model 2 - manifest
Est. SE. Est. SE
Individual level
Structural social capital -0.05
(-0.04)
0.05 -0.03
(-0.04)
0.03
Cognitive social capital -0.01
(-0.01)
0.04 0.00
(0.00)
0.02
Sex (ref: male)
Female -0.20*
(-0.19)
0.09 -0.21*
(-0.20)
0.09
Age -0.02***
(-0.29)
0.00 -0.02***
(-0.28)
0.00
Education 0.07
(0.03)
0.09 0.09
(0.03)
0.09
Marital status (ref: not married)
Married, Gauna not performed 0.10
(0.09)
0.10 0.09
(0.08)
0.10
Married -0.15
(-0.14)
0.12 -0.14
(-0.13)
0.12
Occupation (ref: non-agriculture)
Agriculture -0.02
(-0.02)
0.07 -0.02
(-0.02)
0.07
Household assets 0.07***
(0.13)
0.02 0.07***
(0.13)
0.02
Community level
Social capital -0.26***
(-0.48)
0.06 -0.25***
(-0.33)
0.08
Average education -0.19
(-0.10)
0.48 -0.15
(-0.05)
0.45
Average household assets 0.05
(0.16)
0.05 0.04
(0.13)
0.04
175
Covariate Model 2 - latent Model 2 - manifest
Est. SE. Est. SE
Geographic region (ref: Urban district)
Rural district -0.24
(-0.44)
0.16 -0.24
(-0.44)
0.14
Remote/rural district -0.85***
(-1.54)
0.16 -0.75***
(-1.36)
0.16
N (individual) 1592 1592
N (community) 110 110 Standardized (unstandardized) probit coefficients; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
176
Annex 6: Results of multilevel regression analysis examining
association between social capital and self-rated health stratified by
sex
Table A6.1 presents the nine social capital items disaggregated by sex. Women and men
provide statistically different responses for all nine social capital items with the exception of trust
in leaders. Most notably, women are less likely to join with others in the community to address a
problem or common issue in their community, speak with authorities about a common issue in
their community.
Table A6.1: Self-rated health and social capital items disaggregated by sex
Indicator Total
(N)
(N=1614)
Sex P-
value Male
(%)
(45.66%)
Female
(%)
(54.34%)
0. Self rated health
Poor/Fair 710 46.13 42.19 0.11
Good/Very good 904 53.87 57.81
1. Group support: In the last 12 months, received support
(emotional, financial, or other kinds) from:
Nobody 1234 71.51 80.62
<0.001 Bonding/bridging or linking groups 337 25.92 16.65
Bonding/bridging and linking groups 43 2.58 2.74
2. Individual support: In the last 12 months, received support
(emotional, economic, or other kinds) from:
Nobody 304 17.50 19.95
0.01 Bonding/bridging or linking individuals 913 54.41 58.38
Bonding/bridging and linking individuals 397 28.09 21.66
3. Join: In the last 12 months, joined together with
other community members to address a
problem or common issue
No 1215 67.03 82.53 <0.001
Yes 395 32.97 17.47
177
Indicator Total
(N)
(N=1614)
Sex P-
value Male
(%)
(45.66%)
Female
(%)
(54.34%)
4. Authorities: In the last 12 months, talked with a local
authority or governmental organization
about problems in village
No 1410 79.70 94.18 <0.001
Yes 200 20.30 5.82
5. Vote: Voted in the last state or national election
No 173 6.40 14.38 <0.001
Yes 1437 93.60 85.62
6. Trust neighbors: In general, trust all neighbors in village
None 60 3.01 4.37
0.04 Some 327 18.33 22.21
All 1213 78.66 73.42
7. Trust leaders: In general, trust all leaders in village
None 140 7.67 9.61
0.39 Some 419 26.44 25.86
All 1045 65.89 64.53
8. Trust strangers: In general, trust all strangers in village
None 510 28.75 34.21 0.01
Some 679 46.19 38.90
All 419 25.07 26.89
9. Belong: Feel as though really a part of village
No 40 0.96 3.78 <0.001
Yes 1566 99.04 96.22
We examined the bivariate association between each of the 9 social capital items and
their relationship with self-rated health stratified by sex. For many of the indicators, the direction
and magnitude of the association between social capital and self-rated health is similar.
However, women who received more group support and joined with others within the
community to address a common problem were less likely to report good or very good health.
