short-term mission in moldova (chris ducker)
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Labouring Together, Listening Together?
Improving the effectiveness of short-term mission in Moldova
by understanding church leaders experiences
of working with foreign short-term missionaries
Christopher J. Ducker
Presented as part of the requirement of the M.A. Degree in Global Issues inContemporary Mission, Redcliffe College, Gloucester, UK
July 2012
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PREFACE
Virtually all of the published research related to short-term missions focuses on the
perspectives of the short-term missioners themselves with very little research
exploring the experiences and perspectives of those in the receiving communities.
Priest (2007a, pp179-180)
This dissertation explores the practice of short-term mission in Moldova, Eastern
Europe, showing how indigenous perspectives can be sought and learned from.
Twenty-two Moldovans with collective experience of nearly 400 short-term mission
trips were interviewed, yielding significant quantitative and qualitative data and a
deep insight into host perspectives of short-term mission. These perspectives were
complemented by views shared in a seminar with an additional fourteen Moldovans,
as well as interviews with representatives of several mission agencies working long-
term in Moldova.
The issues raised in this research made it possible to question what is meant by the
effectiveness of short-term mission, and in Moldova in particular it can be improved
by ongoing partnerships, greater cultural sensitivity, and constructive,
contextualised, biblical feedback.
My sincere thanks to Redcliffe College, Gloucester; College of Theology and
Education, Chiinu; and International Baptist Theological Seminary, Prague for use
of their research facilities. I gratefully acknowledge the constructive comments of
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Rev Dr Darrell Jackson and Revd Dr Colin Bulley, my dissertation supervisors, and
would like to thank Anastasia Volimbovski for her help in conducting and translating
the research interviews. I would also like to thank Brian Pile, who led my first short-
term mission trip to Moldova, several years ago, and who stressed the importance of
equal partnership with the local church.
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CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE 1
CONTENTS 3
LIST OF TABLES 6
LIST OF FIGURES 7
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 8
CHAPTER 2. THE SHORT-TERM MISSIONS MOVEMENT 11
2.1 Origins and History 11
2.2 Definitions 13
2.3 Issues and Trends 14
2.4 Hosts The Missing STM Perspective 17
CHAPTER 3. THE MOLDOVAN CONTEXT 19
3.1 Political, Economic and Social Context 19
3.2 Cultural Context 20
3.3 Religious Context 22
3.3.1 Religious Identity and Attendance 22
3.3.2 Religious Affiliation 23
3.3.3 Orthodoxy and Protestantism 24
3.4 Moldova and Short-Term Mission 25
CHAPTER 4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 27
4.1 Research Tools 27
4.2 Respondent Profile 28
4.3 Research Limitations 29
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Page
CHAPTER 5. RESEARCH FINDINGS 32
5.1 Experience of Short-Term Missions 32
5.1.1 Frequency and History of STM Trips 325.1.2 STM Connections 36
5.1.3 Relationship Status 36
5.2 Short-Term Mission Practices 37
5.2.1 Involvement in Planning 37
5.2.2 Feedback Opportunities 37
5.2.3 Feedback and Change 38
5.3 Benefits and Effectiveness of STM Trips 39
5.3.1 Benefits of STM Trips 39
5.3.2 Clarity of Aims 41
5.3.3 Effectiveness of STM Trips 41
5.4 Responsiveness of STM Teams to Moldovan Culture 42
5.4.1 STM Teams and Local, Long-Term Vision 42
5.4.2 Similarity of Beliefs 43
5.4.3 Universality of the Gospel 44
5.4.4 Cultural Preparedness of STM Teams 44
5.4.5 Efforts to Learn Moldovan Culture 46
5.4.6 Respect for Moldovan Traditions 46
5.4.7 Redressing Offence 48
5.5 Opportunities and Mechanisms for Feedback 49
5.5.1 Evaluation During Trips 49
5.5.2 Evaluation After Trips 49
5.5.3 Methods of Sharing Feedback 50
5.5.4 Attitudes to Listening 50
5.5.5 Positive Impressions 50
5.5.6 Negative Impressions 51
5.6 General Advice and Comments Regarding STM in Moldova 51
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Page
CHAPTER 6. APPRAISING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF STM 54
6.1 What are We Measuring? WhatImpact on Whom? 54
6.2 Who is Measuring? 59
6.3 A Moldovan Perspective 59
CHAPTER 7. THE THREE KEYS TO IMPROVING STM EFFECTIVENESS
IN MOLDOVA 61
7.1 Partnership 61
7.2 Cultural Sensitivity 63
7.3 Feedback 667.3.1 Definition of Feedback 66
7.3.2 Biblical Feedback 67
7.3.3 Contextualised Feedback 71
CHAPTER 8. FURTHER MISSIOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS 76
8.1 Role of STM in Mission/Missiology 76
8.2 Ongoing Missiological Biases 788.3 Second-World Missiology? 79
8.4 Further Research 79
CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION 81
CITATIONS LIST 84
BIBLIOGRAPHY 90
APPENDIX 1. Research Interview 100
APPENDIX 2. Additional Religious Context 105
APPENDIX 3. Benefits of Short-Term Mission Trips 108
APPENDIX 4. PositiveandNegativeCharacteristics Attributed to STM Teams 109
APPENDIX 5. Advice from Moldovans to Visiting STM Teams 110
APPENDIX 6. Translation of the Word Feedback into Romanian 112
APPENDIX 7. Questions to Ask When Contextualising Feedback 113
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LIST OF TABLES
Page
TABLE I
RELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF MOLDOVANS (ESTIMATED), 2010 25
TABLE II
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OF MOLDOVANS, 2010 25
TABLE III
RESPONDENT PROFILE BY POSITION, DENOMINATION AND SEX 30
TABLE IV
STM NATIONALITIES HOSTED BY MOLDOVAN RESPONDENTS 36
TABLE V
STM ACTIVITIES EXPERIENCED BY MOLDOVAN HOSTS 37
TABLE VI
BALANCE OF STM PROGRAMME PLANNING 39
TABLE VII
FORMS OF FEEDBACK 40TABLE VIII
DO VISITING TEAMS ATTEMPT TO ADAPT TO MOLDOVAN CULTURE? 48
TABLE IX
DO VISITING STM TEAMS LISTEN TO MOLDOVAN CHRISTIANS? 52
TABLE X
RELIGIOUS ADHERENCE OF MOLDOVANS, 2005 107
TABLE XI
MOLDOVAN RELIGIOUS GROUPINGS IN THE 2004 CENSUS 108
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LIST OF FIGURES
Page
FIGURE 1
NUMBER OF STM TEAMS HOSTED BY EACH RESPONDENT 35
FIGURE 2
ORIGINS OF EUROPEAN STM TEAMS VISITING MOLDOVA 36
FIGURE 3
DO MOLDOVAN LEADERS FEEL THAT THEIR COMMENTS HAVEBEEN TAKEN ON BOARD? 41
FIGURE 4
WERE STM TEAMS SEEN AS EFFECTIVE? 44
FIGURE 5
DO STM TEAMS FIT IN WITH CHURCHES LONG-TERM VISION? 45
FIGURE 6
DO STM TEAMS KNOW MUCH ABOUT MOLDOVA UPON ARRIVAL? 47
FIGURE 7
DO STM TEAMS RESPECT MOLDOVAN TRADITIONS? 49
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Though precious and worthy in Gods eyes, the small Eastern European country of
Moldova has attracted only modest levels of missionary activity and even less
missiological attention, unlike its immediate neighbours Romania and Ukraine.1 It is
a country which, for reasons explored later, fits neither category of first nor third
world, and is the very epitome of a country at a decisive crossroads in determining
its future direction.
As a Christian missionary working in Moldova since 2007, this author has hosted a
growing number of short-term missionaries and missions teams, predominantly from
the UK. Upon consulting the missiological literature, it became clear that short-term
mission, like Moldova itself, has been somewhat neglected by missiologists; and
that, just as Moldova is a young country barely out of its teenage years, this is a
young discipline also at a significant juncture.
