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The Routledge Handbook on Informal Urbanization

Edited by Roberto Rocco and Jan van Ballegooijen

ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOKS

THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON INFORMAL URBANIZATION

The Routledge Handbook on Informal Urbanization investigates the mutual relationship between the struggle for political inclusion and processes of informal urbanization in diff erent socio- political and cultural settings.

It seeks a middle ground between two opposing perspectives on the political meaning of urban informality. The fi rst, the ‘emancipatory perspective’, frames urban informality as a practice that fosters autonomy, entrepreneurship and social mobility. The other perspective, more critical, sees informality predominantly as a result of political exclusion, inequality, and poverty. Do we see urban informality as a fertile breeding ground for bottom- up democracy and more political participation? Or is urban informality indeed merely the result of a democratic defi cit caused by governing autocratic elites and ineff ective bureaucracies?

This book displays a wide variety of political practices and narratives around these positions based on narratives conceived upon specifi c case cities. It investigates how processes of urbanization are politicized in countries in the Global South and in transition economies.

The handbook explores 24 cities in the Global South, as well as examples from Eastern Europe, and East Asia, with contributions written by a global group of scholars familiar with the cases (often local scholars working in the cities analyzed) who off er unique insight on how informal urbanization can be interpreted in diff erent contexts. These contributions engage the extreme urban environments under scrutiny which are likely to be the new laboratories of 21st- century democracy. It is vital reading for scholars, practitioners, and activists engaged in informal urbanization.

Roberto Rocco is a senior Assistant Professor in the Department of Urbanism of the Delft University of Technology. He has got a degree in Architecture and Planning from the University of S ã o Paulo and a post- graduate MSc degree in Spatial Planning from the same university. He worked as an independent researcher for NGOs in Brazil before being awarded a PhD by TU Delft in 2008, with a thesis on ‘new urban geographies of globalization’. He has published on issues of governance, sustainability, and spatial justice and currently focuses on challenges of urbanization in the Global South and the implementation and governance of the New Urban Agenda.

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Jan van Ballegooijen is an independent researcher and practicing architect. He received an MSc degree at Delft University of Technology in 2011, with a project focusing on the relationships between democratization and urban informality in S ã o Paulo’s periphery. At TU Delft, he has also worked as a research assistant for the chair ‘Design as Politics’, investigating the tensions between pol-itics and urban design. Besides his current work as an independent researcher, he is also a practicing architect in the Netherlands and Belgium. He is currently expanding his research on the relationship between urban informality and democracy.

9781138183889_pi-292.indd ii9781138183889_pi-292.indd ii 19-Nov-18 6:54:56 PM19-Nov-18 6:54:56 PM

THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON INFORMAL URBANIZATION

Edited by Roberto Rocco and Jan van Ballegooijen

9781138183889_pi-292.indd iii9781138183889_pi-292.indd iii 19-Nov-18 6:54:56 PM19-Nov-18 6:54:56 PM

First published 2019 by Routledge

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and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 Taylor & Francis

The right of Roberto Rocco and Jan van Ballegooijen to be identifi ed as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in

accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or

hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice : Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifi cation and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data A catalog record for this title has been requested

ISBN: 978- 1- 138- 18388- 9 (hbk) ISBN: 978- 1- 315- 64554- 4 (ebk)

Typeset in Bembo by Out of House Publishing

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vii

CONTENTS

List of Figures x List of Tables xiii List of Contributors xiv Acknowledgments xix

1. The Political Meaning of Informal Urbanization 1 Roberto Rocco and Jan van Ballegooijen

2. Ahmedabad: Urban Informality and the Production of Exclusion 11 Vrushti Mawani and Michael Leaf

3. Ankara: Struggles for Housing- Legitimate, Self- Contradictory, or Both? Impacts of Clientelism and Rights- Seeking on Informal Housing in Ankara 22 Yelda K ı z ı lda ğ Ö zdemirli

4. Informal Settlements in the Balkans: Squatters’ Magic Realism Vs. Planners’ Modernist Fantasy Vs. Governments’ Tolerance and Opportunism 34 Dorina Pojani

5. Beirut: Dahiye- An Active Space for Social Justice and Resistance- Re- Imagining Informality in Light of Growing Urban Marginality 44 Nabil Nazha

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viii

Contents

6. Belo Horizonte: New Urban Occupations in the Metropolitan Area of Belo Horizonte and the Struggle for Housing Rights 54 Maria Tereza Fonseca Dias, Juliano dos Santos Calixto, Larissa Pirchiner de Oliveira Vieira, Ananda Martins Carvalho, Carolina Spyer Vieira Assad, Lucas Nasser Marques de Souza, F ú lvio Alvarenga Sampaio, Julia Dinardi Alves Pinto, and Marcos Bernardes Rosa

