rickshaw art as counter narrative: moving pictures of bangladesh – by kuntala lahiri-dutt and...

Reviewsapv_1434 319..323

Rickshaw art as counter narrative: MovingPictures of BangladeshLahiri-Dutt, Kuntala and David J Williams(2010) Moving Pictures: Rickshaw Art of Bang-ladesh. India: Mapin Publishing, 92 pp., priceunknown, ISBN: 9780944142639.

Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt and David J Williams’Moving Pictures provides a compelling tale ofartistic aspiration, spirit and post-colonialagency. Eager to unveil a narrative of localisedresistance to dominant discourses of the ‘globa-lised city’, the authors detail the historical emer-gence of the rickshaw and rickshaw art, as bothan environmentally sound mode of transportand a graphic, creative and ever-changingdepiction of the region’s contingent social andcultural milieu.

In view of this artistic fusion, the authors usethe title both literally and metaphorically.‘Moving’ evokes this fluid meaning and contex-tualisation of rickshaw art as they illustratevividly the changing life experiences anddesires of the rickshaw creators and owners.Lahiri-Dutt and Williams also describe the‘moving pictures‘, the art itself, as rickshaw‘wallahs’ dart throughout the city.

But this is just one story in this book. MovingPictures opens with a personal account of afather’s aching experience of Partition and forcedmigration and that of an unsuspecting childhoodmemory. Adorning this personal tale, the authorsrecall how Bangladesh ‘entered the soul’ at avery young age and refused to go away. ForLahiri-Dutt, returning to the country in 2000 wasa pilgrimage to a romanticised past. MovingPictures, in this sense then, also represents a‘desire to engage’ (p.14) an internalised legacy ofyesteryear.This authorial positionality frames theemancipatory tenor of the book.

With this tone in mind, the authors refer toa binary produced by modern intellectualsbetween, on the one hand, the ‘fine art’ of aninstitutionalised establishment, and on theother, the commercialised ‘street art’ embodiedin rickshaw art. The elitist discourse, according

to Lahiri-Dutt and Williams, foregrounds theway a well-established fine art tradition in thecountry, represented most forcefully by an ArtInstitute, trained students and gallery art, con-struct itself as superior and legitimate against‘cheap’ commercial forms of street art.

Significantly, it is the formalised setting ofgallery art that encapsulates this elite ‘fine art’.Herein lies the author’s liberating counter-narrative in terms of what rickshaw art symbol-ises. It would seem, ‘that rickshaw art threatensor intrudes into academic middle-class proclivi-ties, forcing people for the sake of security todemean it into being cheap. By going into themost public of public spaces, the streets, itresists the custodianship of the galleries and theintellectual assessment of the art critics’ (p. 57).Against this formalism, rickshaw art ‘redefinesart and the legitimation of it’ (p. 57), challengingthese self-proclaimed ‘cultural gatekeepers’.

Aside from these important counter narra-tives, it is the art work itself with its teemingsubject matter of quasi-religious themes, his-torical conflicts and iconic landmarks thatawaken the imagination. Though religion iskeenly observed, it is the distinction between‘rural peace and urban progress’ (p. 66) thatpredominates rickshaw art. Idyllic visions ofrural life, birds, animals and flora are portrayedwith aesthetic flare. Against these romanticisedimages, the authors juxtapose unashamedlywestern visions of ‘cleavage-revealing’ (p. 73)Hollywood movie stars and international icons.

Also reflecting the underlying aim to recoverstories once silenced, Lahiri-Dutt and Williamsinclude a detailed inventory of the industryitself, including rickshaw manufacturing, talesof the painter fraternity, ‘life at home’ for artists,regional variations on rickshaw art, and artisannarratives of life after leaving the profession.