Men who trusted their neighbors were less likely to report good or very good health.
178
Table A6.2: Bivariate association between social capital items and self-rated health,
disaggregated by sex
Social capital item Male
Est. (SE) Female
Est. (SE)
1. Group support -0.05 (0.08) -0.22 (0.07)**
2. Individual support -0.09 (0.10) -0.01 (0.09)
3. Join 0.04 (0.11) -0.26 (0.12)*
4. Authorities 0.04 (0.13) 0.25 (0.40)
5. Vote -0.31 (0.21) -0.26 (0.20)
6. Trust neighbors -0.21 (0.10)* 0.05 (0.08)
7. Trust leaders -0.09 (0.08) -0.03 (0.07)
8. Trust strangers -0.08 (0.07) -0.05 (0.06)
9. Belong 0.39 (0.49) -0.36 (0.26) Probit coefficient (standard error); *p<0.05 **p<0.01 ***p<0.001
When we examined the single level factor structure of the nine social capital items, a
two-factor model fit the data for both men and women. However, as Table A6.3 presents, the
magnitude of the factor loadings differed when comparing men and women.
Table A6.3: Model fit statistics for single level social capital scales, disaggregated by sex
Model x2 Df CFI TLI RMSEA
Male 58.63 19 0.96 0.94 0.53
Female 105.44 26 0.93 0.90 0.60
179
Table A6.4 Standardized factor loadings for nine social capital items, disaggregated by sex
Total Male Female
Factor loadings
Group support 0.51***
(0.04)
0.45***
(0.05)
0.59***
(0.06)
Individual support 0.48***
(0.03)
0.45***
(0.05)
0.54***
(0.06)
Join with community 0.84***
(0.04)
0.88***
(0.05)
0.71***
(0.06)
Talk with authorities 0.82***
(0.04)
0.83***
(0.05)
0.71***
(0.07)
Vote 0.37***
(0.05)
0.32***
(0.09)
0.33***
(0.07)
Trust neighbors 0.88***
(0.04)
0.99***
(0.09)
0.80***
(0.05)
Trust leaders 0.78***
(0.04)
0.69***
(0.07)
0.86***
(0.05)
Trust strangers 0.33***
(0.03)
0.35***
(0.06)
0.30***
(0.04)
Belong 0.64***
(0.06)
-
-
0.68***
(0.07)
Factor 1 with Factor 2 0.27***
0.19**
0.32***
(0.04) (0.07) (0.05)
N 1642 738 878
Standardized factor loading (standard error); *p<0.05 **p<0.01 ***p<0.001
Note: there was no variation in the ―Belong‖ item for men, so it was dropped from the analysis
Due to the smaller sample size in each group, it was difficult to run a multilevel
confirmatory factor analysis and multilevel structural equation model in MPlus for men and
women separately. We therefore examined the relationships between social capital and self-
rated health using a manifest measure (scale score) for social capital. We calculated a group-
mean centered individual structural and cognitive scale score, as well as an average social capital
score for both men and women. We present the final model of the paper for the entire sample,
and disaggregated by sex in Table A6.5. As the table illustrates, the relationships between social
capital and health for men and women are similar.
180
Table A6.5: Association between social capital and self-rated disaggregated by sex
Covariate Total Men Women
Est. SE Est. SE Est. SE
Individual level
Structural social capital -0.03
(-0.04)
0.03 0.01
(0.01)
0.04 -0.05
(-0.05)
0.04
Cognitive social capital 0.00
(0.00)
0.02 -0.04
(-0.04)
0.04 0.04
(0.06)
0.04
Sex (ref: male)
Female -0.21*
(-0.20)
0.09
Age -0.02***
(-0.28)
0.00 -0.02***
(-0.27)
0.00 -0.02***
(-0.25)
0.00
Education 0.09
(0.03)
0.09 0.10
(0.04)
0.13 0.11
(0.04)
0.13
Marital status (ref: not
married)
Married, Gauna not
performed
0.09
(0.08)
0.10 -0.09
(-0.08)
0.16 0.27
(0.25)
0.14
Married -0.14
(-0.13)
0.12 -0.11
(-0.10)
0.18 -0.14
(-0.13)
0.17
Occupation (ref: non-
agriculture)
Agriculture -0.02
(-0.02)
0.07 0.06
(0.06)
0.12 -0.04
(-0.04)
0.10
Household assets 0.07***
(0.13)
0.02 0.07*
(0.13)
0.03 0.07***
(0.14)
0.03
Community level
Social capital -0.25***
(-0.33)
0.08 -0.18*
(-0.29)
0.08 -0.21***
(-0.37)
0.08
Average education -0.15
(-0.05)
0.45 0.08
(0.02)
0.56 -0.39
(-0.12)
0.45
Average household assets 0.04
(0.13)
0.04 0.03
(0.10)
0.05 0.09
(0.27)
0.05
Geographic region (ref: urban
district)
Remote -0.24
(-0.44)
0.14 -0.31
(-0.55)
0.20 -0.16
(-0.31)
0.18
Remote/rural -0.75***
(-1.36)
0.16 -0.92***
(-1.63)
0.21 -0.61**
(-1.18)
0.20
N (individual) 1592 722 870
N (community) 110 110 110 Unstandardized coefficient (standardized coefficient); *p<0.05 **p<0.01 ***p<0.001
181
Figure A6.1 presents the statistically significant relationship between community social
capital and average self-rated health within a community for the entire sample, and for men and
women separately.