Beyond this interesting parallel, however, was the troubling but inescapable
conclusion that the vast majority of literature concerning short-term mission was
written from the perspective of senders/goers (often but not exclusively Americans)
1 For example, Operation World reported 17 mission agencies working in Moldova(Johnstone et al2001, p448) at a time when 85 were operating in Romania ( ibid., p536) and70 in Ukraine (ibid., p645). Vucinich in King (1999, pxv) suggests that Moldova is obscurenot just to missionaries: The Moldovans are probably the least known of the former Soviet
Unions republican nationalities. One popular travel guide is even blunter: [Moldova is] acountry thats only vaguely known in Europe and all but anonymous to the rest of the world(Reid and Pettersen, 2007, p313).
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whilst the voices of recipient cultures and host churches were seldom heard or even
sought.
This troubling observation led this author to devise what is optimistically but
pointedly termed a listening exercise, based on interviews with Moldovan leaders
with considerable experience of working with foreigners on short-term mission. As
well as being a listening process, this exercise soon became about encouraging
Moldovans to express themselves more freely with their foreign brothers and sisters
in the Lord.
In addition to being an exercise in encouraging and listening to our co-labourers, this
research was an exploration of whether and how feedback is currently practised and
how it could realistically be improved in a contextually appropriate way. When
Christians of different nationalities share and work together more openly, their
mission is more likely to be effective both in terms of task accomplishment but also
by the demonstration of love for one another, as Jesus commanded His followers
(John 13:34). Whilst the research also highlights the significance of partnershipand
cultural sensitivity, good communication in the form of feedback is ultimately
regarded the most important factor, since through this all other issues can be
addressed and, hopefully, resolved.
Chapters 2 and 3 set the scene by introducing the short-term missions (STM)
movement and the Moldovan context respectively. Chapter 4 outlines the
methodology used in this research, as well as acknowledging its limitations. Chapter
5 summarises the results of the research interviews, and uses selected quotes to
give voice to Moldovan experiences. Having sought and listened to Moldovan
perspectives on STM, we ask what is meant by the effectiveness of short-term
mission (Chapter 6) and identify the three most important ways of improving STM
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effectiveness in Moldova (Chapter 7). Chapter 8 identifies some wider missiological
implications concerning the role of STM, missiological biases and the possible need
for a second-world missiology.
The outputs of this research are some thoughtful Moldovan reflections on what it is
like to work with Western short-term mission teams and what advice these
Moldovans would give their visitors; some guidelines for short-term missionaries
coming to Moldova; reflections on what is meant by the effectiveness of short-term
mission; consideration of how feedback can be made culturally appropriate, i.e.
contextualised; and what biblical feedback might look like.
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CHAPTER 2
THE SHORT-TERM MISSIONS MOVEMENT
In this chapter we outline the origins of the short-term missions movement, define
our terminology, review key issues in contemporary STM and draw attention to the
startling lack of host perspectives in the STM literature.
2.1 Origins and History
It is first necessary to place the short-term missions movement into its historical
context. It is sometimes claimed that short-term mission has its origins in the Bible
itself: that Paul, for instance, employed short-term missions as part of his strategy
for reaching the Gentiles.2 Others reply that these were either isolated incidents, or
not comparable to the nature of short-term missions today,3 and that those finding
biblical precedents are to a certain extent seeking justification for their own use of
STM.
This author believes that arguments concentrating on biblical precedents of short-
term mission are misplaced for two reasons. Firstly, it is simply not necessary for all
formsof mission to have their origin in the Bible; rather it is essential to recognise
that the missional impulseand directiveoriginate there and that the actual forms of
2 Backholer (2010, p61), for example, argues that A large number of the characters of theBible went on STMs, though, back then, it was known as a mission from God, and citesJonah, Paul, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Jesus disciples as examples. Robinsonconcludes that The Bible is replete with examples where God did use short-termassignments (2010, p10).3
Daniels (2008, p152) maintains that, in its current form, short-term mission has becomedecidedly unbiblical because too much emphasis is on the needs and desires of themissionaries rather than the needs of the field.
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mission can vary from culture to culture and from generation to generation.4 And
secondly, describing individuals such as Paul, Ezekiel or even Jesus as short-term
missionaries is in danger of missing the most significant point: what is happening
now is a massive, populist movement, and represents a distinct, new phase in
missions history.
Mission historians have tended to describe the short-term missions movement as a
post-war phenomenon, with the 1960s in particular seeing the formation of mission
organizations with a short- or medium-term emphasis, e.g. YWAM and Operation
Mobilisation (Backholer, 2010, 11). By the 1980s, the number of people involved in
short-term missionary service was increasing sharply, such that Reapsome (1982,
p112) could already refer to an explosion of volunteers. Made possible by cheaper
international travel and drawing on greater global awareness, the short-term
missions phenomenon gained momentum, seeing more (and younger) church
groups going overseas, especially from the United States to Latin America. This
trend, more recently involving millions of Christians each year, was both a product
and a cause of globalization. It was simultaneous with, and apparently connected to
a broader understanding of mission beyond the traditional Protestant focus on
evangelism, another factor that confirms that short-term mission is indeed part of a
new missional paradigm.
4 The obvious danger of trying to live like the early church, for example, is that we live indifferent times and different contexts. We may respect and learn from the missional drive ofthe early church but we must contextualise mission in the same way as we contextualise the
Bible itself, translating it into the vernacular and using modern idioms. A helpful introductionto different missional paradigms in different historical contexts is given in Spencer (2007,p42).
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2.2 Definitions
There is no universally accepted definition of short-term mission, with disagreement
over what length of time constitutes short-term mission, what forms of mission it
encompasses, and by whom it is done.
In the early 1970s, the Concise Dictionary of the Christian World Missionexplained
that short-term missionaries were those appointed for three to five years but noted
that some were also using the term even for several months service. The author
added, disapprovingly, that these missionaries rarely learn language or culture well
enough to work at depth (Smith in Neill et al1971, p551). Given that the average
length of long-term missionary service reportedly now stands at approximately
seven years and that up to half of all new missionaries do not last beyond their
first term (Yohannan, cited by About Missions 2012) it has become necessary to
adjust the definition of what short-term actually means. Throughout the sixteen
definitions of short-term mission that this author has encountered in recent
missiological literature, STM is typically defined as lasting from between one week
and one to two years.
This is the position of Moreau et al(2004, p13), for example, who clarify that short-
term missionaries may be sent out by churches, agencies, or even individuals for a
variety of reasons (English language camps, church building, projects, evangelistic
campaigns). Missiologists differ in whether short-term mission needs necessarily be
cross-cultural and international, though this is usually the case. Some dissenting
voices continue to be heard, such as Sills (2008, p86) who contends that STM is
anything less than lifetime career service or, even more controversially, Terrys
assertion that short-term mission is a contradiction in terms (according to Cuellar in
Priest 2008, p284).
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Drawing these different points together, we can work towards a definition of short-
term mission that answers the following questions: Who? From where to where? To
whom? For how long? For what purpose? And with whom? If we accept that STM
flows may occur in any direction (and not just from the West to the rest), it is
perhaps best to describe this as a movement from one part of the global church (we
cannot assume this will be through a mission agency) to another location, where
they will typically have to cross cultural barriers as well as geographical ones. For
those participating in such movement, it is increasingly seen as good practice to
partner local churches wherever possible.
For the purposes of this research paper, therefore, short-term mission is understood
as the temporary going out of Christians into cross-cultural situations, to participate
in kingdom-building activities, including but not exclusively evangelism, for a period
of up to one year. They go from one part of Gods church (their local church, or a
mission agency) and in His name, preferably to work in partnership with national
Christians.
2.3 Issues and Trends
It is difficult to describe the scope of the short-term missions movement because it is
so amorphous and multi-centred, and there seems to be no international dataset
available. Over the last ten years, various missiologists and sociologists have
estimated the number of Americans involved in foreign short-term mission to be in
the region of 1.5 million per year (Priest et al2006, p432) or 1.6 million (Wuthnow
and Offutt 2008, p218), but potentially as high as 4 million.5 While this can be
understood as a primarily American phenomenon, many Europeans, Australians
and, increasingly, people from the Global South are participating too a trend not
5 This figure was mentioned in the discussion between two leading experts on STM, RobertPriest and Kurt Ver Beek (2005a).
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yet fully reflected in missiological literature, with periodicals and books heavily
dominated by North American perspectives.6
It has been claimed that short-term mission now accounts for approximately one-
third of global missions expenditure,7 and there has been debate over whether this
is additional, new expenditure or whether giving to long-term missions has fallen as
a consequence. Kim and Anderson (2011, p153) complain that short-term missions
represent a serious diversion of Christian funds which might otherwise have been
available for other missional activities. A further criticism is that the majority of short-
term missionaries travel to the countries that are already mostly evangelised.8 The
most popular forms of STM seem to be construction, evangelism, and holiday
clubs/Bible schools (Priest et al2010, p99).
