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Santería in a Globalized World: A Study in Afro-Cuban Folkloric MusicNathan MontgomeryLawrence University

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Recommended CitationMontgomery, Nathan, "Santería in a Globalized World: A Study in Afro-Cuban Folkloric Music" (2018). Lawrence University HonorsProjects. 123.https://lux.lawrence.edu/luhp/123

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NathanMontgomery

4/30/18

IHRTLUHC

SANTERÍAINAGLOBALIZEDWORLD:ASTUDYOFAFRO-CUBANFOLKLORICMUSIC

ABSTRACT

TheYorubanpeopleofmodern-dayNigeriaworshipmanydeitiescalledorichasbymeansof

singing,drumming,anddancing.Theiraurallypreservedartistictraditionsareintrinsically

connectedtobothreligiousceremonyandeverydaylife.Theseformsofworshiptraveledtothe

Americasduringthecolonialerathroughthebrutaltransatlanticslavetradeandcontinuedtoevolve

beneathracistsocietalhierarchiesimplementedbywesternEuropeannations.Despitesevere

oppression,YorubanslavesinCubawereabletodisguiseorichasbehindCatholicsaintssothatthey

couldstillactivelyworshipinpublic.Thisinitialguiseledtoasynthesisofreligiouspractice,

language,andartistrythatisknowntodayasSantería.

Thoughcontinuallyrepressedbymultipleregimes,increasedaccessibilityofinformation,

easeoftravel,andanexplosionoftourismhavecatapultedSanteríaintotheglobalreligious

conversation.Withpractitionersaroundtheworld,Santeríahasbecomeaninternationalreligion

thatdeservestobestudiedandrespected.Withitcomesarichartistictraditionthatbothpreserves

thehistoryofanoppressedpeopleandtheirindigenoustiestoWestAfrica,andusesaunique

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combinationofinfluencestoembodyalivingcommunaltraditionthatispowerfulenoughto

summonthedivine.

IusedmySeniorExperienceGranttoconducta30-dayresearchtriptoCubainJuly2017.I

willbespeakingaboutthehistoryofSanteríaasaworldreligioninHarperHallonMay13that11am,

sharinginsightsgleanedfrommyexperienceinCubaandpresentingaselectionofmusicthatI

learnedfromprimarysources.

INTRODUCTION

Inthefallof2013,IwaspersuadedtojoinTamboToké,LawrenceUniversity’sAfro-Cuban

ensemble,ledbyLawrencealumnusEliEdelman.InMarchof2014,Iperformedastheleadvocalist

(knownastheakpwon)inhisseniorrecital,whichfeaturedathirty-minutearrangementofwhatI

wastoldwas“Afro-Cubanfolkloricmusic.”IhadnopreviousexperiencewithanyAfro-Cuban

tradition,butIdecidedtotakeachanceandlearnwhatIcould.Therecordingweproducedwona

DownbeatAwardforbestundergraduateLatinGroupandjumpstartedanotheryear-and-a-halfof

intenseperformanceinatraditionthatIstillbarelyknewanythingabout.Overtime,mycontinued

involvementwiththeensemblefosteredthebeginningsofthefascinationandloveInowhaveforthe

diversityanddepthofAfro-Cubantraditionsandopenedmyeyestothemusicalandhistorical

importanceofstudyingthespreadofWestAfricanritualthroughouttheAmericas.

In2017IwasawardedaSeniorExperienceGrantfromLawrenceUniversitytoexecutea30-

dayresearchtriptoCubaduringthemonthofJuly.Iimmersedmyselfinthemusicalandreligious

communitiesinHavanaandMatanzas.WhileIlearnedabouttraditionssuchasIjesa,Arara,Abakwa,

rumba,andson,myfocusbecameSantería,themostprevalentreligionofAfricanoriginthatexistsin

Cuba.Specifically,myfocussharpeneduponthemusicalpracticesofthereligion,whichconsistof

call-and-responsesongssungoverspecificrhythmsthatareusedtoevokeandpaytributetodeities

calledorichas.Inadditiontomultiplepercussionlessonsandreligiousfieldwork,Irecorded,

transcribed,andmemorizedover150cantos(songs)for20differentdeitieswhilestudyingwitha

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kindandtalentedbabalawo(apriestintheSanteríareligion)namedGilbertoMoralesinMatanzas,

Cuba.

WiththematerialIobtainedoverthesummer,Ihavenowbecomeaco-directorofTambo

Toké.IhavebeenputtingforthmybestefforttosharethesmallamountofknowledgethatIhave

withmypeersinanattempttogivevoicetothecultureandsharetheexcitementIfeelaboutthe

music.

AsanaspiringTwenty-FirstCenturymusicianandmusicologist,Istrivetobetransparent

throughoutthisongoingproject.Thisismyexperiencewithaculturethatisnotmyown.Iam

attemptingtobeasaccurateaspossible,acknowledgingmyownbiasesandtheexistenceof

conflictinginformation.Thatbeingsaid,Iamalsoallowingmyownpersonalexperienceswith

Santeríatraditionstoinformmyanalysis.Thepurposeofmyessayandpresentationistoconsolidate

mycurrentknowledgeofthehistory,religiouscontext,andcontemporaryportrayalofSanteríaand

itsartisticrituals,andtopresenttwoprimaryobservations.

First,despiteanobscuredhistoryduetotheoppressiveinstitutionofslavery,displaced

WestAfricanpeoplesofYorubanoriginsharedculturalvaluesandartistictraditionsthatboth

reflectedaneedtocontextualizetheirexistencethroughancestrallineageandemphasizedthe

importanceofcreatingphysicalcommunityintheirimmediatespace.Theinherentqualitiesoftheir

decentralizedbeliefsystemsencouragedthesedisplacedcommunitiestoactivelyconnectand

homogenize,preservingancestraltieswhilesimultaneouslyadaptingandreactingtonew

environmentsonlocallevels.Hidingtheirtraditionsandadaptingtheirlanguagewhentheyneeded

toinordertosatisfytheiroppressiveoverlords,acommunalresilienceallowedtheseYorubansto

createtheirownhistorytoacertainextent,resultinginanewsyncretictraditioncalledSantería,a

religionwhosevalues,whileuniquelyAfro-Cuban,havenowspreadacrosstheglobe.Second,

becausesacredritualshavebeenobscuredandappropriatedtoacertaindegreebysecularfolkloric

performance,itisimportanttobeinformedaboutitsreligiouscontexttobetterunderstandand

connectwiththemusicaltradition.Whenexecutedappropriately,thepresentationoftheartistic

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practicesofSanteríainthecontextofsecularfolklorecanberespectfulandinformative,giving

authenticexposuretotheculturalhistoryandcontemporaryreligiouspracticethatitultimately

represents.

THEAURALTRADITIONOFSANTERÍAANDTHESTUDYOFAFRO-CUBANCULTURE

“Beforethe15thCentury,muchoftheinformationonAfricanculturehadbeenorally

documentedbyAfricanelders,encodedintheirdanceandmusicactivitiesorforgedon

paraphernalia.Exactdocumentedinformationhadalsobeendifficulttolocateduetotheirmigratory

lifestyle,[decentralizedreligiouspractices,]andthesharingnatureofthepeople”(Badu2002:39).

ThefirstindividualswhoattemptedtodocumentWestAfricanandAfro-Latinhistoryformally,in

writing,includedearlyEuropeanexplorers,Christianmissionaries,andambassadorsofIslam,allof

whocamefromcodifiedandcentralizedreligionswithwrittentraditions.Thesourcestheyproduced

areunreliable,andoftenmisleading,duetothebiasesimplicitintheirsenseofreligiousorethnic

nationalism,regardingWestAfricancultureastheexotic-yet-inferior.Forthisreason,itisbetterto

relyontheWestAfricanauraltraditionforauthenticinformation:apracticefoundedbysongs,

rhythms,andmovementsthatembodyalivinghistory,tellstoriesofapeopleandtheirvalues,and,if

intended,havethepowertosummonthedivineandcommunicatewiththedead(Badu2002:60,

Erel2017,Morales2017,Orale2017).Itisimportanttorememberthatthediverseculturesand

religionsrepresentedbythesemusicaltraditionsexistbothhistoricallyandcontemporarilyandhave

neverbeenstatic(Apter2013:365-368).

ABRIEFHISTORYOFCUBANSLAVERYANDCOLONIALRULE

BeforecolonialpowershadmadeclaimtotheAmericas,theislandofCuba,likethe

surroundingislandsofHispaniolaandSanSalvador,waspopulatedbyavarietyofindigenous

communitiesledbytheirownsetofnobles(LasCasas1552:43-47).AfterhisfirstlandingonSan

Salvador,ChristopherColumbusmadehissecondlandinginCubaonOctober28,1492.In1511,after

theisland’sinitial“discovery,”DiegoVelázquezlandedontheeastsideoftheislandatBaracoaand

foundedthefirstSpanishsettlementsinCuba.Hesoonconqueredtheisland,andby1515therewere

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nofewerthansevenSpanishtowns,includingHavana,foundedin1514,andSantiago,foundedin

1515(Chapman1927:25).BecauseofitslocationintheCaribbean,Cubawasseenastrategic

positioninreferencetoSpain’smainlandcoloniesandinthematterofnavigatinginternational

relationshipswithothercolonizersfromcompetingnations.TheSpanishgovernmentknewthat

maintainingcontroloftheislandwasimperativetothesuccessoftheirempire(Chapman1927:25-

26).

TheSpaniardsenslavedthelocalpopulationsandalsoexposedthemtonewpathogens.

Together,thebrutalityofslaveryandhighdeathratesduetoillnessquicklydecimatedthe

indigenouspopulationofCuba.Whileboththeforcesofenslavementanddiseasewreakedhavocon

indigenouspeoples,it’shardtosaywhichhadthemoredeleteriouseffect.BurkholderandJohnson

argue,however,thatslaverywastheprimarysourceofthedeclineofnativeCubanpopulations

(BurkholderandJohnson2004:37).Inresponsetothisdeclineofthelaborforce,theSpaniards

beganimportingAfricanslavestoreplaceindigenousworkersintheminesandfieldsasearlyas

1523(Chapman1927:25).WestAfricanslaveswereaconstantresourcefortheSpanishempire,at

firstforcedtoextractmetalsandothernaturalresourcesfromtheislandbeforebeingconsumedby

thesugarindustryboom.