Figure A6.1: Scatterplot of average community self-rated health scores and community social
capital
Total Male Female
Lastly, we ran a model with an interaction term between social capital and self-rated
health using our entire sample and a manifest measure of social capital. We found that there
was no statistically significant difference in the relationship between social capital and self-rated
health between men and women.
Table A6.6: Association between social capital and self-rated health, with interaction between
social capital and sex
Covariate Estimate Standard
Error
Individual level
Sex (ref: male)
Female -0.38
(-0.36)
0.82
Structural social capital -0.01
(-0.01)
0.04
Structural social capital x sex -0.06
(-0.04)
0.06
Cognitive social capital -0.05
(-0.07)
0.04
182
Covariate Estimate Standard
Error
Cognitive social capital x sex 0.09 0.06
(0.09)
Age -0.02***
(-0.28)
0.00
Education 0.09
(0.04)
0.10
Marital status (ref: Not married)
Married, Gauna not performed 0.10
(0.09)
0.10
Married -0.14
(-0.13)
0.12
Occupation (ref: non-agriculture)
Agriculture -0.02
(-0.02)
0.08
Household assets 0.07***
(0.13)
0.02
Community level
Social capital -0.27*
(-0.35)
0.11
Social capital x sex 0.03
(0.08)
0.12
Average education -0.15
(-0.04)
0.46
Average household assets 0.05
(0.14)
0.04
Geographic region (Urban district)
Remote district -0.24
(-0.44)
0.14
Remote/rural district -0.75***
(-1.34)
0.16
N (individual) 1592
N (community) 110 Unstandardized coefficient (standardized coefficient); *p<0.05 **p<0.01 ***p<0.001
183
Annex 7: Summary of quantitative data according to
implementation outcome
Table A7.1: Indicators presented in Paper 2 to describe fidelity of the Communitization Act
according to health system function
Indicator N/Mean %/SD Source
Hea
lth
Work
forc
e
Nurse is present at this facility during working hours* HH
Never 16 1.2%
Sometimes 186 14.2%
Always 872 66.7%
Don‘t know 234 17.9%
Doctor is present at this facility during working hours* HH
Never 168 13.1%
Sometimes 459 35.9%
Always 379 29.6%
Don‘t know 273 21.3%
HW satisfaction with supervisor support HW
Very unsatisfied 6 3.4%
Unsatisfied 16 8.9%
Satisfied 137 76.5%
Very satisfied 18 10.1%
Don‘t know 2 1.1%
HW satisfaction with management of health facility HW
Very unsatisfied 15 8.4%
Unsatisfied 41 22.9%
Satisfied 118 65.9%
Very satisfied 5 2.8%
Number of months during past year HW salary not received HW
0 months 131 73.2%
>0 months 48 26.8%
Hea
lth
Fin
an
ce
Committee approved annual budget of facility 49 50.5% HF
Committee reviewed expenditures of facility
(monthly, quarterly or annually)
64 66.0% HF
Facility maintained book of accounts 43 44.3% HF
Committee raised funds from community in past 6
months
8 8.3% HF
Committee raised in-kind contributions for health
facility in past 6 months
9 9.9% HF
Info
rma
tion
Facility maintained health management information
system (HMIS) report
86 88.7% HF
HMIS report was discussed during a HCMC/VHC
meeting during past 3 months
37 20.7% HW
184
Indicator N/Mean %/SD Source M
edic
ines
Drugs available on day of survey HF
Paracetamol (tablet) 58 59.8%
Chloroquine Phosphate 32 33.0%
Zinc sulphate 17 17.5%
Oral rehydration salt 54 55.7%
Tetanus toxoid 59 60.8%
HW satisfaction with availability of drugs, supplies and equipment HW
Very unsatisfied 43 24.0%
Unsatisfied 102 57.0%
Satisfied 30 16.8%
Very satisfied 4 2.2%
Gover
nan
ce
Committee mobilized community to use health
services in past 6 months
10 11.11% HF