Even now, some 50 years after the STM movement first started, there is fierce
debate about whether or not STM is a net force for good. Influential missiologist
Ralph Winter repeatedly criticised the re-amateurization (1996) of short-term
missions, e.g. claiming it was not actually missionary activity [but rather] a very
high-quality educational activity (2004b, p13) and that the uneven, mainly
inadequate quality of the new generation of [short-term] missionaries has got to be
one of the most serious and profound limitations to the cause of missions (2004a,
6 Though Offutt (2011, p210), for example, has recently written about how new centres ofglobal Christianity are adopting the short-term mission model, referring to Korean churchesworking in the Middle East, African churches in Europe and Latin American churches inSpain.7 The research of Priest, Wilson and Johnson (2010, p98) suggests that this is the case ofmegachurches, at least, which spent 32% of their missions budgets on STM.8 Again, Priest, Wilson and Johnson (2010, p99) found that 6% of short-termers go to WorldA (the least evangelized countries); 12% to World B (somewhat evangelised countries);and 82% to World C (countries that are mostly Christian). Whether this is a weaknessdepends on ones understanding of mission and the purpose of STM. If we simply equatemission with evangelism then we might be concerned by a lack of evangelistic activity andthe number of new converts. On the other hand, if we understand mission more holistically
then we might see community development, relationship building, progress towards equalityand fighting against injustice as signs that Gods kingdom is being established, and that STMis indeed effective.
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p4).9 Missiologists such as Moreau et al (2004, p254) have argued that a lot of
sound missiological principles are being violated, Livermore (2006a, p13) complains
of colonialist tendencies, while Thornton and Thornton (2008, p41) see much of
STM as being more vacation than a mission experience. In addition, Ver Beek
(2005, 2006, 2007) has written influential papers that, though not against short-term
mission per se, have been critical of their lack of discernible long-termimpact.
In response, Priest has forcefully argued that STM trips have a strategic role to
play (Priest and Priest 2008, p71). Poston (2008, p9) has tried to shift the focus
away from the duration of a mission trip, towards their actual function, adding that
instead of continuing to castigate todays young people for their lack of long-term
commitment, we should instead capitalize on their short-term bursts of energy, and
others have made similar points about using the enthusiasm and availability of a
new generation of missionary volunteers. Greene (2003, pp14-15) goes as far as
listing 21 advantages of short-term mission even if most of the benefits are
accrued by goers rather than hosts.
Short-term mission is indisputably one of the main issues in missiology today
(Snodderley and Moreau 2011, pp25ff), as missiologists attempt to catch up with a
populist movement that has until recently been somewhat detached from formal
missiology (Priest 2008, v). Whilst it is not difficult to find examples of bad practice,
around the world there is much good being done by a generation of ordinary
Christians intent on serving God as their time and resources permit, something that
9 Have we been here before? Overreaction to the involvement of youths and non-professionals in short-term mission reminds this author of protests heard during theReformation against the reading of the Bible by the likes of Tyndales ploughboy, asrecounted by Deanesly (1920): The friars, who argued against the lawfulness andexpediency of translations of the Vulgate, relied chiefly on the grounds that a general, layreading of the Bible would be an infringement on the teaching office of the clergy, and would
be contrary to the divine economy of different orders in the Church. They claimed too thatthe mysteriousness of holy scripture rendered it unprofitable for the simple Need there bea professional class to do that which all Christians are commanded to do?
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should surely be applauded and encouraged. The question is, how can the
international missionary community best utilise this new resource and how can
host perspectives be heard as we seek to improve the effectiveness of STM teams
sent to work alongside them.
2.4 Hosts The Missing STM Perspective
The growing missiological literature concerning short-term mission has approached
its subject from several different angles. As mentioned above, there have been
considerations of whether STM has biblical precedents; studies on how best mission
teams can be prepared, briefed and debriefed; research trying to quantify the impact
or success of mission trips; and there has been a great deal written about the impact
such trips have on their participants, the goers.
This last point is particularly significant because to many people, this author
included, it seems that so much focus is on the goers, that many trips seem to
prioritize theirexperiences, theirspiritual journeys, their transformation and that
whilst we should not be surprised to find God working in the lives of His people
through such experiences, it is a different thing altogether for mission trips to have
such spiritual development as their primary goal, rather than a missional or
kingdom-building focus.
This becomes an even more important issue when we consider precisely who are
the senders/goers, and who are the recipients/hosts. Typically, those going on short-
term mission trips are those with the resources and opportunity to do so; and those
receiving them have either appealed for helpers or are perceived to be in need of
assistance. It is somewhat discomforting, therefore, to realise that many STM
programmes seem to be focusing more on the needs or experiences of those from
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(relatively speaking) privileged, Western backgrounds, rather than those whom they
are notionally serving in less developed countries.
Connected with this issue of missionary practice is a second, related bias, one
within the field of missiology. In a discussion with Priest, Ver Beek observed that out
of the 40-some studies that we found published before 2004, only one interviewed
receivers of STM (2005). Little has changed since their discussion. From a
methodological perspective, one can understand that it is easier for a researcher to
interview a class of American students who have been on a summer missions trip
than to interview a host church or a group of national leaders. But this alone cannot
fully account for the fact that so little research has been done into the experiences of
host churches and communities.
Over a decade ago, Krabill (1998, p130) called for greater research into those on
the receiving end of mission trips a call that has since been echoed by Priest
(2006, p429), Howell and Dorr (2007, p32), Wilder and Park (2010, p58), Thomas
(2010, p9) and others yet this remains almost completely untouched territory. It is
hoped that this research paper can illustrate the value of such research, and provide
some suggestions for further research in this area.
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CHAPTER 3
THE MOLDOVAN CONTEXT
In this chapter we introduce Moldovas political, economic, social, cultural and
religious situation, before outlining the current state of short-term mission in this
republic.
3.1 Political, Economic and Social Context
Moldova is an Eastern European country, formed in 1991 as a consequence of the
break-up of the Soviet Union.10 Ceded to the USSR during the Second World War,
Moldova was historically part of Romania, reflected by the facts that 76% of its
people are ethnic Romanians and the official state language is Romanian.11
Moldova is sometimes referred to as post-Soviet and sometimes post-
Communist, as though the two terms were interchangeable, whereas Moldovans
actually continued to elect Communist governments as recently as April 2009. In this
sense, therefore, the two terms are not synonymous.
Moldova is Europes poorest country which, although certainly not as poor as many
African or Asian nations, does mean that hundreds of thousands of Moldovans are
living below the international poverty line, with average incomes at less than one-
10 The best introduction to Moldovan history and culture is undoubtedly Kings TheMoldovans (1999). Brezianu and Spnus historical dictionary The A to Z of Moldova(2010)
also contains an informative introduction to the contemporary Moldovan situation (pp1-24).11 Though sometimes referred to as Moldovan (including in the 1994 MoldovanConstitution) or Moldavian, it is the same language as that spoken in Romania.
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fifth of neighbouring Romania, and just 6% of the USA.12 According to the latest
Human Development Report (UNDP, 2011, p126), Moldova has the lowest Human
Development Index of any European country, and a lower ranking than, amongst
others, Bolivia, El Salvador, Gabon, Mongolia and Sri Lanka, ranked 61 places
behind neighbouring Romania. As such, Christian missionaries working in Moldova
have focused not only on traditional evangelism but also on practical ministries
amongst the poor, the elderly, children, and other marginalised people.13
Moldova has a very sizeable Russian population, many of whom have never learned
Romanian, resulting in some underlying ethnic tensions.14 Given that Moldova is a
newly-constructed state with no history of independent existence, there is no strong
national identity, unlike in many other ex-Soviet states. Because of its geopolitical
position and its recent history, Moldova is conflicted by the choice of East versus
West: whether to ally with Russia and adopt from Russian culture, or to be
orientated towards the European Union and join its brothers in Romania, which
became a member in 2007. Since the July 2009 general election, a pro-European
alliance is in the political majority.