Overall, this book is a powerful post-colonialreclamation of the artisan ‘subaltern’. Refusingdominant narratives, rickshaw artists constructa different landscape of hope; a different set ofrealities and possible futures. Lahiri-Dutt andWilliams provide a detailed and concise story

Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 51, No. 3, December 2010ISSN 1360-7456, pp319–323

© 2010 The AuthorsAsia Pacific Viewpoint © 2010 Victoria University of Wellington

doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8373.2010.01434.x

documenting the historical, economic andsocio-cultural meanings that rickshaw artisansplace on their profession. In this sense, rickshawart becomes ‘an effective mirror reflecting thesocio-cultural milieu in the rural and urbanparts of the country’ (p. 24).

In the final pages of the book, I did findmyself looking for a reconnection to the per-sonal narrative that I was led to expect from theopening paragraph of the book. In the end,though, the more substantive political message,necessarily I feel, displaced the story of per-sonal romanticism. As a uniquely formattedpost-colonial rendering of Bengali life, the bookcomes highly recommended.

Paul HodgeDevelopment Studies, Discipline of Geographyand Environmental Studies,University of Newcastle, Newcastle, Australia.Email: [email protected]

India’s DisasterscapeKapur, Anu (2010) Vulnerable India: A Geo-graphical Study of Disasters. New Delhi: IndianInstitute of Advanced Study & Sage Publication,269 pp., £45, ISBN: 9788132100775.

In the first decade of the Twenty-first century,the world lost nearly one million lives in naturaldisasters (IFRC, 2009). That the severity ofunderlying hazards is very likely to increase inthe near future indicates a mounting risk formore disasters (IPCC, 2007). This decade couldalso be marked for a rising consensus amongacademics for the social construction of dis-asters across the world (Wisner et al., 2004;Birkmann, 2006; Gaillard et al., 2010). DrKapur’s Vulnerable India provides rigorousevidence to confirm this case in India.

The book portrays the grim reality of Indiandisasters. It is based on comprehensive researchof 16 geophysical hazards in 593 districts over aspan of 30 years (1977–2002). The book’s lan-guage vividly touches human emotions andeffectively delivers the hard facts of science,with tables (78), figures (40), maps (33) andimages (29) revealing evidence of India’s disas-terscape. The interdisciplinary approach andcontent of this book make it an outstandingcontribution to the disaster literature.

The book is laid out in eight chapters that aregrouped into three sections of fact, responseand reality. The facts of Indian disasters aredescribed from a bird- and an insect-eye’s view.Implicit is an ethical, humanistic and scientificpoint of view. The first chapter sets the contextand significance of this study by elaboratingthe nature, impacts and growth of disasters inIndia. It discusses death, disease, disability,destitution, dislocation and destruction, whichare only a few of the ‘D’ aspects of ‘India’sDisasterscape’. In the second chapter, theauthor establishes that while geophysical eventshave been blamed for most disasters, the spatio-temporal pattern of disasters provide minimalevidence to substantiate their natural cause.Despite observed variations in types, frequencyand intensity of hazards, none of the districts inIndia is spared of killings in disasters (p. 87).

Recurrent and widespread losses guide theenquiry towards the theory and practices ofdisaster response in the second section. Theauthor finds that ‘the cause for disasters inIndia is strongly anchored and searched withina religio-cosmic context’ (p. 101). Traditionally,the disaster response has varied from a philo-sophical dimension that emphasises to ‘absorb’by understanding causality, characterised by acyclic view, karma, virtue and vices to the folkdimension of ‘appeal’ which looks for explana-tion, remembrance, forecast and appeal. This isverified by the details of diverse cultural percep-tions and responses to disasters throughoutthe country. In colonial India (mid-eighteenthcentury to 1947), on the other hand, observedresponses were based on the idea of physicaldimensions of natural disasters. The authortraces its genesis in the European literature.Starting from the Greek history (7 BC), theconcept travelled over space and time to reachIndia (16 AD), where it shifted the ontology ofdisasters from divine to natural cause.