Facility received health related training in past
month (during supervision visit)
19 19.6% HF
Facility received administrative related training in
past month (during supervision visit)
15 15.5% HF
Facility received Department of Health and Family
Welfare supervision visit in past 6 months
46 47.4% HF
Facility received Chief Medical Officer supervision
visit in past 6 months
40 41.2% HF
Ser
vic
e D
eliv
ery
Committee provide new supplies/equipment for
facility in past 6 months
13 14.3% HF
Committee provide new infrastructure for facility in
past 6 months
10 11.0% HF
Committee made repairs to facility for facility in
past 6 months
17 18.7% HF
Distance from facility to pucca road 5.6 13.2 HF
Distance from facility to District Hospital 40.9 23.9 HF
Committee organized VHND in past 6 months 23 25.6% HF
Number of VHNDs held by facility in past 6 months 8.1 11.0 HF
Acc
e
pta
bil
ity
HW thinks HCMC/VHC helps to improve service
delivery
129 72.1% HW
Ap
pro
pri
ate
nes
s
HW serving on committee who trust other members
on the HCMC/VHC to work in the best interest of
the facility***
84 90.3% HW
Highest level of education within household HH
Did not complete primary education 108 7.5%
Complete primary school 527 36.5%
Completed high school 339 23.5%
Completed higher secondary school 211 14.6%
Completed undergraduate degree 137 9.5%
Completed undergraduate certificate 71 4.9%
185
Indicator N/Mean %/SD Source
Completed postgraduate degree 44 3.0%
Completed postgraduate certificate 8 0.6%
Occupation HH
Non-agriculture 707 48.9%
Agriculture 739 51.1%
Fea
sib
ilit
y
Received funds from Village Council in 2014** 0 0.0% HF
Time for HW to travel from residence to the facility 18.0 23.4 HW
HW satisfaction with amount of salary HW
Very unsatisfied 11 6.2%
Unsatisfied 32 17.9%
Satisfied 119 66.5%
Very satisfied 17 9.5% HF = Health Facility Survey (N=97)
HH = Household Survey (N = 1642)
HW = Health Worker Survey (N=179)
*Conditioned on households who knew where government health facility was located (N=1440)
**Conditioned on health facilities that maintained a book of accounts (N = 43)
***Among health workers serving on a committee (N=93)
186
Annex 8: Descriptive statistics for health committee functioning
index
Table A8.1: Tetrachoric correlation of health committee functioning index
Items 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
1. Meeting 1.00
2. Approve salary -0.09 1.00
3. Approve budget 0.50 0.50 1.00
4. Monitor expenditure 0.67 0.08 0.84 1.00
5. Raise funds 0.17 0.20 -0.10 0.32 1.00
6. HMIS 0.34 -0.41 -0.23 0.16 1.00 1.00
7. Drug register 0.08 0.13 0.15 0.35 0.13 0.22 1.00
8. Provide drugs 0.36 -0.15 0.36 0.41 0.32 -0.01 0.49 1.00
9. Mobilize community 0.26 0.61 0.58 0.41 0.12 -0.52 -0.03 0.01 1.00
10. Repair
infrastructure/equipment 0.31 -0.07 0.43 0.44 0.50 -0.01 0.14 0.84 0.47 1.00
11. Raise in-kind 0.26 0.12 0.07 0.41 0.12 1.00 -0.03 0.37 0.32 0.33 1.00
12. VHND 0.13 0.62 0.59 0.46 0.07 -0.32 0.21 0.34 0.60 0.50 0.32 1.00
We considered the 12 items to be an index of health committee functioning. However, if
we consider them to be a scale (arising from one common latent variable), then we would also
consider the reliability and construct validity of the items. As a scale, the 12 items have fair
reliability. Items 5, 6 and 11 had lower factor loadings. However, we kept these items in the
analysis to represent the full range of committee functions, as described in the Communitization
Act.