3.2 Cultural Context
Moldova as a country is a curious mix of Latin/Mediterranean influences and
Russian/Slavic ones, and the resulting blend is a fascinating culture with distinctive
food, music, customs and traditions. The Romanian language is the most similar to
ancient Latin, having developed separately from other Romance languages such as
12 GDP per capita (PPP in 2009): Moldova $2,854, Romania $14,278 and the USA $45,989(UNDP 2011, pp162-163). Despite this, life expectancy is a reasonably high 69.3 years(p128).13 Examples include the ministries of Operation Mobilisation, Breadline, Link Romania,Mission Direct, The Mission Exchange, Christian Response to Eastern Europe, and MissionWithout Borders.14 In the 2004 census, 282,406 people identified themselves as Ukrainian, 201,219 as
Russian, 147,500 Bulgarian and 65,662 Romanian but those of Russian ethnicity aresignificantly higher than these figures suggest (Biroul Naional de Statistic al RepubliciiMoldova, 2012).
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Spanish and Italian, since the Romanian people were for much of their history
surrounded by Slavic peoples.
In its current form, Moldova has only existed for 20 years, and so to some extent
there is an ongoing process of developing national culture. As King observes, since
independence the legacy of Soviet-era nation-building and the contentious question
of the true national identity of the Moldovans have remained topics at the center of
political life, with Moldovans resolutely divided over their common identity (1999,
p225). Whilst Russian is the mother tongue of only 11% of the population (and
Moldovan/Romanian of 77%), it is very widely spoken and in many ways the default
language of business and politics, an ongoing reminder of division and ethnic
tensions.
Moldovan culture is strongly conservative, with adherence to traditional gender
roles, and a certain inertia or resistance to change. It is generally patriarchal,
especially in the countryside, and family and kin obligations are much more
significant than, for example, in Western Europe. To visitors the culture may appear
hierarchical or even authoritarian, with elders afforded greater respect; legalistic;15
pragmatic; low on the scale of uncertainty avoidance; and somewhat masculine or
macho.
Mt-Tth (2000, p28) has spoken vividly of a Chernobyl of souls in the former
socialist countries of Eastern Europe, the result of Soviet governance,
authoritarianism and limited individual moral responsibility and accountability during
15 Penner argues that, in the former Soviet Union, expatriate and short-term missionaries
complain that most nationals are legalistic and that, more disturbingly, nationals see mostmissionaries as useless, which leads him to call for unity and true biblical partnership indoing Gods mission (in Sawatsky and Penner, 2005, p151).
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the Communist era, something he regards as ethical and moral devastation, the
effects of which are still being felt.
3.3 Religious Context
Missiologists and sociologists have explored the secularisation of Europe, which has
been taking place since and arguably because of the twin processes of
modernisation and industrialization took root in the nineteenth century. Yet as
Jackson (2011a, p7) has argued, Europe is simultaneously pre-Christian, Christian,
and post-Christian; that is to say its religiosity cannot be adequately described by a
single term, and that certain countries (including Moldova) retain their Christian
identity, even if Western Europe is effectively post-Christian. Davie, a leading
scholar in the sociology of religion, acknowledged this point by explicitly excluding
Eastern Europe from her book Europe: The Exceptional Case: When speaking of
Europe, I will in fact be referring to Western Europe in the sense of Western
Christianity. I will not be including the Orthodox parts of Europe it is too soon to
say whether the Eastern European case will follow the Western one in terms of its
religious trajectory (2002, xi).
3.3.1 Religious Identity and Attendance
For now, statistics for both religious belief and practice indicate that Moldova
remains a religious country, with religious acts, images and values pervading
everyday life. Generally speaking, Moldova is an Orthodox country (see Table I) and
the Orthodox Church throughout Eastern Europe continues to be influential: of 291
million Eastern Europeans, an estimated 246 million (85%) are Christians, of whom
177 million are Orthodox (Johnson and Ross 2009, pp156-160).
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TABLE IRELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF MOLDOVANS (ESTIMATED), 2010
Orthodox 3,444,000
Protestant 88,000
Marginal Christians 42,000
Independents 8,000
Source: Johnson and Ross (2009, p337)
Pickel (2008, p198) puts church attendance across Moldova at 11% in 1999/2000,
adding that, in 2000, 91% of Moldovans classified themselves as religious, and 96%
said they believed in God.
3.3.2 Religious Affiliation
The latest Operation World (Mandryk 2010, p591) figures for religious affiliation
present the following picture:
TABLE II
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OF MOLDOVANS, 2010Orthodox 2,208,000 affiliates (61.7% of population)
Protestant 138,000 affiliates (3.9%)
Catholic 73,000 affiliates (2.0%)
Marginal 43,000 affiliates (1.2%)
Independent 19,000 affiliates (0.5%)
Unaffiliated 142,000 (4.0%)
Source: Mandryk (2010, p591)
This information describes 73.4% of the population as being Christian (5.0% Muslim,
mostly in the southern region of Gagauzia; 0.13% Jewish; and 21.6% non-religious).
Within the Protestant churches, it is estimated that there are 57,000 Moldovans
affiliated to some 500 Baptist churches, 32,000 affiliated to Pentecostal churches
and a further 32,500 Seventh-Day Adventists (Mandryk, 2010, p591). The number of
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Protestant believers is down marginally from the figure of 141,000 a decade earlier
(Johnstone et al, 2001, p448) but still above the 73,000 estimated in 1993
(Johnstone, 1993, p387).16 The varying percentages described as Christian
reflects differences between the methodologies used as much as any systemic shift
in the religiosity of Moldovans.
3.3.3 Orthodoxy and Protestantism
Through its symbols, rituals, traditions and ceremonies, Moldovas culture is
demonstrably Orthodox and to this day the Orthodox Church retains significant
political and social influence. Throughout its troubled history and different
manifestations, Moldova/Moldavia/Bessarabia17 has historically been an Orthodox
country and its kings, most notably tefan cel Mare (Stephen the Great, 1433-1504),
fought to repel Muslim advances into Christendom. Today, most Moldovan villages
have an Orthodox church; the entrance to each village is marked by a troi, or
cross; and the local priest is revered and respected, and performs certain public
functions. There is little formal dialogue between Orthodox and non-Orthodox
Churches. Ongoing tensions between the churches are indicated by the fact that, in
2007, the majority Russian Orthodox Church protested that a 2007 law on religion
did not restrict freedom of religion enough (Sarkissian, 2009, p497).18
16
Anecdotally, the number of Baptist members (and especially pastors) has been adverselyand disproportionately affected by emigration, as families seek to improve their prospects bymoving overseas. It is often claimed that any growth in membership numbers is underminedby the death of elderly members and the emigration of younger ones.17 Bessarabia is a historical term for the territory in Eastern Europe bounded by the RiverNistru in the east and the River Prut which borders Romania in the west, and isapproximately analogous to the Republic of Moldova today, minus the disputed region ofTransnistria.18 From an Orthodox perspective, former Soviet states like Moldova are intrinsicallyOrthodox. As Kishkovsky (1998, p18) explains, The Orthodox believe that they have beenassaulted by well-organized and well-funded mission efforts in an encroachment in theirterritories. Jackson (2008, p28) adds that the post-Soviet Orthodox Church understandsherself to be threatened by active Protestant missionary groups offering an alternative
identity-constituting discourse that is not always constructed with reference to ethnicity ornationality, and so considers Protestant churches (and especially missionaries and newerdenominations) to be proselytising.
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When viewed from an Orthodox perspective, Protestants represent a splinter
from a splinter off a Western church that left the true faith almost one
thousand years ago Russian Orthodoxy teaches that there is no salvation
outside of the Church (which means, by implication, the Russian Orthodox
Church) (Coker, 2010, p76).19
For additional religious context, see Appendix 2.
3.4 Moldova and Short-Term Mission
In the absence of any centrally collated figures, it is difficult to estimate the numberof short-term mission trips and volunteers coming to Moldova. Discussions with
senior church leaders, and directors of mission agencies working in Moldova, enable
us to tentatively suggest that somewhere in the region of 1200-1500 short-term
missionaries come annually, participating in perhaps 150-200 mission trips. As
elsewhere, these tend to consist of childrens summer camps; evangelistic and
outreach events; construction projects; mercy missions and social welfare projects,
including medical missions.20 A relationship with an international church endows
status and often resources on a Moldovan church, and it is fairly typical for church
minibuses, holiday clubs and construction projects to be funded through
partnerships with American, German, British or Dutch churches and charities.