7. Cairo: Right to the City and Public Space in Post- Revolutionary Cairo 65 Noheir Elgendy and Alessandro Frigerio

8. Fortaleza: Informal Urbanization Versus Modernization- Popular Resistance in Fortaleza, Brazil 76 Germana C â mara, Clarissa Freitas, and Beatriz Rufi no

9. Guangzhou: Fewer Contestations, More Negotiations- A Multi- Scalar Understanding of the ‘Politics of Informal Urbanization’ in Southern China 87 Josefi ne Fokdal and Peter Herrle

10. Guayaquil: Confl icting Competences in Guayaquil’s Contested and (In)Formal Periphery 100 Alina Delgado, Olga Peek, and Viviana d’Auria

11. Hanoi: A Study of Informally Developed Housing and its Role in the Political Arena of a Post- Reform Communist City 112 Stephanie Geertman and Boram Kim

12. Harare: Informality and Urban Citizenship- Housing Struggles in Harare, Zimbabwe 124 Davison Muchadenyika, Molin K. Chakamba, and Patience Mguni

13. Jerusalem: The Multifaceted Politics of Informality in Jerusalem at the Time of the Israeli- Palestinian Confl ict 135 Francesco Chiodelli

14. Johannesburg: The Political Ecology of the Right to the Rainbow City- Informal Spaces and Practices and the Quest for Socio- Environmental Rights in Urbanizing Johannesburg 147 Costanza La Mantia

15. Khartoum: The Politics of Displacement in a Confl ictive Polity 160 Budoor Bukhari

16. Lima: Informal Urbanization and the State- The Rise and Fall of Urban Populism in Lima 170 Matteo Stiglich and Adri á n Lerner

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ix

Contents

17. Mashhad: Claiming the Right to the City- Informal Urbanization in the Holy City of Mashhad 182 Elham Bahmanteymouri and Mohsen Mohammadzadeh

18. Medellin: Performative Infrastructures- Medellin’s Governmental Technologies of Informality- The Case of the Encircled Garden Project in Comuna 8 193 Catalina Ortiz and Camillo Boano

19. Mumbai: Profi t Versus People- The Struggle for Inclusion in Mumbai 205 Rohan Varma and Kritika Sha

20. Nairobi: The Socio- Political Implications of Informal Tenement Housing in Nairobi, Kenya 215 Miriam Maina and Baraka Mwau

21. Port- au- Prince: Haiti’s Disaster Urbanism- The Emerging City of Canaan 226 Angela Sherwood, Laura Smits, and Anna Konotchick

22. Rio de Janeiro: Tackling Informality in Low- Income Housing- The Case of the Metropolitan Area of Rio de Janeiro 238 Alex Ferreira Magalh ã es

23. S ã o Paulo: Corti ç os - Interstitial Urbanization in Central S ã o Paulo 248 Jeroen Stevens, Bruno De Meulder, and D é bora Sanches

24. S ã o Paulo: Occupations- A Pedagogy of Confrontation- Informal Building Occupations in S ã o Paulo’s Central Neighborhoods 259 Alexandre Apsan Frediani, Beatrice De Carli, Benedito Roberto Barbosa, Francisco de Assis Comar ú , and Ricardo de Sousa Moretti

25. Seoul: The Evolution of Informal Settlers’ Political Gains in Changing State Regimes in Seoul 270 Boram Kim, Hogeun Park, and Jaehyeon Park

26. Yogyakarta: Slum Dwellers’ Strategies and Tactics in Yogyakarta, Indonesia 281 Sonia Roitman

Index 293

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10 GUAYAQUIL

Confl icting Competences in Guayaquil’s Contested and (In)Formal Periphery

Alina Delgado, Olga Peek, and Viviana d’Auria

Introduction Latin America is far ahead in terms of urbanization rates when compared to other regions of the world which are expected to become predominantly urbanized in the upcoming decades (UN- Habitat, 2012 ). In the long course of crafting the Latin American city, processes of so- called ‘informal’ and ‘formal’ city- making have always interacted in distinctive ways (Moser, 1994 ; Holston, 2008 ). In the regions of Latin America that nowadays feature urbanization rates greater than 80% (Atlantic Council, 2014 ), a large share of their urban areas has been self- built, as in the case of Lima (60%) and Caracas (90%) (Sáez et al., 2010, p. 79; UN-Habitat, 2016). With an estimated 70% of the housing stock built without offi cial plans or studies, 1 Guayaquil has featured a comparable development (SIGMU, 2012 ; El Expreso , 2016 ). Waves of land invasion and land traffi cking were commonly followed by convenient piecemeal regularization by local authorities and national governments, revealing an iterative process of spatial production and extreme porosity between formal and informal processes. In this context, informality’s stigmatized def-inition as a concept and practice diverging from state- or capital- driven institutions and organizations has consolidated in spite of pleas for its reconceptualization (Roy, 2005 ; Gilbert, 2007 ; Varley, 2013 ). The deliberate labeling of certain sites and practices as ‘informal’ has therefore been a clear gesture aimed at separating city- making produced by the hegemonic sphere of formal institutions from the majority of marginalized self- builders. Instead of a place- making process from which to learn from (Hardoy & Satterthwaite, 1989 ; Lombard, 2014 ), informal settlements, pervasively labeled as slums, remain misun-derstood in their everyday life and actual genesis, however entwined with formal processes they may be.

As the main city and port of Ecuador, Guayaquil off ers specifi c insights into how processes of informal urbanization evolve in relation to a complex estuarine landscape, extreme vulnerability to climate change, and confl icting administrative competences. In the absence of a territorial vision and the designation of a metropolitan area, the central, provincial, and municipal authorities, as well as rural parishes and cantons, overlap in sectors such as housing, infrastructure provision, and public health. In peripheral areas these confl icting competences create diffi culties for basic service provision and land legalization (Delgado, 2013b ).

Drawing on Guayaquil as an exemplary case for the exploration of the ideas above, this chapter scrutinizes the ways in which so- called ‘informal’ and ‘formal’ urbanization processes have shaped and reshaped the city’s periphery during the past 15 years in relation to a rapidly changing political land-scape. In the past two decades, neoliberal policies have paved the way for large- scale urban projects as a

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means to attract investments to Guayaquil. Local scholars have illustrated how these projects promoted spatial and social segregation, besides also inducing the displacement of informal settlers (Garces, 2004 ; Andrade, 2005 ; Fern á ndez- Mora, 2006 ; Swanson, 2007 ). Moreover, the chapter advocates furthering an understanding of informality as a phenomenon extending well beyond the conventional view of settlements earmarked as illegal, recognizing its links with state- and capital- driven speculation, and its constituency as an agency- driven process related to auto- construction. Therefore, through the cases of Monte Sinai, a peripheral informal settlement in Guayaquil, and the Socio Vivienda , the Ecuadorian government- led housing project, this chapter questions to what extent citizens have been able to ful-fi ll their rights to housing and to the city within the latest wave of urban development. Monte Sinai has become the ‘promised land’ for many young generations of urban poor, while Socio Vivienda has become a deeply troubled environment following forced relocation. Through the analysis of both cases, informality is found to be a pervasive phenomenon, common to both state- led initiatives and private speculation. Such pervasiveness is facilitated by confl icting competences between central and local governments, their conceptions of informal development, and the measures adopted to tackle it.

This study builds on fi eldwork and interviews by Alina Delgado in Monte Sinai, and by Olga Peek in Socio Vivienda II . In Monte Sinai a dozen semi- structured interviews were held with communal leaders, inhabitants, and staff (engineers, architects, and social workers) from the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development of Ecuador (MIDUVI). Additionally, three in- depth interviews with com-munal leaders representing the 36 cooperatives of Monte Sinai were held. Following an overview of Guayaquil’s (in)formal urbanization, the chapter explores the case of Monte Sinai as part of the city’s contested urban frontier. Insight from Socio Vivienda II is used to complement the refl ection on confl icting planning competences that have engendered shifts and inversions in the meaning of infor-mality and its political use. Findings are based on extensive participant observation in the fi eld, in- depth interviews with multiple members of eight selected households, and three additional interviews with architects and project managers involved in the construction process of the mass housing programme.

Th e Informal Urbanization of Guayaquil The city of Guayaquil has been a key arena for ground- breaking research on informal urbanization. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, early urban expansion processes by pioneer self- builders shaped the city’s edges through progressive construction (Moser, 1982 ). Longitudinal studies have illustrated the potential of self- built housing as a basic resource enabling the urban poor to accumulate other assets over time (Moser, 2009 ). Moser’s work has been echoed by comparable studies in Lima (Hordijk, 2015 ) and Rio de Janeiro (Perlman, 2010 ). Concurrently, all three studies have highlighted how formerly informal settlements may have physically consolidated and socially diversifi ed, but fare weakly when it comes to security and capacity to transcend structural transformations. Without fundamental support, a bias on land titling and formalized informality appears incapable of off ering a genuine alternative to younger urban generations. Those who are born and bred in self- made neighborhoods continue to suff er from protracted marginalization in spite of physical and material progress in their urban environments.

These lessons help us look back to the important paradigm shift in the conception of urban informality grounded in the Latin American experience which provided a breeding ground for empirical inquiries (Turner, 1967 ; Caminos et al., 1969 ; Matos Mar, 1977 ), impacting signifi cantly on housing policies in the region itself and worldwide. Self- help was gradually recognized as a viable housing solution for low- income populations and adopted in national and local policy frameworks (Ward, 2012 ). 2 Yet, as urban life is rapidly changing, these policies are again ripe for re- formulation (Ward, 2015 ), especially in the light of land scarcity and housing fi nancialization. Nonetheless, constructing a home is recognized by Moser as key for building other assets, and the possibility to develop it incrementally – often confused with ‘informally’ – as the only appro-priate option in absence of other aff ordable opportunities. This is a key question for Guayaquil in general and the residents of Monte Sinai in particular, since land and housing continue to be


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preferred resources for the setting up of clientelistic practices. In this context, delaying the for-malization of self- built areas has hindered the establishment of rights- based relationships, leading to the dismissal of citizens’ claims.

Indeed, throughout the 1960s and 1970s, urban expansion in Guayaquil occurred mainly through informal urbanization, including the city’s fi rst suburbios . The extent to which pioneer urban dwellers were actually successful in fi nding an aff ordable living space within the Latin American city was highly dependent on local political conditions (Chambers, 2005 ). In fact, land occupations and informal settlements on Guayaquil municipal lands were generally ignored, tolerated or even encouraged by local authorities – who made cheap land available in exchange for political votes (Rojas & Villavicencio, 1988 ; Moser, 2009 , p. 50). Furthermore, illicit sale of properties by land speculators and swindlers has been a common practice throughout Guayaquil’s urbanization (Villavicencio et al., 1989 ).

The city’s latest urban transformations focus on state- assisted mass housing for low- income groups in the form of gated communities and so called microviviendas (micro housing) . Such projects are promoted by both national and local governments through public- private partnerships. In fact, in the absence of clear planning competences and urban development frameworks, large- scale urbanizaciones under the initiative of real- estate developers have emerged along the northern edge of Guayaquil ( El Universo, 2011 ). 3 In this emerging fringe, informal settlements were established since land in the suburbios began to get scarcer, and among those informal settlements is Monte Sinai, one of the latest ‘informal’ urban development areas, which is a major focus of this chapter (see Figure 10.1 ).

Relatively recent political changes, under the aegis of the Buen Vivir national project, have encouraged the creation of equal opportunities for all citizens, emphasizing equitable housing solutions as a main priority for “improving people’s quality of life” (SENPLADES, 2013 , p. 29). On this note, Guayaquil also off ers a view on how the particular Ecuadorian national project of Buen Vivir is implemented in practice, elucidating how informality is conceived and how vulnerable communities may or may not be able to access the city. The term Buen Vivir has been actively used by social movements across Latin America and refers to a collective well- being that stems from the indigenous notion of ‘good living’ ( ‘sumak kawsay ’). Later the term was institutionalized and adopted in the new Constitutions of Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009) (Gudynas, 2011 ). The nationwide approach to well- being has been recognized as a positive turn, since it promised to off er alternatives to predominantly neoliberal policies that promoted development based on infrastructure investments and attraction of capital rather than community participation. Yet the ‘Urban Revolution’ 4 has not hindered the prevailing frictions between informal and formal urbanization processes and struggles across Guayaquil’s urban periphery. In the course of more than fi ve decades of urban consolidation and city expansion, these have resulted in an increasingly fragmented urban landscape.

Th ree Generations of Informal Urban Peripheries Guayaquil, founded by the Spanish almost fi ve centuries ago, is situated on a fragile landscape at the confl uence of the rivers Guayas, Daule, and Babahoyo, the largest estuarine ecosystem of Latin America’s Pacifi c Coast (Twilley, 2001 ). The estimated metropolitan population of Guayaquil adds up to 2.7 million (INEC, 2011 ) extending over more than 34 hectares of urban area with water- covered surfaces currently accounting for 8% of the total area ( Municipalidad de Guayaquil , 2008 ). Ever since colonial times, urbanization processes were strongly bound to the transformation of water. Urban growth patterns are closely related to port activities and have closely interacted with the country’s export- oriented economy. This is true particularly until the late 1980s, when urbanization occurred mainly through marshland reclamation (Dellavaud, 1997 ). This process enabled the formation of the Suburbio and Guasmo neighborhoods, which today are consolidated urban areas counting a population close to one million (INEC, 2011 ).

Guayaquil has developed into a highly unequal city, with a Gini coeffi cient of 0.41 (SENPLADES, 2015 ) – amongst the highest in the country – and where the rich earn on average 24.2 times more


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than the urban poor (UN- Habitat, 2012 , p. 56). The current conditions of inequality and fragmen-tation are not only rooted in socio- economic denominators but also related to a long and complex urbanization process alternating waves of laissez- faire with more active involvement by local and central governments in providing services and infrastructure. Within this logic, self- provided housing by newcomers was intermittently empowered, allowing for apparent inclusion, albeit on environ-mentally vulnerable areas where land was being occupied, with little concern for the speculative and clientelist practices that were being encouraged in the meantime (Rojas, 1989 ).

As in other Latin American cities, Guayaquil’s inner city tugurizaci ó n (slumming) preceded city extension in absorbing bridgeheaders (Turner, 1968 ; Gilbert & Ward, 1982 ). 5 Tenants soon attempted to escape from overcrowded rooms in central areas in search of a home of their own, which triggered the formation of the fi rst suburbios . Land and de facto ownership were obtained through piecemeal occupations on marshland where middlemen and swindlers, locally referred to as cabecillas , sold plots to low- income families. Pioneer dwellers settled in these areas from the late 1940s, building bamboo houses on stilts above the marshlands or water, making them accessible through narrow wooden catwalks. The plots were fi lled in with rubble and materials extracted from the city’s hilly parts, grad-ually transforming water- based living spaces into brick and asphalt. The urban fabric was built up incrementally by successive generations and was subsequently structured and serviced in the long course of collective action and popular struggles for public action. Populist mayor Assad Bucaram (1967– 1970) promoted public infrastructure provision, such as roads and electricity, in exchange for political votes (Villavicencio et al., 1989 ). Such clientelist practices were a way for newcomers to claim basic services and infrastructure. Guayaquil’s Suburbio became the fastest growing area of the city, hosting 12% of the population in 1950 and 60% by 1975 (Moser, 2009 , p. 47).

During the 1970s the local government launched an urban renewal campaign through which 130 tugurios were demolished (Bock, 2014 ). As a result, the inhabitants were expelled from central areas towards an area called Guasmo , as the area called Suburbio was already owner- occupied. Among Guasmo ’s fi rst inhabitants, 75% previously lived in inner city tugurios (Godard, 1988 ). The construction of a new maritime port at the southern edge of the city in 1963 enhanced migration to Guasmo even further.

Towards the end of the 1980s, urbanization modes and the ways in which the urban poor could self- build their way into the city changed radically. Accessing land became more diffi cult for young home- seekers, as space was becoming increasingly scarce and the state became less tolerant towards new land occupations. Following global commodifi cation of the housing market (Rolnik, 2013 ), Ecuador created a new form of public- private partnership in housing provision under the Law of State Modernisation and Decentralisation (RE, 1994 ). Thus, the role of the state in the provision of housing changed from ‘non- provider’ to indirect provider of housing or facilitator of the process (Delgado, 2013b ; Klaufus & Cedr é s, 2014 ).

Under the command of right- leaning conservative mayors Leon Febr é s- Cordero (1992– 2000) and Jaime Nebot Saadi (elected in 2000 and re elected in 2004, 2009, and 2014), a new administrative model for the city was implemented prioritizing land commodifi cation and economic investments over social and community assets (All á n, 2011 ). Before Febr é s- Cordero’s administration, the urban center had been left to decay (Delgado, 2013a ), and on a city- wide level infrastructure services were disorganized and insuffi cient. 6 The novel municipal trend was epitomized by the waterfront renewal of Malec ó n 2000, introduced as the “recovery of Guayaquil’s history and identity by restoring city- river connections” (Fern á ndez- Mora, 2006 , p. 4; Delgado, 2013a ). This intervention gained inter-national recognition; in 2004 Guayaquil was even named the best- managed city in Latin America by the United Nations Development Program (Fernandez- Maldonado & Fernandez- Davila, 2007 ) while Malec ó n 2000 was awarded in 2005 (Raftery, 2006 ). The implementation of this new admin-istrative model coincided with the signifi cant spread of large informal settlements in north- western Guayaquil. Nationwide, economic crises and natural disasters contributed to this coincidence, with coastal areas suff ering heavily from El Ni ñ o (Delgado, 2013a ).


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After the marshlands to the south of city were no longer able to absorb massive migration, many younger households turned to the northern areas in search of a home. Early settlers could already be found on the Mapasingue hills in the late 1960s, while larger settlements arose along the Via Perimetral at the end of the 1980s. Urbanization advanced in Monte Sinai, were land occupations were promoted by Marcos Sol í s, a well established ‘informal’ land developer considered the founder of the settlement ( El Universo , 2010 ) 7 . Here, 2,500 hectares between the Trasvase canal and the Papagayo woods were fi lled between 2006 and 2008, mainly outside the city’s offi cial boundaries (MIDUVI- BID, 2011 ).

Formal development represents the latest generation of state action in this ‘new’ urban fringe. In the context of housing access and aff ordability, after the mixed performance of Plan Techo (1985– 1988) in trying to cope with housing demands under mayor Cordero’s lead (Carrion, 1988 ), both municipal and national governments have returned to center stage in terms of housing provision. After 1996, this role has enabled the construction of large- scale market- driven housing projects (Trujillo, 2009 ) through a subsidy system known as the ABC formula (Klaufus, 2009 ; Klaufus & Cedr é s, 2014 ) and participation of the private sector in the construction. Initial savings corresponding to 10% of the housing costs were complemented with a bonus by the Ministry of Housing (MIDUVI), and a loan provided by private fi nancial institutions.

In 2005, the municipality launched the Mucho Lote housing programme, followed by Mi Lote in 2011. Both were intended for low- income housing, but in fact were only aff ordable for middle- income households. 8 The national government focused on the construction of social housing: Socio Vivienda Phase I featured 3,027 built housing units, Phase II foresees 14,000 housing units out of which 2,800 have been built and delivered (2010– present) (see Figure 10.2 ), and Ciudad Victoria 8,000 housing units (2012).

Figure 10.2 Formal and informal urban developments. Phase I of the Socio Vivienda housing project lies in the foreground, whereas the Guerreros del Fortin and Horizontes del Guerrero cooperatives occupy the hillsides. Source: photo by Alina Delgado.


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Guayaquil’s New Urban Periphery: Th e Contested Urban Frontier of Monte Sinai

Monte Sinai is a large informal settlement in Guayaquil’s current expansion area and home to approxi-mately 80,000 inhabitants (MIDUVI, 2013 ). In its making, both central and local governments share responsibility for informal plot regularization and basic service provision, generating confl icts (BID, 2011 ). Furthermore, urbanization occurred within a layered structure of land dealers, community and sector leaders, block coordinators, and informants who organized the illegal sale of plots (Rasmussen, 2011 ). Though most land dealers are currently offi cial landowners, their ownership is extremely con-troversial. Land expropriation happened ‘legally’ according to new central government jurisdiction, while in practice actual owners were forced to surrender land by means of threats and spurious legal instruments. 9 At inception, the strategy to attract large numbers of people was to donate 100– 200 plots to the fi rst newcomers. These would attract paying families later, which would allow for the recovery of informal developers’ investment. Families were also provided by informal developers of land with an accessible down payment for reserving land, besides being allowed to pay monthly fees in proportion to their economic capacity. 10 All in all, the system proved more adaptable to the urban poor’s needs for aff ordability and fl exibility than formal government programs. Yet, as do ñ a Soledad, a nurse from Guasmo who settled in Monte Sinai in 2006, explained, plots could eventually reach prices close to those being sold on the formal housing market: 11

When I fi rst arrived at the cooperative Los Juanes in Monte Sinai, only eight houses and a small grocery store were built in this sector. The area was still very green and covered with trees. I asked the shopkeeper how I could buy a plot, who then told me that the owner was Pablo and that his nephew, Oscar, was the one that was selling land parcels or plots. By paying a deposit of 50 USD, I could reserve a plot of 8 by 15 meters. I asked an advance from my employer and came back the week after to see which plot was assigned to me, after which I had to start paying a monthly fee for the full price of 1700 USD. My son came to this area one month after. He paid 4000 USD for a plot next to mine. 12

After the land was purchased, people usually built an incipient house, most commonly buying a prefabricated bamboo house from the NGO Hogar de Cristo , soon replaced by more durable materials. Well- recognized for their work in low- cost bamboo housing and technical assistance provision, the NGO played an essential but also contentious role in Monte Sinai. Houses were off ered without proper substantiation of land titles, thus fostering the arrival of illegal newcomers even further. When a zero- tolerance approach to new invasions was adopted in 2010, Hogar de Cristo was dismissed by the central government and could no longer provide aff ordable homes.

Subsequently, a general struggle for services and infrastructure began, and was still under way in 2016. Land dealers, who have maintained strong links with political parties from both central and local governments, played an active role in this regard. Once again, basic services and legal tenure were promised to dwellers in exchange for political support. Unsurprisingly, at the kick- off of Rafael Correa’s presidential campaign in 2006, informal land dealers such as Balerio Estacio were acknowledged supporters ( El Universo, 2010 ). Years later, Estacio was taken to prison as Law 88 (2010) declared the area Monte Sinai as a reserve zone under military control, illustrating the drastic shifts in the position of local and national authorities on informal urbanization.

In stark contrast with earlier urbanization processes, which were largely characterized by spon-taneous city- making supported by progressive housing policies and direct negotiation and contest-ation between municipalities and community organizations, current policy and planning tools aim to erradicate urban informality. This declared turning point is based on the enactment of Law 88 in 2007, which “prevents future invasions to protect surrounding ecological areas” (Congreso Nacional, 2007 ), leading to the area’s militarization. On 10 May 2013, the Secretary for the Prevention of


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Informal Settlements ordered evictions in the Talia Toral sector of Monte Sinai and 420 families lost their homes. 13

Amelia, aged 43, is an inhabitant of the Tres Bocas sector and leader of 230 families. She witnessed the eviction, which involved more than 600 soldiers and 1,135 policemen armed with trucks, mech-anical shovels, horses, dogs, and helicopters ( El Universo , 2013 ):

I was at Roberto Gilbert hospital when I heard about the eviction. Before I could realize what was really happening I rushed home trying to reach my house, but police forces were blocking bus and car circulation from the Sergio Toral area. I managed to pass by them and walked from Sergio Toral until my house in Tres Bocas carrying my 6 year old disabled child in my arms. I will never forget the terrible scenes from that day. A little girl was left behind under a tree while my house was being dismantled by the police.

In 2013, the Ministry of Housing (MIDUVI), the Ministry of Social Development and the Ministry of Environment proposed a master plan for the area envisioning further basic service provision, road infrastructure, land readjustment for housing redevelopment, various public and civic amenities, green areas, organic farms, and reforestation (MIDUVI, 2013 ). The project is controversial and once more raised frictions between national and local authorities, causing general uproar as well. In May 2013, a mega- hospital under construction was set on fi re by inhabitants as an act of protest against the master plan and ongoing evictions in Monte Sinai. Most recently, Guayaquil’s mayor Jaime Nebot disavowed the planning initiative, as his adherents in Monte Sinai still fear for the loss of their homes or part of their land. As a result, they have entered into negotiations with the mayor, especially concerning land legalization ( El Universo , 2015 ).

Younger households have not opposed the project strongly. For various respondents, including Mariela, a 34- year- old mother of two children originally from the coastal provinces, the area’s renewal plan proposed by central government satisfi es her aspirations for the future of her family and house.

My idea of coming to live in Guayaquil was somewhat diff erent and settling in Monte Sinai was not so attractive at the very beginning. I would have preferred to live more centrally, not in a place that resembles the countryside where I grew up, with dust roads and lacking services. I came to Monte Sinai in 2006 following my husband and with the support of my brothers we purchased three plots for a total of 3400 USD from the owner Roberto Borja. I heard about the MIDUVI project. The linear park along the channel will pass by my house very closely. I hope that will bring us services, roads and parks were our children can play.

This statement refl ects the general opinion of new generations of households who, despite diffi culties in accessing land and housing in Monte Sinai, feel entitled not only to basic and communal services, but also to an increase in value in relation to municipal investment for the master plan’s implementa-tion and national government’s support of specifi c projects (MIDUVI, 2013 ).

Emergent (in)Formalities? Until this point, in Guayaquil, urban informality has mostly been conceived in terms of new ‘illegal’ settlements, though this connotation alone is largely insuffi cient to describe current developments. The Ecuadorian central government has tried to respond to the low- income population’s housing needs by carrying out social housing schemes. However, as these schemes lack basic services as well as land titles, they end up by promoting a new kind of informality and do not perceptibly raise the population’s quality of life (Peek et al., 2018 ). The fi rst phase of Socio Vivienda II , for example, provides ‘legal’ state- built, albeit substandard housing, located in an unplanned settlement devoid of muni-cipal approval, legal building permits or basic services, all characteristics commonly associated with


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informality. 14 Regardless of these conditions – and the absence of water provision – the national government and private construction companies started the building process and handed over 2,800 housing units on plots of 5.5 × 10.30 meters to citizens in December 2013 (MIDUVI, 2013 ). Ironically, most of the project’s inhabitants are residents of the older low- income settlements of Estero Salado , where the central government’s ambition to recover the city’s estuarine environment is in confl ict with the continuous transformation and self- built consolidation processes that have always characterized these fi rst suburbios .

Social bonds and extended family networks have been broken through forced relocation, and signifi cant defi ciencies in the design, quality, and location of the units have led to overcrowding, dissatisfaction, and unemployment. The new houses are too small for families commonly com-prising more than four members (38 m 2 ) and structurally weak prefabricated walls hinder user- based modifi cations. 15 Housing typologies lack the necessary fl exibility to accommodate changing needs over time in a context of general deprivation and lack of green spaces and civic amenities. Additionally, citizens have not received individual property titles as municipal approval is still pending, while MIDUVI still has to comply with the requirements necessary for this to happen. Socio Vivienda II has thus followed a reverse development process, whereby new streets and houses were constructed without the municipal certifi cation normally required for the implementation of urban projects. Not only does this impede title provision, but it also illustrates how informality – understood as ‘illegal’ development – becomes a relative term. Residents’ marginalization following eviction has continued despite protests and claims for basic services. MIDUVI responded with threats of further removal rather than engaging with protesting dwellers ( El Universo , 2015 ).

The central government has plans to extend Socio Vivienda with approximately 12,000 more housing units, almost four- fold the number already built. Nevertheless, solving the provision of basic services and regularizing land tenure remain unaddressed, relegating the lives of those evicted to a condition of forced informality. Furthermore, informality is present in other ways elsewhere in the city, as illustrated by the latest municipal reports on fi nancing and land allocation in the middle- income projects of Mi Lote 1 and Mi Lote 2 . Once again, informal developers request an initial down payment (500 USD) to reserve land and facilitate instalment payment. Though they act diff erently from the local government, they off er a process that is much more palatable to those newcomers in search of a home, with fl exibility and aff ordability as key features. Today, they may be considered as the other face of urban informality that is not induced by government action. These well- experienced developers build on decades of success and action, promising easy access to land and housing, in con-trast to seemingly ‘formal’ urbanization processes ( El Universo , 2015 ).

Guayaquil’s emerging periphery in its north- western fringe – and Monte Sinai more particu-larly – show how mismatches between municipal and central government action make room for informal land dealers and developers to provide land and housing by means of a consolidated process of occupation and regularization.

Settlements of formal and informal origin today share similar destinies but deviate fundamentally in their chances of improvement. Projects such as Socio Vivienda are caught between governmental ineffi ciency and confl icting interests and may never be granted tenure, whereas in Monte Sinai regu-larization is partly under way. Both sites illustrate the hardships incurred by younger home- seeker generations in the quest for housing access, illustrating the need for pluralist action and diversifi ca-tion of dwelling options on the part of various government levels and the need for inhabitants to be organized as part of their quest for urban inclusion. Taken together, they also illustrate the inad-equacy of informality as a term to describe urbanization processes in Guayaquil. While both the city of Guayaquil and the need for aff ordable housing and living conditions will continue to grow, only a revised conceptualization of informality and auto- construction will support equitable urbaniza-tion processes. Mismatches between the actions and policies of diff erent governmental levels benefi t speculative practices by landowners, who have seemingly understood newcomers’ priorities, albeit to their own benefi t.


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As Monte Sinai shows, recognizing dwellers’ eff orts in constructing their urban environments remains crucial, but so does the need for a robust legal framework to protect vulnerable groups from further marginalization and eviction (Ballegooijen & Rocco, 2013 ).

Notes

1 Guayaquil thus represents an exception to current informal urbanization rates in Latin American cities, which are not superior to 50%. The rate is only 22% in Sao Paulo, 30% in Rio de Janeiro, and much less in Santiago, Montevideo, and other cities in the South Cone.

2 The term ‘self- help housing’ coined by Jacob Crane ( 1950 ) and widely popularized and conceptualized by British architect John Turner ( 1967 ) is generally referred to as a spontaneous process in which the user grad-ually improves the house and dwelling environment.

3 In Guayaquil, the term urbanizaci ó n is generally understood as the work of a private developer who builds a housing project from scratch starting from a clean slate of land ending with the construction of dwelling units ready- made for habitation. The ‘ de facto ’ construction of gated communities is described in El Universo , 2011 .

4 With the ambition to gradually achieve the socialist reconstruction of Ecuadorian society, president Rafael Correa (2007– present) introduced La Revoluci ó n Urbana (Urban Revolution) under the heading of the national plan of Buen Vivir (SENPLADES, 2013 ).

5 Tugurios are dwellings in a precarious state considered inadequate for habitation. These dwellings resulted from informal subdivisions of buildings and plots so as to rent them mainly to migrants.

6 During the period from 1984 to 1992, the provision of basic services, such as sewage system, water supply, and garbage collection, reached 53.6%, 46.6%, and 55.1% of the total population, respectively (MG, 2005).

7 Sol í s supported the campaigns of politicians who later accused him of being the main promoter of invasions in Monte Sinai. Nevertheless, his plots are offi cially registered in City Cadaster as no. 6056 ( El Universo , 2010 ).

8 To obtain housing under these programs households must have a monthly income of at least 600 USD. Since 65% of households have earnings of less than 600 USD (INEC, 2011 ), housing programs are needed for low- income groups. The minimum salary in Ecuador is 366 USD (Conades, 2015 ).

9 Exceptional purchasing judgments allow land legalization upon demonstration of residence for at least 15 years. Special expropriation laws were enacted by the central government.

10 In 2011 families in Monte Sinai had an approximate monthly income of 78 USD (Pozo, 2011 ). Formal social housing projects such as the project Mucho Lote , promoted by local government, will require monthly payments of 85 dollars per family.

11 A plot in Mi Lote or Mucho Lote starts from 2,000 USD. In the formal sites- and- services schemes of these municipal projects one is obliged to buy a standardized catalog house costing from 10,000 USD upwards. A Hogar de Cristo ready- made bamboo home can instead be purchased for 1,000 USD.

12 All interviews are based upon on- site fi eldwork carried out by the main author in 2015. 13 The Secretaria de Prevenci ó n de Asentamientos Informales was created by decree by President Rafael Correa on

28 June 2012 with the following objectives: creation of public policies for prevention of informal settlements; regularization of existing informal settlements; coordination of diff erent state institutions; promotion of legal actions against informal land dealers; enforcing evictions in accordance with the law.

14 The Municipality of Guayaquil disapproved of the plan for waste and storm- water installations, considering it inadequate vis- à - vis the amount of housing units and project location in a fl ood- prone area. Unclear land ownership means that to this day the housing projects lack the legal building permits and approval from the Municipality (MIDUVI, 2013 ).

15 These observations are grounded in fi eldwork carried out by Olga Peek in Socio Vivienda and Estero Salado between 2014 and 2016 and based on information provided by Alina Delgado, who worked at MIDUVI, Coordinacion Zonal Guayaquil, in 2013– 2014.

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