KR-20 measure of reliability for 12 items: 0.67
187
Table A8.2: Confirmatory factor analysis of 12 health committee functioning items
Item Estimate Standard Error
1. Meeting 0.56*** 0.11
2. Approve salary 0.52*** 0.13
3. Approve budget 0.73*** 0.10
4. Monitor expenditure 0.90*** 0.09
5. Raise funds 0.31* 0.15
6. HMIS -0.02 0.17
7. Drug register 0.28* 0.14
8. Provide drugs 0.76*** 0.09
9. Mobilize community 0.68*** 0.10
10. Repair infrastructure/equipment 0.79*** 0.09
11. Raise in-kind 0.38 0.21
12. VHND 0.69*** 0.11 Standardized factor loadings; *p<0.05 **p<0.01 ***p<0.001
188
Annex 9: Results of linear regression analysis examining association
between social capital and health committee functioning
Table A6.1 presents the final models that used a manifest measure of community social capital
(average scale score between 0-12 for the 15 individuals in each village). We also present the
final latent model, which was presented in the main body of paper 3, as a point of comparison.
As the table demonstrates, the results in both models were similar.
Table A9.1: Final models using manifest social capital
Indicator Manifest Latent
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 4
Est. SE Est. SE Est. SE Est. SE Est. SE
Community
social capital -0.37 0.33 -0.42 0.23 -0.20 0.33 -0.12 0.32 0.14 0.24
Community Indicators Avg. asset
score 0.21 0.18 0.14 0.17 -0.03 0.18 -0.03 0.18
Avg. education
score -0.65 0.55 -0.58 0.53 -0.29 0.52 -0.25 0.45
Committee Indicators Number of
women on
committee
0.54**
0.18 0.48* 0.19 0.49
* 0.24
Number of
community
groups on
committee
0.04 0.10 0.00 0.10 0.00 0.12
Health Facility Indicators Facility type
(Ref: Sub
Center)
PHC/CHC -0.11 0.55 -0.07 0.51
Received
government
funds (Ref:
No)
Yes 0.99* 0.45 1.00* 0.47
Number of
DHFW
supervision
visits
0.51* 0.24 0.51* 0.24
R2 0.01 0.03 0.16 0.24 0.24
Number of
observations
97 97 97 97
1446
Unstandardized coefficients presented; *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
189
Annex 10: Exploratory data analysis and linear regression model
diagnostics for association between social capital and health
committee functioning
The exploratory data analysis and linear regression diagnostics presented below were run
in STATA, using a manifest measure of social capital (average scale score between 0-12 for the
15 individuals in each village). The diagnostics were run on the final model of the analysis
between social capital, community, committee and health facility characteristics and the health
committee functioning index.
Exploratory Data Analysis
Figure A10.1: Distribution of health committee functioning index (HCF)
Figure A10.2: Distribution of community social capital scores (SC)
190
Figure A10.3: Scatterplot between health committee functioning index (HCF) and community
social capital scores (SC)
Multicoliniarity
We examined variance inflation factors (vif) of each indicator to ensure that none of the
explanatory indicators were linearly related to one another. The vifs ranged from 1.03 to 2.06 – a
vif above 10 would indicate potential issues with multicolineairy.
Influential data
We examined outliers (observations with large residuals), as well as the leverage (an
observation with an extreme value on a given predictor) and influence (a product of being an
outlier and having high leverage) of each observation. Observations that were outliers, or that
had high leverage or influence could change the results of the analysis substantially if they were
removed. We examined these influential points in more detail to understand how they
influenced the results of the analysis.
To examine outliers, we produced a stem and leaf plot of the studentized residuals. We
focused on the observations that had residuals +/- 2 standard deviations. We determined that
facilities with the IDs of 26, 40 and 67 had the largest residuals respectively.