The subsequent chapter focuses on the post-independence (1947–1990) disaster response,which employs inherent apathy and constantblame. It provides strong evidence for adminis-trative slackness, inadequate and inefficientlaws, unconcerned academics and opportunis-tic media that includes newspapers, magazines,cinema and documentaries. The author rightlydraws the conclusion that a collective apathygenerates a poor response that blames nature as

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the cause, and therefore leads to the treatmentof nature for a cure of human disasters. Sheelaborates the false pretence of physical deter-minism, nature’s nature or its explanationas being exceptional, enemy or tyrannical toreconfirm the futility of response based on theenvironment.

The current disaster response has beenexplored in the face of globalisation (1990onwards). The author argues that while in recentyears, there has been an increasing recognitionof disasters in India, including a well-criticisedadministration, legislation, research and media,a realisation of vulnerability has yet to come.

The third and concluding section refers to thereality that reinforces previous arguments bypresenting the hard facts of vulnerability. It talksabout the theory, measurement, thresholdand spatial dispersion of vulnerability in India. Itskilfully describes and divides the vulnerableinto disadvantaged people, with ‘fragile living’,lacking of services. The author strengthens herpoint by focusing discussion on vulnerabilityclusters, vulnerable population size and domi-nant variables of Indian vulnerability. She findsthat despite spatial variations, nearly half of thecountry’s population is vulnerable to disasters (p.224). The closing chapter subsequently stresseson the disaster divide at global, national andlocal level. It concludes that it is the poor, labour-ers, women, children, elderly, lower-caste, tribe,landless and fragile who are most vulnerable.

My critiques of this book revolve around itsedges rather than its core. First, the title gives asense of sympathy rather than apathy – which isrepeatedly brought forth in the book. The bookcould perhaps instead be titled as India renderedvulnerable by ‘Insensitive Indians’ – A geogra-phical analysis. This is also sharply pointed inauthor’s previous research (Kapur, 2005; Kapur,2009). Second, the analysis of disasters and vul-nerability in India points to various regions ofdifferent order. Although maps of these regionsare given in appendix, an introduction of theseregions in the beginning could have better pre-pared readers for unfamiliar locations.

Third, the book makes significant conceptualcontributions. It introduces and defines threenew terms – disasterscape, disaster index andvulnerability cluster. While these concepts arerightly defined and supported by the real-worldexamples, their theoretical aspects could have

been strengthened in the background on rel-evant international literature on riskscape andhazardscape. All the same, the term ‘naturals’ isinsightfully used by the author to separate disas-ters from natural phenomena. While naturalssignify external (outside human domain) triggersfor disasters, vulnerability represents an internalcause. The interaction and relativity of the twoshape disasters, and create a dilemma that haspervaded in maps representing disasterscapethat depicts the frequency of hazards (naturals)rather than intensity of disasters (Map 2.1–2.19).The discussion however, provides an in-depthanalysis of disasterscape and its magnitudes.

Fourth, in places attached emotions or exces-sive details take the reader away from the focusof discussion. A deep concern of the authoris apparent in strong statements like ‘India isa virtual disasterscape’ (p. 5). The author alsolabels and distinguishes ‘deaths’ in disasters as‘killings’ to emphasise the prevalent indifferencetowards victims. Religion is a difficult subject tobring into science, and the author has managedthis well. However, the discussion in Chapter 3often moves away from the disaster context to apurely religious dialogue. While the author cre-atively overcomes the constraints of data avail-ability and succeeds to prove her points, detailsat places are patchy. There is minimal referenceof theory or response to disasters in India duringthe medieval period. Similarly, there is a richdiscussion on the causes of earthquakes in theEuropean literature, but such details are missingfor other hazards.

Finally, the book presents only one side ofa picture. India also holds a greater degree ofresilience that has enabled the country tosurvive numerous disasters. International litera-ture finds that while it is useful to study vulner-ability, vulnerability itself does not trigger aproactive response (Paton et al., 2001). Althoughthe vulnerability and resilience paradigm contin-ues to exist for valid reasons, a combination ofthe two may add to a greater understanding andscope for effective planning and response.

In conclusion, the book successfully estab-lishes a sense of human vulnerability to disas-ters in India. It intrigued me to question howcan this vulnerability be overcome in India?Does the answer lie with examining the cultureof apathy and blame or there is more to it? Thefacts are as undeniable as vulnerability itself,



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and ‘Vulnerable India’ clearly mirrors thisreality. Nearly one-fifth of world’s populationlives in India, and no one is accountable fordisasters. In such a case, the author’s attempt toexpose the human causes behind disasters inthe country is precise and pertinent. This bookis an essential read for practitioners and stu-dents across various disciplines including geo-graphy, sociology, environment, developmentand disaster studies.

Shabana KhanVictoria University of Wellington.Email: [email protected]

References

Birkmann, J. (2006) Measuring vulnerability to naturalhazards: Towards disaster resilient societies. Tokyo:United Nations University.

Gaillard, J.C., B. Wisner, D. Benouar et al. (2010) Alterna-tives for sustained disaster risk reduction, HumanGeography 3(1): 66–88.

IFRC (2009) World disaster report 2009. Geneva: Interna-tional Federation of Red Cross and Red CrescentSociety.

IPCC (2007) Climate change 2007: impacts, adaptation andvulnerability, in M. Parry, O. Canziani, J. Palutikof, C.Hanson and P. van der Lingen (eds), Contribution ofWorking Group II to the Fourth Assessment Reportof the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Kapur, A. (2005) Insensitive India: Attitudes towards disasterprevention and management, Economic and PoliticalWeekly 40(42): 4551–4560.

Kapur, A. (2009) On disasters in India. New Delhi:Cambridge University Press.

Paton, D., JD, L. Smith and M. Millar (2001) Responding tohazard effects: Promoting resilience and adjustmentadoption, Australian Journal of Emergency Manage-ment Autumn: 47–52.

Wisner, B., P. Blaikie, T. Cannon and I.e. Davis (2004)At risk: Natural hazards, people’s vulnerability anddisasters. London: Routledge.

Articulating Jakarta’s Built Fabric: A Viewfrom the InsideAbidin, Kusno (2010) The Appearances ofMemory: Mnemonic Practices of Architectureand Urban Form in Indonesia. Durham: DukeUniversity Press, xv, 352 pp., $24.95, pbk,ISBN: 9780822346470; $89.95, hbk, ISBN:9870822346555.

Abidin Kusno’s unique and engaging secondbook is located, as was his first, within the

postcolonial context of Indonesia. The Appear-ances of Memory focuses predominantly onthe architecture and urban development takingplace in Jakarta in response to its citizens’growing political awareness of a ‘looseness’ intheir historic centre following the 1998 refor-masi responsible for the fall of the Suhartoregime.

Kusno’s first book, Behind the Postcolonial:Architecture, Urban Space and Political Cul-tures in Indonesia, presented postcolonial urbansites as manifestations of dialogues with pastpolitical cultures and argued for recognition ofthe key role urban space plays in shaping theattitudes and perceptions of people. As Kusnodemonstrated in that text, Jakarta was such asite, manipulated in particular by Suharto’sNew Order regime to initiate a form of socialand political violence between the ‘middleclass’ and ‘underclass’, with the aim of elimi-nating all possibilities of class unity in revoltagainst that authoritative regime. The Appear-ances of Memory is essentially an extensionof this discussion, with the author demonstrat-ing through an exploration of recent and pastprojects the appearance of suppressive, nostal-gic, amnesiac, isolating, utopian, as well asother forms of architectural mnemonics inJakarta in response to the politics of colonialand postcolonial regimes and socio-economicchanges.

Kusno begins his exploration of how memoryis visualised by elaborating on its relevanceto Indonesians in terms of ‘remembering andforgetting’ sentiments of Dutch colonialism,anti-colonialism, liberation, human rights andthe ‘anxiety’ associated with notions of ‘newtimes’, ‘moving forward’ and ‘change’. By con-textualising the significance of ‘memory’ in thismanner, we are made aware of a profound needingrained in the modern Indonesian conscious-ness to come to terms with ‘change’, ‘anxiety’and ‘desired future’. This is elaborated on in theinitial chapters of the book which explore: (i)how postcolonial political regimes attempt tore-enter a discourse on ‘nationalist urbanism’or seek to construct an ‘urban modernity’ inJakarta to re-establish a national identity to ‘dis-cipline the city’ and reclaim its ‘vanishingcentre’; (ii) the silent response of ‘middle-class’citizens of Jakarta to the violent and traumaticoutcomes of authoritarian manipulations, as



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well as their attempts to disassociate themselvesfrom the realities of the undisciplined city byengaging in a ‘market modernity’; and (iii) howthe ‘underclass’ – in contrast to the ‘middleclass’ and in reaction to the ideologies of politi-cal regimes – take a more public, violent andaggressive stance in their attempts at (re)claim-ing their rights to the city. The later chapterstake the reader on an explorative journey of keyarchitectural developments in Indonesia andthe politics that have shaped Jakarta, as well asthe attitudes of modern Indonesians. Through anexploration of the diverse voices that haveshaped Indonesia over time – including the lit-erary, visionary, and revolutionary – Kusnoextrapolates and presents a convincing argu-ment on the way in which the visual environ-ment assists in the articulation of collective,suppressed or fragmented memories and thewidespread sense of ‘anxiety’ experienced bythe people of Jakarta, as well as their hopes forthe future.

Although an architectural and urban histo-rian, Abidin Kusno delves into the disciplinesof social science and politics to elaborate onnotions of national memory, governmentalityand decolonisation. The issues Kusno discussesin this book are in many respects not unique toJakarta or Indonesia – postcolonial nations,especially those within Asia, have experiencedand continue to experience similar violence,trauma and anxiety in the processes of decolo-nisation and development. However, no othersignificant scholarly book has yet emerged byan Asian author on post-colonial Asian cities,and the constitutive roles these built environ-ments play in the shaping of national memory.As such, this book pioneers this debate in Asiaand is a ‘must read’ for students and scholars

interested in an insider’s view and interpretationof the politics of identity formulation, urbanspace and development in Indonesia and post-colonial Asia. To ‘outsiders’, Kusno’s views ofthe urban renewal aims of General Sutiyasomay appear politically biased. Additionally, hisexplanations of the architectural reconstruc-tions of Glodok by the Indonesian Chinesecommunity, after the politically instigated May1998 attack on them, come across as somewhatapologetic. No doubt as an Indonesian, Kusno’sown experiences and memories have beeninformed and shaped by the politics and atroci-ties of recent and past regimes, and as one readsthrough this well-researched and informativebook, Kusno’s intimate knowledge of theseevents and his love for his country becomesevident. It is this inside experience and knowl-edge that set this book apart from other bookson post-colonial Asian cities and makes thestudy unique and enriching. Interestingly, Kusnohas not seen the need to include a conclusion tothe book. This can perhaps be excused in con-sideration of the academic formalism withwhich he deals with the introduction and tran-sitions from one chapter to another; however, itleaves the reader uncertain of the author’s finalsynthesis of the nine distinctive essays thatinform the chapters of this book. Nonetheless,the book makes a considerable contributionto the discourse on ‘memory’ in architectureand urban studies, and in particular to broad-ening the understanding – and reading – ofurban space within postcolonial nations.

Shenuka de SylvaSchool of Architecture, Victoria University ofWellington.Email: [email protected]

Publications ReceivedMay 2010 to August 2010

Hokowhitu, Brendan, Nathalie Kermoal, Chris Anderson,Anna Peterson, Michael Reilly, Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez, and Poia Rewi (eds). (2010) IndigenousIdentity and Resistance: Researching the Diversityof Knowledge. Dunedin: University of Otago Press,255 pp.

Macpherson, Cluny and La’avasa Macpherson. (2008)Warm Winds of Change: Globalisation in Contem-porary Samoa. Auckland: Auckland University Press,213 pp.



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