There is little national-level response to short-term mission rather, churches
independently organize and receive short-term mission teams. On occasion, these
may be facilitated through the Baptist or Pentecostal Union, or more rarely through a
Bible college.
19 Whilst Coker was writing specifically about Russia, his observation is equally applicable toMoldova.20 The single largest facilitator of short-term mission in Moldova is Operation Mobilisation
(OM), which organizes cross-cultural STM with local churches throughout the country. Thisministry has grown rapidly from 20 foreign volunteers in 1997, to 50 in 2007 and some 200 in2011 (Skirton 2012).
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Whilst some of the students trained at the College of Theology and Education,
Chiinu, go to Central Asian or other former Soviet states (Raber and Penner,
2011, p223), these tend to be longer term missionary placements; few Moldovans
are currently involved in cross-cultural short-term mission outside of Moldova.21 In
the last two years, however, there have been some tentative efforts to involve
Moldovans in short-term mission in other countries: two years ago a church in
Chiinu hosted a seminar about short-term mission, and in June 2012 an email
bulletin was circulated by the Mission Department of the Moldovan Baptist Union
promoting the possibility of short-term mission in Russia, Ukraine and Israel.
In this chapter, we have seen that Moldova has deep-rooted social and economic
problems, as well as significant political and cultural divisions. Religiously, Moldova
is a predominantly Orthodox country, with a small but active Protestant minority. The
research findings in Chapter 5 must therefore be understood as Protestant and/or
evangelical responses within a broader Orthodox culture; that is, they represent a
significant but minority community within Moldova.
21 One Moldovan pastor insisted confidentially that this was not primarily due to financialconstraints but rather due to lack of vision for mission within the Moldovan church.
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CHAPTER 4
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
In this chapter we explain the research methodology and how the research
interviews were compiled; outline the profile of the 22 respondents; and
acknowledge five potential limitations in the research methodology.
4.1 Research Tools
It was decided that the best way to explore the opinions of Moldovans who had
experience of working alongside foreigners in short-term mission would be through
face-to-face interviews in their native language (Moldovan/Romanian). Though time-
consuming, such interviews would allow unprecedented access to the experiences
and thoughts of Moldovan STM hosts.
Each interview was structured around questions that were grouped into three
sections:
(i) Experience of short-term missions
(ii) Short-term mission practices
(iii) Reflections on short-term mission, including:
a. benefits and effectiveness,
b. responsiveness to Moldovan culture,
c. opportunities and mechanisms for feedback.
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Interviewees were also given the opportunity to offer advice to STMers coming to
Moldova, and a final opportunity to add other comments deemed relevant to this
research.
In total, there were 31 questions to be discussed, which meant that the average
interview lasted approximately one hour, with some lasting up to 90 minutes. As can
be seen from Appendix 1, interviews consisted of both quantitative and qualitative
questions.
A draft version was tested with one Moldovan church leader, and subsequently
revised in view of his comments. The resulting 22 interviews all took place between
January and May 2012, at various locations around Moldova.
4.2 Respondent Profile
TABLE IIIRESPONDENT PROFILE BY POSITION, DENOMINATION AND SEX
Position Denomination Sex
Pastor 10 Baptist 18 Male 18
Youth worker 6 Oastea Domnului(Lords Army) 2 Female 4
Deacon/Elder 3 Other 2 Total 22
Other 3 Total 22
Total 22
Of the 22 Moldovan respondents, 82% were Baptists. Several representatives of the
Pentecostal Union were invited to participate in this research but none made
themselves available for interview. Four Moldovan women were amongst the 22
respondents; the high percentage of male respondents is explained by the fact that,
within at least the Baptist church in Moldova, the positions of pastor and deacon
may only be held by males. Youth workers may be male or female. Nearly half of the
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respondents were pastors, others were church youthworkers, directors of Christian
charities and one Christian medical worker. All of these had worked as a host-
organizer or team-leader of at least one short-term mission trip in Moldova since its
independence in 1991.
4.3 Research Limitations
A number of steps were taken to encourage contributors to speak freely and openly:
most interviews were undertaken by a well-respected Moldovan Christian, known for
her work as a presenter on a Christian radio station (the two exceptions being
interviews personally conducted by the author with trusted friends). Secondly, all
interviewees were assured that their comments would be treated anonymously and
that no quotes would be attributed. Finally, interviewees were also assured that this
research was entirely unrelated to any existing partnerships they might have, so
they need not fear jeopardising any relationships, or losing any funding as a result of
their participation.
Despite these measures, there are five limitations that could potentially undermine
the legitimacy of any research findings, or conclusions based on those findings:
(a) Openness
Whilst this was conceived as an exercise in listening, and every step was taken to
encourage openness, it is not possible to be certain that all comments were totally
frank and honest. Especially when one considers cultural factors, it is possible that
criticism might be held back for fear of offending visitors or supporters. In Moldova,
and especially so within Christian circles, hospitality is taken extremely seriously and
good hospitality is a significant expression of what it means to be Moldovan. There
is a possibility that being seen to criticise foreign visitors would be neglectful of ones
responsibility to be hospitable at all times. It is hoped that, because they were
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speaking to a fellow Moldovan and under condition of anonymity, these interview
participants nonetheless felt able to speak freely.
(b) Linguistic/Cultural
Secondly, there may have been linguistic or cultural limitations to the research
interviews: whilst the interview questions were originally written in English, they were
professionally translated into Romanian. Even so, testing of the draft version
revealed that some terms do not carry the same weight, or precise meaning, in
Romanian as they do in English, even including the phrase short-term mission
(misiune de scurt durat) which is a relatively unfamiliar term (in Chapter 7.3
below we also explore how easily the term feedback can be translated). Given the
number of interview questions, other examples may have existed. When translating
responses from Romanian into English, care has been taken to avoid
mistranslations and clarification was sought where necessary.
(c) Awareness
There is a small risk that those selected for interview, in some instances, may not
have been fully aware of any cross-cultural frustrations or issues; or in other ways
not have been in a position to answer specific questions, such as the preparedness
of visiting teams. As in all research of this nature, the participants opinions are
necessarily valid, but their knowledgeof events may be limited or flawed.
(d) Biases
It is essential to consider whether any findings of these research interviews may
have been influenced by any biases. Attempts were initially made for this sample to
be as representative as possible, by inviting people of different denominations, both
genders, different generations, and from different parts of Moldova. However, there
were different response/participation rates, and the final sample was neither
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weighted nor stratified, so we must be careful about claiming how representative
any results can be. Ultimately, however, the legitimacy of this research comes from
the fact that each Moldovan host should be listened to, respected, and given the
opportunity to reflect on their experiences. As such, the opinions of the individuals
taking part in the research interviews were intrinsically valid and relevant.
Another factor to consider is participation bias, if Moldovans with only positive
experiences of STM opted to participate in the research interviews. Whilst as much
as possible was done to include Moldovan leaders with anyexperience of STM, we
cannot rule out the possibility of participation bias: some 50% of those approached
declined to be interviewed, and it is not possible to distinguish those declining
because of time restrictions or genuine unavailability from those declining because
they had had a bad experience of short-term mission and were unwilling to talk
about it.
(e) Sample Size
As mentioned above, this research was conducted with a relatively small sample
size (22), and this sample was neither stratified nor weighted. In a country of
approximately 138,000 Protestants, receiving perhaps 200 STM teams a year, this
is a reasonable sample size, though having, say, 50 or even 100 participants would
have given greater statistical significance to the results. The collective experience of
the 22 research participants amounts to approximately 385 short-term mission trips,
and it is this number that increases our confidence in the surveys
representativeness and validity.
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CHAPTER 5
RESEARCH FINDINGS
5.1 Experience of Short-Term Missions
In order to establish the significance of our research findings, and to put any findings
into perspective, it was necessary to ask several questions concerning respondents
experiences of short-term mission. The responses in this chapter allow us to build
up a picture of what STM in Moldova looks like, from a Moldovan perspective.
5.1.1 Frequency and History of STM Trips
At least some Moldovan church leaders have been hosting short-term mission
teams since Moldova gained its independence in 1991, but on average those
participating in the research have been hosting since 2001. They have hosted an
average of 1.6 STM teams a year, and in some cases as many as four per annum.
Two research participants claimed to have hosted as many as fifty STM teams, and
the average number of teams hosted was 17.5 per interviewee. Though the least
experienced had hosted just two STM teams, the median response was 10.5 teams.