191
Table A10.1: Stem and leaf plot of studentized residuals -1** | 89,87
-1** | 79,67,64,63 -1** | 45
-1** | 31,29
-1** | 17,16,14,08,08,07,06,03 -0** | 96,93,92,87,84,81,81,80
-0** | 75,72,70,63
-0** | 58,56,51,49,49,43 -0** | 37,37,32,31,27,23
-0** | 13,11,10,09,08,02,02,01
0** | 02,03,04,06,07,10,12,13,17,17,18,19 0** | 20,25,25,30,30,30,30
0** | 40,44,48,52,58
0** | 75,79,79 0** | 88,91,92,92
1** | 02,04,08,14,15
1** | 28,28,34 1** | 40,46
1** | 66,67,78
1** | 84 2** |
2** | 32
2** | 2** | 70
2** | 94
Next, we predicted the leverage of each data point. We identified observations that had a
value greater than (2k+2)/n, where k was the number of explanatory variables in the model (8)
and n was the number of observations (97). We found that facilities with the IDs of 53, 87 and
15 had a leverage value greater than 0.186.
Table A10.2: Stem and leaf plot of observation leverage
plot in units of .001 3* | 25779
4* | 112589
5* | 1225556899 6* | 113347888
7* | 22357799
8* | 12446788 9* | 3457889
10* | 2466779
11* | 12 12* | 126
13* | 116
14* | 89 15* | 13
16* | 148
17* | 89 18* | 38
19* | 8
20* | 21* |
22* | 9
192
In the graph below, we plotted the residuals and the leverage of each observation. The
observations that had both high residuals and leverage (15, 51) are those that needed further
examination.
Figure A10.4: Plot of leverage versus normalized residuals squared to assess influential data
points
193
Finally, we examined the Adjusted Variable Plots (AVplots) for each regression
coefficient. AVplots graph the relationship between a single predictor and the outcome variable
after it was adjusted for the other covariates in the model. The slope of the line in the plot is
equal to the regression coefficient. The plots illustrated outliers and influential points.
Figure A10.5: Adjusted Variable Plot
When we removed the variables with high residuals, high leverage and high influence
(table B.3), we found that the results of our model did not change substantially.
194
Table A10.3: Association between health committee functioning index and social capital,
controlling for features of the committee, community and facility
Indicator Full Observations
with high
residuals
removed
Observations
with high
leverage
removed
Observations
with high
influence
removed
Community social capital -0.12 -0.03 -0.24 0.03
Community Indicators
Average asset score -0.03 -0.13 -0.10 -0.01
Average education score -0.29 0.01 -0.13 -0.32
Committee Indicators
No. women on committee 0.48* 0.58
** 0.54
** 0.50
**
No. community groups 0.00 0.01 0.08 0.06
Health Facility Indicators
PHC/CHC (ref: PHC) -0.11 0.55 -0.13 -0.38
Received government funds (ref: no) 0.99* 1.27
** 1.14
* 1.23
**
No. DHFW supervision visits 0.51* 0.36 0.56
* 0.44
*p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
Normality of residuals
An assumption of linear regression is that the error terms are normally distributed. We
tested this assumption using a Kernel Density plot. The Kernel density estimate was closely
overlaid with the normal density plot, indicating that the residuals were normally distributed.
Figure A10.6: Kernel Density plot of final linear regression model
195
We further test this assumption we used a Shapiro-Wilk test, which tested they
hypothesis that the distribution was normal. We obtained a p-value of 0.17, so we failed to reject
ouR hypothesis that the residuals were normally distributed.
Homoscedasticity of Residuals
Another assumption of linear regression is homogeneity of variance of the residuals. We
tested this using Breusch-Pagan‘s test, which tested the null hypothesis that the variance of the
residuals was homogeneous. With a chi square value of 0.16 and a p-value of 0.69, we failed to
reject the null hypothesis. We concluded that the variance of the residuals was homogeneous.
Linearity
Linear regression also assumes that each of the covariates is linearly related to the
outcome. To test this assumption, we examined scatterplots of each predictor and the outcome of
interest (not presented here). To examine linearity when there were multiple covariates in a
model is more complex. One way to examine this assumption when conducting multiple
regression was to plot the standardized residuals against each covariate in the model. The plot
should produce a non-linear pattern. When we examined these plots, we did not identify any
linear patterns.
Analysis of results stratified by health facility type
In Nagaland, the government distinguished health committees that were serving in
villages and SCs from those that were serving at PHCs or CHC. We therefore examined our
results stratified by health facility type. The boxplot below illustrates the distribution of the
health committee functioning index by SC versus PHC and CHC.
196
Figure A10.7: Distribution of health committee functioning index by health facility type
The scatterplots below illustrate the relationship between social capital and health
committee functioning, disaggregated by health facility type (SC versus PHC/CHC).