UnderSpanishrule,Cubaanditssugartradeweretightlycontrolledandtradetookplace

primarilyinabilateralfashionbetweenthecolonyandtheIberianPeninsula.Duringtheperiod

from1523tothemiddleoftheEighteenthCentury,thenumberofslavesinCubawasapproximately

39,000atanygiventime,amodestnumberincomparisontowhatwastocome(Encyclopedia

Britannica).

In1762,theBritishseizedcontrolofCuba,andopenedtheportofHavanatotheglobal

economy.FreetraderevealedtotheworldthewealthofresourcesofCuba(Chapman1927:29).In

addition,theEnglishfloodedtheislandwithAfricanslavestodevelopthateconomicpotential.While

theBritishheldthecapitalcityofCubaforalittlelessthanayear,theyimportedapproximately

10,000slavesinthatshortperiod,mostlytoworkonsugarplantationsastheglobaldemandfor

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sugarsoared(GuerraySanchez1964:45).WhentheportofHavanawasreturnedtotheSpanishin

1763,thenatureofconductingbusinesshadchanged.Thepopulation,too,hadchanged

dramatically.After1770,CubaabsorbedmorethanhalfoftheslavesenteringSpanishAmericaafter

1770,andinthelastquarteroftheeighteenthcentury,thesmallislandhadapopulationof96,440

whites,31,847freecolored,and44,333slaves.By1840,theenslavedWestAfricanpopulationhad

grownexponentiallytoabout400,000individuals(BurkholderandJohnson2004:134,Guerray

Sanchez1964:45,EncyclopediaBritannica).Duringthethree-and-a-halfcenturiesthatslaverywas

legalinCuba,itisestimatedthatoveronemillionWestAfricanswerebroughttoCuba,andover

sixty-fivepercentofcontemporaryCubancitizenshaveWestAfricanheritage(Encyclopedia

Britannica).

TheindependenceoftheAmericancoloniesin1776birthedanotheractivethreattoSpain’s

powerintheregion.Becauseofitsproximitytotheislandandaprevalentmanifestdestiny

mentality,membersoftheU.S.governmenthadmanyconflictingopinionsonCubaduringthelatter

partoftheEighteenthCenturyandthroughouttheNineteenthCentury,butthegeneralconsensus

wasthattheU.S.shouldhaveasmuchcontroloverCuba’spoliticaleconomyaspossible.Many

AmericansmovedtoCubaandmadealotofmoneyinthesugarindustry(Chapman1927:65-69).

Slavescontinuedtobeshippedtobothcountries,withCubaimportingover600,000WestAfricansin

thenineteenthcenturyalone(EncyclopediaBritannica).

Afteracenturyofone-dimensionaleconomicexploitationandtheinsistenceofcolonial

absolutismfromadecliningempire,pairedwithagrowingabolitionistmovementandafrustrating

economiccrisisin1857,CubabegantopullawayfromSpain(Chapman1927:29).WealthyCuban-

bornlandowners,angryatSpainthattheyhadnopoliticalrepresentation,begantocallforCuban

independencein1868.WiththeslaveryquestionintheU.S.settledbytheendofitsCivilWar,both

theU.S.andEnglandhelpedtofomenttheindependencemovement,aswellassupportingthe

abolitionofslaveryinfavorofadoptingnewertechnologiesandhiringmigrantworkers(Chapman

1927:61).Becauseofthesemomentouspressures,SpainagreedtoemancipateCubanslavesin1869,

andallowformorerepresentativegovernment,acknowledgingtheindependenceoftheCuban

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peoplewithoutrelinquishingthecolony.Alawin1870providedforagradualemancipation,butwas

notadheredtoduetothedistractionoftheTenYearsWar,whichendedin1878withSpain

managingtoretaincontroloftheisland.InanefforttosatisfyCuba’saggravatedcitizens,Spain

passedalawin1881toallowforgradualemancipationandby1886,slaveryinCubafinallyended

(Chapman1927:69).Despiteachangeinthelaw,nothingcouldundothemassdisplacementand

brutalexploitationoftheblackWestAfricancommunitiesinCuba,whoallthewhilehadstrivedto

preserve,adapt,andultimately,advance,theircultural,artistic,andreligiouspractices.

CULTURALHISTORYOFDISPLACEDWESTAFRICANS

ThemajorityofWestAfricansbroughttoCubacamefromthesamelinguisticorigin,though

theyrepresentedthreedifferentethnicities:theLucumí,ofYorubaorigin,theCarabalífromCalabar,

theEwe,fromtheDahomeyKingdom.Whilethesethreegroupswereculturallydistinct,theyall

spokeasimilarlanguageandsharedanoriginalhistory.Afourthimportantpopulationofenslaved

personsinCubaweretheBantupeople,whocamefromtheCongo(Castellanos2005:xiii).Outof

thesefourethnicgroups,itwastheLucumíwhoeventuallycametorepresentthedominantAfro-

Cubanculture.

“TheYorubamakeuponeoftheoldestidentifiableethnicgroupsinAfrica,andYoruba

speakingpeopleofWestAfricahaveculturalrootsdatingbackatleasttwothousandyears(Olopun

andRey2008:4).TheYorubahistoricallyoriginatefromthekingdomofOyo,whichwaslocatedin

modern-dayNigeria.Itssacredcapital,thecityofIfé,referredtoasIlé-Ifé(ilémeaninghomein

Yoruban),wasfoundedintheFifteenthCenturybyalargecommunityofYorubanpeoplewho

traveledwestafterthefalloftheSudaneseSonghaiEmpire.Citizensofthekingdomadheredtoa

religionknowsas“TheRuleofIfá.”WhilethemodernYorubanpeoplehavecultivated,andaretoday

stillactivelyencouraging,atransnationalYorubanethnicidentity,thiswasnotalwaysthecase.As

theoldkingdomofOyogrewinsize,sub-groupsofYorubanspeakerslefttheregiontoformtheir

ownneighboringkingdoms,cities,andvillages(FalolaandChilds2004:5-12).

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Yorubanreligionispracticedatacommunallevelinthephysicalspacethatitsbelievers

occupy.WhileeachsubgroupofYorubancommunitysharesacommonoriginwitheveryother(the

RuleofIfá),thetraditionsofeachsubgrouparecompletelydecentralizedandinnowaysubjectto

anypressuresofahigherreligiouscanonbeyondeachlocalcommunity.Yorubanmythology,which

“originatesfromtheRuleofIfá,”ishosttoover600deitiescalledorichas,and,forthemostpart,each

YorubancommunityorkingdominWestAfricachoseaspecificorichawithinthegreaterdivine

communitytoworshipasaprotectoroftheirpeople(González-Wippler2016[1989]:2).Whenthe

Lucumí(oneofthreemainsubgroupsofYorubanpeoplethatwerebroughttoCuba)wereattheir

culturalheight,theyrepresentedovertwentydifferentWest-Africancommunities,eachone

worshipingaseparatedeitywithspecificsongs,rhythmsandmovementsthatwereaurally

transmittedfromgenerationtogeneration(FalolaandChilds2004:5-12).Inthecolonialera,these

groupsformedtheirowncommunitiesthatcenteredaroundhousescalledcabildosdenación

“religioussodalitiesthatdoubledassocialclubsandmutualaidsocieties.”Inspiredbytheirprevious

regionalism,eachcabildoactedasasmall,neo-Africankingdom,usuallyrepresentingaspecific

oricha,equippedwithitsownflagandsetoflocalizedtraditions(Apter2013:369).

TheEwepeoplewereoriginallyYorubanswholeftthecityofIféandfoundedthekingdomof

Dahomey(locatedinbetweenpresent-dayBeninandTogo).Theywerelaterexpelledfromtheir

kingdombyanattackbytheFonpeople,anotherYorubansubgroupthatpreviouslycoexisted

peacefullywiththeEwe.AlargegroupofdisplacedEwetraveledtothecoast,sometravelingsouth

andsomewest.Becauseoftheirlargenumbersandnewfoundvulnerability,manyweretaken

prisonerandsoldintoslaverybyEuropeanslavetraders.TheEwethatescapedendedupsettlingin

TogoandpresentdayGhana.Thoughthesecommunities’traditionsweresoonaffectedbythe

presenceofDutchcolonialpower,theEwepeoplestillareaprevalentpopulationinGhanaand

maintaintheirreligiouspractices(Badu2002:60-70).

TheEwethatwereshippedtoCubalandedataportintheprovinceofMatanzas.Their

traditionswerewellrepresentedincolonial-eracabildosandhavebeenmaintainedtoacertain

extent,buttheEwesoonfelttheinfluenceofotherethnictraditions,inparticularLucumí.TheEwe

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traditionstillsurvivestoday,albeitquietly,asthemusicandreligiouspracticeofArara.Whilestill

representingitsEweorigins,AraranowfallsunderalargerLucumíinfluence,withitspractitioners

usuallyinvolvedinbothtraditions,ratherthanjustsolelyArara.OnlytwocabildosstillpracticeArara

andthecontemporarymusicandspiritualcollectiveAfrocubadeMatanzasisoneofthefewgroups

thatstillperformspublicdemonstrationsofArara’sartisticpractices.Todayonecannotfindany

accuraterepresentationofAraraoutsideoftheprovinceofMatanzas(Orale,2017).

TheCarabalísecretsocietyofAbakwáoriginatedfromthekingdomofCalabar,another

communityofYorubanoriginthatsettledjusteastoftheNigerRiver(FalolaandChilds2004:20).

Theirtraditions,whileoriginallycompletelyseparatefromLucumí,werealsoeventuallyabsorbed

intowhatbecameasecretsocietywithinamuchlargergroupofLucumípractitioners.Africanswere

alsobroughtfrommanyotherkingdomsthathadoriginatedfromOldOyo,includingtheKingdomof

Ijesa,whosetraditionswerealsocompletelyabsorbedbyLucumíbutwhoserhythmsandsongsare

stillperformedincertaincontexts(FalolaandChilds2004:5-12).