Collectively, the Moldovans interviewed for this research had collaborated with
foreigners on some 385 short-term mission trips (though it is possible, of course,
that several of these were mutual).
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FIGURE 1NUMBER OF STM TEAMS HOSTED BY EACH RESPONDENT
Visiting teams tended to stay for one to two weeks the average reported stay was
13 days though some teams came for one month and, on rare occasions, for 6
months.
Short-term missionaries typically came from English-speaking countries, with
English being the lingua franca between hosts and visitors, except when teams
came from Russia, Ukraine or Romania. Table IV shows the number of respondents
reporting to have hosted short-term missionaries from each country listed:
2
5 56 7 7 7
910 10 10
11
16 16
20 20
2628
30
40
50 50
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TABLE IVSTM NATIONALITIES HOSTED BY MOLDOVAN RESPONDENTS
USA 18 81.8% France 1 4.5%
UK 16 72.7% Greece 1 4.5%
Romania 9 40.9% Ireland 1 4.5%
Germany 6 27.3% Kirgizstan 1 4.5%
Netherlands 5 22.7% New Zealand 1 4.5%
Australia 1 4.5% Russia 1 4.5%
Austria 1 4.5% Switzerland 1 4.5%
Canada 1 4.5% Ukraine 1 4.5%
Central Asia 1 4.5%
FIGURE 2ORIGINS OF EUROPEAN STM TEAMS VISITING MOLDOVA
Sending countries Moldova
Sending countries not shown:Australia, Canada, Central Asia,Kirgizstan, New Zealand, USA.
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Visiting teams ranged up to 50 members, with an average of 10.2 members
(median: 8).
The reported ages of STM volunteers ranged from 13 to 80, though the average was
at the lower end of that scale, at 25. (It should be noted that these figures are based
on estimates made by interviewees, rather than data they themselves had
collected.) Team leaders were expected to be both older and more spiritually
mature, averaging 37years of age but sometimes being as young as 25. All but two
of the interviewees agreed that there should be a minimum age limit for STM
volunteers, the median suggestion being 18 years old.
So, what were these short-term mission teams doing in Moldova? What follows is
not intended to show the frequency of different types of mission trips (though that
data would itself be very informative). Rather, it is a depiction of which forms of STM
each Moldovan leader has at some time hosted:
TABLE VSTM ACTIVITIES EXPERIENCED BY MOLDOVAN HOSTS
Evangelistic events/programmes 19 86.4%
Childrens camps 18 81.8%
Construction projects 14 63.6%
Development/Practical help 14 63.6%
Adult camps 10 45.5%
Medical missions 10 45.5%
Working with disabled people 8 36.4%
Other 6 27.3%
Here, other includes the following experiences: teaching at seminars/conferences
(2); delivering humanitarian aid (1); sports camp (1); working with vulnerable families
(1); and Christian music concerts (1).
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5.1.2 STM Connections
Short-term mission collaborations arose through many different ways. Sometimes
there was an intermediary bringing together a church and a mission agency or other
organization, such as Communitas, Breadline, UCCF, CERI, Operation Mobilisation,
Youth for Christ, MissionDirect, etc. In some cases, a national church organization
such as the Baptist Union helped facilitate partnerships. Sometimes foreigners
initiated collaborations, whether simply a visiting Christian or group of Christians, or
long-term missionaries already based in Moldova. On some occasions, Moldovans
themselves initiated these collaborations, such as when visiting American or British
churches, or through a friend or relative of theirs working abroad. There were some
serendipitous meetings such as at seminars and, finally, there were relationships
that arose through working on somebody elses short-term mission project. From the
respondents interviewed, there was no single dominant method for the
establishment of STM collaborations.
5.1.3 Relationship Status
These relationships are, for the most part, ongoing: 82% of interviewees said that
some or all of their partnerships were still open and developing; though 32% did say
that one or more partnership had finished. In two instances, these relationships had
ended painfully and unexpectedly but in most cases the partnerships were seen to
have completed their lifespan and attained their purposes. Several Moldovan
leaders spoke of good relationships in which both parties continue to communicate
throughout the year.
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5.2 Short-Term Mission Practices
5.2.1 Involvement in Planning
Again, there was a considerable range of ways in which STM programmes were
planned, and how involved the host was in any preparations. Some Moldovans
even mature Christians including church pastors reported that their primary
responsibilities were facilitating, logistics (food, accommodation and transport) and
translating, with little or no involvement in preparing the missions programme. More
frequently, Moldovans said that they were significantly involved in planning and co-
ordinating the STM project and there was a suggestion that their level ofinvolvement grew over time, with one Baptist pastor saying most programmes were
led by missionaries [but] now I am involved very closely during the planning. In
percentage terms, 10%:90% 15 years ago but now 70%:30%. Participants
comments about their involvement in planning are summarised in Table VI.22
TABLE VIBALANCE OF STM PROGRAMME PLANNING
0 5 9 6 2
Very strongly
Moldovan-led
planning
Mostly
Moldovan-led
planning
Equally-led
planning
Mostly
foreigner-led
planning
Very strongly
foreigner-led
planning
5.2.2 Feedback Opportunities
The most popular form of feedback was the whole STM team discussing and
evaluating with the host(s) (option B2 in Table VII below). Sometimes this was quite
22 One voice of scepticism, however, comes from a former dean at the Baptist college inChiinu, who says that mostly Americans drive the agenda, though on the surface it looks
like a Moldavian initiative. In reality, Moldavian hosts do everything to accommodate wishesof their guests and entertain them. There is a saying in Russia, Listen to the music of theone who pays the orchestra (Turlac, email correspondence, 28 February 2012).
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a formal process, but for others it was a celebration of what the team had achieved
together: this we do through a relaxed, pleasant discussion, looking at hundreds of
photos or videos and commenting on how things went. The second most popular
form of feedback was for the foreign leader to meet one-to-one with the host leader,
for mutual feedback (A1 below).
TABLE VIIFORMS OF FEEDBACK
Feedback from foreigners
A. Team leader Host
B. Whole team HostC. Team Team leader Host
D. No feedback to Host
Feedback from hosts
1. Host Team leader
2. Host Whole team3. Host Team leader Team
4. No feedback from Host
This schema, which has been simplified by incorporating host churches into the
category of host, shows 16 possible feedback behaviours. It was relatively rare for
teams to use written evaluations forms, and where these were used it was always at
the instigation of visiting teams. A follow-up study could further investigate which
combinations of feedback were used by each host, e.g. A1 but also C3.
5.2.3 Feedback and Change
Have the differing forms of feedback been effective in leading to real changes? The
broad perception is that yes, they have (64%), with only one person saying that their
feedback exchanges had not resulted in change, which was put down to the visiting
leaders leadership style. Types of changes that were reported included a greater
sense of cross-cultural unity, greater team discipline, the host church becoming
more missional, and improved communication.
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FIGURE 3DO MOLDOVAN LEADERS FEEL THAT THEIR COMMENTS
HAVE BEEN TAKEN ON BOARD?
5.3 Benefits and Effectiveness of STM Trips
5.3.1 Benefits of STM Trips
Given the opportunity to reflect on the benefits of their STM experiences,
respondents named an average of nearly three advantages each, with some listingas many as seven. A complete list of these can be seen in Appendix 3. The five
most popular responses were:
(a) Non-Christian locals are attracted by foreigners and more likely to listen to them
(11 responses)
(b) STM teams bring financial and/or material support (7)(c) The teams inspire, motivate and challenge the local church (6)
(d) The teams bring greater organisation and help the local church to focus (5)
(e) Teams from other cultures bring new perspectives and different experiences (5).
The most frequently mentioned benefit was the ability of foreigners often simply
because they were foreign to create evangelistic possibilities. In some ways this
No, 4.5%
Sometimes,
9.1%
Yes, 63.6%
Don't know/
No comment,
22.7%
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counters those who question the ability of short-term missionaries to work
evangelistically, without knowing the local language and without staying long: such
skills or commitment are seemingly not necessary to help the local church in its
outreach. One respondent noted that non-Christians are more open to listen to a
foreigner than to us locals, with another adding that foreign experiences always
draw a crowd.23
Financial and material support was acknowledged as important but it is interesting
that fewer people mentioned this than the evangelistic/missional point above.