Figure A10.8: Scatterplot of health committee functioning index versus social capital score,
disaggregated by health facility type
Sub-Centers PHC/CHCs
Table A7.4 presents the association between social capital and health committee
functioning stratified by health facility type. The association was stronger for PHC/CHCs, yet
neither were statistically significant.
Table A10.4: Association between health committee functioning index and community social
capital, disaggregated by health facility type
Indicator Sub Centers PHC/CHC
Est. SE Est. SE
Community social capital -0.11 0.60 -0.48 0.40 *p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
197
Finally, table A7.5 presents model 4 (see results of our paper) with an interaction term
added between health facility type and social capital. The non-significant interaction term
indicated that the relationship between social capital and health committee functioning did not
differ according to facility type.
Table A10.5: Association between health committee functioning index and social capital, with
interaction between social capital and health facility type
Indicator Estimate Standard
Error
Community social capital -0.08 0.65
Facility type (Reference: Sub Center)
PHC/CHC 0.27 5.1
Interaction term (SC*PHC/CHC) -0.05 0.75
Community Indicators
Average asset score -0.03 0.19
Average education score -0.28 0.54
Committee Indicators
Number of women serving on committee 0.48* 0.19
Number of community groups on committee 0.00 0.10
Health Facility Indicators
Received government funds (Reference: No)
Yes 0.99* 0.45
Number of DHFW supervision visits 0.51* 0.24
*p < = .05 **p < = .01 ***p < = .001
We conducted the same analysis to examine whether the relationship between social
capital and health committee functioning differed by whether or not the facility received funding.
We also found that it did not (results not presented here).
198
Annex 11: Mplus code for final models
The Mplus code for our final model in paper 1 is as follows:
Title:
Final model, paper 1
Data:
File is srh_10_24_17.dta.dat ;
Variable:
Names are
q_7_01 q_7_02 q_7_03 q_7_04 q_7_05 q_7_06 q_7_07 q_7_08 q_7_09
asset_score_c asset_avg health occ female age married married_g educ educ_avg
tribe rural rural_remote village_code;
Missing are all (-9999) ;
Usevariables = 7_01 q_7_02 q_7_03 q_7_04 q_7_05 q_7_06 q_7_07 q_7_09
asset_score_c asset_avg health occ female age married married_g educ educ_avg
tribe rural rural_remote;
Categorical = 7_01 q_7_02 q_7_03 q_7_04 q_7_05 q_7_06 q_7_07 q_7_09
health;
Cluster = village_code;
Within = asset_score_c occ female age married married_g educ;
Between = educ_avg asset_avg tribe rural rural_remote;
Analysis:
Type = twolevel;
Estimator = wlsmv;
Model:
%within%
sc1 by q_7_01*;
sc1 by q_7_02;
sc1 by q_7_03;
sc1 by q_7_04;
sc1 by q_7_05;
sc1 @1;
sc2 by q_7_06*;
sc2 by q_7_07;
sc2 by q_7_09;
sc2@1;
health on sc1 sc2 asset_score_c occ female age married married_g educ;
%between%
sc3 by q_7_01*;
sc3 by q_7_02;
sc3 by q_7_03;
sc3 by q_7_04;
199
sc3 by q_7_05;
sc3 by q_7_06;
sc3 by q_7_07;
sc3 by q_7_09;
health on sc3 asset_avg educ_avg tribe rural rural_remote;
Output:
standardized;
The MPlus code for the final model in paper 3 is as follows:
Title:
Final model, paper 2
Data:
File is hcf_1_29_18.dta.dat ;
Variable:
Names are
q_7_01 q_7_02 q_7_03 q_7_04 q_7_05 q_7_06 q_7_07 q_7_08 q_7_09
c1 asset_avg edu_index q4_4 q4_5tot hf_typ gov_fundb q3_6 village_code;
Missing are all (-9999);
Usevariables = q_7_01 q_7_02 q_7_03 q_7_04 q_7_05 q_7_06 q_7_07 q_7_08 q_7_09
asset_avg edu_index q4_4 q4_5tot hf_typ gov_fundb q3_6;
Categorical = q_7_01 q_7_02 q_7_03 q_7_04 q_7_05 q_7_06 q_7_07 q_7_08 q_7_09;
Cluster = village_code;
Within = ;
Between = c1 asset_avg edu_index q4_4 q4_5tot hf_typ gov_fundb q3_6;
Analysis:
Type = twolevel;
Estimator = wlsmv;
Model:
%within%
sc1 by q_7_01*;
sc1 by q_7_02;
sc1 by q_7_03;
sc1 by q_7_04;
sc1 by q_7_05;
sc1 @1;
sc2 by q_7_06*;
sc2 by q_7_07;
sc2 by q_7_09;
sc2@1;
%between%
sc3 by q_7_01*;
200
sc3 by q_7_02;
sc3 by q_7_03;
sc3 by q_7_04;
sc3 by q_7_05;
sc3 by q_7_06;
sc3 by q_7_07;
sc3 by q_7_09;
sc3@1;
q_7_01@0;
c1 on sc3 asset_avg edu_index q4_4 q4_5tot hf_typ gov_fundb q3_6
Output:
standardized;
201
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(265) Sekhar NU. Social Capital and Fisheries Management: The Case of Chilika Lake in India. Environ
Manage 2007 04/01;39(4):497-505.