TheBantuslavesfromtheCongohadtheirownuniquesetsoftraditionscalledPaloMonte

thatwere,andessentiallystillare,completelyseparatefromtheYorubantradition.Bantureligion

andartisticpracticesareequallydeepasthoseoftheYorubaandweresomeofthemostprevalent

amongcolonialAfro-Cubancommunities,atonepointrepresentingamajorityofcabildos.Inthis

essay,myfocusisthedevelopmentofSantería,whicharosefromtheYoruban—andprimarily

Lucumí—ethnic,linguistic,andreligioustradition.WhileBantupopulationsstillexistinCubaand

practicetheirculturetoday,itwastheLucumíthatwereabletoadaptinthemostextremeways,

absorbingvirtuallyalloftheotherdisplacedOyo-originatingWestAfricancommunitiesundertheir

umbrella,whilenaturallyallowingforthesamekindsofregionalvariationthathadexistedintheOld

World(Apter2013:369)

Byitsverynature,Yorubanculturaltradition—andreligion—issyncretic.Itfreelyborrows

andadaptsandevolvesinnewcircumstances,migratingtodifferentregionswithitspractitioners.

UnlikeChristianity—orJudaismorIslam—thereisnoassumptionofdoctrinalpurity.The

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decentralizedqualityofYorubancultureallowslocalcommunitiestoevolveandexpressthemselves

undernewcircumstanceswithoutbeingsubjecttoanoverarchingregulator(e.g.,theChristian

Bible).TheseinherentculturalqualitiesencouragedtheLucumíandtheirfellowWestAfrican

communitiestoseekoutlikegroupsandredefinetheirsocialidentityonthebasisofcommonalities

oflanguageandreligiouspracticeinresponsetothesocialtraumaofforcedmigration(Falolaand

Childs2004:17-18).

THEEVOLUTION(DEVELOPMENT)OFSANTERÍA

ThewordLucumíisrepresentativeofauniqueAfro-Cubanethnicnationthatevolvedasa

conglomerateofthemultitudeofdiversetraditionsthatforciblydisplacedWestAfricans(knownas

theAfricanDiaspora)broughttoCuba.Lucumíisalsothewordthatisusedtorepresentboththe

religionandthelanguageofthesepeople.Theoriginofthewordisusuallysaidtocomefroma

Yorubangreetingmeaning“myfriend,”thoughsomeresearchersbelievethatthistermisderived

fromakumi,whichmeans,“IamAku.”BecausetheYorubapeopleofSierraLeoneareknownasthe

Aku,González-Wipplerhypothesizesthatthislinguisticconnectionmayindicatethatmanyofthe

YorubawhowerebroughttoCubaoriginatedinSierraLeone(González-Wippler2016[1989]:3).

LucumíasareligiouspracticeissynonymouswithSantería,RegladeOcha,RegladeIfá,and

RegladeOsha-Ifá.Thesevariousnamesrefertothesamething:the“RuleofIfá”practicedintheold

OyoKingdom.SanteríaisaSpanishtranslationandisnowthemostcommonlyusedtitleforthe

religion,literallymeaning“theworshipofsaints”(González-Wippler2016[1989]:1-7).“Saints,”of

course,wereanacceptableconceptundertherubricofCatholicism,whiletheworshipofa“god”

otherthantheChristianGodwouldhavebeenunacceptabletotheSpanishcolonials.Equating

orichastosaintswasanadaptationnecessarytoLucumí’ssurvivalundercolonialrule.

LikeallreligionsoriginatingfromOldOyo,Santeríaisananimistfaith,an“earthreligion

[with]amagico-religioussystemthathasitsrootsinnatureandnaturalforces.”Eachofthe

hundredsoforichas(saints)isidentifiedwithanaturalforce,whichisviewedasadirect

manifestationofgodhimself(González-Wippler2016[1989]:3,6).“Becausethephysicalelementsof

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existencereflectspiritualprinciples,believersareassuredthattheydonotexistinauniversethat

lacksreasonordirection”(LaTorre2004:6).TheconnectionbetweenGodandmankind—through

natureasexpressedthroughtheorichas—isenforcedthroughebbó(sacrifice),forthepurposeof

receivingaché,(power)(González-Wippler2016[1989]:6).

JustlikeoldOyo,Santeríaisnotapolytheisticfaith.Theorichasareexpressionsofa

“personalsupremecreatorGod—omnipotentandomnipresentifalsodistantandinretirement.”This

supremeGod—referredtoasOloddumareorOlorun—hasalwaysexisted(Castellanos2005xvi).This

omnipotententityiswhoisbelievedtohavecreatedalloftheorichasandgiventhemtheirachésone

byone.StillstronglyconnectedtoitsYorubanorigins,SanteríasharesthecommonYorubancreation

storyaboutthecityofIlé-Ife,whereitisbelievedthatcreationbegan”(LaTorre2004:158).The

CubanLucumísharethesameconceptofthecreatorOloddumare/Olorun,butrefertohimasOlofi,

thethreetitlesrepresentingdifferentaspectsofthesamesupremebeing.Oloddumareis“a

transcendentbeingwhoistheessenceofallthereisandmore,”Olorunreferstotheactofcreation,

whileOlofiisthecreationitself,ratherthanthecreator.Thebestwaytodefinetheconceptofthis

supremeGodinSantería,isasman’spersonalGod,amanifestedforcethatisinchargeofcreation.It

wasaftercreationthatOloddumaregavepowers(aché)totheorichassotheycouldcontrolandaffect

differentaspectsoftheworld’snaturalforcesandconnectwithhumanity.WithOloddumarenow

retired,“allthatis,whetheritbeseenorunseen,existsasapartofasysteminwhich[Oloddumare’s]

valiantorichasprotectallofcreation”sothathumansmaycontinuetoexistanddevelop(González-

Wippler2016[1989]:24-26,Morales2017).

WhileSantería’sfoundationaltenantscenteroncommunalpracticesthatcelebratefamilial

connectionsandancestrallineage,“Santería’smainpurposeistoassisttheindividual,regardlessof

theirreligiousbackgroundoraffiliation.”Santería’smostbasicbeliefisthatdestinybeginsinheaven

(Ilé-Olofi)priortobirth.Thegoalofpractitionersistoliveinharmonywiththeirassigneddestiny,

whichtheypreparethemselvesforbyensuringtheypossessthenecessaryritualstonavigatelife’s

difficultiesandbyconsultingwithbabalawos(highpriests),whocommunicatewiththeoricha

namedOrunmilainanefforttoadviseeachpersononhowtobestfollowtheirdestinyandavoid

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misfortune.Santeríabeginswithanindividual’sproblems,initiatingthemintoacommunitythat

encouragesthemtofindcontextandsuccess(LaTorre2004:4).

AsinthemanydisparateYorubatraditionsinAfrica(whichallreflect“oldOyo”),Santeríais

highlydecentralized.NocentralinstitutionalstructureprovidesconsistencywithinSantería.

Worshiptakesplaceinthehomesofindividualsandwithincommunal“house-temples.”Eachhouse-

templeisanentityuntoitself,withlittleornoconnectionorresponsibilitytootherhouse-temples.

Thisdecentralizationissoextremethatevenneighboringcasasdesanto(house-temples)canhave

differentinterpretationsoftraditionanddivergentpractices(LaTorre2004:4).Thisradical

decentralizationallowedSanteríatocontinuetoabsorbdiversetraditionswhilestillpermitting

variationonalocallevel.Thehouse-templesthatexisttodaydescendfromtheoriginalcolonial-era

cabildosthatcontinuetorepresentWestAfricandiversityandregionalism(Apter2013:369).

AsmoredisplacedYorubantraditionsbegantobeabsorbedbyLucumípractices,enslaved

populationswereforcedtobecomecreativeinordertocontinuetocomfortablypracticetheir

religion,which—Catholicclericsbeingcategoricallyintolerantofdivergenceandvarietywithintheir

faith—wasactivelydiscouraged.TheLucumísolutionwastodisguisetheorichastheyworshiped

withCatholicsaints.OneexampleisthatOlofiwassyncretizedasJesusChrist.Otherorichasarenow

representedbyreligiousfiguressuchasSaintAnthony(Elegguá),SaintLazarus(Babalú-Ayé),and

SaintNorbert(Ochosi).Becauseoftheseadjustments,theLucumíwereabletoclaimthattheywere

practicingCatholicismintheirownwayforashortperiodoftime.However,thecolonialgovernment

andCatholicclergysooncaughtontothisobfuscationandbegantopersecutetheLucumífornot

embracingthedoctrinalpurityofCatholicism.ThisforcedtheLucumíreligiouscommunity

underground,withpractitionersoftenswearingtosecrecytoprotectthemselvesandtheir

communities.Asyearspassed,boundariesbetweenthenowundergroundLucumícultandthepublic

practiceofCatholicismbegantoblur,resultinginthefusionofthetwosacredsystems.Becauseof

thisphenomenon,contemporary“Santeríaisatypicalcaseofsyncretism,thespontaneous,popular

combinationorreconciliationofdifferentreligiousbeliefs”(González-Wippler2016[1989]:3-6,24-

75).

13

Oncethereligionwasmoreestablishedanditscommunitieswerenotbeingsoactively

persecuted,SanteríawasabletomigratefromCubatoothercountriesinLatinAmerica,includingthe

DominicanRepublic,Venezuela,Colombia,Panama,andelsewhere.Oneanalystestimatesthatthere

arenowmorethanahundredmillionpractitionersof[Santería]inLatinAmericaandtheUnited

States(González-Wippler2016[1989]:6).

THELUCUMÍLANGUAGEANDITSROLEINRELIGIOUSPRACTICE

WhilethereligionofLucumíhasmanynames,thelanguageofLucumíisreferredtoonlyas

Lucumí.Thisismostlikelybecauseitisauniquemixofnon-standardizedYorubandialectsand

colonialSpanish.TherearecertainlyveryclearsimilaritiesbetweenmodernYorubanandLucumí,

butLucumíitselfhasneverbeencodifiedandvariesfromregiontoregion,casatocasa,andeven

betweenindividuals.

Thiscanpresentinterestingproblemswhendefiningorinterpretingthe“language”ofthe

orichas.IfLucumíisinfinitelyvariable,howdothegodsspeakinawaythatisbothimmutableand

divine,butcanalsobeeasilyunderstoodbythosewhomayspeakwildlydifferentversionsofthat

language?PractitionersofSanteríathinkoftheorichasasspeakingan“ideal”ordivineversionof

Lucumí.Atthesametime,thesanterosalsorecognizethatthis“pure”formofLucumíhasbeenlost

overtimeandspace.AnthropologistKristinaWirtz(2007)putsitthisway:

“Whentheorichasspeakduringspiritpossession,theyincorporatemarkersofbothLucumíandheavilyexaggeratedbozalSpanish…Lucumí,thus,evokesapoignantcombinationofthepresumablytimelessdivineplaneandthebitterhistoryoftheancestorswhobroughtYorubatraditionstoCuba…InpartbecausetheorichaembodyidealfluencyinLucumí,santerosregardLucumíasperfectlyintelligibletoanyonewithsufficientknowledge.Atthesametime,theyrecognizethattheirownlinguisticknowledgeisimperfectbecausemuchhasbeenlostthroughthegenerations”(Wirtz2007:111-112)

Myteacher,ababalawonamedGilbertoMorales,certainlyrecognizedthathisknowledgeof

theLucumílanguagewasimperfect.Manyofthetranslationshegavemewerevagueandheadmitted

tonotbeingabletotranslatemanySpanishwordsintoLucumí.WhenImentionedthatafriendand

mentorfromHavana(acclaimedrumberoPedrito“ElBumbo”)hadofferedtoletmeborrowhis

Yorubandictionaryasaresource,Gilbertojustlaughedandclaimedthatnoneofthewordsfoundina

14

standardizedYorubandictionarywouldcorrespondtotheLucumívocabulary.Heemphasizedthe

complexityofLucumí’soriginsandgavemeexamplesofhowthelyricsforcantoshaveevolvedand

varybyregion.

OnesuchexampleisasongforOchún,theorichaofwealthandbeauty.Gilbertotoldmethat

themajorityofpeopleknowasongthatgoes:

Chichiolongo,chichiolongo,

Tanimowaye,olongoea,

Chichiolongo.

Gilbertoarguesthatthesewordsdonotmakesense.“ChiChi”isasimplenicknameand

“Olongo”referstobasketthatiscarriedovertheshoulder.Hetoldmethatthetruelyricsare:

Obáikioloowo,obáikioloowo,

Tanimowaye,oloowoea,

Obáikioloowo.

Thisversionmakesmuchmoresensebecauseobátranslatesto“king”,olotranslatesto

“ownerof,”andowotranslatesto“money.”Ochúnisthequeen/ownerofmoney(Gilbertosayshehas

neverheardofaLucumíwordforqueen),sothecontextofthepreviouslyobscuredcantobecomes

logical(Morales2017).

Lucumíisanaurallytransmitteddivinelanguagethathasmorphedovertime.Direct

translationsofcantosarehardtocomebyandoftenimpossibletoobtain.Mostreligious

practitionersandscholarsaresatisfiedwithbeingabletoidentifycertainvocabularywithinLucumí

cantosandrezos(prayers).Somesanteroshaveevenarguedthatitisinappropriatetodirectly

translateLucumíbecauseofitsdivineproperties.Thatbeingsaid,manysanterosconsiderittheir

dutytoobtainthemostauthenticversionsofLucumícantosaspossible,someattemptingtoadhere

toaformofLucumíthatadheresascloselyasitcantotheoriginalYorubanrootsofthelanguage,

whileothersaremoreacceptingofLucumí’slivingpropertiesandconstantevolution(Wirtz2007:

108).

15

AllthematerialsthatIwasabletoobtainfrommyCubanteachersandeveryacademic

sourceIconsultedcontaineddifferentspellings,andsometimesvaryingtranslations,forLucumí

vocabulary.Forpurposesofcontinuity,IhavechosenthespellingsthatIthinkaremostaccurateand

keptthemconsistentthroughoutthepaper.Ihavealsoincludedalistofsometranslationsof

importantLucumíterminologyforreference.Whileitisverymuchanincompleteandimperfectlist

thatIcreatedusingavarietyofsources,itshouldstillproveuseful(sourcesincludeMorales2017,

Erel2017,Martínez2018,González-Wippler2016[1989],Hagedorn2001,andLachatañeré2005

[1938]:145-153).

MELODY,MOVEMENT,ANDRHYTHM

Orichasareevokedbytheirworshippingcommunitiesbymeansofspecificpraisesongs

(cantos),drumrhythms,andphysicalgestures.Sacredritualisdictatedmusically,acommontraitin

West-Africanpolytheistictraditions(Hagedorn2001:75-76).Thecantosarecalledbyaleadsinger,a

talentedoratorknownastheakpwon.Thechoir(coro)thenrepliestoeachcallwiththesamemelody

orarelatedresponse.Theakpwonleadstheensemble,determininghowmanytimestorepeateach

cantoandwhentomoveontothenextcanto.Thedrummersanddancersreacttothesesongs,

knowingwhatdoduringeachtransition.Thesongsaremeanttopraise,tease,andtempttheorichas

intoenteringonesplaceofworship,sothatthedeitiescancommunicatewith,andsometimes

spirituallypossess,theirhumanchildren(Morales2017).

Theorichasarecalledduringatambór,alsoknownasatoquedesanto.Toquesare

specificallyreligious,oftenlastingforthreetofourhoursandusuallypresentedinhouse-temples.As

thepopulationsfromdifferentcabildosbegantomix,thoseofLucumíoriginbegantocombinethe

worshipoftheircommunity’sspecializedorichawiththoseofotherspecializedorichasfromother

Lucumícommunities.Soon,alltheorichaswereprayedtoduringasingleeventinaspecificorder.

Theordervariesfromcasatocasa,butafullsetofsongsforalltwenty-oneorichasiscalledanoro

cantado.Sometimesbeforetheorocantado,thedrummerswillplayanoroseco,asetofrhythms,

playedwithoutsongs,foreachdeityinthesamespecificorder(Morales2017).

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Inadditiontoenticingtheoricha,cantoscanalsotellstories,orpatakís,thattellthehistory

andmythologyoftheorichas.LikeotheraspectsofYorubanculture,itsmythologyiscomplex,

varyingfromregiontoregion.Oftenmythscontradictoneanotherbecausetheystoriesoriginated

fromgeographicallyseparatecommunities.Thesepatakísare“notinterpretedliterally[because]

theirpurposeistoprovideguidanceandpracticalhelpforbelieversinthehereandnow”(LaTorre

2004:31).

“Althoughsheckere,agogos,andevencongadrumsmaybeusedinotherSantería

ceremonies,thethreedouble-headedbatádrumsarethemosteffectiveinstrumentsforevokingthe

orichasduringatoque”(Hagedorn2001:75).Thebatádrumsusedtocalltheorichasmustbeblessed

duringaspecialceremonyinorderforthemtobeabletosummondivinepower.Inaddition,each

drummermustgothroughaspecialhand-washingceremonybeforetheyareallowedtotouchthe

sacredbatá(Hagedorn2001:75-76).

“ToquesdeSantocanbeinterpretedasadistillationofmorethanacenturyofdiverse,divine

performativeintent.”Thetraditionsstillcontinuetoevolve,buttheoverallmeaninghasstayedthe

same(Hagedorn2001:75).Singingcantosislikespeaking,orlikehavingaconversationand

preachingasermonatthesametime.Eachorationmustbecompellingenoughtophysicallybringan

orichatoearthsothattheymaycommunicatewiththeirhumanchildren(ElBumbo2017).

WhenobservingbothtoquesandfolkloricpresentationsinCuba,Isawthateachorichais

physicallyrepresentedbyadancer,dressedinthecostumeandcolorsthatcorrespondtothedeity

theyembodyinthatmoment.Duringreligiousceremonies,itisthehumanbodythatconnectsthe

physicalworldtothedivine.Ifsuccessfullysummoned,orichaswillpossessor“mount”their

children,leavingthempossessed,seizing,orinatrance-likestate(ElBumbo2017).

“Itisthroughthewords,therhythmsandthemovementsofthesesacredsongsthatthe

orichaswereabletotravelfromAfricatoCuba,”allowingdisplacedcommunitiestoasserttheir

religioninthenewphysicalspacesthattheyoccupied.Similaritiesinartisticpracticesarewhat

uniteddiverseYorubancabildosintheirworship,offeringalargersenseofcommunity(Concha-

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Holmes2013:490-491).Thesetraditionsofsong,rhythm,anddancearewhatcontinuetobethe

mostcompellingambassadorsforSanteríaacrosstheglobe.

ENTERINGTHEFAITH

Iknowfrompersonalexperiencethatapproachingadeeplycomplexfaithwithsucha

nuancedhistorycanbeintimidating,especiallyasanoutsider.WhenfirstarrivinginCubaIwas

unsureofhowmyinterestinthesepracticeswouldcomeacrosstothepractitionersthemselves.I

was,andcontinuetobe,pleasantlysurprisedwiththeamountofsupportIhavereceivedfromthe

Santeríacommunitytocontinuewithmystudies,honemymusicalpractices,andevenbecome

involvedinthereligion.

IlearnedthatwhilerootedinAfrica,“SanteríaisnotlimitedtothoseofAfricandescent.

Anyoneandeveryoneiswelcometohonorandworshiptheorichasbecausethenaturalforcesthey

representarepresenteverywhereintheworld…onebecomesadevoteenotaccordingtoethnicityor

race,norbecauseofaprofessionoffaith,butratherbecauseofanactiontakenduringaritual”(La

Torre2004:4).Evennon-religiouspersonslikemyselfarewelcometoparticipateinsecular

presentationsofthemusicandsharetheintensecommunalenergyofanartistictraditionfounded

ritualpractice.OnceIhadlearnedafullOroCantadofrommylessonswithGilbertoMorales,many

religiouspractitionersweresurprisedbymyamountofknowledgeandinterest,askingmewhyIhad

learnedsomuchandnotyetbecomeapractitionermyself.ItoldthemtruthfullythatIlovedthe

traditionbutwantedtotakemytimeandbecomemoreinformedbeforegettingmorepersonally

involvedwithreligiousritual.DespitethismentalityandmyinitialgoaltostudyandobserveSantería

traditionasanoutsider,IbecamemorepersonallyinvolvedthanIoriginallyintended,partially

becauseoftheamountofencouragementIreceivedtoparticipate.

DuringmylastweekinHavanaImetamannamedErelatapark(ElParqueTrillo)near

whereIwasstaying.WhileIcorrectlysuspectedthathehadapproachedmebecausehehadno

moneyfordinner,hewasincrediblyfriendly,respectful,andeasytotalkto.Weendeduphavinga

longconversationaboutmyproject,andIsanghimsomeofthesongsfromtheOroCantadothatI

18

learnedinMatanzas.Hewasimpressed,loweringhisvoicetotellmethathewasaSantería

practitionerandcouldshowmeaspectsofthereligionthatmosttouristsneversee.Aswebecame

morecomfortablewitheachother,headmittedthathewasspirituallycommunicatingwithhis

ancestorsandthattheyweretellinghimthatIdeservedtobeinvolvedandlearnmore.Weendedup

spendingmanydaystogether.Duringthattime,Erelbroughtmetohiscasadesantoandintroduced

metohisreligiouscommunityofsanteros,specificallyhisPadrino(thesanterowhohadinitiatedErel

intothefaith).JustlikeErel,theywereimpressedbymyknowledgeoftheirtraditionsand

encouragedmetobecomemoreinvolved.Withthehelpandblessingofhiscommunity,ErelandI

performednumerouslow-levelritualstobetterconnectmewithmyancestors,askingthemfor

supportinmypersonaljourney.

“ThereareseveralrolesavailableinSantería.Eachoffersadifferentlevelofprotection,

power,andknowledgetothedevotee.Asthebelieverprogressesthroughthedifferentlevelsofthe

faith,theymovefromareligiousexpressionwhichreliesmostlyontheCatholicinfluencesofthe

religiontowardgreaterrelianceonitsAfricanelements”(LaTorre2004:106).Eachstepis

characterizedbyaspecificseriesofrituals.“Practitionersareinitiatedintoembodiedknowledge

systemsandgaintheabilitiestousemusicandmovementtocommunicateacrossphysicaland

spiritualborders,aswellasenactsocialandpoliticalchangeacrossethnic,religious,andnational

boundaries”(Concha-Holmes2013:491).

Afteraseriesofinitialrituals(themajorityofwhichIwasneverpersonallyinvolvedin),

initiateshavetheopportunitytohacersanto(tomakesaint).Santerosarealsoreferredtoasomo-

orichas,or“childrenoforichas.”Eachsanteroisgivenanorichatoserveastheiradoptedparent.

OncethemusiciansestablishaconnectionbetweenheavenandEarthduringatoque,santerosand

santerasareresponsiblefordirectingtheceremonyandpassingonthebenefitsofthisdivine

interventiontotheirahijados(godchildren)(Hagedorn2001:82).

Beyondsantero,thenextstepisbecomingababalawo(likemyteacherGilberto),ahigh

priestconsecratedtotheruleofIfá.Inadditiontoaddedceremonialresponsibilities,babalawoshelp

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peoplebysummoningthedeityOrunmila.AlsoknownasOrula,Orunmilaissaidtolivebetween

heavenandEarthandhasthepowerofdivination.Babalawosconsulthimtoharnessthatdivine

power,helpingindividualschoosetherightpathtoeffectivelyadheretotheirpredetermineddestiny

(González-Wippler2016[1989]:33-36,94-98).

WhilebecomingasanteroisagoalofmanySanteríapractitioners,itisclearthatanyonecan

becomeinvolvedtoanydegreeiftheyareinterestedandabletofindareligiouscommunityto

supportthem.Thistraitofacceptance,despitesuchaviolenthistorywithwesternEuropeanculture,

isakeyreasonwhySanteríaissharedwithandpracticedbycommunitiesallovertheword.Iam

gratefultomyCubanfriendsandmentorsforbeingsokind,encouraging,andgenerouswiththeir

time.

THECONCEPTOFEGUN ANDTHEIMPORTANCEOFANCESTRALCONNECTION

AsIlearnedfromErel,anessentialtraditioninSanteríaandallotherYoruban-based

culturesistheworshipofone’sancestors,knownastheegun.Beforepresentingtotheorichas,itis

paramounttopaytributetoone’slineagefirst,appeasingtheegunandbringingthemintotheroom

toaskforhealthandstrength.Onceconnected,theworshipperthenaskspermissionoftheegunto

usetheirancientknowledgeoftraditionthathasbeenpasseddownsincethebeginningsofIfá(Erel

2017).Accordingtothistradition,“deathdoesnotseparateapersonfromtheircommunity;rather,

thedeadremaintiedtoandpartofthefaithcommunityofwhichtheywereapartinlife”(LaTorre

2004:21).Theeguncontinuetohelpandprotecttheirlovedonesandhavetheabilitytobringharm

totheirenemies.InSantería,itisconsideredperfectlynaturalthatthedeadcaninteractwiththe

living.AccordingtoLaTorre,theseinteractionsareperceivedasanaturalaspectofexistence“in

whichthephysicalandspiritualconvergeandintermingletothebenefitofbothrealms”

Likeallorichas,egunhavetheirownsongsandrhythmstosummonthembeforeeachritual.

Iwouldliketoexamine,andlaterdemonstratelive,onecantoinparticularthatIlearnedfromErel:

20

Aumbáwáorí,

Aumbáwáorí,

Awaosún,awaomá,

Leríomá,leyawo,

AráOrúnkawé.

Thisroughlytranslatesto:

Wehaveourheads

Wehaveourheads,

WehaveOsún(anorichawhorepresentsone’spersonalguardianangel),wehaveourchildren,

Toourchildrenwewillpassthesecret,

Peopleinheavenjoinus.

As the akpwon calls this particular song, he or shewill often change thewords of the last verse,

substitutingthewordsaráorúninordertoincludeothergroupsofancestors.Whilefirstaskingthe

peopleinthekingdomofheaventojointhepractitionersinthephysicalworld,theakpwonwillask

the bogbo egun (all our ancestors), the iyá egun (the ancestors of our mothers), the babá egun

(ancestorsofourfathers)themokékeréegun(ancestorswhodiedaschildren),andtheegunilé(the

ancestorsoftheparticularochahouse-templewheretheritualisbeingperformed(Erel2017).

This song for the egun embodies two key elements of Santería practice: First, it

acknowledges theroleof individualconsciousness,highlighting thatculturalhistoryandcontext is

principally conceived of and preserved in people’s minds. Even though West African religious

traditionswerenotphysicallyrecorded,communalpracticescontinuedtosurvivewithinthebodies

andbrainsofindividuals.Second,itcommunicatestheimportanceoflearningculturalpracticesfrom

theolder generationsandpassing themon toyoungergenerations through ritualsofphysical and

artistic practices. This is perhaps the most fundamental cultural value practiced by the Lucumí,

ensuring their continued survival and communal development despite a history of severe

oppression.

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WHOARETHEORICHAS?

ThenumberoforichasthatexistinAfro-LatinAmericantraditionsfluctuatesbetween

twentyandtwenty-five(González-Wippler2).DuringmytimeinCuba,Icameacross21orichasthat

representtheLucumítradition,thoughitisverypossiblethatthereareafewlesserdeitiesthatI

havenotheardorreadaboutyet.BoththeLucumíandthegreaterYorubancommunitycategorize

orichasasbeingeither“white”and“cool,”withlife-givingpowers(i.e.Obatalá),or“dark”and“hot,”

symbolizingstrength,virility,andmorechaoticemotions(i.e.Elegguá).Alloftheorichashave

specificnaturalpowers(aché)thatweregiventothembyGod/Oloddumare.(González-Wippler2016

[1989]:24-28)

Forthepurposeofthisproject,Iwillexamineanddemonstratecantosandbatárhythmsfor

threeofthemostessentialorichas:Elegguá,Obatalá,andYemayá.

ELEGGUÁ

Elegguáistheorichaofthecrossroads,astrongwarriorwithamischievousstreakwho

holdsthepowertocontrolchangeanddestiny(González-Wippler2016[1989]:4).Consideredthe

youngestandcleverestoftheorichas,Elegguáisthedivineenforcerandthemostpowerfulofthe

warriorgods.Heisconsideredthesecondmostpowerfuloricha.HisnameinYorubameans

“messengerofthegods,”andheusesmiceashisagentstohelpguardthepathsofdivineandhuman

communication.Heisalsothedivinetricksterwhoenjoysputtingbothgodsandhumansin

compromisingpositions.Despitehistricks,Elegguáisknowntoalwaysactrationally(González-

Wippler2016[1989]:31).

Inadditiontocarryingmessagesbetweenhumanbeingsandtheotherorichas,Elegguáalso

reportshumanactionstoOloddumare(González-Wippler2016[1989]:28).Elegguáhasbeen

syncretizedwithseveralCatholicsaints,includingSaintAnthonyofPadua,theHolyInfantofPrague,

SaintMartinofPorres,andSaintBenito.Heisrepresentedbythecolorsredandblackaswellasby

numbersthataremultiplesofthree(twenty-oneinparticular).Heisalsovaluedforhisabilityto

guardhomesagainstdangers.SomesanteroskeepElegguá’simageintheircourtyardsinasmall

22

houseespeciallyforhim,butmostkeephiminsidethehousenearthefrontdoor,sothathecankeep

awayevil(González-Wippler2016[1989]:29-30).

Followingtheritualsfortheegun,Elegguáisthefirstorichatobeaddressedateachtoquede

santosothathemayentertheroomandphysicallyopenthelineofcommunicationbetweenthe

worshipersandtheotherorichas.ThedancerwhorepresentsElegguáwillapproachmembersofthe

crowd,physicallyconnectingwithpeoplehand-to-handandforehead-to-foreheadbeforefinishing

thedance.Fortheremainderoftheritual,theElegguádancerleadstheotherorichadancersonand

offstage,physicallyembodyingElegguá’srole.

ThefirstsongthatIlearnedfromGilbertoMoralesisacommonsongtoinitiateanOrofor

ElegguáandisthesecondsongthatIwilldemonstrateduringmypresentation:

Mojubao,Mojubaoricha

Aché,mojubaoricha

Mojubatranslatestoasalutationorprayer,whileachérepresentsthespiritualpower

wieldedbytheorichas.ThisisacleardeclarationofrespectforElegguáandhispower.

AnothercommonsongforElegguáisagoiléago.Agoisaphrasethatasksforpermissionfor

entry(e.g.,aknockatthedoor).Ilé,asmentionedearlier,referstotheconceptofaphysicalhome.In

thissong,theakpwonisaskingforpermissiontoenterintocommunicationwiththedivineworld,

invitingElegguá,andallotherorichas,intotheirilé(Morales2017).

OBATALÁ

Obataláisfatheroftheworld,thoughhe/sheappearsinbothmasculineandfeminineforms.

Obataláisthephysicalcreatorofmankindandisalsothesymbolofpeaceandpurity.Obataláis

representedbythecolorwhite,issaidtoliveontopofamountain,andrepresentsthehighestlevel

ofexistence(LaTorre2004:58).He/sheprotectsthemindsofallindividuals(González-Wippler

2016[1989]:38).

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AccordingtoYorubanmythology,Obataláwasthefirstorichacreatedbythesupremegod,

Olofi/Oloddumare.He/sheisthemostpowerfuloricha,isthefather/motherofmanyoftheorichas,

andisconsideredtobethefatherofhumanity.Interestingly,thetraditionisthatObataláisthe

creatorandownerofallhumanheads,andisthusinchargeofhumanthoughtsanddreams.When

someoneistroubledorconfused,Obataláprovidesserenity,andwhensomeoneisgoingthrough

difficulttimes,he/shecanbringclarity(LaTorre2004:57-58).

ThesanterosoftensaythatallofObatalá’sattributesemanatefromacombinationofthe

oricha’smaleandfemaleaspects,butthatitisimportanttorememberthatObataláisoneentity.“He

istheowneroftheworld,cabezagrande,thefirstoricha,andforthatreason,histureenorsoperais

placedabovethoseofalltheorichasinthecanastilleroorcabinetwheretheyarekept…Obatalá’s

sacrednumbersareeight,sixteen,andtwenty-four[andtheir]feastiscelebratedonSeptember24,

thedayofOurLadyofMercyintheCatholicChurch”(González-Wippler2016[1989]:38).

ThesecondtimeImetwithErel’spadrinowassothathecouldreadmyenergyandhelpme

connectwithmyancestors.Afterinvokingtheegunofmydeceasedgrandmother,Iwastoldavariety

ofthingsaboutmyenergyandlifetrajectory.IwasadvisedthatIneededtoparticipateinaceremony

tolavarlacabeza(washmyhead)soIcouldreceiveObataláasmyguardianangel,towatchoverme

andprotectmyhead.Thispurificationceremonyinvolvedprostratingmyselftomultipleorichas,

burningcandlesandofferingfoodtoappeaseObatalá,andplacingchoppedfreshfruitonmyhead

andlimbs.AftersomeinvestigationIfoundoutthatearlyinitiatestothefaithalwaysreceiveObatalá

asaguardianangeltowatchoverthemuntiltheyreceivetheirprincipaloricha.Istillwearthe

blessedwhitebeadednecklace,bracelet,andankletIreceivedduringtheceremonywhenIcan,

especiallyondaysthatIneedextramentalsupport.

IhaveunfortunatelybeenunabletofindaccuratetranslationforthecantosforObataláthatI

willbedemonstrating.GilbertotoldmethatthecantosforObataláaresomeofthemostlyrical.While

theakpwonisallowedtoimprovisevariationsoftheircallsforotherorichas,toembellishObatalá

cantosisgenerallyconsideredunnecessarybecauseoftheimportanceoftheirspecificmelodies.

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YEMAYÁ

Yemayáisthegoddessoftheoceanandthemotherofallthatexists.“IfObatalásymbolizes

theseedoflife,thenYemayágerminatesthatseed.Sheisthemotheroftheworld,motherof

humanity,andmotherofseveraloftheorichas.”Interestingly,practitionersofSanteríaassociatelife

withwater:justasourscientificunderstandingoftheoriginoflifeonEarthbeganinthewater,

Yemayá—theoriginoflife—possessesthepropertiesofwater(LaTorre2004:72).Hernameis

derivedfromtheYorubatitleYeyeomoeja,whichmeans“themotherwhosechildrenarethefish”

(González-Wippler1989:57).Asamaternalsymbol,Yemayáisalsothegoddessoffertility,receiving

fertilityritesfromwomenwhoarehopingtoconceive.

InCatholicism,YemayáisalsoknownasOurLadyofRegla(LaVirgendeRegla),aversionof

theMadonnaandprotectorofsailorsandpatronsaintoftheBayofLaHavanainCuba.Inthemiddle

oftheseventeenthcenturythisimageoftheblackMadonnawasbroughtfromSpain.Followersof

SanteríasoonbegantousetheblackMadonnaasthe“mask”fortheirorichaYemayá,becauseofboth

skincolorandherassociationwiththesea(LaTorre2004:73-74).Yemayáistheonlyoricha/saintin

SanteríathatisdepictedasablackAfrican.“Hergreatestgiftstohumanityarethedi-logun,the

seashellswhichareusedbytheorichastocommunicatewiththeirchildren”(LaTorre2004:72).

ImanagedtopartiallytranslatethesecondtolastsongofthesetofcantosthatIwillpresent

forYemayá:

Yemayáoloodo,awalodolomio

Yemayáoloodo,awalodolomio

Olo,translatesto“ownerof”andodomeans“river,”sowecanbesurethatthiscantoispraising

Yemayáas“theowneroftheriver.”Mioshouldbepossessive,mostlikelymeaning“my,”butIhave

notbeenablefindthetranslationforawalodo,thoughIbelievelatterhalfofthewordisstillreferring

toariver(odo).

DuringmylastweekinCuba,IrodetheferryacrossthebaythatseparatesHavanawiththe

suburbofReglaonanumberofoccasions,atownoriginallyformedbyemancipatedslaveswhere

25

Erellivedwithhismother.Inthemiddleofeachcrossing,Erelwouldcrosshimself(aCatholic

tradition)withacoinandthentossitintheriverasagiftforYemayá.Heencouragedmetodothe

same.Aftermyhead-washingceremonyforObatalá,wegatheredtheremainderofthechoppedfruit

thathadbeenplacedonmyheadandleftitonthestairsofaCatholicChurch.Wethenwenttopay

tributetoYemayá,arrivingatthewater’sedgenexttothepopularmalecóninHavana.Welitacandle

and“washed”ourselveswithflowersandtheremainingfruitthatremainedintact(thisconsistedofa

circular“scrubbing”motionfromheadtoe)beforethrowingtheofferingsintotheocean.

SACREDVS.SECULAR:THEPROBLEMSOFFOLKLORICPRESENTATION

AtleastfromtheendoftheNineteenthCentury,mostpeople(includingacademics)have

dismissedSanteríaandotherAfro-Latinreligioustraditions.Theyerroneouslycategorizeitinoneof

twoways:First,theyhaveinterpreteditasastaticanddecliningtradition.Mostnon-practitioners

whohavebeenexposedtoSantería’sartistictraditionshavenotappreciatedSanteriaasaliving,

breathingformofcontemporaryreligiousexpression.Rather,theyhaveseenitasabitoffolkloric

traditionthatmodernCubanskeepaliveasafunandlivelyartformusedpurelyforentertainment.

ThecharacterizationanddemonstrationofSanteríamusicasfolkloricentertainmenthasallowedit

be“objectifiedandreconstructedwithoutconsiderationfor[its]contemporaryreligiouscontext”in

manyinstances(Hagedorn2001:4).Second,manyanalystshavewronglyassociateditsolelywith

theAfro-Cubanexperience:thatitissomethingthatisassociatedonlywiththehistoryofslaves

broughttoCuba,andisthereforeadyingbitoffolklorictraditionthatisbeinglostasCuba

modernizes.MyexperienceinCuba—alongwithmyresearchintothefaith—hasconvincedmethat

Santeriaisnotonlyanactivereligionthatlivesandbreathes,butisalsoafaiththatoperatesona

globalscale,flexibleenoughtoallowforlocalizedvariationandevolution,andwelcomingtopeople

whoareneitherblacknorCuban.

DuringtheearlyyearsoftheCubanRepublicattheturnoftheTwentiethCentury,Havana-

bornscholarFernandoOrtízbecamethefirstacademictowriteaboutAfro-Cubanreligious

traditions.HisfirstworksLosNegrosBrujos(“TheBlackWitches,”publishedin1901)andLosNegros

26

Esclavos(“TheBlackSlaves,”publishedin1916),werehighlyexoticizedaccountsofwhatIhavejust

explainedtobedeeplycomplexreligioustraditionswitharichhistory,equatingthesepracticesto

witchcraftandexoticfolkloreofa“simple”orunsophisticated“primitive”people(Castellanos2005

[1938]:153,andErel2017).

WhilehiswritingsseemedtoignoretheroleofAfro-Cubanartisticpracticesasalegitimate

formofreligiousexpressionandwereplainlyracist,Ortízwasthefirsttoorganizepublicstagingof

batádrummingin1936and1937,givingSanteríaanewpublicplatform.Thiswasthebeginningof

theConjuntoFolklórico,agroupthateventuallybecamethefirststate-sponsoredartisticcollectiveto

demonstrateAfro-Cubanartistic,andoriginallyreligious,practiceswithinahighlysecular“folkloric”

context(Hagedorn2001:5).

AfterOrtiz’sinitialwork,CubanbornscientistandwriterRómuloLachatañerébegandoing

hisownethnologicalresearchintoAfro-Cubanmusicandreligiouspractice.Lachatañeréestablished

“themethodologicalandsemanticroutestobefollowedbysubsequentCubanethnology”inhiswork

TheReligiousSystemoftheLucumísandOtherAfricaninfluenceinCuba(publishedin1946).Inhis

writinghereferencedFernandoOrtiz’sgroundbreakingwork,declaringhimselfadisciple,butstill

pointingouthismentor’smistakesandlimitations.HecritiquedOrtiz’sstudyofAfro-Cubanreligion

andartformsasmerelyastudyofthe“blackunderworld”thatwasbroughttoCubaby“primitive

peoples”asaresultofthetransatlanticslavetrade(Castellanos2005:xi).

Tohiscredit,OrtízpublishedLachatañeré’scritiqueinthepagesoftheacademicjournalhe

editedcalledEstudiosAfrocubanos.Asaresultofthisseeminglyunlikelycollaboration,Lachatañeré’s

anthropologicalapproachwasadoptedbyOrtíz,enabling“therapidadvanceofAfro-Cubansocieties

atacrucialpointin[their]development”andinspiringotheranthropologistsandethnomusicologists

(i.e.LydiaCabrera,KatherineHagedorn)tocontinuetoinvestigateboththehistoryand

contemporaryexistenceofdiverseAfro-Latintraditionsinmorecomprehensiveandrespectfulways.

(Castellanos2005:xi).TheethnographerJorgeCastellanoswritesaboutthedifficultiesthat

27

LachatañeréandhiscontemporariesfacedintheirefforttoobtainaccurateinformationaboutAfro-

Cubanculture:

Itwasnecessarytopenetratethesecrecyinwhichblackbelieverscloakedtheirbeliefsandtheircults,fearful—withgoodreason—ofattractingallmannerofdisdain,desecrationandpersecution.Tothearroganceofthedominantculturewasaddedtheunderstandableinferioritycomplexofthesubjugatedculture.Exorcisingthosedemonswasnotasimplematter(Castellanos2005viii).

WhileallofmyreligiousCubanfriendsandmentorswereveryopenandencouraging,I

couldtellthattheyweren’tsharingallofthesecretsoftheirfaith,oratleastwerejustgivingme

informationlittlebylittle.ThismakessensebecauseSanteríaisapracticethatoneentersgradually

throughaseriesofrituals,eachrevealingnewinformationaboutthereligion’s“secrets.”Thisisa

trajectorythatallpractitioners,includingCubansofWestAfricanorigin,mustfollow.Ifanything,

practitionersofSanteríahavefoundtheirreligiousbeliefstohavebecomemoreacceptableinthe

publiceye,allowingthemtobemorecomfortablepracticingtheirreligionopenlyandmore

empoweredtoshareaspectsoftheirtraditionswithforeignindividualsandcommunities.

Despiteitsnewfoundopennessandglobalpresence,thenuancedandhistoricalimbalanceof

powerbetweenethnicgroupscontinuestocreateproblematicsituationsinthecontextofsecular

presentationsofSantería,raisingquestionsabouthowtogivethesetraditionstheirownvoiceinthe

mostrespectfulmannerpossible.Thebestmethodstoavoidmischaracterizationofthetraditionare

educationandconversation.

SACREDVS.SECULAR:THETOURISTBOOM

WhentheCastroregimecametopower,itadoptedanofficialpolicyof“scientificatheism,”

whichdrewuponMarxaswellasthemodelsofCastro’sSovietbenefactors.Asaresult,theCastro

regimepersecutedpractitionersofSanteríaandotherAfrican-basedreligions.However,soonafter,

theCastrogovernmentbegantoselectivelysupportsomeofCuba’sAfrican-basedreligious

traditions,“legalizingcertainpractitionersandmainstreamingthesereligionsandtheiradherentsto

thetouristtrade”inanefforttomakemoney.Insodoing,thegovernmentprojectedawhite-washed

imageofadiverseandevolved“Cuban”heritageontotheisland’sdevelopingpost-revolutionary

28

identity.Thefirstartisticcollectivetobestate-sponsoredwasacontinuationofFernandoOrtíz’s

originalfolkloricproject,withthestateofficiallyestablishingtheConjuntoFolklóricoNacionalde

Cubain1962(Hagedorn2004:7,19).

InherbookDivineUtterances,KatherineHagedorninterviewsAlbertoVillareal,a

percussionistandsanterowhowasoneoftheConjunto’soriginalmembers.Inthisinterview,Villareal

explainsthatwhiletheformoftheConjunto’sperformanceswassecular,mostofthemembersofthe

ensembleweredeeplyreligiousandcommittedtotheSanteríatradition:

TheConjuntowasformedbyreligiouspeople,whoweretheoneswhomadereligionintoartbytheirstrength,theirabilities,theirinstruments,theirclothing…theConjuntowasbornofthatwhichisreligious,itwasbornofthereligion.We[thedrummers]werecapableofbringingreligiontoart”(Hagedorn2001:86).

Asfurtherevidenceofthecontinued“masking”ofthereligioustraditions—thistimefromtheCastro

regimeratherthantheSpanishcolonistsorCatholicpriests—Villarealexplainsthatinthesesecular

presentations,sacreddrumsareneverused,whichaccordingtoSanteríapractitionersmeansthat

themusicperformedinthesesecularcontextswouldnotconjuresacredpower(Hagedorn2001:99).

Keydifferencesofsecularperformanceandsacredpracticesincludetheperformativeintent

oftheparticipantsaswellasthenatureoftheirperformancepractice.Whilefolkloric

demonstrationsareorchestratedastypicalmusicrehearsalswheremusiciansarefreetorehearse

differentsectionsofanarrangementtoperfectaspecificarrangementthathasbeenpreviously

agreedupon,religiousritualsarerehearsedthroughrepetitionsoffunction.Inthereligiouspractice

ofSanteríathereisneveramomentwheretheintentofthemusicandmovementisanythingbesides

anattempttoaccessdivinepower(Hagedorn2001:12).

LinesbetweensacredandsecularperformancesbegantoblurbecausemanyAfro-Cuban

ritualmusicianswerealsoinvolvedinfolkloricperformances.Infact,asstatedbyAlbertoVillareal,if

itwasn’tforthereligiouspractitioners,whoallofasuddenhadbecomeresponsibleforaccurately

representingtheirtraditionstoanaudienceofoutsiders,thefolkloricensembleswouldnothavehad

anopportunitytoexist.Becauseofthecrossoverofmusiciansandarelativelyaccurateportrayalof

29

SanteríaandothersacredAfro-Cubantraditions,“thetaskofdifferentiatingbetweenreligiousand

folkloricintent[inperformance]isconstant”fortheartistsinvolved(Hagedorn2001:85).Folkloric

presentationshavesometimesinadvertentlyputmusiciansorreligiousaudiencemembersinto

divinetrancesbecauseofthereligiousbackgroundofmanyoftheperformers,aswellasthemusical

commonalitiesthatsecularpresentationssharewithreligiousritual(Hagedorn2001:112-116).In

hercontinuedinteractionswithAlbertoVillareal,HagedornconcludesthatVillarealwalkstheline

betweenanactivesanteroand“apreserverofhisreligioustradition,’’eventhoughheclaimsthathis

workandhisreligionaretotallyseparate”(Hagedorn2001:98).Inthiscase,oneroleconsistsof

fosteringcontinuedreligiouspracticeswithinhiscommunity,whereastheotherroleisoneofa

culturalambassadorwhointroducesforeignerstoLucumíinanefforttoeducatecommunities

outsideofhisown.ThisdualsenseofpurposeseemstomirrortherolethatmyteacherGilberto

Moralesplaysasabothababalawoandasecularmusician.

Despitethesuccessandgrowingpopularityofthesestate-sponsoredAfro-Cubanfolkloric

groups,mostmanifestationsofreligiositywerestillseenascounter-revolutionarybytheCastro

regime.PractitionersofSanteríawerestilldiscriminatedagainst,notbeingallowedtojointhe

CommunistPartyandsometimesdeniedprofessionaltraining,education,andhousing(Marouan57).

DuringmyowntimeinCuba,GilbertoMoralestoldmethatheandhisfamilypracticed

SanteríainsecretduringtheCastroregime,despitebeingabletoopenlyplayreligiousmusicina

folkloriccontext.Gilberto’sviewisthatitwasnotuntil1998,afterthearrivalofthePopeJohnPaulII

inCuba,thattheCastroregimebegantorelaxpoliciesenforcingsecularism,allowinghimandothers

tomorefreelyandopenlypracticehisreligion(Morales2017).Hisperceptionmusthavecoincided

withdrasticchangesintheCubaneconomicmentalitythatdevelopedafterthecollapseoftheSoviet

Unionin1989.SovietsupportfortheCubaneconomyvanished,andneitherthestrugglingsugar

industry,northerevivalofthecigarmarketcouldbalanceCuba’smassivetradedeficit.Withits

beaches,tropicalclimate,andeasilyexoticizedhistory,openingthecountrytotourismseemedtobe

theonlyanswer(Hagedorn2004:7).

30

ThetouristtradehasprovidedsomeeconomicopportunitiesforCubanpeople,bringing

globalinfluenceandanincreaseinforeigninvestment.However,itwaseasyevenformetoperceive

duringmyshorttimeinCubathattheCastrogovernmentprioritizestourists’well-beingoverthatof

Cubancitizens.Thetwotypesofcurrencyarethefirstsignsofdisparity,withtheCubanpeso

equatingtoonlyonetwenty-fourthofthetouristdollar(CUC).WhileinMatanzas,Iheardmany

storiesaboutlocalgrocerystoresrunningoutofmanytypesoffoodonarelativelyregularbasis

becausethegovernmentchosetoprioritizemaintaininganabundantfoodsupplyfortouristsonthe

beachesofneighboringVaradero.

TouristscomingtoCubahavealsobecomeincreasinglyexcitedaboutallformsofAfro-

Cubanmusic,includingfolkloricpresentationsofSanteríapractices.TheCastrogovernment’splanto

commodifyreligioustraditionhassucceededandledtoformsofwhatisnowcalledSanturismo.This

formoffetishizedtourismhascreatedamarketforforeignerstopayagreatlyinflatedpricetotake

partinritualsandinitiationsofreligionsthatstillfacediscriminationanderasure.Thishaspromoted

“theriseofnewreligiousvoicesthat[havechallenged]thecommercializationofthereligion”

(Marouan58).HagedornwritesthatonecouldeasilyarguethatthefolkloricizationofAfro-Cuban

religioustraditionsisinherentlyproblematic,describinga“historicizedprocessinwhichaninward-

directed,noncommodifiedreligioustraditionbecomesoutward-directed,commodified,staged,and

secularized”forpublicconsumption(Hagedorn2004:9).

Despitefeelingwaryoffolkloricpresentation,HagedorncomplimentsAlbertoVillareal’s

abilitytoprogramsecularpresentationswhilerespectingreligiouspractices:“Inthesamewaythat

[Villareal]guardstheauthenticityofthefolkloricrenditionsofhisreligion,healsoguardsthesecrets,

sothatthepartialversionhegivesisabsolutelyauthentic,compromisingneithertheintegrityofthe

folkloricperformance,northesanctityofitsreligiousantecedent”(KatherineHagedorn2001:98-

99).Tome,thisanimportantobservationthatrecognizesthatwhengiventheautonomy,Santería

communitieshavethepotentialtoaccuratelyrepresentthemselvesinwaysthatbringexposureto

theirculturalpracticeswhilestillpreservingsacredritual.AgainIseesimilaritiesbetweenVillareal

andmyteacherGilbertoMorales.

31

DuringmytimeinCubaIwenttosecularfolkloricpresentationsthatwereperformedbya

combinationofreligiousandnon-religiousmusiciansattendedbyamixedaudienceofreligiousand

non-religiouspersons.Theseperformanceswalkedthelinebetweensecularandsacredbecause,

whilenotperformedforaspecificreligiouspurpose,religiousperformersandattendeeswerestill

payingtributetotheorichasintheirownway.Despitenotactuallysummoningthedeities,themusic

andrhythmswereclearlyenoughtostimulatepeople’sfaithandbuildcommunity.Hagedornwrites

aninterestingpassageabouttherolethatpeople’sphysicalbodiesplayinthespacebetweensacred

andsecularperformance:

Thesphereofsacredintentismostoftenconstructedbyresurrectingthememoryofthesacredinbothfolkloricandreligiousperformance.Andinbothtypesofperformance,thememoryofthesacredistranslatedthroughthebody.Thebodyiswhere“sacred”and“secular”meet,wheretheboundariesareblurred,anditisthisliminalspacethatisbothpowerfulanddisruptivebecauseitcallsintoquestiontheperformativecategoriesimpliedbytheterms‘sacred’and‘secular’andforcestheparticipantstorenegotiatetheirrespective“rulesofengagement”(Hagedorn2001:77).

Becausethemusicplayedduringreligioustoquesisusedtosummonorichassothatthey

mayphysicallypossesstheirhumanchildren,itisactuallytheindividualpractitionersthemselves

whohavethepowertoallowthemusicofSanteríatoaffecttheminspiritualways.Evenfolkloric

performancesusingsecularbatádrumshavecausedreligiouslistenerstohaveseizuresorfallinto

trancesduetodivineintervention(Hagedorn2001:75-88).Thespacebetweensacredandsecular

performanceisnavigatedbytheperformativeintentoftheparticipants.

Navigatingthisperformativeintenthasalwaysbeenanimportantaspectofperformingwith

LawrenceUniversity’sTamboToké,anensemblethatIamfortunateenoughtoco-direct.Asreligious

outsiders,ourgoalistolearnandpresentAfro-Cubanmusic,includingthatofSantería,as

authenticallyaspossiblewithanintenttoeducatemembersoftheensembleandouraudiences

aboutthesenuancedmusicalpracticesandthedeephistoryofcommunalritualthattheyrepresent.

Astheleadcaller(akpwon)ofthegroup,IamconstantlyoratinginLucumí,frequentlywondering

whetheritismyplacetodoso.TheoverwhelmingencouragementIhavereceivedfromCuban

Santeríapractitionershasinspiredmetoeducatemyselffurther,notonlybecauseIlovethemusic,

32

butalsobecauseIfeelaresponsibilitytoaccuratelyportraytheemotionaldepth,historical

complexity,andlivingfaiththatthemusicrepresents.

CONCLUSIONS

Despitetheegregiousdisadvantagesofaracializedglobalizedcapitalistsystemstilldictated

byhistoricallycolonialpowers,theimportantadvantageofthedevelopmentofsecularfolkloric

practicehasbeentheincreasedexposureofimportantAfro-Latintraditions.Whileracistundertones

andlackofeducationallowthemusictobeeasilycommodified,exoticized,andappropriatedby

foreigners,manymusicians,dancers,andreligiouspractitionersarguethatanyexposurecanbegood

exposureandencourageconversationandeducation(Bumbo2017,Morales2017,Martínez2018,

Hagedorn2001:101).

DuringaTamboTokémasterclasswithaccomplishedmusicianandCuban-bornsantero

PedritoMartínezinAprilof2018,MartínezemphasizedthatsecularperformancesofAfro-Cuban

traditionsshouldbeaccessibletoanyone.Hekeptrepeatingthatthetypeofinformedand

educationalperformancethatwestriveforis“goodfortheculture.”Herelatedtousthatitwasthe

cantosandbatárhythmsthatfirstattractedhimtoLucumí,encouraginghimtonotonlylearnthe

music,buteducatehimselfaboutthereligiousritualsandculturalhistoryaswell(Martínez2018).I

believethatitisthispurecuriositythatcanbeinspiredbybothsacredandsecularformatsof

Santería,thelatterbeingmuchmoreeasilyaccessibleformembersoftheglobalcommunityand

thereforeholdingavastamountofeducationalpotentialtointroducepreviouslyuninformed

populationstonotonlyawealthofoverlookedartisticpractices,butalsotoanancient,yetinherently

fluid,religiouspracticethatcontinuestosurvive,thrive,andadapt.

OnekeyreasonSanteríahasbeenabletowithstandabruptchangeandconstantexternal

pressureisbecauseofitsinternalemphasisonpayinghomagetoancestrallineage(respectingthe

egun)andtheimportantpracticeofactivelybuildingnewcommunitythroughauralritual.Ibelieve

thatitisthisvaluespecificallythatencourageddisplacedWestAfricanswithanobscuredsenseof

33

heritagetoevolvefromwithinandclaimspacesofthestolenislandastheirown,buildingasenseof

communityandhistoryfromtheremainsofwhatwastakenawayfromthem.

SanteríaisabletoauthenticallyrepresentaversionoftheruleofIfá,allowingits

practitionerstotakepartinadevelopingtransnationalYorubanidentityandconnecttotheiroriginal

West-Africanhistory,aswellassimultaneouslybeingabletoprogressforwardwithlivingtradition

andadaptreligiouspracticesonlocallevels.Complimentingsacredritualisthefolkloricpresentation

ofanadjacentsecularmusical“genre”that,whenexecutedcorrectly,hasthepotentialtoeducate

audiencesandbringimportantexposuretoSantería,itsmusic,andthegreaterWestAfrican

Diaspora.

Justlikethereligionitself,myrelationshiptoSanteríaanditsartisticpracticeswillcontinue

toevolve.IamgratefultohavehadtheopportunitytolearnwhatIcanaboutthisimportanttradition

andamhumbledtoplayasmallroleinexposingitsmusictonewcommunities.

34

LUCUMÍTRANSLATIONS

Aché:PositiveSpiritualPower

Alagba/Alagbalagba:Respected

Agó:Aphrasethatasksforpermission(Knock-Knock)

Agoya:Enter

Aiku:Longlife

Ajuba:WeSaluteyou

Akpwon:Leadsinger/callerwhensingingcantos

Ala:Dream

Aña:Orichaofthedrum

Awo:Secret

Babá:Father

Babalawo:PriestofOrula,ApractitioneroftheRegladeIfá

Babaloricha/Babalocha:ASanterowhohasinitiatedothersintotheafaith

Iyaloricha/Iyalocha:ASanterowhohasinitiatedothersintotheafaith

Bogbo/Gbogbo:All

Di-logun:Molluskshellsusedfordivinationbybabalochasandiyalochas

Ebbó:Sacrifice

Egun:One’sancestors

Ekuele:Divingchain

Elegguá:Orichawhooverseesthecommunicationlevelsbetweenthehumanrealmandthedivine

Eleri/Eri/Ori:Head

Foribale(Moforibale):Salutebyprostrating(actofgreeting/respectingtheorichas)

Güemilere:Tambor/ToquedeSanto(Ritualcelebrationofinvokingtheoricha)

Igboro:OrichaPriest

Ikú/Icú:Death

Ilé:Home

35

Ina:Fire

Iré:Blessings,Goodfortune(intheformofenergy)

Iroko:Laceiba–Asacredtree

Iyá:Mother

Iyawó:Wife

Mi:My

Mo:I

Mojuba:Salute/Salutation/Homage/Prayer

Mokékeré:Babies/Children

Obá:King

Obiní:Woman

Oguede:Plantain

Oke:Mountain

Okuni:Man

Olo:Owner,onewhohas…

Olofi/Oloddumare:OmnipotentandOmnipresentGodthatbestowedachétoallexistingorichas

Omá:Children

Omí:Water

Omordé:Woman“inthespecificsenseoftheword”(Castellanos2005[1938]:151)

Oricha:AnanimisticdeityofYorubanoriginwithsomeamountofcontroloverthenaturalworld

Orún:Heaven,orSun

Orunmila:OrichawholivesbetweenheavenandEarth,consultedbybabalawosbecauseofhispowersofdivination

Owo/Olowo/Oguo:Money

Patakí:storiesthatdepictdiversemythologyofLucumíorichas

Wa:Come

Yemayá:Orichaoffertility,Queenofwater,motherofalllife

Yeye:Mama/informalnameformother

36

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