Interviewees who mentioned money were appreciative but often went on to say that
they considered spiritual factors more important, such as this respondent:
I think that the money which is involved here is actually the Lords money
and anyway, money alone doesnt resolve anything Presence and being
involved makes the difference. The main problem in Moldova isnt lack of
money but a lack of vision
Other perceived benefits included spiritual support, friendship, encouragement,
determination, personal testimonies, the genesis of long-term missional
partnerships, and an increased credibility of the church in the eyes of local non-
Christians.
23 This point echoes Priest (2011, p297), Peruvian power structures were sometimes hostileto their evangelical witness. But when Peruvian missionaries partner with visiting groups of
short-term missionaries in acts of social service, they discover that doors to ministry andpublic witness are opened, and that their own credibility and evangelistic influence areenhanced. This author has experienced this same phenomenon many times in Moldova.
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5.3.2 Clarity of Aims
In a majority of cases, it was reported that visiting STM teams had clear aims and
objectives: 73% said that this was always the case, with the remainder saying that
this was sometimesthe case. Several respondents reiterated that these aims and
objectives were the result of co-operation between STM teams and themselves.
Some comments hinted at the tensions between pre-established plans and the need
for contextualisation and flexibility during the actual missions, e.g. Yes they do have
[clear plans] but in my opinion its good for a team from Moldova to set the aims
because they know the area, cultural and historical context better, and Certainly,
yes but they arent always effective in everything because we locals need to do
some things our own way. As with many things when working cross-culturally,
striking the right balance was considered important.
5.3.3 Effectiveness of STM Trips
What was the Moldovan hosts impression of the effectiveness of STM teams
(especially when measured against stated aims and objectives)? 59% of those
interviewed (excluding dont knows) had a generally positive impression, e.g.
Without exaggerating, I can say that all the teams Ive worked with were useful and
effective. Certainly, theyve made a difference by achieving their purpose for coming
here. All left good footprints for others to follow! A further 23% had mixed or
qualified things to say about teams effectiveness, although one respondent
reported, with regret, that A few times they were useless.
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FIGURE 4WERE STM TEAMS SEEN AS EFFECTIVE?
5.4 Responsiveness of STM Teams to Moldovan Culture
5.4.1 STM Teams and Local, Long-Term Vision
The limitations of short-term mission are well-known, especially linguistic and
cultural barriers, and the limited time available. A powerful argument in support of
STM, however, is that it can contribute towards the local churchs long-term vision or
plans. Did Moldovan church leaders believe that this had happened, and were there
signs that STM was being deliberately used towards long-term goals? 68% of
respondents made positive comments, along the lines that STM was at the very
least complementary to their churchs vision, and sometimes a deliberate
component in the strategy to fulfil it. In the examples given by respondents, there
were repeated references both to growing existing churches, and to planting new
ones, with STM teams being intentionally used to reach those aims, e.g. We wanted
a church and the first team helped us buy a house and from it we made a church,
this was long-term. Others helped us with Bible teaching, and:
No, 4.5%
Somewhat,
22.7%
Yes, 59.1%
Don't know/
No comment,
13.6%
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A [foreign] medical team went in a village they also shared the Gospel
there and people appeared who were interested in Gods Word. Our church
sent a missionary who now goes to this village and works with those people
who were interested; this is part of our churchs vision.
Four respondents (18%) expressed mixed feelings about whether STM teams really
fitted into their churchs long-term vision, especially when a foreign team comes with
their own objective [which] does not fit the overall vision/objectives of the church,
the team becomes a burden rather than a tool to further progress the churchs
objective. One person felt that STM teams had lost sight of the churchs long-term
vision, and two others expressed no opinion.
FIGURE 5DO STM TEAMS FIT IN WITH CHURCHES LONG-TERM VISION?
5.4.2 Similarity of Beliefs
Short-term missionaries coming to Moldova are not only working cross-culturally;
they are often working inter-denominationally and cross-generationally, and so it is
not surprising that their beliefs are perceived as different from their hosts. Whilst
No, 4.5%
Somewhat,
18.2%
Yes, 68.2%
Don't know/
No comment,
9.1%
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32% of interviewees reported that their views were essentially similar, and a further
32% thought that they were mostly the same, a significant 36% referred to a range
of differences some abstract and theological but more often related to church
practice and norms.
These included baptism in the Holy Spirit; the use of spiritual gifts; the security of
salvation; eschatological differences; acceptance of other denominations/churches
(specifically, of Orthodox believers); the role of women in the church; dating
behaviour; alcohol consumption; clapping during worship; jewellery wearing;
listening to lumesc (worldly) music; praying with eyes open; and non-church
members participating in Communion.
5.4.3 Universality of the Gospel
What was the Moldovan understanding of contextualisation and the place of the
Gospel in differing societies? 27% placed greater emphasis on the priority of the
Gospel, e.g. The Gospel is universal, it has the same message for everyone in the
world. 32% placed greater emphasis on the Gospel being adapted and presented in
a culturally appropriate manner, e.g. I think it needs to be adapted and explained
differently for each culture, with real examples for their lives. The remaining 41%
placed equal stress on the universality of the Gospel andon how it is communicated
from culture to culture.
5.4.4 Cultural Preparedness of STM Teams
Moldovan church leaders politely protested that short-term missionaries know either
nothing (27%) or very little (41%) about Moldova before coming a finding which
should seriously challenge those who are responsible for training STM teams. In the
worst cases, they didnt know very much, some didnt even know of Moldova while
others confuse it with Romania and havent even searched for information on the
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Internet. Some of this criticism is especially directed at Americans, who are less
familiar with European geographical and ethnic distinctions. As would be hoped,
several respondents said that when short-term missionaries come back repeatedly,
they know a lot about Moldova, and 32% of those interviewed said that STM teams
generally know something about their destination.
FIGURE 6DO STM TEAMS KNOW MUCH ABOUT MOLDOVA UPON ARRIVAL?
In Moldova, Romanian and Russian are the most widely spoken languages, but
short-term missionaries seldom know either, the exception being when teams have
come from Eastern Europe (or are Americans of Moldovan/Romanian descent).
English is increasingly popular, especially amongst the younger generation and in
cities. Most Moldovans are bi- or tri-lingual but STM teams hire translators if their
hosts do not speak English. One pastor said that he would be surprised if even 1%
of short-term missionaries spoke either Romanian or Russian, before adding but I
dont think thats necessary for short-term mission, echoed by another respondent
who stated that as for the language, they may know some two or three key phrases
Nothing, 27.3%
Almost nothing,
40.9%
Something,
31.8%
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at best [but for] 10-14 day trips that is understandable. A visiting short-term
missionary may not be able to speak with members of the host community, but his
behaviour and actions will communicate much. Next we ask how well STM teams
adapt to Moldovan culture.
5.4.5 Efforts to Learn Moldovan Culture
Did visiting teams make an effort to learn about, and adapt to, Moldovan culture?
Faced with a 5-point Likert scale, interviewees generally answered positively:
TABLE VIIIDO VISITING TEAMS ATTEMPT TO ADAPT TO MOLDOVAN CULTURE?
Definitely 18.2%
To a large extent 50.0%
To some extent 27.3%
To a small extent 0.0%
Not at all 0.0%
5.4.6 Respect for Moldovan Traditions
Moldovans are proud of their culture and traditions. Within the general culture, there
is a Christian subculture that is unique to church members, with its own traditions,
symbolism and practices (despite the fact that Protestants make a point of not using
icons or appealing to tradition in Orthodox manner). Significantly, in their
comments respondents referred more to their specific subcultural, religious norms
than to general Moldovan ones.
Only four interviewees (18%) said that short-term mission teams fully respected their
traditions, with many more people (59%) saying that, whilst this was generallythe
case, they had experienced occasional but significant exceptions. Various examples
of disrespect were given, including smoking; drinking alcohol; complaining about
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gender roles; and, most frequently, not being dressed suitably in church. Whilst
some Moldovans excused their visitors behaviour as maybe only by mistake,
others were more upset, such as the church leader who said that many visitors
couldnt care less about their conduct in church.
The remaining 23% of respondents gave the impression that visitors tended not to
respect Moldovan traditions to any meaningful extent. Perhaps even more
disturbing, however, was one persons observation that not following the local
culture was deliberate: They understand the difference from their culture but there
are cases when they tried to change the locals perspective on what women can do
in church, which worryingly reveals notions of cultural superiority held by some
visitors.