(266) Deininger K, Liu Y. Economic and Social Impacts of Self-Help Groups in India. 2009;Policy
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(267) Widmalm S. The utility of bonding social capital. Journal of Civil Society 2005 05/01;1(1):75-95.
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Curriculum Vitae – Avril Kaplan
EDUCATION
Johns Hopkins University, Bloomberg School of Public Health
Doctor of Philosophy: International Health Department, 2014 – 2018.
Georgetown University, School of Nursing and Health Studies Master of Science: Health Systems Administration, 2011.
Georgetown University, Edmond A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Bachelor of Science in Foreign Service: Science, Technology and International Affairs, 2009.
RESEARCH EXPERIENCE
Abt Associates Inc., Bethesda, MD
International Health Division, Consultant
May 2017 – current
Leading a study to determine the magnitude of outmigration of nurses and physicians
trained in Haiti and the factors associated with intent to migrate
Integrated Child Development Services Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) Study, Uttar
Pradesh, India
Johns Hopkins University, Student Researcher
May 2017 – current
Designing Discrete Choice Experiment to determine optimal attributes for a CCT
program that aims to improve nutritional and health outcomes for mothers and children
under 3.
Diabetes Networking Tool Project, Baltimore, MD
Johns Hopkins University, Student Researcher
January 2016 – June 2016
Coordinated community forums that aim to understand how people in Southwest
Baltimore use their social networks to improve management of Type 2 Diabetes.
Collected data through the community forums aimed to inform the development of a
mobile phone application.
World Bank Group, Washington, DC
Health, Nutrition, and Population Division, Short Term Consultant
April 2015 – December 2015
Conducted qualitative study on the role of social capital in utilization of publically
provided health services in Nagaland, India.
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WORK EXPERIENCE
Abt Associates Inc., Bethesda, Maryland
International Health Division, Intern (2011), Analyst (2011-2013), Senior Analyst (2013-
2014)
January 2011 – July 2014
Collaborated with Ministry of Health in Haiti to design accreditation system for private
nursing schools.
Examined feasibility of low-income countries to transition health care workers away
from PEPFAR support to alternative and sustainable sources of funding.
Provided technical support for resource tracking activities, including development of the
Health Resource Tracker and National Health Accounts (NHA) estimation in Rwanda.
understand spending on health promotion and disease prevention.
Assessed availability, quality and relevance of a core set of national health system
performance indicators in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Peru, Vietnam and Zambia.
Pan American Health Organization, Washington, DC
Health Systems and Services Unit, Intern
June 2010 – August 2010
Conducted literature review and analysis on future constraints- specifically, finances,
human resources, and service delivery- for healthcare delivery in the Central and South
America Regions.
World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland
Patient Safety Department, Intern
June 2009 – August 2009
Performed background research and designed set of indicators to assess impact of the
Department‘s research grants.
TEACHING EXPERIENCE
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Baltimore, MD
Teaching Assistant
Health Financing in Low and Middle Income Countries, 2016 Term 3
Health Economics III, 2016 Term 4
Health Systems in Low and Middle Income Countries, 2015 Term 2
Foundations of International Health, 2015 Term 1 & Term 2, 2017 Term 1
OTHER
French (Professional)
Country experience in Haiti, India, Rwanda, Tanzania, United States
Stata, Mplus, NVivo, Excel, CSPro
PERSONAL DETAILS
Born July 3, 1987 in Edmonton, Alberta
Citizen of Canada, US Permanent Resident