FIGURE 7DO STM TEAMS RESPECT MOLDOVAN TRADITIONS?
Significantly, several respondents said that visitors avoided making cultural faux pas
when they had been trained beforehand, e.g. They usually respect those things
they were warned about and prepared for Ive not had cases of problems if people
are prepared. One Moldovan youth leader thought it better if such training were
Not often,
22.7%
Usually, 59.1%
Always, 18.2%
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done by Moldovans themselves: I think they respect [our culture] if they are
informed about it by a local. Weve not had cases where people havent respected it
once they were informed. Whilst this may seem common sense, it is still the case
that many STM teams receive no cross-cultural training or induction, especially
when they are sent out by a church rather than a missions agency.
5.4.7 Redressing Offence
Bearing in mind potential problems of cross-cultural communication, divergent
religious beliefs and norms, the immaturity of some short-term missionaries, and
other factors, it is clearly important that Moldovans feel free to communicate when
they have been offended. Is this the case?
Just two people claimed that it was unlikely they would share when they had been
offended (11% when we exclude the 3 dont knows), with 89% saying that they
wouldshare. This is a high figure, and should be seen in the context of Moldovan
leaders being involved in STM for, on average, 11years: they are experienced and
confident enough to speak up, and have been working alongside the same visitors
for many years. This was a typical response: At the beginning it was difficult for me,
now I think I could speak freely and, again, At the start it wasnt easy because I
was worried about the consequences of being misunderstood. Such openness was
not always appreciated, however, with one person saying Yes [I said I was
offended] but many of them got angry.
Interestingly, several respondents said that, whilst they would share when teams
had been offensive, they felt that other Moldovans would be more reticent: In
general Ive worked with people who helped me to be open and direct [but]
brothers in Moldova normally dont have the courage to say to somebodys face
everything that they are thinking and, likewise, Me personally, yes, because for a
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long time Ive worked in mission. But in general people wouldnt say anything. One
church leader made a distinction between being offended personally in which case
he would not say anything versus somebody being generally offensive to
Moldovans in which case he would.
5.5 Opportunities and Mechanisms for Feedback
5.5.1 Evaluation During Trips
During short-term mission, is it normal to make time to reflect on and evaluate
experiences and events as they unfold? Just 14% of respondents said that this wasdone sporadically, with the remaining 86% saying they had a routine way of sharing
and giving feedback. The most popular form of sharing and evaluating was the daily
team meeting (68% of Moldovan respondents gave this as a norm), followed by just
the leaders meeting together in a planned way (41%), or simply through ad hoc
chats (23%). Daily team reviews could be either in the morning or evening, typically
lasting between 30 minutes and one hour, and were verbal apart from one instance
where a daily evaluation form was used.
5.5.2 Evaluation After Trips
After a short-term mission event takes place, what further evaluation occurs,
according to Moldovan leaders (bearing in mind there is often debriefing and
evaluation back in the sending country)? It is normal to have some form of post-trip
evaluation: 82% indicated that one or more forms of evaluation alwaystakes place,
with a further 14% saying sometimesthis was the case. The most frequently used
form of evaluation was written reports (including forms and questionnaires), as
mentioned by 50% of interviewees. This was closely followed by email exchanges of
feedback (41%) and telephone/Skype conversations (27%).
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5.5.3 Methods of Sharing Feedback
Were the Moldovan participants considering additional or new ways of evaluating
and sharing feedback? For the most part, respondents had not given this much
thought, and were broadly satisfied with the evaluation mechanisms they were
using, although some additional factors were mentioned: case studies of STM in
Moldova could be prepared and distributed in advance; individuals on a team could
receive one-to-one feedback from their host(s); those who had been to Moldova on
STM before could summarise their experiences for those coming for the first time;
and mission agencies could take a more proactive role in giving written suggestions
to STMers. Some of those not currently using written evaluation forms suggested
that they be used.
5.5.4 Attitudes to Listening
From their experience of working with STM teams, did Moldovan hosts think that
visiting Christian volunteers listen to their opinions and ideas, and those of other
Moldovan Christians? Impressions here were positive though not without room for
improvement:
TABLE IXDO VISITING STM TEAMS LISTEN TO MOLDOVAN CHRISTIANS?
Always 31.8%
Usually 50.0%
Sometimes 18.2%
Rarely 0.0%
Never 0.0%
5.5.5 Positive Impressions
What overall impressions do Moldovan hosts have of foreigners coming to do short-
term mission? Even after combining close synonyms, more than 35 different
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adjectives were used, the most common of which were: a desire to serve
(mentioned 9 times), dedicated/devoted (8), sacrificial (5), friendly (5) and willing (4),
followed by open, compassionate and loving (3 each). Respondents gave an
average of 3.3 positive attributes. A complete list of positive impressions is given in
Appendix 4.
5.5.6 Negative Impressions
Having volunteered their positive impressions of STM visitors, which negative words
might Moldovan hosts use (albeit reluctantly)? 36% declined to use any negative
words at all, e.g. I couldnt use a single negative word. Those who did express
some concerns (64%) mentioned 18 negative terms to describe the attitude of some
of those coming to Moldova for short-term mission, though none of these terms was
used by more than three people. The most frequent complaints were that short-term
missionaries are too tolerant/liberal (three respondents), they do not want to see
things differently, they are disrespectful of local leaders, and they come for
adventure rather than mission (2 each). A complete list of negative impressions is
also given in Appendix 4.
5.6 General Advice and Comments Regarding STM in Moldova
Having stated some reservations and mentioned cross-cultural issues and other
difficulties, what advice would Moldovan leaders give to those coming on short-term
mission? There was a wide range of helpful, practical advice, covering preparation,
behaviour, leadership, culture and much more in total, 43 different points, with
each respondent giving an average of 4 pieces of advice.
The advice most frequently mentioned was to learn about Moldovan culture before
arriving (41% of respondents), e.g. to inform themselves of the culture of our
country, which various respondents explained as including traditions, history,
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cultural values, behavioural norms, religious orientation, food and drink, and
language. Another church leader stressed that one of the biggest issues has to
do with cultural differences, so learning about Moldovan/Soviet culture is very
important. Advice was given to research not just the church subculture they would
be visiting, but the worldview of non-Christians and other denominations within
Moldova, in order to be more effective when participating in outreach a twofold
contextualisation. The third most popular advice was similar: for short-term
missionaries to make efforts to learn about Moldovan culture during their stay, as
well as before.
The second most frequently given advice (32% of respondents) was to accept the
physical conditions that Moldovan co-workers are used to whether sharing rooms,
eating simple food, using long-drop toilets, drinking well water, and so on and
without complaining. As one youth worker pleaded, try to adapt to our living
standards, even if thats difficult for you, with another leader adding be ready to live
in more difficult conditions than in your own country.
Other popular pieces of advice concerned the relationship that short-term
missionaries have with the local/host church, e.g. listening to and respecting local
church leaders; and respecting the local churchs teaching and its culture, including
behaviour, dress and appearance. There was a repeated plea for any material help
not to be given to villagers directly but through the local church, which was in a
better position to understand peoples needs and circumstances.
Further pieces of advice could be said to be true of short-term mission in general: be
flexible (especially since in Moldova we dont and cant plan everything six months
ahead!); return in order to build up long-term partnerships; dont make promises you
wont keep; and be patient with your co-workers here.
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On a more spiritual note, some interviewees were keen to stress that people should
come willing and prepared to be changed by God as they work in His service; that it
would be beneficial to have a missions mentor to discuss issues with; to come with
courage and confidence in what you are doing for the Lord; and, preferably, for at
least 70% of team members to be mature Christians. Those who are not spiritually
mature should not pretend to be experts in things that they are not, just because
they come from a more developed country. For a complete list of advice, see
Appendix 5.
This chapter summarises the results of the listening exercise, whereby 22
Moldovans with experience of short-term mission were given the chance to share
their thoughts by answering a series of structured questions. As such, it provides an
important contribution to the missiological literature by demonstrating host
perspectives on different aspects of STM. Amongst the positive comments and
heartfelt appreciation were repeated concerns about behaviour, communication,
spiritual immaturity and unpreparedness. In Chapter 6 we address some general
questions about the effectiveness of short-term mission trips, before identifying the
keys to improving STM effectiveness in Moldova in Chapter 7.
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CHAPTER 6
APPRAISING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF