returning to the land in times of crisis

2014-2015

Returning to the land in times of crisis

The origins and outcomes of crises in the agri -food regime

Author: ZWART, Tjitske Anna

Promotor : Dr. DARROT, Catherine

Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements

for the joint academic degree of International Master of Science in Rural Development from Ghent University

(Belgium), Agrocampus Ouest (France), Humboldt University of Berlin (Germany), Slovak University of

Agriculture in Nitra (Slovakia) and University of Pisa (Italy) in collaboration with Wageningen University (The

Netherlands),

This thesis was elaborated and defended at Agrocampus Ouest within the framework of the

European Erasmus Mundus Programme “Erasmus Mundus International Master of Science in Rural

Development " (Course N° 2010-0114 – R 04-018/001)

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Development " (Course N° 2010-0114 – R 04-018/001)

Abstract From 2008 onwards, the word crisis has been an over-used term and over-analyzed phenomenon. In

many cases, what is meant is the economic crisis that started with the burst of the housing bubble

and afterwards quickly developed into a global economic crisis. In this thesis, it is argued that this

economic crisis is only one dimension of a larger, global and multi-dimensional crisis that finds it

roots in ruling neoliberal institutions, practices and cultures of the past decades. Using the Multi-

Level Perspective theory of Geels, it is argued that the crisis is characterized by specificity, meaning

that according to the locality on which the crisis has an impact, different dimensions of the global

crisis will be more predominant than others. This in turn shapes reactions to the impacts of the crisis.

The focus is on the process of repeasantization as a reaction to the adverse effects of the crisis. It is

hypothesized that the shape that repeasantization will take in a certain locality is strongly dependent

on the local expression of the crisis. This is researched empirically in three territories: Wageningen in

the Netherlands, Lannion Bay in France and Marina Alta in Spain. In these areas it has been found

that crises are a more complex issue than thought at first sight, consisting of different dimensions of

which the composition may change in time. In its turn, a crisis or a certain issue in a territory can

change existing values and beliefs, thereby having an impact on the willingness to change.

Nevertheless, the local expression of the global and multi-dimensional crisis is just one of the many

factors that influences upon the shape that repeasantization will take. Other elements, both internal

and external are also of great importance. The process of repeasantization is thus influenced by a mix

of individual, local, regional, national and international elements, and the opportunities and

constraints that this mix creates.

Acknowledgements Writing a thesis is not always a smooth process. Everyone who has gone through it will probably

agree. In low times, it is important to be able to lean upon people that can get you further into the

process. I am grateful that I had many of those people in the past months. I would like to start by

thanking my supervisor, Dr. Catherine Darrot, for all the time and effort that she has spent helping,

supporting and challenging me. Her input has brought this thesis on a level that I could not have

reached on my own. Secondly, I want to thank those who have freed up their time to help me in my

field work, either by hosting, helping, being interviewed, or any other activity that has been helpful

to me. I especially want to thank Marion Diaz, for putting me into contact with many of my

interviewees in Bretagne, despite of her own tight schedule and busy life. I would also like to

specially thank José Manuel and Jovi for their hospitality.

In the personal sphere I was lucky to be strongly supported. Many thanks to those who are always

there for me; even though sometimes from far away, your love and encouragement is felt strongly

and is more important to me than anything.

Table of content List of abbreviations ................................................................................................................................ 1

Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2

Materials and Methods ........................................................................................................................... 3

Part I: Crises ............................................................................................................................................ 5

Chapter 1: Defining “the crisis” .............................................................................................................. 7

Chapter 2: Applying a multi-level perspective ........................................................................................ 9

Chapter 3: Exploring the dimensions .................................................................................................... 11

§ 3.1 Environmental .......................................................................................................................... 11

§ 3.2 Crisis of meaning ...................................................................................................................... 11

§ 3.3 Economic .................................................................................................................................. 13

Chapter 4: Crisis in the agro-food regime ............................................................................................. 13

§ 4.1 Walking an unsustainable path: the agro-food system after WWII ......................................... 14

§ 4.2 The development of “Empire”.................................................................................................. 15

§ 4.3 What next? : the world after the agro-food crisis .................................................................... 16

Chapter 5: The creation of a niche: Defining the peasantries............................................................... 16

§ 5.1 Historical notions of the peasantries........................................................................................ 17

§ 5.2 Contemporary writers .............................................................................................................. 18

§ 5.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 20

Summary ............................................................................................................................................... 22

Part II: Turning theory into practice .................................................................................................... 23

Chapter 6: Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 25

§ 6.1 Structure of the research ......................................................................................................... 25

§ 6.2 Choice of the territories and cases ........................................................................................... 26

Chapter 7: Coping with green tides : Lieue-de-Grève ........................................................................... 27

§ 7.1 Describing the territory ............................................................................................................ 28

§ 7.1.1 Geography & Population ................................................................................................... 28

§ 7.1.2 Environment ...................................................................................................................... 29

§ 7.1.3 Economy ............................................................................................................................ 31

§ 7.1.4 Socio-political .................................................................................................................... 32

§ 7.1.5 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 33

§ 7.1.6 Timeline ............................................................................................................................. 34

§ 7.1.7 Additions from the field .................................................................................................... 36

§ 7.2 Case-studies .............................................................................................................................. 41

§ 7.2.1 Roc Hou Ker : Increasing income by decreasing costs ....................................................... 42

§ 7.2.2 Farm of Guerguillegen: Simplifying life by simplifying work ............................................. 44

§ 7.3 Making the connection ............................................................................................................. 47

§ 7.3.1 Roc Hou Ker ....................................................................................................................... 47

§ 7.3.2 Guerguillegen .................................................................................................................... 48

§ 7.3.3 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 49

§ 7.4 Progressions in knowledge and questions raised..................................................................... 50

§ 7.4.1 Crises ................................................................................................................................. 50

§ 7.4.2 Repeasantization ............................................................................................................... 50

§ 7.4.3 Connecting the crisis and the cases ................................................................................... 50

§ 7.4.4 Questions ........................................................................................................................... 51

Chapter 8: Changing values: Wageningen............................................................................................. 51


§ 8.1.1 Geography ......................................................................................................................... 51

§ 8.1.2 Environment ...................................................................................................................... 52

§ 8.1.3 Economy ............................................................................................................................ 53

§ 8.1.4 Socio-Political .................................................................................................................... 55

§ 8.1.5 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 55

§ 8.2 Tuinderij de Stroom: Building on cooperation ........................................................................ 56

§ 8.2.1 History ............................................................................................................................... 56

§ 8.2.2 Cooperation ....................................................................................................................... 58

§ 8.2.3 Labour ................................................................................................................................ 59

§ 8.2.4 Finances ............................................................................................................................. 60

§ 8.2.5 Markets .............................................................................................................................. 60

§ 8 .2.6 Health Care ....................................................................................................................... 61

§ 8.2.7 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 61


§ 8.3.1 History ............................................................................................................................... 63

§ 8.3.2 Cooperation ....................................................................................................................... 63

§ 8.3.3 Labour & Markets .............................................................................................................. 63

§ 8.3.4 Finances & Health care ...................................................................................................... 64

§ 8.3.5 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 64

§8.4 Progressions in knowledge and questions raised ..................................................................... 64

§ 8.4.1 Crisis ................................................................................................................................... 65


§ 8.4.3 Connecting the crisis and the case .................................................................................... 65

§ 8.4.4 Questions ........................................................................................................................... 66

Chapter 9: Dealing with an economic crisis: Marina Alta ..................................................................... 66


§ 9.1.1 Geography ......................................................................................................................... 67

§ 9.1.2 Environment ...................................................................................................................... 67

§ 9.1.3 Economic ........................................................................................................................... 69

§9.1.4 Socio-political ..................................................................................................................... 70

§ 9.1.5 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 72

§ 9.1.6 Additions from the field .................................................................................................... 72

§ 9.2 Agricología: Changing society through agriculture .................................................................. 74

§ 9.2.1 History ............................................................................................................................... 74

§ 9.2.2 Agriculture ......................................................................................................................... 77

§ 9.2.3 Education ........................................................................................................................... 78

§ 9.2.4 Projects .............................................................................................................................. 79

§ 9.2.5 Cooperation ....................................................................................................................... 81

§ 9.2.6 Resonance in the territory ................................................................................................. 81

§ 9.2.7 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 82


§ 9.3.1 History ............................................................................................................................... 84

§ 9.3.2 Agriculture ......................................................................................................................... 84

§ 9.3.3 Education ........................................................................................................................... 85

§ 9.3.4 Projects .............................................................................................................................. 85

§ 9.3.5 Cooperation ....................................................................................................................... 85

§ 9.3.6 Resonance in the territory ................................................................................................. 85

§ 9.3.7 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 85

§ 9.4 Progressions in knowledge & questions raised ........................................................................ 85

§ 9.4.1 Crisis ................................................................................................................................... 86


§ 9.4.3 Connecting the crisis and the case .................................................................................... 86

§ 9.4.4 Questions ........................................................................................................................... 87

Part III: Results ...................................................................................................................................... 89

Discussion .............................................................................................................................................. 91

Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 91

Choice of the territories & cases ................................................................................................... 91

Tools .............................................................................................................................................. 91

Returning to the start: answering the research questions ............................................................... 93

Crises ............................................................................................................................................. 93

Repeasantization ........................................................................................................................... 95

Connecting the crisis and the case ................................................................................................ 97

Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 99

Questions raised & paths for further research ........................................................................... 100

Bibliography ......................................................................................................................................... 101

Books ............................................................................................................................................... 101

Journal Articles ................................................................................................................................ 102

Conference Papers .......................................................................................................................... 104

Newspaper and Magazine Articles .................................................................................................. 104

Reports and Government Publications ........................................................................................... 106

Theses and PhDs .............................................................................................................................. 107

Webpages ........................................................................................................................................ 107

Miscellaneous .................................................................................................................................. 110

Annexes ............................................................................................................................................... 111

Annex 1: Questionnaire Farms ........................................................................................................ 113

Annex 2: Table of analysis ............................................................................................................... 115

Annex 3: Table of comparison crises ............................................................................................... 117

Annex 4: Voting behavior Lieue-de-Grève ...................................................................................... 119

Annex 5: Timeline crisis Green Algae .............................................................................................. 120

Annex 6: Table of Analysis: Roc Hou Ker ......................................................................................... 122

Annex 7: Table of Analysis Farm Guerguillegen .............................................................................. 123

Annex 8: Table of Analysis Tuinderij de Stroom .............................................................................. 124

Annex 9: Table of Analysis Agricología ............................................................................................ 125

Annex 10: Field information ............................................................................................................ 127

1

List of abbreviations CEDAPA Centre d’Etude pour un Developpement Agricole plus Autonome

CESER Conseil économique, social et environnemental régional

CHJ Confederación Hidrográfica del Júcar

CUMA Cooperatives d’Utilisation des Matériels Agricoles

EC European Commission

EHS Ecologische Hoofd Structuur

EU European Union

FDSEA Fédération Départementale des Syndicats d'Exploitants Agricoles

FNSEA Federation Nationale des Syndicats d’Exploitants Agricoles

GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GMO Genetically Modified Organisms

IMF International Monetary Fund

IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature

LAT Living Apart Together

LAU Local Administrative Units

LTA Lannion Trégor Agglomération

MLP Multi-Level Perspective

MS Member State

NUTS Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics

PDW Platform Duurzaam Wageningen

PP Partido Popular

PSOE Partido Socialista Obrero Español

PSPV Partit Socialista del País Valencià

SAGE Schémas d’Aménagement et de Gestion de l’Eau

SDAGE Schémas Directeurs d’Aménagement et de Gestion de l’Eau

SFEI Système Fourrager Écoome en Intrants

TM Transition Management

UN United Nations

WB World Bank

WEP Wageningen Environmental Platform

WTO World Trade Organization

WUR Wageningen University and Research Center

ZNIEFF Natural Zones of Ecological, Floristic and Faunistic Interest

2

Introduction In recent years, the word crisis has become an often used term. Popularly, it has come to be

synonym to the economic crisis that started in 2007-2008 with the burst of the U.S. housing bubble,

and that soon spread throughout the world by a collapse of the banking system and private and

sovereign debt. Yet, at the same time, and even many years before, the world was faced with

different crises that should not be neglected. For example, a lot of attention has been paid to the

food and fuel crises, food riots, growing food insecurity, ecological crises and social and political

crises. In some cases, these crises have been analyzed as being separate spheres from each other,

having different roots and causes, while others have argued that they are all interconnected. These

scholars plead for a broader view that emphasizes the idea that the economic crisis that we

witnessed in 2008 is just one dimension of a structural and multi-dimensional crisis that takes place

on a global level and finds its roots in the ruling institutions, cultures and practices of the preceding

decades. According to this view, it is an outcome of a neoliberal hegemony that has promoted the

idea of growth for the sake of growth, efficiency and large scale enterprises, and at the same time

has excluded other issues like environmental or social objectives (Latouche, 2010; Johanisova,

Crabtree, & Franková, 2010; van der Ploeg, 2010; Holt-Gimenez, 2009; Loorbach & Lijnis

Huffenreuter, 2013).

Yet it has been argued that, even though the crisis is multi-dimensional and global, it is characterized

by specificity, meaning that it has different expressions according to the locality or domain in which it

takes place. It is hypothesized that according to the specific way in which the crisis manifests itself in

a certain domain or locality will have an influence on the shape of reactions that occur. In this thesis

we are focusing on the agro-food domain. One of the reactions here is the process of

repeasantization, in which farmers increasingly constitute themselves in a peasant-like way,

reconnecting them to nature, society, local economies and increasing independence from large

structures and external inputs. This process of repeasantization is central to this thesis and leads us

to the following research question:

How can the current global crisis be characterized, which is the specific expression of this crisis in

different territories, and to what extent does it contribute to shape repeasantization processes in

these territories?

The Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) theory of Geels (2012) can provide us with clarity on how the crisis

manifests itself in different levels and places. First, he identifies the level of Landscape, which is the

global level described above. The second level is that of socio-technical regimes. In the MLP, crises

are seen as ruptures at a landscape or socio-technical regime level. These ruptures, in turn, create

opportunities for initiatives to develop at a niche level; the third level that is identified, where

innovations are struggling against existing regimes. In a later stage, these niches might contribute to

a transition in socio-technical regimes and possibly at a landscape level. Looking at our research

question from this perspective brings us to the following hypotheses:

1. The crisis that we have been witnessing forms part of a global, structural and multi-dimensional

crisis, that is taking place on a landscape level. Nevertheless, the crisis is characterized by

specificity. This means that according to the socio-technical regime or locality in which the crisis

takes place, some dimensions of the crisis will be more predominant than others;

3

2. The global and multi-dimensional crisis convokes reactions at a niche level. One of these niches is

the process of repeasantization in which farmers increasingly constitute themselves in a peasant-

like way. Reconnecting them to nature, society, local economies and increasing independence

from large structures and external inputs. The process of repeasantization too is characterized by

specificity;

3. Since the crisis convokes repeasantization, the shape of the repeasantization that we will be

studying is strongly determined by the local expressions of the crisis. And that the form of

repeasantization in a certain place can be explained by the nature of the crisis in that territory.

Even though there is a lot of literature available on a global scale on repeasantization, it has not been

looked at in a territorial approach until to date. The ambition of this research is to take a first step in

the direction of why and how the process of repeasantization takes place, and in what way it is

influenced by territorial factors. This is done by researching three cases qualitatively from a territorial

perspective, which allows us to understand in what way the local expression of the crisis influences

the case researched. In order to do this, three territories in Europe have been chosen that are

thought to represent a distinct dimension. In each territory, one or two cases are chosen. In no way

the cases are meant to generalize the tendencies in a territory; instead, a micro-level perspective is

taken, in order to be able to reveal particularities and processes that would have gone unnoticed in a

research conducted at a larger scale.

This thesis is subdivided in three parts. In the first part, a literature study has been put together, in

which the different notions that are being researched are framed. The different chapters are

dedicated to the development of the global and structural crisis at a landscape level. Special

attention will be given to the development of the crisis in the agro-food regime. The rest of part one

will be dedicated to the notion of repeasantization.

In the second part, the hypotheses that have been mentioned are researched empirically. This was

done in three different territories: Marina Alta in Spain, Lieue-de-Grève in France, and Wageningen

and its hinterlands in the Netherlands. Each of these territories represents an area in which a

different dimension of the crisis has been predominant. In each territory, one or two farms will be

put at the center of a monograph. The monograph consists of three story lines.

1. A characterization of the nature of the crisis in this particular place;

2. A description and analysis of the initiative studied. The main focus is to determine whether we

can see it as a form of repeasantization or not;

3. Are there correlations and links that can be found?

In the third part of the thesis results will be compared. We will then be looking at what reunites the

different cases, but also at what distinguishes them.

Materials and Methods To gain all the information needed, different materials and methods were used. Part I of the thesis

consists of literature research of peer-reviewed material. This to build a firm basis for the further

stages of the research. Part II consists of the case studies. In a first place, literature was used to find

out the details of the specific characteristics of the territory. Furthermore, several semi-structured

interviews and participatory observation were done. First, this was with the farmers that were the

4

center of the case studies in each territory, for which the questionnaire can be found in Annex 1.

Other interviews were added in order to understand better the context in which the changes have

taken place. The list of interviewees and participatory observations can be found in Annex 10.

Whether a farmer can be seen as a form of repeasantization or not, was determined by the use of a

table of analysis, developed for the purpose of this thesis. The criteria can be found in Annex 2.

Further explanations on the methodologies used in the field can be found in Chapter 6 of this thesis.

5

Part I: Crises

7

Chapter 1: Defining “the crisis” In past years, the word has for many become a synonym for the economic and financial crisis that

started in 2007-2008 with the burst of the U.S. housing bubble, and soon spread throughout the

world by a collapse of the banking system and private and sovereign debt. By others, it has been

argued that it is important not to see the financial crisis as a vacuum but to understand it as a

dimension of a larger cluster of crises, that all coincide with turbulence on a global level (Witt, 2013;

Calhoun & Derluguian, 2011; Held & Young, 2011). For example, the crisis was linked to a food and

fuel crisis, which was characterized by a surge in food and fuel prices, food riots and growing food

insecurity, mainly, but not solely in the global South (Vanhaute, 2011). At the same time, and even

many years before, attention has been given to other crises. Among these are social, environmental,

political, and agrarian crises. A common way to describe the interrelations between the crises is in a

triangular way. There is however no consensus on the angles of this triple crisis. Some examples that

have been put forward are a financial, social, economic, environmental or cultural angle (Geels,

2013; Schneider, Kallis, & Martinez-Alier, 2010; Calhoun & Derluguian, 2011). This lack of consensus

shows us that trying to summarize the crisis in a triangular way is too simplistic. Instead, it is

indispensable to take a broader view in which we look at the crisis and its history as well as the roots

it has in ruling institutions, cultures and practices, because “the economic issues raised by the

financial crisis are necessarily entangled in politics, large scale social change and basic issues of

cultures and civilizations (Calhoun & Derluguian, 2011, p. 7).

When we look at it in this way, the crisis is multidimensional and structural and is an outcome of a

neoliberal hegemony that has promoted the idea of growth for the sake of growth, GDP, efficiency

and large scale enterprises. At the same time it has excluded other issues like environmental or social

objectives (Latouche, 2010; Johanisova, Crabtree, & Franková, 2010; van der Ploeg, 2010; Holt-

Gimenez, 2009; Loorbach & Lijnis Huffenreuter, 2013). The crisis is therefore the outcome of a

process that has been going on for years, and that cannot be seen in isolation. We therefore need to

take a historical view. To take it broadly, some even go as far back as the 5th century. Until the 10th

century, the economy was more or less in a steady state. This was followed by a period of gradual

growth until 1820. From the Industrial Revolution onwards, the economy grew exponentially due to

an accumulation of resources, technological innovation and the emergence of new structures and

institutions connected to the process of growth. These developments deeply reshaped society

(Bonaiuti, 2012). This process of institutional and societal restructuring continued after the Second

World War. In this period, a multi-lateral order was founded, by the establishment of the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank

(WB). The transformation had far-reaching consequences on a theoretical level as well as on a socio-

economic reality. The main goal of leading institutions became economic growth as the only way for

a society to improve. Each generation was thus supposed to do better than the previous one. This

growth, then, could be achieved by the rational behavior of individuals. Nevertheless, the destructive

effects that everlasting economic growth might have on ecology and social worlds were not taken

into account (Held & Young, 2011; Liodakis, 2010).

Some use the term of “modernity” to describe the era in which this process took place. With this, the

historical period is meant in which the form of civilization emerged in Europe and North America

from around the 17th century over the past centuries where humans progressively gained scientific

understanding, and technological control over their environment. The major shaping force of these

8

developments was world capitalism. Rationalization as expressed in technology and the organization

of all human activity is one of the key notes of modernity. It has been argued that the modes of life

brought into being and being promoted by the institutions of modernity have disconnected us from

traditional types of social order. For example, where before, people’s goals in life were determined

by traditional institutions like the church, family and nation-states, now, the range of motion and

choice for each individual were drastically increased (Giddens, 1991; Roberts, 2007; Beck, Bonss, &

Lau, 2003).

These developments were seen as positive in a first stage. The promise of neoliberalism and

(technological) “progress”, were that it would provide human kind with more happiness, comfort

and leisure time (Menzies, 2005). According to many authors, we have now entered a second stage

of modernity in which modernity is radicalized, and has transformed everything: societies, key

institutions, as well as the very principles that society is based upon. This new stage is most

commonly called reflexive modernity. Beck et al. (2003) define this notion as follows:

“At stake in this […] is a decidedly non-linear notion of change and modernity. The hypothesis of a

‘reflexive’ modernization of modern societies examines a fundamental societal transformation within

modernity. Modernity has not vanished, but it is becoming increasingly problematic. While crises,

transformation and radical social change have always been part of modernity, the transition to a

reflexive second modernity not only changes social structures but revolutionizes the very coordinates,

categories and conceptions of change itself. This ‘meta-change’ of modern society results from a

critical mass of unintended side-effects. By unintended side-effects – or more precisely, effects that

were originally intended to be more narrow in their scope than they turned out to be – we mean the

host of consequences resulting from the boundary-shattering force of market expansion, legal

universalism and technical revolution […] The continued technical, economic, political and cultural

development of global capitalism has gradually revolutionized its own social foundations. […] In so

doing, modernization is calling into question its own basic premises (p.2).”

There is thus a strong link between modernity, the rise of multiple crises, due to its unintended side

effects, and therefore a change into reflexive modernization. The “reflexive”, then, refers to the fact

that human kind is becoming increasingly aware of the risks posed by modernity, but that it finds

itself incapable of coping with these self-induced problems (Beck, Bonss, & Lau, 2003). Nonetheless,

no fundamental change is coming up because the crisis is also characterized by a systemic lock-in, in

which businesses are the creatures of technological change, which is the motor of globalization, as

well as they are its creator. The system is too big to fail, and the main actors are a part of the

problem.

It is becoming clear that “the economy” as it is understood in neoliberal theory has become culture.

In the era of reflexive modernization, we are becoming aware of the fact that it is not the self-

regulating mechanism as it is perceived to be. On the contrary, the economy is always entwined with

politics, social organization and culture. Therefore, the financial crisis is an indication of a larger,

global, multi-dimensional and systemic crisis and is therefore a symptom of a broken system. The

crisis then induces new questions about ways of producing and consuming, lifestyles, education,

governance, the meaning of progress and the value of economic systems (Geels, 2013; Calhoun &

Derluguian, 2011; Loorbach & Lijnis Huffenreuter, 2013; Vergragt, 2013).

9

Chapter 2: Applying a multi-level perspective We have now looked at the first part of our research question, namely how the global crisis can be

characterized. It has become clear that this crisis is multi-dimensional and global and that is deeply

engrained in modern cultures and institutions. We will now place this crisis its outcomes and

contestations in a transition studies perspective. Two broad approaches in this field of study can be

distinguished. First, there are historical studies of those socio-technical transitions that have been

completed. Second there are studies of societal changes that are currently happening. These mostly

focus on ‘transitions to sustainability’ (Darnhofer, 2014). This study will be one of the second kind.

The Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) theory of Geels (2013) can be useful for this purpose in order to

shed light on the expressions of a crisis on different levels of society, and in diverse domains and

territories. The MLP views transitions as non-linear processes that result from the interplay of

developments at three analytical levels: the landscape, socio-technical regimes and niches or

novelties. The global crisis can be seen as a shock at the landscape level. Geels calls this the financial-

economic crisis, but we have seen that this crisis is deeply rooted in other cultural, social and political

practices, and that we cannot see it as a phenomenon on itself. The landscape determines the long-

term exogenous trends at a macro-level. In the short term, these processes cannot be influenced by

the other two levels.

Figure 1: Multi-level perspective Source: Geels 2013

In the long run, misfits can come into existence between the different levels. The crisis that has been

described in chapter 1 stems from a misfit between the level of socio-technical regimes and the

landscape level. The tensions between regimes and societal contexts are generally considered to

drive regime change. Socio-technical regimes can be seen as concrete empirical domains at the

meso-level, like food, mobility or energy. They are characterized by relatively stable rules, like

routines, beliefs and capabilities and competencies, lifestyles, regulations, etcetera. These elements

are in turn aligned with infrastructures and organizations. Regimes, therefore, are characterized by

lock-in. Studying this level in transition research is indispensable, since it defines the societal systems

within which transitions are analyzed. The focus in this thesis will be on the agro-food regime. This is

a socio-technical regime that has several sub-regimes: agricultural production, processing and

marketing (under which consumption habits are included). These sub-regimes have their own

10

dynamics, but they are also inter-linked (Darnhofer, 2014; Darrot et al., 2014). Just like other

regimes, the agro-food regime is constantly interacting with the other levels of the MLP. It is thus

shaped by, but also shaping the other two levels.

The third level, niches or novelties, is where many innovations struggle against existing regimes.

Some of these innovations will later be taken up by the regimes, while others will fade away. If

successful, over time these niches stabilize. The way in which niches may initiate change is being

shown in figure 2. In the first place, there are the long term waves of the socio-technical regime. The

developments that take place on a landscape level can put pressure on the regime that is always

fairly stable. The pressures that the landscape puts on this level can open up opportunities for niches

and novelties to grow. These niches can be crucial for transitions, since they provide the seeds for

systemic change. In time, niche-innovations may start influencing the existing socio-technical regime.

Nonetheless, many of these initiatives may perish along the way. At the same time, the socio-

technical regime also influences what happens in the niche. A new order thus may exist that is a

hybrid between the initial niche-innovation and the old socio-technical regime. In the end, the new

regime may influence what happens on a landscape level.

Figure 2: MLP on transitions Source: Geels (2011, p. 28) Change inspired by Darrot et al. (2014)

It is however important to notice that not all niches look for alignment with the socio-technical

regime. The study of Darrot et al. (2014) shows that some aim to not depend on the rules of the

regime anymore instead of changing them. This idea is relatively new and does not appear in the

scheme proposed by Geels. Therefore, figure 2 has been adapted by incorporating an arrow that

shows the idea that some of these initiatives might move away from the dominant regime (Geels,

2013; Darnhofer, 2014; Darrot, Diaz, Tsakalou, & Zagata, 2014).

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In this thesis we will study niche innovations in the agro-food regime. We argue that the global,

multi-dimensional crisis has created a misfit between this regime and the landscape level. Therefore,

different novelties are popping up, that are providing answers for the problems that the crisis poses.

we will be researching this empirically in different territories in Europe. This territorial approach has

been chosen for several reasons: in the first place, farming is necessarily spatially and culturally

embedded. Secondly, regional transition will permit to zoom in on practices of actors, and the ways

in which they interact with the regime, and thereby may initiate change or become independent

from the regime (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013; Darnhofer, 2014). Before studying niches,

we will now first turn to dynamic of the crisis in the agro-food regime.

Chapter 3: Exploring the dimensions These notions bring us back to the global, multi-dimensional crisis. In a MLP language: on a landscape

level, the crisis consists of different dimensions. As I have mentioned before, I hypothesize that crises

are characterized by specificity. This means that according to the socio-technical regimes and the

locality on which the crisis has an impact, some elements will be present more strongly than others

even though springing from the same cause. Therefore, a place-based approach is taken for reasons

illustrated by the following quote:

Such approaches assume that place specificities really matter in the form of social, cultural and

institutional characteristics despite structuring global processes which have affected places. While the

hegemony of the modernization and globalization perspective did result in the marginalization of

place in social and human sciences, it is the territorial differentiation of globalization, creating

‘territories of difference’, that brings place once again to the fore (Horlings, 2015, p. 257)”.

To research these statements empirically, I have chosen three dimensions of the crisis: economic,

environmental and socio-cultural. In a later stage of the thesis, three territories are chosen of which

each is thought to represent one of these dimensions.

§ 3.1 Environmental The environmental crisis is a dimension of the global crisis that cannot be omitted. Many years

before the economic crisis of 2008/2009, awareness about a manifold of environmental problems

started to grow. To name just a few of them: climate change, loss of biodiversity, ocean acidification,

land use problems, GHG emissions, etcetera. The agro-industry has been an important player in this

problem, since it has promoted the industrial way of farming that can have, as we will see in later

chapters, detrimental effects on nature, because of amongst others a disconnection from nature and

a use of pesticides and fertilizers. A growing awareness of these issues has put them on political

agendas and partly incorporated them in everyday discourses of people, enterprises and politicians.

Yet, business as usual is mainly the way of dealing with these problems by the global leading

institutions, governments and large enterprises (Liodakis, 2010; Pérez-Vitoria, 2010; Barnes &

Gilman, 2011; van der Ploeg, 2010). Despite the global nature of these problems, the effects of them

can differ significantly according to places. This will become especially clear in chapter 7.

§ 3.2 Crisis of meaning The crisis of meaning is less straightforward than the other two dimensions that will be explored.

Therefore, we spend some more time and space on the definition of this dimension. We will start

12

with the introduction of the concept of values here, since it is fundamental to this dimension of the

crisis. Two different notions of values will be distinguished here:

Values can be seen as people’s principles and motivational goals as well as world views, beliefs.

So values differ according to cultural contexts. These values and beliefs create the reality as we

see it, and are necessarily linked to emotions;

Values can appear in an instrumental sense, as criteria or standards for evaluation or as a system

for ordering priorities, e.g. economic value and nutritional value.

Secondly, we will return to the notion of modernity that was introduced in chapter 1. It could be

argued, that in the era of modernity, those traditional value systems, that showed us the fixities of

life were replaced with a ‘new meaning of life’. This new meaning being that technology and science

instead of tradition and religion would show us the way forward. Moreover, it has been argued that

in the era of modernity, values proposed by traditional systems have been replaced by economic

value. Shiva argues that this is symptomatic for the dominance of an economic system in which

everything is reduced to the economy and the economy to the market (Shiva according to Horlings,

2015, p. 260).

The claims of reason, be it scientifically, economically or technically made in the era of modernity,

seemed to show us a sense of certitude, that was greater than any pre-existing dogma. However, as

was argued in chapter one, we have now entered the age of what can be called reflexive modernity

in which the belief that the global market economy and science will show us the way forward is

crumbling. Our sense of guidance and meaning is gone, a crisis of meaning born. Giddens (1991)

summarizes this feeling in the following sentence:

“We are abroad in a world which is thoroughly constituted through reflexively applied knowledge, but

where at the same time we can never be sure that any given element of that knowledge will not be

revised (p. 39).”

In summary, where once, modernity was offering a promise for progress and improvement, it is now

becoming increasingly clear that this modernity has its negative effects, personally, environmentally,

politically, socially and economically. This is supposed to lead to an increased instability and

disorientation, leaving many facing an ‘existential crisis’, a crisis in discerning a meaning or purpose

for their existence and struggling to tackle the problems in living that this engenders (Roberts, 2007).

It has been argued that such crises can put values under pressure, and in turn lead to a change in

value and belief systems. This then, is not just a personal change, but also a cultural or societal

change which in turn might mean a transition into sustainability, discussed in Chapter 2. This change

is clearly linked to the notion of interactions between different levels.

Concretely, this movement is embodied in new practices, geared towards self-organization, self-

efficacy and participatory societies, in which individuals and groups take responsibility for their

environment. This seems to induce an important change in attitudes and (sub-)cultures in which

people around the world are developing alternative lifestyles to distinct themselves from dominant,

unsustainable lifestyles (Loorbach & Lijnis Huffenreuter, 2013; Horlings, 2015). In other words it

increasingly leads to a restructuring of everyday life or an emergence of cultural sustainability as

Horlings (2015) terms it:

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“The concept of cultural sustainability has been understood as a sustainable way of life, based on

ethical choices in everyday activities – the consumption of products and services in relation to the

environment and other people. Furthermore, it has been viewed as a dimension of sense of place and

local or place based self-sustainable development (Horlings, 2015, p. 257).”

Conill et al. (2012) mainly focus on this in the sense of an increased notion of reconstructing

everyday life around autonomous economic practices that do not rely on the banks or the

government. They mention: This is not to say that the masses of the world joined in the practice of an

alternative economic culture, but the possibility of convergence between cultural transformation and

economic survival has opened (Conill, Castells, Cardenas, & Servon, 2012).

Important to note here, is that in this sense, it is thus the inner dimension of sustainability that

matters. Only in this way can we understand choices that are being made. Although the importance

of values and a change of worldviews in action and transitions into sustainability is increasingly

acknowledged, there has not been many research into it so far. Instead, most research has dealt with

‘outer’ dimensions of people’s actions, like behavior, systems and organizations. Admittedly, values

are not easy to research. Nevertheless, it is important to keep this concept in mind, since most of the

crisis of meaning is a crisis that takes place ‘on the inside’ of people. It is a shift or a crisis of the mind

rather than an external pressure that directly pushes people to make changes in their daily lives. It

will be tried to gain access to this change of values through researching practices, discourses and

trends (Horlings, 2015).

§ 3.3 Economic It seems indispensable to address an area in which the economic crisis has been predominant.

Attention has been paid on the roots of this crisis, but going further into detail here would go beyond

our scope. Nevertheless, the effects have been clear. Soon the crisis spread itself through the

territory of the European Union, leaving behind a trail of (youth) unemployment, economic

downturn, plummeting value of mortgage, collapse of banks and a decrease in gross domestic

product (GDP). None of the Member States (MS) escaped from its adverse effects, but it is clear that

some countries, like Spain, Portugal and Greece, were hit harder than others (Karanikolos, et al.,

2013; Stein, 2011).

Chapter 4: Crisis in the agro-food regime The global crisis also has different manifestations according to the socio-technical regime in which it

takes place. In this thesis, the agro-food regime is central. At first sight, the crisis in the agro-food

regime started in 2008. In this year, the world was faced with surging food prices. A crisis that mainly

hit the world’s poorest, but that made clear that affordable food was no longer a given. Strikingly,

this crisis was not primarily an agricultural one, since it hit in a time of abundance. Agricultural

output was historically high and large food companies witnessed soaring profits and an increase in

value added. Yet, this abundance went hand in hand with high levels of under-nutrition and

increasing levels of poverty (van der Ploeg, 2010; Webb, 2010). The rising prices were a result of the

global market, and long-term developments, not of local disturbances in supply and demand. The

2008 food crisis was manmade (Vanhaute, 2011). Van der Ploeg (2010) argues:

14

“It is ironic that the world only started to discuss the food crisis when the price shock of 2008

provoked discomfort and fears (notably over restrictions on the free trade of food) in the spaces of

wealth – the chronic hunger elsewhere has largely been neglected for two decades (p.104).”

At the same time, van der Ploeg (2008) pointed out the existence of an agrarian crisis. This crisis

concerned the quality of food and the security of food delivery, the sustainability of agricultural

production and problems in emancipation for those involved in primary production. He stated that

the food crisis is strongly rooted in, and linked to the agrarian crisis. We therefore need to look at an

agro-food crisis, instead of taking the two as separate phenomena.

How did this crisis come about? Its development is strikingly similar to the global crisis. This is

because the agro-food regime has mostly followed the historical lines of the globalization of

neoliberalist values. Therefore, we again need to take a historical perspective.

§ 4.1 Walking an unsustainable path: the agro-food system after WWII After the Second World War, Europe was left in crisis. Its population faced food shortages and high

levels of poverty. To counter this, governments started to work together more than before on a

European scale. The agricultural landscape that we perceive nowadays has been determined to a

great extent by the policies that were decided in this time and on this level . Three main policy aims

could be distinguished:

1. Ensuring adequate food supply at low consumer prices;

2. Increasing exports by stimulating production to obtain a positive balance of payments

3. Creating reasonable standard of living for farmers.

Development was formulated in terms of scale enlargement, intensification and specialization (van

der Ploeg, 1995). The availability of cheap and plentiful petroleum, so that animals and humans could

be replaced by machines, made these goals attainable (Lang, 2010). Yet, there were some important

impediments. Rural areas were poorly accessible and they were widely scattered, which made it hard

and time-consuming to cultivate them. Therefore, mechanization was a difficult and non-viable

process. Hence, in many European areas, a policy of land consolidation was put in place in which

small plots were put together and leveled, ditches were changed and roads were constructed and

hardened, so that it became possible to work them mechanically (Andela, 2009).

Structural changes also took place in the decades after the 1950s. In the 1960s the first steps towards

a structural policy for the agricultural sector on a European scale were made. Besides, different

technical innovations became used on a wide scale in the sector, which brought about a process of

restructuring of the agricultural production, and eventually a restructuring of the whole sector: the

productivist model of farming was born (Bieleman, 2010).

Another important process was the restructuring of agricultural markets under the neoliberal project

of which the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Agreement on Agriculture is an important landmark

(van der Ploeg, 2010). This was reinforced by the call for open markets and structural adjustment

programs in the 1980s. Also, from the 1980s onwards, Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) were

starting to become more widely used. These developments increased the globalization of food

markets, which were increasingly characterized by similar price levels and enormous flows of

commodities between different parts of the world. At the same time, due to the surpluses of the

15

1980s, investors and policymakers walked away from agriculture, because it was a declining industry,

with low financial returns (Timmer, 2010; Pérez-Vitoria, 2010).

§ 4.2 The development of “Empire” In a few decades, the whole agro-food sector thus became restructured. This had far-reaching effects

for the way in which the relationship between social, natural and economic worlds in agriculture was

ordered. Different scholars have come up with names for this phenomenon. For example,

McMicheal (2008) has named it the corporate food regime while Van der Ploeg (2008) calls the same

phenomenon Empire. He defines this concept as:

“a mode of ordering that tends to become dominant. At the same time, Empire is embodied in a wide

range of specific expressions: agribusiness groups, large retailers, state apparatuses, but also laws,

scientific models, technologies, etc. Together, these expressions compose: a grammar or rule set

comprised in the coherent complex of scientific knowledge, engineering practices, production process

technologies, product characteristics ways of defining problems, all of them embedded in institutions

and infrastructures. On the one hand, this regime is indeed, continuously made coherent, while, on

the other, it is equally an arena in which internal struggles and contradictions are omnipresent.

Authoritative hubs of control mutually contest for hegemony (p. 4)”

Hence, liberalized markets have become an arena in which agribusiness groups are striving for

hegemony. They all exert monopoly power, and it is becoming difficult for farmers and consumers to

buy or sell food outside of the circuits they control. To illustrate, around a hundred large companies

control 74% of all food sold in the world. 35% of all sales are realized by only ten multinationals:

Nestlé (Switzerland), PepsiCo, Inc. (US), Kraft Foods (US), The Coca-Cola Company (US), Unilever

(Netherlands), Tyson Foods (US), Cargill (US), Mars (US), Archer Daniels Midland Company (US),

Danone (France). These numbers are illustrative for the whole agro-food regime. Similar numbers

can be found in for example seed production, farming, and food processing. Perversely, these

companies have seen roaring profits during the heydays of the food crisis of 2008/2009.

Food empires require industrial farming, because of its capacity to deliver large amounts of

standardized and cheap raw materials for further processing. Moreover, food empires have widened

the gap between farm-gate prices and those paid by consumers. It is therefore responsible for a

large-scale draining of wealth out of agricultural sectors. At the same time, Empire is built on the

creation of disconnections, between production and consumption, both in time and space. This is

possible because of the global market that allows large flows of commodities between different parts

of the world. It has in this sense also created a disconnection between farming, nature and locality.

Through food engineering, Empire manages to create ‘high-quality’ products out of low quality

inputs, sourced from different parts of the world. It has created an integrated global market in

foodstuffs characterized by amongst others global inflation of food prices.

Furthermore, Empire is characterized by its dependency on credit and the necessity to direct every

part of the production process through markets. This dependency introduces the need to generate a

large cash flow to pay redemption and interest rates and co-finance further expansion. This has led

to the fact that the indebtedness of farmers has grown exponentially. As a consequence, agriculture

has become much more sensitive to economic trends than before. This constellation is consequently

very sensitive to external shocks, and so resilience is decreased. Also, Empire is often dependent

upon support by states and global institutions like the IMF, WTO, or EU. Neo-liberal policies like

16

liberalization and financial deregulation have encouraged agribusiness consolidation, and alliances

between agribusiness, the chemical industry and biotechnology.

Moreover, it tends to marginalize and destroy peasants and the values they carry and produce. This

has important consequences for both food security and food sovereignty. To illustrate: more than a

billion inhabitants of the Earth suffer from hunger. A third of them are peasants. This is not all,

Empire tends to destroy those farmers that did choose to follow its values, by making them

extremely dependent on banks, market prices, subsidies, agricultural policies. Uncertainty on their

survival is a constant characteristic for those who have adopted industrial values.

Lastly, Empire tends to have detrimental effects environmentally. Fingers have been pointed at

Empire for being responsible for soil degradation, loss of biodiversity, degradation of landscapes,

resource depletion, a large contribution to climate change, a loss of genetic resources, pollution,

excessive use of water, exploitation of non-renewable resources, etcetera. (van der Ploeg, 2008; van

der Ploeg, 2010; Pérez-Vitoria, 2010; McMicheal, 2009) .

§ 4.3 What next? : the world after the agro-food crisis The previous paragraphs have shown that the crisis in the agro-food regime has been shaped and

accelerated by the crisis on a landscape level. The crisis in the agro-food regime too is thus multi-

dimensional and global (McMicheal, 2009). This crisis too is characterized by a systemic lock-in.

Pérez-Vitoria (2010) phrases it as follows:

“It is impossible to stop the machine now it has been launched […]. The capital that has been invested

needs to be made profitable by the quantities produced. Whether this induces destruction and

contamination of soils, pollutions and other harm caused by the production of surpluses is not taken

into account (p. 28, own translation).”

It is becoming ever more clear, that the agro-food crisis cannot be countered by further expansion of

the industrial, empire style of farming. Since it is at the roots of the problems in the first place, and

therefore will only reinforce the crisis. As the problems of the regime become increasingly obvious,

windows of opportunity are created for niches to break through in the socio-technical landscape,

although this is not an easy or unilinear process. On the contrary, the formal organizations that form

a part of the dominant regime either ignore or actively suppress the emergence of niches that may

lead to new regimes, in which they might lose their influence. It is thus important to acknowledge

that transition processes are in the first place a transformation of power and relationships, and

therefore a result of a political process. This is a particularly tough challenge in the field of

agriculture, since it is a sector that is characterized by a high level of governmentality (Darnhofer,

2014; van der Ploeg, 2008).

Chapter 5: The creation of a niche: Defining the peasantries We have now looked at the global crisis, its roots, causes and consequences. Because of the

persistence of the problem, it has become impossible to keep on ignoring it, solutions have therefore

been proposed at all levels of society. On the levels of landscape and socio-technical regimes, the

ruling institutions are proposing solutions that show the lock-in of the system. A second Green

Revolution or Green Growth alternatives are mostly put forward as the solution to our problems.

17

Nevertheless, these solutions go on in the same strand of thought that caused the crisis in the first

place (Holt-Gimenez, 2009; Schneider, Kallis, & Martinez-Alier, 2010).

On the other hand, from a MLP perspective, it can be argued that the crisis is creating ruptures in the

above mentioned levels. This rupture also induces other responses. Empire has met growing

resistance among the world’s smallholder farmers, and thereby led to an important development in

rural areas today: the process of repeasantization (Holt-Gimenez, 2009).

During the past centuries, historical capitalism has gradually incorporated the world peasantries into

a new, globalized division of labour. It has led to the fact that the peasantries have mainly come to

be seen as an initial stage of the development ladder. The peasantries were a remnant of the past

(McMicheal, 2009). This idea was followed by an active elimination of the peasantries from the world

stage through a combined process of overburdening, restricting and reducing peasant spaces by

amongst others a diminishing access to land, a decrease in available natural resources and a declining

common knowledge. Consequently, the material basis of this economic system was considerably

weakened. Therefore, some scholars have been talking about depeasantization, or ‘the end of the

peasantries’. This statement is backed by the fact that in 2007, for the first time in history, more than

half of the world’s population was living in cities and towns. Nonetheless, others argue that the

agrarian crisis will increasingly push farmers back into restructuring in a peasant like way (Vanhaute,

2011). For example, it has been shown that capitalist farms, in history, during periods of prolonged

agrarian crisis have crashed, and that some of these continued as peasant farms. Indeed, globally

there seem to be more peasants than ever before. This movement happens both out of free will as

by those that do not have an alternative and is characterized by both a quantitative increase in

numbers, but also by a number of entrepreneurial farmers that are reconverting themselves into

peasants (van der Ploeg, 2008).

The peasant mode of farming can thus be seen as a movement that is showing resistance and

survival of individual farmers in a hostile environment. Moreover, in the world today, we can

perceive a global political movement of peasants that are increasingly organizing themselves out of

resistance against decades of ‘development’ that has sought to eliminate peasants. Instead of

defending a form of agriculture that is lost, peasant movements are now advocating a world beyond

the crisis induced by Empire. Some examples of these movements are Vía Campesina, Campesino a

campesino Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST). Next to being an individual

strategy for survival, the peasantries thus increasingly constitute themselves into a political project

with the same goal: survival and resistance in a hostile political environment (McMicheal, 2009). In

this thesis, the focus will be on processes of repeasantization on a micro-level.

§ 5.1 Historical notions of the peasantries The notion of the peasant goes back a long way in history. Although Tchayanov was the first one in

1924 to write about peasants, Robert Redfield is often considered as the founding father of peasant

studies, due to the fact that Tchayanovs book did not get translated to English until 1966. Redfield

published two books in 1956 called Peasant societies and Culture and The little Community, in which

he was one of the first and certainly one of the most influential ones to write down what constitutes

a peasant society. Until then, peasant societies had always been put at the same level as agrarian

societies. Redfield, however, argued that unlike this common belief, they were not in the first place

characterized by their connection to the soil, but because of the fact that a peasant society is a small,

http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Movimento_dos_Trabalhadores_Rurais_Sem_Terra

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local collectivity, characterized by autarky in most domains: demography, economy, culture,

etcetera. At the same time, these societies were always embedded within and characterized by a

society at large, without losing its autonomy.

In the decades that followed, several authors enlarged the field of peasant studies. One of the more

interesting limbs is the one that resulted from the translation of Tchayanovs book Peasant farm

organization in 1966. It induced a number of studies into the economic logic of peasants that was

and still is seen to be the complete opposite of neo-classical economics (Mendras, 2000).

In 1967 Mendras published the book The end of peasants (La fin des paysans). He offered a new view

that seemed to be radical at the time in which he argued that he and his contemporaries were

witnessing the disappearance of peasant societies, to make place for an industrialized type of

agriculture, after a long period of resistance.

A large part of his book was dedicated to an almost anthropological description of what constitutes

the peasantries. He noted that a peasant society “is a relatively autonomous group, in the middle of a

larger society” (p. 17, own translation). This group is characterized by strong personal ties,

subsistence farming, and restricted and fairly autonomous communities. The peasant farm was equal

to the peasant family, in which there was an absence of choice for ones purpose in life. One gets

born as a peasant, and dies as a peasant. Next to this, there is no division of labour as we can see it in

industrialized societies, ones role in the farm gets determined by age and gender, not by

competencies. The peasant is everything at once: producers, consumer, sales man, etcetera.

Moreover, he also argued that peasant production is autarkic: a peasant economy is domestic and

does not follow an economic management like an enterprise. On the contrary, peasant logic was

focused of staying out of debt, while being able to feed oneself: “être libre, manger son pain et

respecter la nature (Being free, eating your bread and respecting nature, p. 195, own translation).”

Mendras saw this peasant constellation as one that was bound to disappear, due to an ever

increasing division of labour, technological progress in the field of agriculture and agricultural

training, the mindset of the farmer was bound to become more economic:

«The two rationalities are in conflict and one can imagine that the economic logic will triumph over

the traditional one (p.197, own translation). »

Twenty years later, Mendras republished his book, this time with a new note. He argued that the

movements he was describing in the ‘60s were completed in the ‘80s. The peasantries, as he had

described them, had ceased to exist.

As was noticed, Mendras considered the peasant family to be at the heart of the labour at the farm.

In a later instance though, Tepicht added in 1973 the notion of marginal labour as a fundament of

peasant agriculture. This meant that, indeed, the largest part of the labour in a farm was performed

by the peasant family. Yet, work around the house, and in the stables was performed in part-time

labour by women, children and old people, leaving this time available for other activities for the

peasant family (Darrot, 2008).

§ 5.2 Contemporary writers Despite the fact that Mendras regarded the disappearance of the peasantries as a completed

process, he did point out rural and agricultural processes that he had not foreseen. Moreover, his

19

observations provided an inspiration and a basis for other writers concerned with the theory of the

peasantries. These new authors regarded the ancient idea of peasants as a too fixed concept and

pleaded for “an attempt of a re-theorization of the peasantry in terms of the ‘peasant condition’ that

places the peasantry firmly in its present-day context while simultaneously acknowledging the agency

contained within it […] as a central characteristic (van der Ploeg, 2008, p. 23) ”

One of the most influential “re-theorists” is van der Ploeg (2008). He argues, like many others, that

peasants are far from being a remnant from the past. On the contrary, they are still there, and their

return, or continuing existence, should be seen rather as a chance for a solution for contemporary

crisis than a failure of these billions of peasants climbing on the development ladder (van der Ploeg,

2008; Pérez-Vitoria, 2010) .

Now, what are these modern-day peasants? In the basis, van der Ploeg distinguishes three different

constellations: peasant agriculture, entrepreneurial agriculture and large-scale corporate farming.

Both entrepreneurial farming and corporate farming form a part of Empire, and are therefore

producing for large food processing industries and supermarkets, and are participating in a move

that is going evermore towards industrialization. This inherently implies the destruction of ecological,

social and cultural capital. Such a type of farming excludes the majority of farmers, but also destroys

those farmers that have followed the modernization script, and have become agricultural

entrepreneurs, by the increasing squeeze on agriculture. The third constellation, the peasantries,

forms the core of van der Ploeg’s work. He defines them as follows:

“Central to the peasant condition, then, is the struggle for autonomy that takes place in a context

characterized by dependency relations, marginalization and deprivation. It aims at and materializes

as the creation and development of a self-controlled and self-managed resource base, which in turn

allows for those forms of co-production of man and living nature that interact with the market, allow

for survival and for further prospects, and feed back into and strengthen the resource base, improve

the process of co-production, enlarge autonomy and thus reduce dependency. Depending upon the

particularities of the prevailing socio-economic conjuncture, both survival and development of one’s

own resource base might be strengthened through engagement in other non-agrarian activities

(p.23)”

Complementarily, Silvia Pérez-Vitoria (2010) argues that throughout the world, a struggle of peasants

can be seen. She sees this as a movement that constitutes new visions, but that bases itself on

peasant values that have always been there. She too, argues that, despite the large diversity of

peasant forms throughout the world, common characteristics can be defined to recognize peasants

throughout the world. Because of their overlap in vision, a combination of both the vision of van der

Ploeg and Pérez-Vitoria seems to be able to give a comprehensive view on the different elements

that constitute the modern peasantry.

Labour: Labour is relatively abundant and central to the production process in peasant

agriculture and therefore development typically occurs as labour driven intensification. In this,

family workers are the rule, salaried workers are an exception.

Co-production: Co-production is an ongoing interaction and transformation of man and living

nature. The quality and productivity of key resources like land, animals, crops, buildings, etc. is

slowly but gradually improved. Also, the relations with the outside world are constantly re-

patterned. In this process, “free” resources are favored over those that should be paid for;

20

(Further strengthening of the ) Resource base: One of the major outcomes of co-production is

an evolving resource base of which the separate elements are working together. Resources are

not only converted into goods and services, but they are also (re)produced as resources. In this

way, patrimony is created. The resource base is nearly always limited, which implies technical

efficiency. As much output as possible is realized with a given amount of resources and without

depleting them;

Localized knowledge and know-how instead of universal science: instead of trusting upon

generalized science, the farm is adapted to local conditions by constantly observing what works

in the particular conditions of the farm and what does not;

Embeddedness in society: The peasant mode of farming is connected to the society of which it

forms a part, instead of being embedded in international and national markets. In this sense,

peasant agriculture fulfills a multi-functional role, integrating the social aspect of farming,

instead of only the market aspect.

Patterns of cooperation: Facing a hostile environment nearly always requires forms of

cooperation. Through cooperation, the struggle for autonomy extends beyond the level of the

individual farm unit. This strengthening often implies the use of social networks, in which

reciprocity and solidarity instead of competition is a central element;

Autarky: Instead of shaping the production system according to market demands, the farm is

organized in such a way that it shapes the needs of the farm and its farmers. This can take the

shape of auto-consumption. However, most of the time it means that there is a relatively

autonomous flow of resources produced and reproduced within the farm itself, thereby closing

the cycle of production as much as possible;

Patterning relations with markets in ways that allow for autonomy: Peasant production is only

partly commoditized. Relations with the outside world are constructed on the basis of distrust of

the larger markets and therefore translate into autonomy. Those relations that come into play

are linking the past, present and future. The peasant way of farming is characterized by the

production and growth of value added, this leads to emancipation and a growing independency

from a hostile environment;

Reducing dependency: An ever persistent goal is to counter the general tendency of unequal

and worsening terms of trade;

Pluri-activity & diversification: Through engaging in pluriactivity, dependency upon banking

circuits and money lenders can be avoided. This gives the peasant the freedom to do with his

resources what he thinks best;

Use instead of ownership of land : Land is not seen as a capital, but another idea of ownership is

in place. In many peasant societies there is still a communal idea of the land. Or land is being

paid for in different ways. Most importantly, ownership is not seen as it is mostly seen on paper

(van der Ploeg, 2008; Pérez-Vitoria, 2010).

§ 5.3 Conclusion From the above we can conclude that it is wrong to think that peasants are victims, or remnants from

a no longer existent history. On the contrary, repeasantization offers powerful answers to many

problems that are being faced today (McMicheal, 2009; Vanhaute, 2011). Secondly, we learn that

peasant farms, can be seen as an autarkic entity, that is embedded within a society at large. Because

of this embeddedness the form that repeasantization takes is highly specific according to the locality

in which it takes place. This is a notion that van der Ploeg (2008) terms specificity, meaning that at

21

the empirical level, the features of the peasantry will reflect the society in which it is embedded, and

the history upon which it is built. Repeasantization can thus be seen a phenomenon that Loorbach et

al. (2013) term glocal alternatives, as it is based on the more generic characteristics, but manifests

itself in very different forms locally (p. 43).

The overarching goal of peasant agriculture is to create autonomy, resilience and survival, through

the activities within the farm. In this thesis, I will subdivide these activities into three categories:

agricultural practices and internal organization, relationships with the outside world, and economic

practices and relationships to markets. These categories and the elements that constitute them are

depicted in figure 3.

Figure 3 : Peasant definition based on van der Ploeg (2008) and Pérez-Vitoria (2010)

This definition gives a comprehensive view on what constitutes the peasantry and provides the basis

for the table of analysis used for the cases of this thesis. This table can be found in Annex 2. It is

important to mention that this definition should not be read as a fixed concept. There are no clear

cut lines between a peasant, an agricultural entrepreneur or non-agricultural population. Alongside

ideal type expressions of these categories, there are grey zones. Sometimes, a peasant will find

himself forced to make changes, or to give up a part of autonomy to ensure survival. The given

definition should therefore be seen as a continuum, on which peasants are always moving. In time,

one farmer can move up and down the scale of ‘peasantness’. As Pérez-Vitoria (2010) argues:

Every time that farmers try to find back forms of autonomy, that they change their production

systems or they make short circuits from the conventional markets to assure their sales directly, that

is a move in the direction of repeasantization. Today, peasant markets and farms are multiplying (p.

135, own translation)”.

Autonomy, resilience and survival

Agricultural practices and internal organization

- Labour - Self-created and evolving resource base through co-

production - Localized knowledge and

know-how

Relationships with the outside world

- Embeddedness in society - Patterns of co-operation

- Reciprocity - Resistance

- Autarky

Economic practices and relationships to markets

- Patterning relations with markets in ways that allow

for autonomy - Reducing dependency

- Pluri-activity - Use instead of ownership

of land

22

Summary We have now looked at the theoretical parts of our research question:


different territories, and to what extent does it contribute to shape repeasantization processes in

these territories?

The different notions that we will be working with have been defined. It has become clear that the

crisis we are dealing with might be a financial crisis at first sight, but that, if we look more closely, it is

global and multi-dimensional, finding its roots in cultures, institutions and practices of the past few

decades. By applying a MLP we have seen that this global crisis takes place at the landscape level. It is

however constantly affecting and affected by what happens both at the level of socio-technical

regimes and that of the niche level.

The main focus here is on the agro-food regime. The crisis in this regime has followed similar lines as

the global crisis. Nevertheless, it is also characterized by specificity, and therefore has different

outcomes in different localities. As a response there is a movement of repeasantization that can be

perceived in the niche-level. This movement has been researched on a global level, pointing out

common characteristics of the peasantries. Also, in some cases, the link between crises and the

process of repeasantization has been pointed out. We have however seen that this is a ‘glocal’

movement that manifests itself in different shapes locally, according to specific local characteristics.

In the next part of this thesis, we will be focusing on the links between the local expressions of the

crisis, and the specific manifestations of repeasantization. This will be done in three territories that

are all thought to be quite stereo-typical for one of the chosen dimensions.

23

Part II:

Turning theory into

practice

25

Chapter 6: Methodology In this part of the thesis, the goal is to research empirically and understand the processes of

repeasantization in different territories in the EU, and whether this manifestation is influenced by the

local expression of the crisis. To see what is happening on the ground, in case of repeasantization, it

is important to take a micro-level perspective. Therefore, the research will consist of case studies

made in three territories. At the center of each case will be one or two farm(s). The methodology

used is thus qualitative. This choice has been made since the purpose of this research is to

understand the processes behind these cases of repeasantization that would have gone unnoticed in

studies conducted at a larger scale. It is impossible to base any generalizations on these

observations, but this is not the purpose either.

§ 6.1 Structure of the research Each case study will consist of the following steps: First the territory is described, so that the local

expression of the crisis can be determined. Second, a monograph is written on each case, after which

it can be decided whether we are, or are not dealing with a case of repeasantization. Third, the

connections between the crisis in the territory and the farm will be explored. To describe the local

situation, each territory will be characterized by describing the following categories:

Geography

o Where

o Population & Social Profile

Environment

o Nature & Biodiversity

o Soil & Land Use

o Environmental problems

o Environmental activism

o Environmental programs for the territory

Economic

o Income & Poverty

o Employment & Unemployment

o Industries & Enterprises

o Large influential institutions

Socio-political

o Number of students & post-graduates in the territory

o Associations & Networks

o Different forms of activism

o Voting behavior

o Projects financed by the region/municipality

The sub-categories will be used as indicators. However, they are not seen as a quantitative tool, nor

are they meant to be comprehensive. The goal is to describe main characteristics and tendencies in

the territory studied. This information will be used in the following way:

The first category, Geography, will allow us to describe the area that we are studying. In this way, we

have an idea of the context in which the research is taking place. The categories Environment,

Economy and Socio-political will also be used to describe the context, but have a lager purpose than

26

that. They will be used to define the local expressions of the crisis. Each category represents one of

the dimensions of the crisis that were chosen. These indicators will be used to point out the

differences between the territories. Each territory will be described in-depth. For a short overview of

all crises a table of comparison can be consulted in Annex 3.

Once the local expression of the crisis has been determined and described, it is time to describe the

initiative studied. After this, we will look at our main hypothesis: that the form of repeasantization

that we witness is influenced by the local expression of the crisis. To research this empirically, we

need different elements. First, it needs to be determined whether the farm can be seen as a form of

repeasantization. For this, I will use the definition of peasants described in chapter 4. As was

mentioned, the definition can be divided into three categories: agricultural practices and internal

organization, relationships with the outside world, and economic practices and relationships to

markets. The overarching goal of this is to see how these help in the creation of autonomy, resilience

and survival. To make the analysis more clear, each case will be placed into a “table of analysis”, that

will be included in the annexes of this thesis. The empty table can be found in annex 2.

Finally, the form of repeasantization of each specific case will be compared to the local expressions

of the crisis. It will be researched whether the two go together, where the connections can be found,

and where the two are divergent. In this way, it can be shown whether or not the form of

repeasantization that we witness was influenced by the crisis.

§ 6.2 Choice of the territories and cases The territories and cases in this study have been chosen by basing ourselves on a mix of personal

knowledge, mouth to mouth knowledge and the use of (grey) literature. In general, first, a country or

region has been chosen, based on the idea that this country or territory would illustrate a very

characteristic form and expression of one of the chosen dimensions of the crisis. Afterwards, this has

been funded by literature and interviews. The cases were chosen according to the same strategy.

They were chosen upon the basis of the idea that they would illustrate an expression of

repeasantization within the context of a manifestation of the crisis. The territories were not defined

according to administrative boundaries. Rather, the boundaries were decided upon a case-by-case

basis. This is supported by the following statement:

“What gives a place its specificity is not some long internalized history but the fact that it is

constructed out of a particular constellation of relations, articulated together at a particular locus.

Regions have been conceptualized as processes that are performed, limited, symbolized and

institutionalized through practices, discourses and power relations that are not inevitably bound to a

specific scale, but may be networked in both time and space. […] although place can be

conceptualized as a relational and networked space, we can also understand place from a spatial

bounded approach in a concrete context [bold added] (Horlings, 2015, p. 258).”

In this sense, it was not necessary to choose similar scales throughout the research. Rather, those

scales were chosen that were thought to be most logical and coherent to honor the context for each

of the separate cases. The indicators mentioned in the previous paragraph will therefore be used as a

tool to prove the homogeneity of the territories.

27

In the case of an environmental crisis, we were looking for a territory where an environmental crisis

had clear territorial impacts that might push farmers to change their farming practices. Since this

thesis was written for Agrocampus Ouest Rennes, based in Brittany, for a chair group that is already

researching the issue of green algae proliferations in Lannion Bay, this territory was a logical choice.

The territorial element of the crisis in this case is emblematic. The green algae have caused the death

of large mammals (horse, dogs and boars) and have intoxicated humans. This has led to a strong

mediatization of the issue and the involvement of regional, national and international governments.

Moreover, its link with and impact on agriculture has been proven. Moreover, possible interviewees

were more easily accessible, due to both the spatial element and the link with researchers that had

previously been conducting research in the territory. The exact delineations of the territory were

decided upon existing literature, based on the researches of Diaz, Levain, the ACCASYA project, grey

literature and policy documents. The cases and other interviewees were chosen with the help of the

recommendations of Marion Diaz, who had previously visited the same farms for her PhD research

and recommended them as a useful case for this research.

For the crisis of meaning, there was a broader range of possible territories. These territories would

on the one hand be characterized by an industrial and productive type of agriculture. On the other

hand, in the same territory there would be a clear movement of social action that contests this

productivist model of agriculture. Therefore, the choice was for a university city with multiple

(intellectual) movements. Due to reasons of language, the choice was between either a territory in

Germany, or in the Netherlands. Wageningen was chosen because we were familiar with it, and thus

knowledge on the local situation, as well as access to possible interviewees was relatively ample. The

case has been chosen based upon previous field visits in the farm and a short movie on the website

of the Future Farmers project. It was therefore already known beforehand that it lived up to the

expectations of this case.

Lastly, the choice for the territory of an economic crisis was based upon news messages and the

Rural Development report of the EU that showed the way in which the Mediterranean countries in

the EU were especially hard hit by the economic crisis. At first, the preference was to find a territory

in Greece, because of recent developments and aggravations of the crisis, thus making it an

interesting and ever developing case. Finally however, the choice for Spain was made. As the

research was progressing, it became clear that in order to be able to comprehensively describe the

territory according to the different indicators, documents were needed that were mainly in the

language of the country of origin. Also, being able to conduct the interview in the native language of

the interviewee was thought to increase the quality, since no intermediary would be needed for

translation, and the interviewee would be able to express him or herself better. In order to not take

the risk to have a language barrier decrease the quality and completeness of the research, the choice

was made to look for a territory that would express the economic crisis in Spain. Afterwards, the

choice of the territory and the case itself was based upon the following article: Learning from new

peasants, by Delobel and Biseto (2013). That showed that the criteria for this research were present

both in the territory itself as in the case.

Chapter 7: Coping with green tides : Lieue-de-Grève In order to research a local expression of an environmental crisis and its effects on forms of

repeasantization, the watershed Lieue-de-Grève has been chosen. This watershed forms a part of

28

Lannion Bay, which was affected early and strongly by the presence of green tides. Therefore, many

research programs have focused on this area, which means that enough literature is available to

construct a coherent image of the territory and its crisis (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013).

The area of Lannion Bay is however relatively large, covering 38 communities, 667 square kilometers

and three different sites in which the green tides take place. The research area has therefore been

reduced to the watershed of the Lieue-de-Grève that contains one of the sites in which the green

tides take place: the Bay of Saint-Michel-en-Grève (Lannion-Trégor Agglomeration, 2010; SAGE,

2013).

§ 7.1 Describing the territory Our first step will be to give a description of the territory and its crisis. This will be done as much as

possible for the territory of Lieue-de-Grève. In some cases, there are no data available for this area,

so that sometimes, data from a larger scale will be used.

§ 7.1.1 Geography & Population

The watershed of Lieue-de-Grève (figure 4) is situated in Bretagne, France and forms a part of the

area of Lannion Bay. The area is around 12000 hectares large and predominantly rural (NUTS 3)

(European Commission, 2013). Twelve communities are completely or partially included in the

territory: Plestin-les-Grèves, Trémel, Plufur, Guerlesquin, Plounérin, Lanvellec, Plouaret,

Plouzélambre, Tréduder , Saint-Michel-en-Grève, Ploumilliau and Trédrez-Locquémeau. The

watershed consists of 5 sub-watersheds: Kerdu, Quicquis, Roscoat, Traou-Bigot and the Yar. There

are no large cities or towns situated within the research area itself, but within the area of Lannion

Bay there are the cities of Lannion (20777 inhabitants) and Perros-Guirec (7689 inhabitants). The rest

of the towns in the region count less than 5000 inhabitants (SAGE, 2013; Nitschelm, Corson, Aubin,

Viaud, & Walter, 2014).

Figure 4: Research area (Lannion-Trégor Agglomeration, 2010, p. 12)

About 13.500 people live in the region. Between 1999 and 2006, the population in the area

increased with 8% due to the attractiveness of the coast-line as well as the nearby Technopole. Yet

this number should not be read unambiguously. In Lannion-Trégor, the region in which our research

29

territory is situated, the number of young people is decreasing, while the number of people aged

over 40 years is increasing. Also, different trends can be distinguished within the territory. First,

population densities are high and increasing at a relatively fast pace in the coastline zone. This has

especially been the case in Lannion, but similar trends are found in the rest of the coastal towns.

Secondly, population densities in the rural areas in our territory are low. Generally, the further the

communities are situated from the coast line, the less densely populated the area is. Also, contrary

to the coastal cities, the rural towns are witnessing a decrease in population (Diaz & Darrot, 2014;

SAGE, 2013; Lannion-Trégor Agglomeration, 2010).

§ 7.1.2 Environment

Biodiversity & Land Use

The territory is one of high ecological interest. There are seven areas that are defined as Natural

Zones of Ecological, Floristic and Faunistic Interest (ZNIEFF). Next to this, there is a Natura 2000 site,

l’Etang de Moulin Neuf, and different classified natural sites, which is an official French label that

points out natural sites with a specific interest (e.g. landscape, art, history). Each year, these sites

attract many tourists (Lannion-Trégor Agglomeration, 2010).

Around 70% of the territory of Lieue-de-Grève is covered by agricultural land, divided among 194

farms, of which around 85% is used for intensive dairy production, in which cows are mainly fed

with maize and concentrate (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013; Nitschelm, Corson, Aubin,

Viaud, & Walter, 2014). No data are available for the other land uses in Lieue-de-Grève. Therefore,

we will be looking at the scale of Lannion Bay. Of this territory 6,4% is urbanized, while up to 80% is

used for agriculture. Only 0,4% is used as industrial or commercial zones, while forests take up 13%.

The territory is thus heavily marked by agricultural activity, with some parts used for urbanization,

especially in the coastal areas (SAGE, 2013).

Environmental problems

One of the most pressing issues in the territory is the fact that it is impacted socially, environmentally

and economically by the occurrence of green tides between April and October since the 1970s.

Green tides are a phenomenon occurring on many seashores in the world, and entail the

proliferation of macro-algae as a consequence of eutrophication. In publications form the

International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) biological invasions, of which the green algae

form a part, are seen as the second threat for biodiversity on a global scale (Levain, 2013).

In Loire-Bretagne, the green tides occur in 8 bays downstream of 23 watersheds. The communities of

Saint-Michel en Grève is one of the two most affected places (Plan de Lutte , 2010). Our research will

focus on the former. The circumstances necessary for the algae to thrive are present in this bay:

The presence of enough nutrients, like Nitrogen and Phosphorus;

A relatively high water temperature and enough light (especially sandy bays that are not very

deep are favorable to the green tides);

A geography that permits the containment of the formed biomass. Closed bays are thus

particularly suitable for the green tides (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013; Plan de

Lutte , 2010).

30

The proliferations have several negative effects. First, it points out a general degradation of the

quality of water. Secondly, the algae negatively affect the attractiveness of the bay due to the

olfactory and visual nuisances. This is especially a problem because of the fact that tourism is the

second most important economic sector in the region. Since the occurrence of green algae,

inhabitants have seen a decrease in tourists coming to the territory. Moreover, the algae have a

negative economic impact, because of the major expenses that the collection, stocking and

transformation of the algae entail. Third, the decaying heaps of algae on the beaches emit toxic

gasses (hydrogen sulphide and ammonia) in high concentrations. This can pose a risk for public

health as well as for other species (Levain, 2011; Plan de Lutte , 2010; Lannion-Trégor Communauté,

2015; Diaz & Darrot, 2014).

The only way to combat the proliferation of the algae is by decreasing their quantity of nutrition,

meaning, decreasing the fluxes of Nitrate and Phosphorus, light or streams. In this case, the only

factor that can be modified is Nitrate and because of the link between intensive dairy farming and

emissions of nitrates into the water flows, reducing leakages from intensively used agricultural land is

seen as one of the keys to address the problem (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013; Lannion-

Trégor Agglomeration, 2010).

Environmental policy & research programs

From the occurrence of the algae blooms in the 70s onwards, many programs have been put in

place attempting to combat them. These programs have come from different policy levels. A short

list of the programs will be given here. Further information on the contents and the actors of the

programs can be found in the timeline in paragraph 7.1.6.

EU programs like the EU water framework directive (Directive 2000/60/EC) and European

Nitrates Directive (Directive n° 91/676/CEE) commit MS to reduce flows of Nitrate and to

achieve a good qualitative and quantitative status of all water bodies by 2015.

Prolittoral: Regional program for the fight against green algae put in place between 2002 and

2006 (Diaz & Darrot, 2014).

Plan de lutte contre les algues vertes : Action plan against green algae, presented in 2010.

The program applied to the 8 bays designated in the SDAGE (Schémas Directeurs

d’Aménagement et de Gestion de l’Eau)of the Loire-Bretagne Basin and aimed to limit

nitrogen flows to the coast (Lannion-Trégor Agglomeration, 2010; Charte de territoire, 2010)

Next and in addition to the policies that have been established in the region in order to deal with the

proliferation of green algae, research programs have been conducted to find out about the reasons

for the proliferations and the possibilities for their abatement. One example of these programs is

ACASSYA, a partnership between the scientists of INRA, the chamber of agriculture of Côtes d’Armor

and Lannion Trégor Agglomeration (LTA) (INRA, 2013).

Environmental organizations and activism

In the twelve communities of the territory only one environmental organization is found that is

specifically focused on environmental issues: Semaphore, in Trédrez-Locquémeau. Its goal is protect

the environment, in particular, water, air, soils and landscapes in the area around Trédrez-

Locquémeau (Sémaphore, 2012). On a larger scale, that of Lannion Bay and the Côtes d’Armor, a

large diversity of environmental organizations can be found. These organizations often also engage

with other actors, that are not solely engaged in environmental issues and that in some cases are

31

located in Lieue-de-Grève. A short list of some of these organizations will be given first, before

drawing conclusions.

Eau et Rivières Bretagne deals with a wide range of problems in the management and protection

of Breton waters and nature areas (Eau et rivières de Bretagne, 2014).

Bretagne Vivante-SEPNB aims to protect the environment in Bretagne. It has played an

important role in the creation of bird sanctuaries on the Breton coast. The organization is

recognized by the state as a public utility, and manages more than a hundred natural protected

areas (Bretagne Vivante, 2015).

Le Peuple des Dunes en Trégor is a collective of different associations and organisms that want

to conserve the maritime patrimony of Trégor (old administrative unit in Bretagne, comprising

the North-East of Côtes d’Armor and a small part of Finistère). It assembles around 60 different

bodies, all having their own objectives and projects (environmental protection, touristic

development, water sports, fisheries), but that all have an interest in protecting the environment

in the region (Le Peuple des Dunes et Trégor, 2014).

Côtes d’Armor Nature Environnement forms a part of the wider organization France Nature

Environnement. It groups around 30 local environmental associations. Its main role is to inform

and support the member associations in their environmental actions. The organization leads

researches and is also there for legal recourse. Next to this they take part in territorial projects.

(Côtes d'Armor Nature Environnement, 2015).

In summary, what becomes clear from the above is that the environmental organizations that are

active within the territory focus on local environmental problems. Together or alone, in time, these

organizations have managed to mobilize many actors, to commit to the preservation and

amelioration of the environment in either Côtes d’Armor alone or Bretagne as a whole. This often

entailed the mobilization of people in manifestations. More will be said on environmental programs,

activism and organizations in the timeline (Levain, 2013).

§ 7.1.3 Economy

To explore the economic situation of our research area, it will be necessary to look at a larger scale

than Lieue-de-Grève. Therefore, we will expand to the area of Lannion Bay where possible, and if

not, to the scale of the department or region.

Economic activities

The economy in the area around Lannion is mainly based on the third sector, accounting for 73,5%

of the employments. Main sectors of employment are commerce, administration, education and

health. Many of these employments take place in the touristic sector (SAGE, 2013). In the Côtes

d’Armor, the department in which Lieue-de-Grève is situated, tourism accounts for 15.000

employments and a turnover of about 760 million euros per year. Lannion Bay attracts most tourists

in the department. We therefore assume that Lannion Bay constitutes an important part of these

numbers. The tourism concentrates at the coastal areas, since most tourists come for aquatic

activities, like sailing, scuba diving, surfing and fishing (SAGE, 2013). The main touristic season lies

between April and October, the same period in which the proliferation of the green algae takes

place. This has had a negative impact on numbers of visitors in the area (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, &

Beuret, 2013).

32

Next to this, Lannion is the center of the Technopole Anticipa Lannion-Trégor, which is seen as a

major driver for the local economy. The technopole is the economic leader of a network that

consists of industries, project managers, researchers, professors, students and institutes. It operates

in 5 networks: ICT, photonics, marine industries, agro-industries and transformation of matter,

biotechnology and eco-industry. The pole consists of 5000 people of which 3500 researchers and

engineers and 1600 students (Anticipa, 2010; Portail de l'innovation Bretagne, 2015; Lannion-Trégor

Communauté, 2015).

Employment & Unemployment

In 2009, the territory of Lannion Bay counted around 27.000 jobs of which 58% was concentrated in

the community of Lannion and 8% in the community of Perros-Guirec, making these two the largest

centers of employment in the region. Since 1999, the employment in this region has been on the rise,

due to a rise of jobs in the tertiary sector and construction. On the other hand, sectors like

agriculture and industry have witnessed a decrease in jobs (SAGE, 2013).

Income & Poverty

When looking at income and poverty, we will have to take the scale of the whole region of Bretagne.

On the one hand, it is one of the six French regions with the lowest average income rate, with half of

the Breton employees earning less than 10 euros per hour in 2011. In 2012, the average income per

person was 18.162€, with disparities between men and women (€20.375-€15952), and low and high

qualified jobs (€12118-€33639). Differences can also be found between the different regions within

Brittany. For example, there are generally high qualified jobs in the region of Rennes, while inland

and in the south lower incomes are earned (Molina, 2014).

Like the rest of France, Brittany has been touched by the economic crisis. Its first effects have

become visible in 2009, mainly impacting on those earning modest incomes and young employees

and accounting for a loss of 18000 jobs in the region. At the same time Bretagne is the French region

that has been exposed least to poverty and inequality, with a poverty rate of 11,5%, contrary to

14,3% for the whole of France. Yet, the Côtes d’Armor is the region with the highest poverty level of

Bretagne (12.6%) (Auzet, 2013; Cros, 2012) On the other hand, Côtes d’Armor witnessed a decrease

in bankruptcies in 2013, compared to the preceding year of 3,8% (Banque de France, 2014).

In the field of agriculture, the milk crisis of 2009 has been a particularly important point. This crisis

was characterized by a decreasing price of milk on the world market, while at the same time, prices

of inputs like fertilizers, feed and energy augmented. Because of this, in France, profit per farm on

average decreased with 20%, putting many French farms into trouble (Vie publique, 2009).

§ 7.1.4 Socio-political

Population profile and flows

Defining the number of students and post-graduates in the territory entails some problems, since no

detailed data are available. In 2012-2013, around 116,000 students were living in Bretagne, although

these were mainly concentrated in the two large student hubs: Rennes and Brest (INSEE, 2013). It is

clear that, in order to go studying, many students leave the Côtes-d’Armor. In 2010, more than

15.000 people left the territory, of which more than half was aged between 15-24 that left because

of work or studies. The people arriving in the territory are mostly children and people aged over 60,

joining the territory for its quality of life. The age group of 25-59 years has positive migration

33

streams, this group mainly joining the territory for work purposes. It might be possible that many of

these are those “costarmoricains” that finished their studies and return, but no numbers are

available on this (Baudequin & Neveu-Chéramy, 2014).

Voting behavior

In terms of voting behavior, no striking trends are found. A comparison was made between the

different communities for the last departmental elections, and the outcome per community in the

research territory. It was found that there was a light preference for left-wing or center parties, but

this difference is not very significant (53.55% left vs 46.45% right). The full table for outcome per

community can be found in Annex 4 (France TV info , 2015).

Activism and Networks

An activist network in the territory that is of specific interest for this thesis is CEDAPA (Centre d’Etude

pour un Developpement Agricole plus Autonome). This is an organization of farmers, which evolved

from a small group of farmers that questioned the productivist model of agriculture in the late 1970s.

This group started forming a niche and in 1982 the organization was officially founded. The farmers

proposed alternative values and a different farming system, based on an extensive grassland-based

dairy system, which was aimed at generating similar outputs while purchasing fewer inputs. These

farmers regained in autonomy, by reducing dependency on markets, and relying on those resources

available on the farm. Because the algae blooms had not been linked to agriculture yet at that time,

none of the actions of CEDAPA were linked to the proliferations in that time. In 1993, it formalized

the type of agriculture it proposes: SFEI (Système Fourrager Écoome en Intrants, low input feed

system). The network has engaged with other actors in time, creating links and gaining in

importance. A proof for this is that in 2007, the SFEI got accepted as an agro-environmental

measure that can be adopted by all farmers in France, and since then, thousands of farmers have

converted into this system (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013; Gouérec & Guernion, 2008;

RAD, 2012).

Also, concerning the green algae, manifestations have been held that were organized by

environmental organizations and inhabitants of the area. More on this will be mentioned in the time-

line.

§ 7.1.5 Conclusion

Several things can be concluded from the above exploration of the indicators we defined. First, our

research area has not been left untouched by the economic crisis, which can be shown by a decrease

in average income and an increase in unemployment and poverty in the previous years.

Nevertheless, the economic crisis in this research area is not predominant. Although the milk crisis

has had a deep impact upon Breton farmers, we have also seen that Bretagne is the most egalitarian

region in France, and poverty rates are lowest in the country. There also does not seem to be a crisis

of meaning, judging by the fact of a low amount of students in the territory, as well as lacking

activism towards global issues, be it in the social, economic or environmental arena.

The importance of the intensive model of agriculture and the Technopole indicate that value is

attributed to technological development and high levels of production. This has contributed to the

crisis that we are researching in this chapter. As could be seen, since the 1970s, the territory has

been heavily affected by the yearly proliferation of green algae. That this is an important topic in the

territory, gathering and opposing actors on a regional, national and international scale, can be seen

34

by the vast amount of literature that is available on the matter, and the policy and research

programs that have been set up to understand and abate the algae.

Moreover, it is interesting to see that this environmental crisis, in its turn, has several dimensions

itself. For example, the environmental crisis entails costs, both because of the picking up of the algae

as well as a decreasing income of tourism. It thereby places a large economic burden on the affected

communities. Moreover, Levain (2013) has argued that the crisis also has a social and political

dimension.

§ 7.1.6 Timeline

Before turning to our cases, we will establish a timeline of the green tides in this territory in which

the events and developments marking the crisis can be placed, in order to get a more comprehensive

view on its history as well as the actions undertaken to abate it. A short version of the timeline can

be found in Annex 5.

From the end of the 1950s and start of the 1960s onwards, a landless livestock rearing system was

actively promoted by the French State. This system means that production is disconnected from the

availability of land and allows increasing the production per hectare over what would technically be

possible for such an acreage, due to specialization, feed imports and mechanization. This

development has been especially important in Bretagne, since its soils are generally not very fertile

and has significantly increased agricultural outputs (Bourblanc, 2011 ; Levain, 2013).

In the 1960s and 1970s, the problem of green tides started to occur and in 1971 their occurrence

was mentioned for the first time in policy documents by the municipal council of the Lieue-de-

Grève. For the first time it was seen as a problem that had to be dealt with. Yet, at this time, no link

was made between the algae and the industrial type of agriculture that had become dominant in the

region. The proliferations had negative economic effects, by chasing tourists and fishermen from

Breton beaches and because of the costs made by collecting and disposing them.

1950s/1960s Landless livestock

rearing system

1960s/1970s Green tides

start to occur

1980s first scientific

studies + link with agriculture

proven

2002-2006 Prolittoral program

2007 SFEI becomes agri-environmental

measure

2009 Accident horse and horse rider

2010 Action Plan against Green Algae

35

In the 1980s, first studies were done, looking for the causes of the green algae, leading to the first

links being made between the green tides and agriculture. However, it was not until the end of the

1980s that the first scientific reports were published that scientifically proved the link between

nitrate levels in surface water, its interplay with other factors like light and temperature and the

proliferation of green algae. These outcomes pointed out the link with agriculture and to a lesser

extent urbanization, making the green tides to be seen as a common symptom of environmental

degradation. These claims got mediatized by NGOs that linked green tides with agriculture in public

media reports.

From the 90s onwards, there was increasing evidence that tied nitrogen fertilization to green algae.

The issue was therefore put on the official national agenda. Also, the nuisances produced by the

algae became stronger each year, and the costs paid to get rid of them were ever increasing. This led

to augmenting pressure by media and residents. This together with the start of the implementation

of the European Nitrates Directive (Directive n° 91/676/CEE) in 1991 made the issue of the green

algae something that had to be dealt with. The niche CEDAPA that existed since the 1970s already

formalized its proposed type of agriculture SFEI in 1993, proposing it as an alternative to the

productivist type of agriculture in the region and as a way to combat the green tides.

The media-pressure and ongoing pressure of environmental organizations led to a manifestation of

5000 inhabitants of Bretagne in 1998, in Binic, the goal being to demand pure water in the sources

that lead to the sea. Nevertheless, in the 1990s and 2000s, France had large difficulties putting in

place the demands posed by the European Union. Discussions between the state and the farming

community were slow and laborious and only led to slight changes in farming practices, despite the

knowledge that, in order to conquer the green tides, nitrate flows should at least be halved.

During the early 2000s, the committee of watersheds of Lieue-de-Grève (Lannion-Trégor

Agglomération, Community of communities Beg Ar Ch’ra, and the water supply union of the Bay), the

Water Agency of Loire-Bretagne, the regional council of Bretagne and the General Council of Côtes

d’Armor, the farming community and ecologists joined forces to design the Prolittoral program, that

was implemented from 2002-2006. This program offered payments to farmers that implemented

practices that reduced nitrate leaching (f.e. by planting cover crops in winter, reducing fertilizer use,

reduce use of plant protection). Many farmers participated, and 85% of the participating farmers

changed their practices in order to reduce nitrate losses from their holding.

The actions performed until 2006 reduced 24% of the use of nitrogen fertilizer leading to the

successful reduction of Nitrate below 50 mg/l, the legal line set by the EU Nitrate Directive. This was

however not sufficient in the Lannion Bay, because of its specific characteristics leading to the

proliferation of green algae already with a lower level.

In February 2004, Eau & Rivières, Halte aux marées vertes, Sauvegarde du Trégor, and De la Source à

la Mer together filed a claim against the State at the Administrative Tribunal of Rennes. After three

years of legal proceedings, the Tribunal held the State responsible for the green tides due to its

repeated failures to successfully implement national and EU legislation to prevent water

contamination.

In 2007, the mode of farming SFEI proposed by CEDAPA became an agro-environmental measure

adoptable by all French farmers.

36

In 2003, two large dogs died on one of the beaches affected by the green algae. Yet, a national

media wave did not come until an accident in August 2009 in which a horse rider and his horse got

stuck in the green algae on the beach. Due to the toxic gasses emitted by decaying algae, the horse

died within several minutes, while the rider was saved by a passer-by. The problem was now framed

as a health threat next to being an environmental problem (Diaz, Darnhofer, Darrot, & Beuret, 2013;

Bourblanc, 2011 ; Levain, 2013; Eau et rivières Bretagne, 2015). This led to the establishment of the

action plan against green algae (plan de lutte contre les algues vertes) that was presented on the 5th

of February, 2010. This program applied to the 8 bays designated in the SDAGE of the Loire-Bretagne

Bassin and aimed to limit nitrogen flows to the coast. The Saint-Michel bay was one of the two bays

designated as pilot sites (Lannion-Trégor Agglomeration, 2010; Charte de territoire, 2010). In Lieue-

de-Grève responsibility for the project was taken on by Lannion Trégor Agglomération (LTA), an

intercommunal organization of 38 communities, of which the 12 communities of Lieue-de-Grève. LTA

had until then already been working on the abatement of the green algae, in cooperation with INRA,

that was working on the research project ACASSYA since 2008 (see paragraph 7.1.2).

In May 2011 the Social Economic and Environmental Council of Bretagne (CESER) adopted a report

that acknowledged that in order to conquer the green tides, a level of less than 10mg/l

concentration of nitrates in water flows should be obtained and that drastic measures should be

taken in agricultural holdings. This led to the signing of the first territorial contract on the 30th of

June 2011, where 10,4 million euros were invested to reduce the nitrate pollution from 30 to 10

mg/l. The main measures of the contract were the reconquering of wetlands and the development of

grass-based animal production.

In January 2012, the European Commission (EC) condemned France because of the wrong

application of the European Nitrate Directive of 1991. Its verdict was for France to enhance its

action programs to reduce nitrate pollution in vulnerable zones. Also, the Administrative Court of

Appeal of Nantes condemned the State to compensate those municipalities that had been affected

by the green tides. In July 2014 this was followed with the court of appeal of Nantes to convict the

State to be responsible for the death of the horse and the sickness of the horse rider in 2009 (Eau

et rivières Bretagne, 2015).

Yet, despite of all of these developments, the problem itself has rested unabated, which is shown by

the yearly return of the green algae proliferations.

§ 7.1.7 Additions from the field

In paragraph 7.1.5, it was concluded that in this part of the research, we are dealing with a

predominantly environmental crisis, although this crisis in itself has multiple dimensions, like an

economic dimension for those communities that need to pay for the picking up of the algae, a social,

cultural and political dimension. From the interviews that were conducted, it has become clear that

these other dimensions of the crisis are much more profound than was thought in a first instance.

Especially since 2009, the year in which the accident with the horse rider happened, the problem got

politicized very quickly. We will now first discuss some of these other dimensions of the crisis before

continuing, since they are important to understand the complexity of the problem as well as our

cases of repeasantization.

37

Action Plan against Green Algae

Politically speaking, there are many interest groups within the territory. In the interviews, this is an

aspect that came to the fore very strongly, making the problem of the green tides not only

environmental, but adding an enormous complexity not only to the problem itself, but also to its

solution. Until the accident with the horse and his rider in 2009, the green algae were seen as a

problem of the territory that had to be solved by the local institutions. The accident marked a turning

point. Suddenly, the government got involved. Delaby noticed:

“Very quickly after the development of the Plan de Lutte, it got a political color. The State now felt

fear, fear for a human being dying because of the algae, or even worse, a child.”

Thus, the bay of Lannion was appointed as a pilot site, and Lannion Trégor Agglomération (LTA)

appointed to set up the action plan against the algae. This plan was based on different pillars:

Actions on farms: by making individual diagnoses per farm to look at which changes are possible,

after which each farm could sign a chart in which it engaged to these changes. The objective was

to have 80% of the farmers in the territory to sign the chart. The main action was to put in place

a more grass-based dairy system in the territory;

Actions in natural zones, mainly wetlands. Main objective: restoring and preserving them;

Economic actions: developing local supply chains, so that local products would get valorized

better;

Actions in real estate: fragmented land was seen as an impediment to development of grass-

based systems, therefore, actions were directed towards bringing together plots of individual

farms.

At the same time, other green algae bays too were appointed to develop an action plan, and this is

where the first difficulties towards a structural change were encountered. Compared to the other

territories that are dealing with green algae, Lieue-De-Greve is quite special. Most other territories

are not dairy regions, but have a lot of pork rearing, making that each territory would need a

different action plan. When the program for Lieue-de-Grève was elaborated the fear arose that

putting a grass-based system in place would be seen as the panacea for the whole of Bretagne:

“So the chamber of Agriculture was afraid that this would be seen as the solution for Bretagne to take

care of the Nitrate problem. And even though they could accept it as a particular solution for Lieue de

Greve, as a general solution it was not acceptable. It was because of that that there were that many

difficulties on a departmental level […] even though it did not seem very ambitious on a local scale

compared to the initial state. At a regional scale, it seem surreal for the conventional agriculture

(Gouerec, 2015)”

It was therefore decided at a regional level that this program could be seen as a local solution, but

that in no instance, it would be seen as a model.

Syndical elections

This unwillingness to change into another system was not just coming from a Breton scale, also

locally, there was a political interplay between different organizations. Gouerec explains:

“Agriculture is a world apart in France and LTA is constituted of public collectivities and in the French

system, public collectivities do not participate in agriculture. It is the Chamber of Agriculture that does

38

that […] And so the first difficulty of LTA was that they said that they also wanted to manage

agriculture, so they got into war with the industry […] At one point the Chambre of Agriculture said:

“But what are you doing? You want to create a Chamber of Agriculture Bis but it is not your job!” And

that very violently, and so the links were always very complicated, because they were engaging in

things they should not be engaged in. […]”

These tensed relationships became particularly clear during the elections of the syndicates in 2012 in

which there was a period of heavy contestation against both the action plan as well as the claim that

the algae would be due to Nitrogen from agricultural origins. Briant described it as follows:

“They tried to pass on that message in the country side […]. And then many farmers thought: “With

this plan I will not be able to do anything anymore” and so there was a movement that managed to

stop the plan for a year […] while we always said that it would be on a voluntary basis and everyone

does what he can”.

At the same time, this has made that until today the causes for the algae are being questioned. As

Kerboriou stated:

“Sometimes it is hard to understand. In Bretagne they like to say that the algae are here because of

intensive agriculture, but I always answer that in the Saint-Brieuc bay there is much more intensive

agriculture, but less algae, so sometimes it is hard to understand […] Scientists do not agree either,

but of course we would also just like to believe it comes from something else than agriculture.”

Regulatory frameworks

More contradictory points are encountered when looking at the regulatory framework in which both

LTA and farmers are operating. Even though this is a complex issue, meriting a full thesis, it will be

shortly described here. In a first place, what is important to mention are the CORPEN norms. These

were put in place in the EU Nitrate directive in 1985. In a first instance, emissions per cow were

calculated in the same way for all cows. Between 1999 and 2001 this changed, and a grid was

established in which both animal feed and production per cow were taken into account. To make a

long story short, in this grid, pastured cow were thought to emit more Nitrogen per animal than

those cows that were kept inside and were fed with other feeds. This was mainly due to the fact that

dung that is ensilaged first loses part of its nitrogen before it will be put on the field, due to the fact

that it is a volatile gas, as well as the omission to take into account plants, or moments of harvesting

of the crops on the farm (Delaby, 2015; Giovanni & Dulphy, 2008).

A time of heavy contestation started, in which organizations like CEDAPA and the Peasant

Confederation lobbied for a change in this regulatory scheme. Gouerec mentioned:

“We were not looking for a derogatory system, because that is absurd. You put into difficulty grass-

based systems, while they are not the problem, it is the others. And it was an impediment for the

development of grass-based systems […]. They told us, it is a scientific reality, and you cannot fight

with a scientific reality. But it was not that that we were fighting, it was the norm, that has not got

anything to do with scientific reality […] we went to the ministry to explain, but they did not care. We

wrote 50.000 articles and letters to explain. We even went to the European commission in Brussels to

explain that it was absurd. […] it was depressing. We had a good technical reason, but we were not

39

able to have our voices heard. […] This again burdens the grass-based system, gives them even more

administration. It is absurd. ”

This had several effects. In a first instance, it implanted the idea among farmers that a grass-based

system was more polluting than a landless rearing system. Next to this, this system penalized and

curbed the development of grassland based systems in the region (Confédartion Paysanne, 2012;

Gouerec, 2015).

To put it mildly, it is contradictory that within this framework that makes a conversion towards

grassland-based dairy systems almost impossible, millions have been invested to promote this kind

of agriculture. The unwillingness to change from both a socio-technical and landscape level becomes

clear in a confidential report by the prefect of the Côtes d’Armor that was published in 2009. In this

report it was mentioned that this evolution was not possible because of the unwillingness of the

farming community to change. The occurrence of the green tides was therefore thought to be bound

to continue. After this it was mentioned:

“In order to avoid that the state is again put forward as the responsible […], it is nonetheless

important to display a perennial voluntary policy aimed at the stabilization or even reasoned

limitation of green tides. These actions will not be able to completely eliminate the phenomenon, but

to limit the most important nuisances (Préfecture des Côtes d'Armor, 2009, p. 7).”

A territory characterized by Empire

The examples above already show us that there are strong and important forces in the territory, not

necessarily all working in the same direction. In this sense, we could state that the territory is

characterized by a strong presence of Empire, impacting upon the choices that farmers make. As was

already mentioned, most issues having to do with agriculture are controlled by the chamber of

Agriculture. The Chamber in turn is ruled by agricultural syndicates, in which in this case the

Fédération Départementale des Syndicats d'Exploitants Agricoles (Departmental Federation of

Syndicates of Farmers: FDSEA) is the most important one. At the same time, those that are at the

head of the cooperatives working in the territory are a part of this syndicate. These are generally not

interested in or convinced of the beneficial effects of a grass-based dairy system. Instead, there is a

push towards ever increasing and constant outputs. As Briant explained:

“There are the cooperatives that encourage the farmers to produce more […] it is necessary to

develop autonomy in the decision making of farmers, but this does not always happen. There are so

many people to intervene, and they do not always go in the same direction. Those that have the most

economic power often have the final decision. […] Salesmen of inputs like fertilizers and feed do not

have any interest in that a farmer consumes less. […] If the farmers have heard the discourse that in

order to succeed you must produce so much milk, well, it will be difficult if you always did it like that

to look at it critically and to take a step back on that message.”

Earning money by putting in fewer inputs is thus not embedded in the logic within the territory.

Instead, there is a logic guided towards increasing the production per cow. The abandonment of the

quota has only contributed to this:

It is a signal that is extremely strong. […] In Bretagne we have extremely well equipped farms, with

nice buildings, milking robots and very expensive installations. Marginal costs are more seen as the

40

need to produce, to absorb the ever increasing costs. That is the logic. […] So the economic signal

given by the economic environment is: those that will stay tomorrow, are those that have over-

invested. We need to produce more […] The system that will be in crisis tomorrow is the small farm,

we have to get going! China is waiting for our milk, and if it is not us answering it will be others. They

will steal our markets and we will stay behind (Gouerec, 2015)”.

At the same time, a push towards constant outputs can also be noticed. As was said in Chapter 4.2,

Empire is characterized by the need for industrial farming, since it needs to rely on constant outputs.

Since outputs in a grass-based system are less constant, this is definitely not encouraged by the

cooperatives:

“Grass-based systems are considered to be complicated, insecure. This is fundamentally the big

problem of grass-based systems. When you work in a grass-land based system, you need to trust

nature […] and that creates insecurity. It is not the same as saying, if I have my maize, I know I will be

able to fill up my quota […] you cannot know that with grass. [..] you will need to adapt constantly

[…]. Also, these cooperatives are cooperatives of transformation, but also almost all salesmen of

seeds, fertilizers and feed. I want to say, they will not make their revenues with a grass-based dairy

farm. (Gouerec, 2015)”

Pilot farms

In the action plan against green algae, different pilot farms were appointed in which the transition

towards grass-based systems could be followed, so that these systems could be understood from a

scientific point of view, but also difficulties encountered by the farmers could be pointed out and

supported. Yet, the pilot farms and the pilot project had a very different effect than thought. In a first

instance, socially, the farmers engaging in this project were blamed and shamed by their farmer

colleagues. This had multiple reasons, as Delaby explained:

“This had two reasons. First, they thought that the farmers got money for being pilot farms. And the

rumor was that this was a lot of money. But this was not true. Yes, they got money, but it was €2000

per year to compensate for the administrative burden that the farmers had because of the project.

Secondly, these farmers were seen as traitors of intensive agriculture […], they accepted the idea of

another production system and to do things differently”

Gwenaelle Briant adds:

“It were not model farms, but we wanted farms that were average and representative for the

territory. They have the same constraints […] but they [neighboring farmers] thought it would be

model farms and we would ask them to do the same thing and that it would become legislation. And

so they were seen as traitors that were sold to the State to construct new regulatory constraints […]

making it very complicated for these farmers”

In a way, this shows distrust rather than cooperation between the farmers in the territory and that

change is rather met with weariness than openness. Gwendal stated it as follows:

“Why does not everyone do like them [100% grass-based farmers]? I think they were seen as crazy

when they started. Talking about changing agricultural practices is really a taboo. You need to act like

others, it is often that. Yes, you can do better, but there are rules to respect. Change everything,

revolutionize everything, neighbors will say it’s nonsense.”

41

Land Trade

The land trading pillar of the Action Plan also had difficulties both on a political as well as a social

level. Again, it is the contradictory nature of the regulatory framework of the territory that makes

these actions difficult. First, there are the contracts signed to receive an agro-environmental

compensation for grass-based systems. This is a contract signed for five years. If it occurs that during

these five years a trade in land is made, the beneficiary will have to pay back the amounts of money

that were received. Secondly, direct payments go through a per hectare system. Sometimes, during

the exchange, one might get less hectares, meaning less aides and “for nothing on earth one stops his

aides (Gwendal, 2015)”. Furthermore, the regulatory framework favors the installation of young

farmers over installations that could be beneficial for the issue of green algae, thereby making it

difficult and sometimes discouraging to continue working in this pillar (Briant, 2015).

Socially, the land trade also had many difficulties. Because the trade concerns a whole territory,

many people are involved. Often, many of them are not the land-owners, but they rent it. In this

case, both the land owners as those that rent it get involved in the negotiation. In some cases, the

land owners come from far outside of Bretagne, and are not concerned with the issue of green algae,

meaning that they are less willing to negotiate. In other instances, some farming families have long

standing feuds, and are not willing to trade between them.

Summary

Above, a more comprehensive view of the crisis taking place in Lieue-de-Grève is given although in no

instance it is said that this paragraph reflects the complexity of the whole situation. It has become

clear though that next to an environmental crisis we are also dealing with a political as well as socio-

cultural crisis. The territory is characterized by a play of many forces that are acting against each

other, but where in the end Empire seems to be the most important actor, having created a context

in which room for maneuver for individual actors is very limited. The farmers in the territory do not

have the habit of working together, and therefore do not form a strong counter-weight for this

system. This situation illustrates the different levels of the MLP. At a very local level, there is a push

towards the development of grass-based systems within the territory, on the other hand, both at the

level of socio-technical regimes, for example, the cooperatives, the syndicates, the banks, as well as

the landscape level, Nation State regulation and European Regulations, we can see that this territory

is characterized by lock-in. This thus strongly defines the context in which actors pleading for a grass-

based system act. Meaning that much goodwill towards grass-based systems can be there on the

ground, but that Empire has many interests in not putting in place this system in terms of sales in

inputs and machinery, as well as in terms as having the farmers produce a maximum output.

§ 7.2 Case-studies With this in mind, it is time to look at individual cases in the region. We will be looking at two farms

that have (partly) changed their practices, so that the processes behind the changes can be brought

into the picture. In the following paragraphs, each case will be described according the different

categories from the table of analysis (annex 2). At the end of each paragraph a short analysis will be

added in bold in which the different elements of the peasant mode of farming that have been

incorporated will be discussed. The tables of analysis of both farms can be found in Annexes 6 and 7.

42

§ 7.2.1 Roc Hou Ker : Increasing income by decreasing costs

History

The farm of Roc Hou Ker is situated in the community of Plouzélambre and is run by a couple, Jean-

Michel and Edwige Kerboriou. Twenty years ago, they started as successors to Jean-Michel’s parents.

In time, many changes took place. When the couple started, a large part of the farm consisted of

maize and wheat cultures for the rearing of young bulls for meat production. Moreover, there was a

small quota for milk production. In time, it started to occur to them that this was an expensive way of

farming, and that at the end of the day, not much profit was being made. After an investigation

between 2005 and 2008, the couple decided to change their production system.


In a first instance, they realized that the inputs for feed production of the young bulls were

expensive, and that the price obtained for the output did not weigh up. Therefore, slowly but surely

a conversion to a more grassland-based system was made, where the grass would serve as cow feed

and the dung of the cows was used for the biggest part of the fertilization of the fields,

complemented with some fertilizer from outside of the farm. Moreover, the choice was made to

change from the landless system of livestock rearing for meat production to milk production for a

cooperative. Nowadays, the holding consists of 65% of grassland, while the acreage used for cereals

decreased from 25 hectares to 4-5 hectares. In the grassland itself those types of grass are used that

are suitable for the environment, meaning in this case mainly clover because of its nitrogen fixing

qualities. The wish exists to arrive at 85% of grass-land. Nevertheless, in order to reduce the risk to

not have enough feed in dry years, around 15% of the holding will be kept for wheat and maize

production.

Another change that has been taking place recently is the gradual change to another cow breed.

Until now, the farm has been producing its milk with Holstein cows, but now it is converting to

Montbéliards, a type of cattle from the equally named region. This breed is more rustic, better

adapted to the area, and needs less taking care off.

In terms of labour, Edwige’s role in the farm has grown stronger during the years. Where in the

beginning she mainly worked outside, nowadays her main job is the work on the farm, while also

being engaged as an elected member of the Chamber of Agriculture. Most work on the farm is

performed with machinery, so that it can be done with two people.

In the agricultural practices of the farm, we can thus see a move towards the peasant mode of

farming. This becomes clear through the development of a resource base through co-production,

and the increasing adaptation of farming practices to local conditions. This not only increases

autonomy by decreasing inputs from the outside, but also increases financial resilience and

resilience in terms of the health of the cows.


Although the production system that was chosen has beneficial effects for the environment and for

the green algae problem, this was not the basis of the choice to change systems. On the contrary all

actions and changes on the farm come from an economic logic. Some contradictions can be found

here. On the one hand, the farm is, and has always been, encapsulated in strong a system of

cooperatives, a strong regional syndicate of agriculture, governmental and European aids and it has a

43

large loan at the bank. All of these organisms are focusing on encouraging a productivist system in

which maximum output is seen as the ultimate goal. Forming a part of this system meant for the

farm that not much flexibility was possible in the levels of production. At the same time, where

prices of milk remained stable, the prices of inputs for milk were increasing, meaning that decreasing

costs of inputs would be a viable path to gain more money. Ever since then, increasing income by

decreasing cost, and finding a balance between what the farm can produce, and what is produced

has in reality been the main-logic in the management of the farm. Edwige’s vision on a possible

increase of production after the EU milk quota system reflects this idea:

“We were thinking about that [increasing production] last year, and with the dairy we can increase a

bit, but not much. The farm is not big enough so that makes it impossible. But it is not that what we

are looking for either. We are two people to work here and we do not want to have employees. Also,

from the perspective that when we will retire we want it to stay something in the family. Something

that is a bit small.”

Also, the change in cow breeds mainly came forth out of an economic logic. Edwige argues:

“We are busy changing breeds of milk cows. First we bought around 10 Montbéliards, not many. We

had Holstein first, and they go very little into the field since they need a lot of feed supplements. The

Montbéliard is more rustic. Also, in terms of veterinary costs there is an important difference. There is

less milk, but we have never been looking for the highest output of milk per cow. We rather look from

an economic perspective.”

Where nowadays most of the feed for the cows is produced and ensilaged by the farmers

themselves, in bad years, the stock is complemented with external flows, mostly coming from other

farms in the neighborhood, although in times of common drought, feed will have to come from

outside the territory. In these years, feed is a big expense.

Next to this, a very small part of the holding consists of 10 meat cows, for personal consumption and

direct sales to friends, family and acquaintances.

Hence, also in terms of economic practices and relationships to markets, we can see a move

towards the peasant mode of farming. The adaptations made are always done because of

economic reasons and the fact that they will increase the income of the farm. Throughout the

years, relationships with markets have increasingly been patterned in such a way that dependency

on them is reduced by decreasing inputs from the outside and thereby increasing autonomy of the

farm. Nevertheless, the context decreases the room for maneuver. Therefore, the farm depends

upon a single market outlet and the loan of a bank.


The farm is engaged in different alliances. In a first place, the farm is delegating the fertilization of its

fields to a neighboring farm. For the ploughing and sowing of the fields, it works together with

another farmer, in which one farmer plows and the other directly sows the field. Furthermore, the

farmers are working together in a network of 14 farmers for ensilaging the cow feed, so that

machines and costs can be shared. Lastly, it is involved in a CUMA (Cooperatives d’Utilisation des

Matériels Agricoles) which is a cooperative in which machinery is shared in the territory. Again, all of

these activities are geared towards decreasing costs.

44

Previously, the farm was engaged as a pilot farm in the project ACCASYA. And although Kerboriou did

not continue the project for several reasons, it did leave them with a network of farmers in the

territory with which they can share knowledge, and discuss about problems encountered in the

conversion to a grassland-based farming system.

Lastly, Edwige Kerboriou is an elected member of the local Chamber of Agriculture. She explains her

reason to join:

“What made me decide was mainly the action plan against green algae, because there are so many

people that deal with agriculture that sometimes not much happens. There are less and less farmers

in the population as a whole […] and I think you have to put yourself in all of that, explain and make

them understand what you do.”

Within the framework of this action plan, the farm also signed a chart in which it engages itself to

increase the amount of grassland.

Finally, in this paragraph we see that the relationships with the outside world of Roc Hou Ker are a

mix between elements of the peasant and the entrepreneurial mode of farming. On the one hand,

there are patterns of cooperation with other farmers because of the economic benefits for the

farm. Also, the farm is relatively autarkic. On the other hand, all of the relationships are based

upon economic benefits. Also, Edwige’s engagement in the chamber of agriculture is based upon

defending agriculture towards society, instead of being a form of an activity embedded in society.

Conclusion

What becomes clear is that the farm of Roc Hou Ker has gone through gradual changes in recent

years. Starting off as a conventional farm in the region, with many external inputs, an ever going

change towards the peasant mode of farming has started. The logic to decrease costs in order to

increase financial autonomy and the survival of the farm permeates all choices in the management of

the farm, and the changes are thus guided by an economic logic. Yet, this is not the economic logic

proposed by the dominant regime. Instead, this proposed logic is questioned and changed. Instead of

going for maximum output, which will give income for the cooperatives, a point is sought where a

maximum profit is made for the farm. This is thus done by creating a maximum financial autonomy

within the context that is available, thereby creating resilience and survival in the long run.

The farm is an example of the many gradations that repeasantization can take, in which some of the

elements of repeasantization are adopted in order to increase financial autonomy, resilience and

surival, while others are left out for the same purpose. For example, in case of drought or low milk

prices, the farm needs to get expensive inputs from outside, while not gaining enough money, the

milk crisis of 2009 being a very recent and severe example.

§ 7.2.2 Farm of Guerguillegen: Simplifying life by simplifying work

History

The farm of Guerguillegen has not been in place in its current state for a long time. In 2009, Raoul

Gwendal, current owner of the farm, took over from a couple he did not know that went into

retirement. After working for six years in international banking systems, he started to realize that this

lifestyle was tiring, and that moreover, this was a system that had caused the economic crisis. He

therefore decided he wanted a more physical job in which he could be his own boss. Being originally

45

from Bretagne, with dairy farmer grandparents, this job had always attracted him. Therefore, he

decided to follow an education to realize this idea.

At the time, the farm was quite a conventional Breton dairy farm, with an acreage of 60 hectares, of

which 16 hectares of maize and 9 hectares of cereals and around 40 cows. He arrived during the

heydays of the milk crisis. This led him to reflect upon the system in which he arrived and worked for

the first two years. This together with the inspiration of what he had seen and reflected upon during

his studies, and other Breton farmers that gained high profits with 100% grass-based systems, made

him to decide to change to a more grass-based production system:

“This change seemed logical to me. When I started in 2009, it was the milk crisis, so my first

productions were in April and I gained 205€ / 1000 liters of milk. With the system that I had at that

time [with many expensive external inputs] it was sure that I would not earn money, and that I might

even lose some. So that obliged me to reflect upon the system. It is a profession that I like, but not

such a passion that I would do it if I would not earn money. And it was sure, that in that system, it

would not work.”


Nowadays, the farm still consists of 60 hectares of land. The amount of grassland however, has been

increased from 60% to 90%, with the rest consisting of 6 hectares of maize, and 1 hectare of

beetroot. In summer, the animals go outside, only being supplemented with feed if there is the need

to do so. In winter, when feed has to be distributed this is done manually. On the farm itself, Raoul

does all the work. Where this was mainly done with machinery before, now, much of the machinery

was replaced by human labour. These choices all have been made in the same strand of thought:

simplifying the work, so that it can be done by one person, while decreasing costs. With the same

idea, a company is hired from outside to do the ploughing, sowing, ensilaging etcetera:

“It seemed more logical to me. They have machinery that is well taken care of, and I realized that it is

maybe cheaper to do it myself, if I wouldn’t count the hours of work I put in. When you start to count

working hours, it is the same. Moreover, agricultural material costs a fortune to repair. The first two

years it was easier, but when you have a family it is different, if you do it yourself you work day and

night, make days of 15-16 hours […] when something breaks you cannot do anything anymore. Also, I

like to work physically in winter, there is not much to do anyway. It is also more flexible, I don’t have

to get the cows out, so they can be there, I can see them, it is more calm”

Like the previous example, Gwendal also started making changes in his cow-breed. Where he started

with Holstein cows, in time, he started to cross-breed them with Montbéliards, in order to increase

resilience and suitability for a grass-based dairy system and decrease veterinary costs.

In terms of agricultural practices, and internal organization we see a mix between the peasant

mode of farming and an entrepreneurial way of farming. All the choices are made to attain a

maximum of autonomy within a constraining framework. This means that some practices of the

peasant mode of farming are adopted, like the adaptation to local characteristics (e.g. grass-based

system and local cow-breed) and increasing the importance of human labour (getting rid of

machines to do the work manually). On the other hand, dependency on others is created by hiring

and depending upon another company to work the land and buy the seeds. All of this is done to

support the end-goal of being able to handle the farm with one person and simplifying the work.

46


The logic of simplifying the work is taken further in the rest of the way in which the farm is organized.

For example, it has been a conscious choice to deliver the milk to a cooperative. In this way, there is

a secure market, and commercial relationships are simplified. At the same time there are

contradictions. On the one hand, there is a search for a maximum of simplicity and autonomy, while

on the other, he feels like the context in which he is working is impeding him from much of this

simplicity. This is especially the case in the complexity of the regulatory framework in which he

performs his work, as well as the power that banks, syndicates and cooperatives have:

“I was happy to do my thing in my corner. But after that, you discover that t is not that simple, that

there are many constraints. These are mainly administrative. I thought I did a simple job, useful,

connected to the land, but then when you see the administrative constraints, you sometimes ask

yourself whether you’re not a criminal. […] it has come to be of a phenomenal complexity “

Later on, when asked whether he is connected to any other social networks in the region, he

answered the following:

“It is a bit forced, the chamber of agriculture is quite dynamic and contacts us relatively often. In this

green algae basin we have to sign contracts. […] but I do not want to get involved in the syndicates

[…]. It is true, it is a pity to not be more involved, but it is also the impotence and uselessness. I see

there are people that are very involved, but our profession is controlled by others, like grain

companies, cooperatives, banks and they don’t care about our problems. So I do not get involved,

that is useless. I have the impression that there is no leverage for action as a producer. […] There is

one organization that has been in power for 50 years and that controls the chamber of agriculture,

the cooperatives, the land, everything.”

The relationships with the outside world show very clearly that a constant trade-off is made

between which parts of the peasant mode of farming are adopted in order to serve to simplify the

work and which are left out because they would not. This explains the low participation in

networks and the low embeddedness in society. On the other hand, the farmer is not indifferent to

local issues and is therefore engaged in initiatives like the Charte de Territoire.


We can also look at the relationship to markets in this light. On the one hand, forming a part of a

cooperative simplifies economic relationships, making it unnecessary to have contact with clients and

ensuring a constant outlet for his produce. On the other hand, it forces him into skewed power

relationships, in which prices are imposed upon him and he is dependent on fluctuations he has no

influence on. Moreover, from these cooperatives and banks, he feels the push to produce more, get

the maximum amount of output, instead of actually looking at the balance and see where maximum

profit is obtained. About this he says:

“I think that farms like mine, with well valorized milk are economically viable, much more than big

exploitations, with big buildings and milking robots everywhere. But it is true, that gives an income to

many people: those who make the machines, the buildings, the fertilizers. So it gives an income to so

many people that the FNSEA (Federation Nationale des Syndicats d’Exploitants Agricoles), the banks

and cooperatives prefer that system”.

47

Lastly, the economic practices and relationships with markets also show a trade-off between the

peasant and entrepreneurial mode of farming. Instead of aiming for maximum outputs, a balance

is sought there where there is maximum profit for the farm and minimum external inputs. On the

other hand, all sales are dependent on one cooperative , which in its turn decreases autonomy and

resilience.

Conclusion

We can find yet another expression of the peasant mode of farming in this example. The farm started

as a conventional farm, but the goal to move towards a grass-based dairy system was there from the

beginning onwards. From then, there has been a constant negotiation between this goal, reaching

maximum simplicity and gaining enough income and financial autonomy. Throughout the years

gradual changes have been made, different ways of the peasant mode of farming have been

adopted, while others have been left out, in order to serve these goals. There is thus a constant

search for balance between a constraining context and a maximum amount of simplicity and

autonomy.

§ 7.3 Making the connection Now, can we state that the crisis that we are witnessing in this territory has had an influence on the

two cases of repeasantization? In order to answer this question, we will be combining the knowledge

on the shape of the crisis in this territory, together with the shape of the cases of repeasantization.

As we have seen in the first part of this thesis, at first sight we were dealing with a predominantly

environmental crisis. Yet, from the interviews it was concluded that indeed, there is an

environmental crisis, but that this crisis has many dimensions on its own. Therefore, even more than

being an environmental crisis, it is a political, economic and social crisis. This is mainly because of the

strong presence of Empire in this territory, and the strong interest it has in a productivist system in

the area. This does not only strongly influence the power relationships and the shape of rules,

regulations and the agro-food system in the territory, but also the way in which farming is seen, and

the perspective from which the problem of green algae is being approached. It therefore does not

come as a surprise that in both cases in this research, the main reasons to change was not the

environmental crisis alone.

§ 7.3.1 Roc Hou Ker

History

The reason why the farmers of Roc Hou Ker started to move towards the peasant mode of farming

was not necessarily induced by the environmental crisis in the territory, since the green algae were

seen as inherent to the territory. As Kerboriou stated:

“No, it wasn’t the reason to change. We have always known them. They have been there since the

70s.”

The realization that the push of Empire towards maximum outputs does not necessarily leave the

farmer with the highest possible profits led them to change their farming system instead. In this

sense, the start of the repeasantization was thus influenced by the context, in which the squeezing

environment for the farmers induced by Empire was the most important factor.

48

Agricultural practices

In terms of agricultural practices, it was clear that not much change could be made at the output

level, because of the dependence of the farm upon the dominant socio-technical regime. Therefore,

agricultural practices were changed at the input level. The fact that the farmers chose for a grass-

based dairy system was quite logical. This system was already promoted by different (governmental)

organizations, like CEDAPA. It therefore may have been the safest choice within a hostile context.


In terms of the economic practices and relationships to markets, we have also seen that the farm of

Roc Hou Ker has made a move towards the peasant mode of farming. Again, not much change could

be made at the output level, because of a strong presence of Empire. Therefore, to still pursue the

goal of increasing income, changes were made at the input level, by gaining more autonomy from

dominant markets through on-farm production of inputs. In this sense, the context in which the farm

operates had a strong influence on the shape that the repeasantization in this case took.


The relationships that the farm has with the outside world can be subdivided in two categories. First,

the farm is engaged in agricultural networks. The activities that are performed in these networks do

not have much to do with the crisis. Instead, they are all focused towards the personal goal of

increasing financial gains from the farm.

Second, the farm finds itself in a rather hostile environment, which is mainly due to the

environmental crisis, of which the agricultural sector has been blamed to be at the basis. This is one

of the reasons that Edwige is engaged in the Chamber of Agriculture, since this enables the farmers

to defend their stance on agriculture.

The relationships with the outside world are thus shaped by a mix of individual goals, the

environmental crisis and the other factors that are important in the territory.

§ 7.3.2 Guerguillegen

History

Even though the shape of repeasantization of the farm of Guerguillegen is quite similar to Roc Hou

Ker, the path towards it has been very different. It could be argued, that instead of being influenced

by the local expression of the crisis, this repeasantization actually started because of the crisis of

meaning. Only after installing as a farmer, he became an inhabitant of the territory, and therefore

also influenced by its context. The move towards a grass-based dairy styem was already there from

the start, but had been influenced by extra-territorial factors. The green algae were not a reason to

start and move towards a grass-based dairy system:

“I am in favor of water-protection, […] but some really want to come back to pre-history, that there is

no human activity at all. For me, that is impossible. On the other hand, we can do a lot, and a lot has

been done already as well.”


As was said, the grass-based dairy system was chosen, even though the local expression of the crisis

was not at the basis for this. Instead, all choices have been made based upon individual preferences,

and because of this, to suit the goal of maximum simplicity in the management of the farm. The

49

grass-based dairy system, in this sense, was chosen because its viability was already proven on other

farms in the region. The regional context, in this sense, did play an important role in the shape of the

repeasantization.


The economic practices of the farm of Guerguillegen again show the important impact that Empire

has on the processes of repeasantization in the region. On the one hand, the farmer guides all his

action to reach maximum simplicity, which has also led to the choice to deliver outputs to

cooperatives. On the other hand, this demands a certain stability in outputs. Hence, we see that a

trade-off is made between contextual factors and personal values and goals in the way that the farm

is managed.


Also, the way in which the farmer relates with the outside world is shaped by a mix of personal

preferences and goals, and contextual factors. On the one hand, the goal of maximum simplicity

means for the farmer that he engages in networks and meetings as little as possible. On the other

hand, the local context makes that farmers within the territory have to engage in certain relations,

like the Charte du Territoire, or certain activities of the Chamber of Agriculture.

§ 7.3.3 Conclusion

We can see here that the processes of repeasantization have similarities and differences. On the one

hand, both farms have engaged in a grass-based dairy system. On the other hand, the process

towards it has been quite different. It seems that the similarities and differences can be explained

because of the mix of personal goals and values and the influence of the context.

In this sense, the local expression of the crisis does have an impact on the context in which the farms

operate. It therefore also has an important impact upon the constraints and opportunities that arise

for the farms. Nevertheless, we have also seen very clearly that the local expression of the crisis

alone does not lead to a change in farming systems. As Gouerec stated:

“The external context definitely participates in creating an ambiance, that’s clear, but it is not enough

to take along a change of systems. Meaning to say, other parameters are needed, economic,

technical, that incite for a change that is much more profound.”

The impact of Empire has proven itself to be critical for the shape that repeasantization has taken in

this territory. Because of the dominant role it plays, the room for maneuver of the farmers has been

quite constrained. Therefore, most adaptations have been made on the input level. This shows us the

importance of the different levels of the MLP in the shape that repeasantization will take.

Moreover, it has become clear that the solutions proposed within a territory can heavily shape the

process of repeasantization. In the region around Lieue-de-Grève, the positive effects of grass-based

dairy systems had already become clear and were promoted by research and governmental

institutions. Also, information and support on such a farming system, and the change towards it was

widely available. In this sense, this path was quite a safe one to take.

Personal goals, values and preferences too played an important role in the shape that

repeasantization took. In this sense, the repeasantization was and still is an interaction and on-going

50

adaptation towards personal goals, and the opportunities and constraints that individual, territorial,

regional, national and international factors provide.

§ 7.4 Progressions in knowledge and questions raised This chapter will end with a short review of our research question and what we have learned on its

outcomes so far. This paragraph is organized in the same way as the final discussion will be. First, we

look at what we learned on the crisis, then on repeasantization and finally on the connection

between the two. Finally, we will have a look at what questions have arisen.

§ 7.4.1 Crises

The case of Lieue-de-Grève has taught us first and foremost that crises are much more complex than

thought at first sight. We started this research with the assumption that the environmental

dimension of the crisis was predominant in this area. Nevertheless, this crisis is embedded in a

territory and context with different interest groups and where the different levels of the MLP are

particularly present. This gives the crisis not only an environmental, but also a political, social and

economic dimension.

Secondly, it has become clear that a crisis is not a fixed concept made up of one dimension that is

simple to define, but instead is seen in different ways by different groups and individuals. It is a

malleable and ever changing concept. The way in which a crisis is experienced depends upon factors

like political and economic interests, individual characteristics, the context and the way in which the

crisis impacts an individual or a group. Within a territory, different socio-technical regimes may be

present, that have different interests and for which the territorial crisis, again, has a different impact.

For example, by the touristic sector, the algae are experienced as a crisis, while others see it as a

maybe unwanted but necessary outcome of more important activities, like the dairy sector.

§ 7.4.2 Repeasantization

The cases in this case-study show us that repeasantization is not linear processes. At first, there may

be the realization that something is wrong, and that there is a problem that has to be dealt with.

Nevertheless, this does not mean that change is made immediately. Instead, repeasantization stems

from an interplay between internal values and external pressures and opportunities. This means that

each case of repeasantization is different, since personal goals, values and opportunities differ on a

case by case basis.

On the other hand, there will also be similarities, since access to information, networks and the

context within a territory offer similar opportunities to different farmers. In this case, this means that

repeasantization in this area has mainly consisted of a move towards a grass-based dairy system and

changes on the input side, even though the reasons to change may have been different.

Repeasantization, then, is an on-going process of adaptation to external pressures combined with

internal values. This is a step-by-step process, since both of these internal as well as external factors

are ever-changing factors. This also explains the many shades that repeasantization may take, since it

is a combination between personal and universal factors.

§ 7.4.3 Connecting the crisis and the cases

Finally, we look at what we have learned on the way in which crises influence repeasantization. The

previous paragraph partly provides us with an answer, since it shows how repeasantization is on the

51

one hand shaped by personal preferences, but on the other hand by external pressures and

opportunities. Nevertheless, when particularly looking at the influence of crises on the process of

repeasantization, this case has shown us that it is particularly important whether a crisis is

experienced as inherent to one’s system or not. This becomes particularly clear from the following

quote:

“It is the external system that is in crisis vis-à-vis their system. The people tell them [the farmers] that

the green algae are their fault […] But the environmental problems are not seen as a problem

inherent to the system of the farm itself. In fact, it is external pressures that make them change. But it

is not the farmers who feel like their system has arrived at its end. Because real change only comes

when you think: “This cannot go on like this”. And this can be for different reasons: economic, social,

because you want less work […] But for me, today, the majority of the farmers do not live like their

system is in crisis. […]And so they adapt, because they are not indifferent […] but this is not enough

for a systematic change (Gouerec, 2015)”.

In this sense, it seems that not the crisis as an external pressure induces repeasantization, instead, it

is the internalization of a crisis that is important.

It is however not only the local of expression of the crisis that determines the shape of

repeasantization. On the contrary, it is the context in combination with personal values that plays an

important role. In this sense, the different levels of the MLP play an important role in the shape that

repeasantization will take. A contradictory context can stop the process of repeasantization and a

transition to sustainability in the long term. Thus, the locked-in character of the landscape and socio-

technical regime level can inhibit long-lasting change and also heavily determines the process at the

niche level.

§ 7.4.4 Questions

How did the changing farming practices on some farms in Lieue-de-Grève influence general

tendencies in farming practices in the territory and maybe even beyond its boundaries?

How can we define and map people’s values and interests together with the context to gain

a comprehensive view on which factors influence and shape repeasantization and to what

extent?

Chapter 8: Changing values: Wageningen

§ 8.1 Describing the territory To study the crisis of meaning, the territory around Wageningen in the Netherlands was been

chosen. At first sight, Wageningen is not a special town. However, because of the presence of one of

the world’s leading universities in the fields of food, agro-ecology, agronomy and livelihoods it is

quite a special place. We will first describe the territory and the local expressions of the crisis before

continuing to the case chosen.

§ 8.1.1 Geography

With around 40.000 inhabitants, Wageningen is a relatively small city. It is located at the center of

the Netherlands, in the province of Gelderland. It is the capital of the like-named municipality. The

social profile in the town and region is heavily determined by the fact that it is home to Wageningen

52

University and Research Center (WUR), since it attracts large amounts of young and highly educated

people that are interested in one of the fields of expertise of the university. 33% of the population is

younger than 25 years old and around 34% of the population has successfully completed an applied

university or university program. The amount of inhabitants in Wageningen has grown significantly

from the year 2000 onwards. This is mainly due to the growth of the University and Food Valley.

The territory has been defined as follows: Wageningen is placed at the center, and an area around it

of about 10-15 kilometers is taken into account. Because of a well-developed infrastructure that is

characteristic for the whole of the Netherlands, and the relatively small distances between one city

and the next, it is hard to define where the influence of Wageningen stops and the influence of the

next town or city start. In this sense, the proximity of cities like Arnhem, Nijmegen and Utrecht is

important, since Wageningen itself is influenced by these cities. However, for the sake of the clarity

of our description we will keep ourselves to the area of Wageningen (RIGO, 2013).


Nature & Environmental problems

Even though the territory is located in a predominantly urban area (NUTS 3) (European Commission,

2013) a diversity of nature areas can be found in the hinterlands. For example, the area is

surrounded by two Natura 2000 areas: Binnenveld and the Veluwe. Also the Utrechtse Heuvelrug,

Wageningse Eng, and the Uiterwaarden, are ecologically valuable, and make it a place that is not

only comfortable to live in, but also make it an important area for biodiversity. This is why it is

designated as a place to become part of the principal ecological network (Ecologische Hoofd

Structuur: EHS) of the Netherlands (Mooi Wageningen, 2013). The existence of the Natura 2000 areas

and the wish to extend and connect these areas in the ecological network of the Netherlands brings

along stricter rules for agriculture and industries, to prevent a decrease in biodiversity. This does not

mean that no agriculture or industry is taking place. On the contrary, due to its large diversity in soils

the area is home to dairy, poultry and pig production, orchards, and greenhouses (Provincie

Gelderland, 2015).

Unfortunately, the area is not free from environmental problems. The Netherlands in general are

coping with high levels of Nitrogen, mainly stemming from agriculture, traffic and industry but in

Wageningen it seems to be slightly worse than comparable areas in the Netherlands because of a

heightened average concentration of nitrogen dioxide (+/- 22 μg/m3) and fine particles (+/- 26

μg/m3) in the air (RIGO, 2013).

Environmental activism

Despite the fact that there are no pressing local environmental problems in and around Wageningen,

there is a large number of organizations engaging in environmental activism. It is impossible for the

scope of this thesis to give a comprehensive overview of all of these organizations. Therefore, an

exploratory and illustrative list of the different initiatives will be given.

Platform Sustainable Wageningen (Platform Duurzaam Wageningen: PDW): Is a platform that

exists since 1999. The association organizes and coordinates sustainable initiatives in

Wageningen. E.g. local sustainable food production, measuring local sustainability, supporting

the municipality in its sustainability policy, etcetera. PDW works together with many other

(sustainability) actors in the territory (PDW, 2014).

53

Transition Towns Valley (Transition Town Vallei): This organization forms a part of the

international network of transition towns. It organizes many activities to guide Wageningen to a

more sustainable and localized future (Transition Town Vallei, 2015) .

Beautiful Wageningen (Mooi Wageningen): Is an association that wants to preserve and further

develop the ecological quality of the landscapes around Wageningen. It aims at stimulating and

supporting the municipality of Wageningen in enlarging and protecting the quality of the

landscapes in the area (Mooi Wageningen, 2013)

Wageningen Environmental Platform (WEP): WEP is a platform for students that actively want

to create more sustainability in their behavior and lifestyle. They do this by organizing activities,

discussions, excursions and by promoting local initiatives. They also try to heighten

environmental awareness in the campus of Wageningen (WEP, 2014) .

These organizations form a tip of the iceberg of the environmental organizations that act in this small

town. Other examples that can be found in the town are organizations that want to implement

shared community gardens, permaculture, create campus gardens in the university or decrease the

ecological footprint of the city, etcetera. It becomes clear that these organizations are mostly

focused on global rather than local issues.

Environmental programs

There are different levels of governance determining the policies for our research territory.

Obviously, on the one hand, much is decided on a European level, which is further shaped nationally.

Afterwards, at a provincial level, different parts of these policies are brought into realization (IPO,

2013; Rijksoverheid, 2013). Also municipalities have a say on the territory, but only for those issues

that are truly local. One characteristic program on a municipal level is highlighted here. In 2012,

different actors in the municipality of Wageningen came together to drastically reduce greenhouse

gas (GHG) emissions by 2030 and to have reduced them by a 100% in 2050. The project got baptized

Wageningen Klimaatneutraal 2030 (Wageningen Carbon Neutral 2030). Interesting is that the

project involves a wide range of actors of which a.o. Wageningen UR, the association for social

housing, the association for student housing, the association of entrepreneurs, the province of

Gelderland, and several civil society associations (Transition Town Vallei, 2015; Gemeente

Wageningen, 2012).

Another interesting involvement of the municipality is the flexitarian-covenant that it signed to

promote a decrease in consumption of meat and dairy products in Wageningen. It thereby involves

itself in increasing the possibilities to consume sustainable and plant-based foods in canteens,

restaurants and shops (Gemeente Wageningen, 2013). As Lex Hoefsloot, the councilor of

Wageningen at that time stated:

“The flexitarian-campaign perfectly suits Wageningen’s ambition to be climate-neutral in 2030. We,

as the municipality, find it important to give a signal towards our inhabitants and enterprises to

consume less meat, and thereby decrease GHG. Also, the campaign really matches the title of

vegetarian capital of 2012” (Natuur & Milieu, 2013).

§ 8.1.3 Economy

Economically, the Netherlands find themselves, like any other country in the EU, in an economic

crisis. This can be noticed by the general tendency of increasing unemployment, bankruptcies and

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decreasing incomes. This paragraph will deal with general economic tendencies in Wageningen itself

(RIGO, 2013).

Income & Employment

What, at first sight, is very striking in the economic profile of Wageningen, is the fact that there are

relatively many people earning low incomes. The average income in the municipality lies around

13,600€ per year, and around 54% of the population earns an income that belongs to the lowest

40% of the Netherlands. However, this can be explained by the high share of students in the town. In

the hinterlands of Wageningen, the income is significantly higher than in Wageningen itself, but it is

still lower than in comparable areas in the Netherlands (RIGO, 2013; Provincie Gelderland, 2015). On

the other hand, in terms of employment and unemployment, the numbers of Wageningen are

positive. In 2012 there was an unemployment rate of 4,2%. Furthermore, there is also a relatively

low share of empty shops (less than 2,5%) and bankruptcies (Less than 3 bankruptcies/10,000

inhabitants per year).

For its hinterlands, Wageningen is a relatively important pole for jobs, although other cities in the

region like Ede, Arnhem, Nijmegen and Utrecht are also important employment centers. Around 54%

of the inhabitants find themselves commuting to these cities for their work. The most important

cities in this perspective are Ede, Arnhem, Veenendaal and Utrecht (RIGO, 2013).

Economic importance is also assigned to the industry terrain and harbor in the town. More than 200

companies are located here. Between 1600 and 1800 ships arrive every year, with a yearly

transshipment of 1,5 million tons. Employment wise, the harbor and industry terrain also have an

important function, offering jobs to more than 1200 people. This is especially the case since the

other “industries” in the town mainly offer jobs for highly educated people, while the harbor and

industrial area offer jobs to people from all strands of society (Gemeente Wageningen, 2013).

Wageningen University and Research Center

Wageningen is home to one of the most influential universities in the fields of food, food production,

environment, health, lifestyle and livelihood in the world: Wageningen University and Research

Center (WUR). With more than 10.000 students from over 100 countries and 6500 employees it

constitutes a large part of the town and strongly determines the image and social and political profile

of the town. More than 20% of the inhabitants are students. On the other hand, from all employees,

less than 40% lives in the town (RIGO, 2013; WageningenUR, 2014). From its inauguration in 1918

onwards, until the beginning of the 2000s the University merely attracted 400 new students per year.

This has taken a turn in the first decade of the 2000s, with a triple increase of the number of yearly

new students. Especially from 2008 onwards, the university has seen a soaring increase in student

numbers (WUR, 2013; Keuzegids Universiteiten, 2015).

The fields of agro-technology, biotechnology, food technology, and animal sciences, form an

important part of the WUR. The pioneering role that the university plays in these areas has also

attracted other institutions to the region. For example, the town forms a part of the Food Valley, a

region that aspires to become a pioneer of the agro-food industry in Europe. Heavyweights that are

situated in this area are amongst others Danone, Monsanto, Arla Foods and Friesland Campina (Food

Valley, 2015). These involvements have not rested undisputed. On the contrary, WUR has been

accused of being too influenced by large agro-industrial companies, and has even been charged for

providing false “facts” in a research that was heavily funded by the dairy industry (Wakker Dier,

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2011). On the other hand, the university is famous for its engagements in fields like sustainability,

agro-ecology and food security.

§ 8.1.4 Socio-Political

Different forms of activism

Next to the environmental activism that has been discussed in one of the previous paragraphs, also

other forms of activism can be found. Also in this paragraph, a short and illustrative list will be given:

Otherwise: is an NGO in Wageningen that works in the sphere of international cooperation,

sustainability and social justice. It aims to empower people to achieve sustainable

livelihoods, by providing a platform for reflection and interaction through the involvement of

grassroots organizations and people on the ground for environmental and social justice. It

links with worldwide movements that want to provide answers to present challenges such as

food insecurity, energy, water management and migration (Otherwise, 2015).

Agricultures Network: The agricultures network is an organization that builds and shares

knowledge on small scale family farming and agro-ecology. The ILEIA office in the

Netherlands is the secretariat of the network. It actively promotes agro-ecology as a solution

to multiple crises that the world is facing today. It is doing this amongst others by producing

regional and global magazines on sustainable farming (Agricultures Network, 2014);

Vegetarianism: in 2012, Wageningen was declared as the most “vegetarian friendly city” in

the Netherlands based on the fact that it had most vegetarian eating out options per

inhabitant. Also, in grey literature it is mentioned that the percentage of vegetarians tends to

be highest of all (student) cities in the Netherlands, although no exact data is available on

this (Keuzegids Universiteiten, 2015; Vegetariërs Bond, 2012)

Droevendaal: Droevendaal is essentially a living community, gathering around 200 students

living together in an environmentally friendly way. By lobbying for their cause they have

managed amongst others to obtain green electricity on their terrain, use harvested rain

water for water provisioning, and making it one of the most biodiverse areas in Wageningen

and its surroundings. The community has its own mayor, newspaper, and shop with fair trade

and organic products (Samen Leven, 2008).

Voting behavior

In the voting behavior in Wageningen is striking there seems to be an above average preference for

green, left-wing and democratic parties over right-wing parties (Kiesraad, 2015). In 2014, 57,5% of

the votes for the municipal elections went to four large left-wing, social-democratic parties, this is

illustrative for the results of other years (Provincie Gelderland, 2015).

§ 8.1.5 Conclusion

Above we see that all three dimensions of the crisis are present. Like any other European MS, the

Netherlands have been negatively affected by the economic crisis. Also, there are environmental

problems in the region. For example, the worsened air quality, high levels of nitrogen, negative

effects from industry, and the preservation and quality of nature areas in the region. Nevertheless,

these crises do not seem more pressing than in other areas in the Netherlands or even Europe.

Especially compared to the other two areas studied in this thesis, this territory seems relatively

mildly impacted by an economic or environmental crisis.

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The second striking feature is the bipolar effect that the presence of the WUR seems to have. On the

one hand, there is a lot of life sciences research, which attracts agro-industry heavy weights to the

region. On the other hand, because of its involvement in other areas like rural development, food

security, livelihood, etcetera, there is seemingly a heightened awareness in this territory of global

environmental and social problems. This is shown by the many different forms of activism that

mostly seem to have a global focus. Because of these elements, the territory of Wageningen seems

to be a good example of ‘the crisis of meaning’.

§ 8.2 Tuinderij de Stroom: Building on cooperation

§ 8.2.1 History

In 2005, Tuinderij de Stroom (Vegetable garden the Stream), was established in Hemmen, at six

kilometers from Wageningen, by Welmoet de Waard and Angelien Hertgers. Before, both had

accomplished higher education. Welmoet had studied social environmental sciences, in Nijmegen,

while Angelien followed the program of environmental sciences in Leeuwarden. In Welmoet’s case,

she realized that making environmental policies or providing education on organic agriculture would

not be logical if she did not know much about it in practice. Angelien on the other hand, had always

already been interested in working in the green sector. Independently, they decided to follow a part-

time education in organic farming where they met during an internship. In this internship, they had

the opportunity during a year to manage the vegetable box scheme of the internship farm.

Afterwards they decided to set up such a scheme for themselves. After looking around in the

surroundings of Utrecht for a piece of land to rent, they got into contact with arable farmer André

Jurrius, who had started his organic arable farm one year before. He was renting his land from the

local Estate Heerlijkheid Hemmen that had been looking for someone to convert the land to organic.

Welmoet and Angelien started renting a piece of land from the arable farmer. They started with the

parcel that used to be the castle garden, a piece of land of one hectare, with the idea of enlarging

their acreage to four hectares within a reach of three years. The first hectare has stayed their fixed

parcel through time and is situated next to a care farm.

Four years ago, Linde stepped in as a co-owner of the farm after stopping her Msc. in Soil Sciences at

Wageningen University. She explains:

“I didn’t like my education anymore, it was so much time spent behind a computer. I preferred doing

something practical. Then I started volunteering in another vegetable farm, and that is how I got the

idea to start the agricultural education. Part-time and then do an internship for the rest of the time.

This was my internship place, and after a year they asked me to become a partner”

Nowadays, the farm has grown to be a complex structure with many activities and different actors

that are involved. These are depicted schematically below in figure 5, and will be explained in the

following paragraphs. An analysis of the different parts of the farm can be found in the table of

analysis in annex 8. This table will be explained in the following paragraphs. Again, this will be quite

descriptive. At the end of each paragraph, an analysis is added in bold, to analyze how the elements

described characterize the peasant mode of farming. In paragraph 8.2.7, then, we will be looking at

how these elements of the peasant mode of farming contribute to the autonomy, resilience and

survival of the farm.

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Figure 5: Flows of resources in de Stroom, source: Author

58

§ 8.2.2 Cooperation

The most characteristic feature of the Tuinderij is the way in which it cooperates with others. It

operates in a triangle of three farms: Tuinderij de Stroom, Arable Farm Lingenhof, and dairy farm

Opneij. Together, they form a cycle that is as closed as possible. The arable farmer partly provides

the hay, grains and clover for the dairy farm. In return, the fields of both the Tuinderij and the

Lingenhof are fertilized with the dung produced by the cows of Opneij.

Especially the cooperation between the arable farmer and the vegetable farm has been strong from

the beginning onwards and this connection grew stronger in time. When both of the farms started,

the arable farmer ploughed and fertilized the field of the vegetable farm. In the three years that

followed, the area of the vegetable farm got extended to 4 hectares. Three hectares form a part of

the rotation scheme of the arable farmer, also these fields are ploughed and fertilized by the farmer.

Throughout the season, the arable farmer or one of his employees can come and help the three

women out if something has to happen on their field that requires relatively heavy machinery. On

the other hand, if the arable farmer has a harvesting peak and needs help, the three women and

their volunteers can help out. In this way, they unburden each other if there is a need to do so,

without having to go through common markets.

Since four years, the washing and packing activities of the vegetable farm have moved from the shed

of the care farm to a part of a large shed at the arable farm. Since then especially the cooperation

has grown closer. Logistic issues can now be talked about over the daily coffee breaks that the

enterprises share. This is a time saving matter for the services that they deliver to each other:

“It is really easy to settle things if you drink coffee together every day, things are taken care off

quickly. In the end we do make up a balance, these are not services for friends, but we also do it by

feeling, you cannot write every five minutes down (Swart, 2015).”

Outside of these small services, the largest part of the cooperation has been fixed in a contract. The

rest is documented and balanced at the end of the season. The coffee breaks are also a place where

innovations and synergies take shape. In the daily get together many different subjects are discussed,

including brainstorming on issues like alternative business models, shared projects and other work

related issues. In this way, new ideas arise, and the cooperation is taken to a next level.

The fact that Linde joined meant an increase in cooperation between the two farms, since another

income had to be generated. To do this, another 100 vegetable bags had to be produced each week.

The arable farmer then also started cultivating crops like pumpkins, onions and cabbages for the

vegetable bags. In this way, the women of the vegetable farm could focus more on delicate

cultivations, while buying the arable crops relatively cheap at the arable farmer.

This is not where the cooperation stops. They also carry out other projects together, like

“Hoogstamfruit Hemmen”. In this project, the two farms together cultivate a parcel of 5 hectares

with traditional apple trees. People are able to ‘adopt’ one of these trees. On the one hand, the

Tuinderij takes care of the maintenance in winter, while the arable farmer does so in summer. In

summer, together they organize a pick nick for those who have adopted an apple tree, as well as a

day in which those who adopted a tree can pick the apples, and have juice made on site.

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Lastly, the three farms, together with the organic shop in the village form the Groene Kring (Green

Circle). Together they organize and offer country side activities, farm education, excursions, etcetera.

These forms of cooperation are not always directly financially beneficial, although they do not lead to

losses either. Other values than direct economic gains are taken into account. As Jurrius stated it:

“Cooperation is the key here in our holding. […] Most important is that you’re never lonely on your

holding again. By working together well and with many different parties, I think you can get further.

Instead of being a simple-minded arable farmer, that has to make it on his own. […] The cooperation

brings life and development, personal development. And this does not happen with a mainstream

farmer […] that only works for cooperations and banks. That is a waste. I think there is more”.

This paragraph demonstrates that cooperation permeates all choices that are being made in the

farm. It also shows us a move towards the peasant mode of farming in all three categories defined:

agricultural practices and internal organization, relationships with the outside world and economic

practices and relationships to markets. For example, the way in which the farm cooperates is

strongly based on reciprocity and trust. Next to this, cooperation allows the farm to move around

common in- and output markets. Also, it increases the autarky and autonomy of the farm.

Furthermore, the pluri-activity on the farm becomes clear from this paragraph, meaning that the

farm does not depend on one sole activity for its income. Instead, activities, and therefore the

sources of income, are spread, thereby creating resilience. In the way in which the farm cooperates

it becomes clear that economic values are not always the most important. Instead, personal,

social, traditional and environmental values are key to the holding.

§ 8.2.3 Labour

Labour takes up a central role in the management of the Tuinderij. At the start, most work was done

by hand. At that moment in time, it was still doable, since there was just one hectare to take care of.

When they expanded to four hectares, they soon bought a small tractor and weeding machine:

“At that time we did a lot by hand, but it is impossible to keep up with that for 20 years, especially

because of the increasing scale. So we made adaptations to be able to work smarter and more

efficiently (Swart, 2015)”

Human labour is nonetheless still important for performing many of the tasks. The women running

the Tuinderij are not alone in this. From the start, they are backed by a team of volunteers, some of

which come for a few days a week for many years already. Others only come during certain periods.

This voluntary labour is complemented with labour from clients from the care farm around the

corner. The collaboration is beneficial for everyone.

“We really like offering a place to people who feel stuck or that want to be outside. We really like

offering them place, and of course we can really use the help. Even though we have the small tractor,

there is always a lot that has to happen manually (Swart, 2015).”

Also, for the arable farmer, it is pleasant, because the field is kept cleaner from weeds, which will

spare him work the following year. On their behalf, the volunteers state unanimously that the work

at the farm brings them “positive energy”. One of the volunteers forms an interesting example. After

25 years of working at a publisher, it became clear that his job could no longer please him. Instead, it

started working negatively on his health and personal life. In time, this led him to the choice to start

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the education to become an organic farmer after a life-long interest in farming. This is how he ended

up as an intern at the farm of the three women.

This paragraph shows us that labour is central to the management of the Tuinderij. The way in

which it is organized shows us an innovative and modern use of marginal labour, that is organized

according to reciprocity principles and strongly embedded in society. This allows the owners to

decrease dependency on common labour markets.

§ 8.2.4 Finances

When Welmoet and Angelien started the farm, they needed a basic capital to be able to finance the

take-off of the project as well as money to live from the first year. The bank was not an option to go

to, because there was no capital they could put in themselves. Therefore, they borrowed money

from friends, family and acquaintances. After the second year, there was no need to do so anymore.

None of the expenses that have been done in the farm have been financed by banks. On the

contrary, in time, the women have built a financial buffer, that can be used amongst others if new

machinery and tractors need to be bought.

Also, it was a conscious choice to start a market garden instead of another type of farm. A market

garden is relatively easy to set up. The women do not own the land but rent it, and buy relatively

cheap, second-hand machinery that is not difficult to repair. Also, the space in which the washing

and packing of the vegetables happens is rented from the arable farmer. In these ways, costs are

kept low and there is no need for large investments.

The way in which the finances in the farm are organized again show us the importance of

reciprocity principles for the management of the farm. By relying on friends and family instead of

on common financial markets for the initial investments there is no dependency on common

financial markets. Also, the fact that everything nowadays is financed with own resources adds to

the fact that the farm is autonomous, resilient to external shocks and therefore the survival is

ensured. Moreover, it shows that the money is invested in the farm and therefore used for further

development of its resource base.

§ 8.2.5 Markets

The clientele of the Tuinderij started small. First, it was possible to take over 50 clients from a farm in

Nijmegen that had too much demand. During the winter, they managed to recruit another 50 clients.

In this way, they started off with a 100 clients that were buying their vegetable bags. After six years,

this amount increased to about 200 bags. When Linde became a co-owner of the farm an extra

income had to be generated. Therefore, the distribution was expanded to Wageningen, both by

delivering vegetable bags, as well as delivering vegetables to organic shops. In time, this has led the

Tuinderij to deliver vegetables to 350 clients in a radius of 20 kilometers from the farm. The clients

can pick up their bags at one of the 20 collection points. This can be a garage, a shop or a space in a

university. The owner of the collection point receives a vegetable bag for free in return.

Since four years, once a week, a small shop is run in the shed of the farm in which part of the

produce is being sold. The sales made here account for only 2,5% of the total income. Nevertheless,

the shop attracts people from the surroundings to come to the farm and gives them the possibility to

show what they are doing. This may have positive side-effects, like gaining a reputation in the region,

which might lead to a larger clientele.

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The inputs of the farm are a mix between inputs from the cycle of the three farms as well as external

inputs. Fertilizers come from the dairy farm. For the rest, seeds and seedlings are bought at different

specialized companies that deliver approximately every three weeks. Moreover, in winter some

crops are bought from organic wholesalers, to be able to broaden the offer in the bags.

The way in which the market outlets of the Tuinderij are organized again show us the way in which

different elements of the peasant mode of farming have been incorporated. First, by applying

pluri-activity and finding multiple outlets, dependency is decreased and resilience is created. The

markets are partly based upon embeddedness in society, which is demonstrated by the fact that

not only those markets are sought where profits will be highest, but also markets are served that

will contribute to societal or traditional values.

§ 8 .2.6 Health Care

For independent entrepreneurs, there is always a risk of losing their source of income due to illness.

To be able to still generate income in such a situation the women form a part of an innovative

collaborative disability insurance initiative called Broodfonds (bread fund) that builds on trust among

people. Each bread fund consists of 30-40 people from the same region that know, or get to know

each other. Everyone places money in a common pool. The amount that is paid is determined

separately by each bread fund. When someone falls ill, small amounts of money from each of the

adherents will be paid to the person that cannot work for a while. A common insurance company

would be much more expensive. Linde stated:

“With a bread fund you can already have payments after two weeks, while for conventional

insurances it can take up to a year. It all depends on the conditions that can be quite non-transparent.

The bread fund is very transparent.”

This element of the Tuinderij is thus also based upon trust and reciprocity. By adhering to a

breadfund instead of a common insurance company, autonomy and resilience is created. Also it

allows the farm to again move around mainstream markets, thereby decreasing dependency.

§ 8.2.7 Summary

It becomes clear from the paragraphs above that the Tuinderij has incorporated many elements of

the peasant mode of farming in the way in which the farm is managed. In this summary we will

recapitulate in what ways the practices and ‘peasant elements’ of the farm contribute to autonomy,

resilience and survival.

Autonomy

The Tuinderij can be seen as an autonomous structure in many ways. First, the financial autonomy of

the farm is high. The way in which the farm and the machines have been financed has allowed the

farm to completely move around banks. Also, most of the labour goes according to reciprocity

principles which creates a strong move away from markets. Even most paid labour goes around

common markets, thereby decreasing dependency. This effect is reinforced by keeping costs low. In

this way, again, minimal dependency is created. Furthermore, the way in which relationships with

markets are patterned allows for autonomy. Because they engage in different markets, they are not

dependent on one outlet. On the other hand, a conscious choice was made to source seeds and

seedlings from common markets and to complement the vegetable bags with vegetables from

wholesalers, to broaden their supply to their customers in winter. Even though this might on the one

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hand create dependency of markets, the women are not willing to dedicate the time and space that

seed production would need. Also, they do not want to run the risk of coping with a failed seed

production.

The high level of autonomy has not negatively impacted their embeddedness in society. On the

contrary, there is much interaction with others: people from the region, other farmers, volunteers,

other entrepreneurs, etcetera. One might even say that this embeddedness fosters autonomy. By

consciously choosing with whom to interact, they create opportunities for others, but also for

themselves. Synergies between different parties are created that provide with the possibility to move

around common markets.

Resilience

Also resilience is created through different mechanisms. The pluriactivity of planting different

species, delivering to different markets, working together with many actors, establishing a financial

buffer and having different economic activities, makes that risks are spread and financial resilience is

created. This can be shown by the outcomes of the year 2014, which was a very bad year. Due to

very heavy rainfall, much of the produce was lost. Nevertheless, because of the diversity of produce

both on the arable farm as well as the vegetable farm, no financial losses were made.

Lastly, the fact that the farm is owned by the three partners also creates resilience. If one of them

falls ill, this will not put all the burden of managing the farm on the shoulders of just one person. This

is complemented with the collective health insurance that the women form a part of. Instead of

being dependent on a traditional, expensive and non-transparent institution, or running the risk of

losing all income when falling ill, an alternative is created by being a part of the bread fund. In this

way, periods of illness can be overcome without many problems.

Survival

In a first place, all of the parts that constitute autonomy and resilience for the farm that have been

mentioned above also ensure its survival. Moreover, there is a constant interaction with customers

and workers. In this way, they can keep up with which produce is demanded and can adapt their

business operations to these changes. The fact that they source part of their produce from

wholesalers in winter is an illustration of this, since there had been complaints that the offer in

winter was too one-sided.

The fact that most of the choices made in the farm are not solely of an economic nature, is also

important to mention. Some even do not bring direct income (although they never bring losses).

Examples are the apple orchard, the vegetable shop or the cooperation from the arable farmer’s

point of view. This shows us that other values outside of the economic sphere are also deemed

important for survival. A statement of Jurrius will make this point clear:

“Mainstream arable farmers will not make it. The question is whether their enterprise is strong

enough for the future. Economically, environmentally, personally. I think you have to think differently.

More alternative, although that might be the wrong word. Just think broader, larger. There are

always more chances than you think, you need to be open to them but also attract them.”

In this sense, the way in which the farms work together might not have direct economic benefits, but

makes that together they stand strong in the organic pioneering so that “a magnet” is created

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attracting others into it. Also, the shared breaks provide an opportunity for development of the

enterprises on an economic as well as personal sphere.

Conclusion

Tuinderij de Stroom is thus a structure that has strongly incorporated the peasant mode of farming,

and it has done so from the start onwards. By integrating all of the elements (also see Annex 8)

autonomy, resilience and survival of the farm are created. In time the management and farming

methods in the farm have been adapted step by step, to serve the goals and the values of the

farmers. These goals and values are of a diverse nature. First, of course, economic values are

important in order to ensure the survival of the farm and its owners. Nevertheless, also social,

traditional and environmental values are taken into account.

§ 8.3 Making the connection The question whether the Tuinderij has been influenced by the local expression of the crisis is less

easy to answer. To be able to do so, it is important to return to a) the crisis of meaning as it has been

defined in chapter 5.3 and its connection to the case that we studied and b) whether the expression

of the local crisis explains for the ways in which the repeasantization has taken shape.

Starting with the first point, we have seen that the crisis of meaning comes forth of the notion of

reflexive modernization. This crisis may lead to a change of values, and as a consequence to a

reconstruction of everyday life around autonomous (economic) practices based on self-organization,

self-efficacy and participatory societies, that mak more ethical choices in relation to the environment

and other people. We are thus dealing with an inner dimension of change, values, as well as an outer

dimension of change, practices. It was concluded that in Wageningen, this crisis has been particularly

strong.

§ 8.3.1 History

The history of the farm does show us a presence of the crisis of meaning. All three women, instead of

doing what was expected from them, chose to turn back to agriculture. Instead of setting up this

farm in a conventional way, there has been much space for connection to people, traditions, and the

environment. Much attention and importance is dedicated to self-organization and connection to

and solidarity with society. This shows us both a change in values as well as in practices. Nonetheless,

this does not seem to be due to the local expression of the crisis. The two founders of the farm did

not have a connection with Wageningen until they installed the farm not far from it. This will make

us pose questions on the territoriality of this crisis in a later stage.


The cooperation patterns of the farm support the statement that the crisis of meaning leads to a

reconstitution of new practices that are based on participatory societies. Instead of cooperating only

in such a way that it will support the economic benefits of the farm, importance is also dedicated to

working together for environmental and social reasons. However, it is again hard to tie these choices

to the territorial context, or the local expression of the crisis.

§ 8.3.3 Labour & Markets

Again, the labour and the markets of the Tuinderij are not organized according to an economic

rationale. Instead of pursuing maximum outputs and profits, other values are also deemed

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important. In terms of labour, values like positive energy and interaction were mentioned. The way

in which labour is organized also means that productivity is valued less than these values.

Also, the markets are not necessarily organized in such a way that maximum profits are obtained.

Instead, the social, environmental and traditional aspects of farming are also deemed important. For

example, Welmoed stated:

“Sometimes we get agro-technologists over and when we explain them about our orchards they

argue that we should take them out, that we could use that land much more efficiently. But then I try

to explain that other things also matter, for example the ecological and cultural value of these trees.”

We can thus clearly see the influence of the crisis of meaning upon the process of repeasantization in

this case. Again, this is not necessarily tied to the territory, since it is a process that can be noticed in

different areas. Nevertheless, it does show us a connection to the territory in the sense that different

people are found that are willing to work voluntarily at the farm in exchange for positive energy, as

well as people that are willing to pay more for their food to sustain such an initiative.

§ 8.3.4 Finances & Health care

The way in which finances and health care have been organized also to be shaped by a mix between

personal values and contextual factors. On the one hand, both the financing of the project as well as

the health care do not align with the dominant agro-food system. Because of the different

organization of the farm, no official financing institutes were willing to finance the project. Also, the

common health care insurances would have been incompatible with the way in which the farm is

organized. In this, there is an element of necessity. Since the initiative does not align with and

chooses to move away from the dominant socio-technical regime, it cannot rely either upon this

regime for finance and health care.

Again, it is difficult to link these actions to the local expression of the crisis. Instead, it seems that

other factors have played a more important role in shaping these elements of the farm.

§ 8.3.5 Conclusion

From the above, the influence on the crisis of meaning upon the shape of the repeasantization has

become clear. Instead of ordering the management of the farm according to economic principles

other values are deemed more important. It has however also become clear from the above that the

local expressions of the crisis has not been the most important shaping factor in this case of

repeasantization. The crisis as we have defined it is not solely contained to this territory. The farm

has thus been shaped on the one hand by certain local characteristics, but on the other hand has also

been strongly shaped by other levels. For example, personal goals and values, together with the

different opportunities that have opened up throughout the repeasantization process have proven

themselves much more important. The shape that repeasantization takes thus seems to be due to a

combination of factors, of which local characteristics form a part, but are surely not the only ones.

§8.4 Progressions in knowledge and questions raised Now, what did we learn on our research question? Which parts can we answer, and what new

questions and assumptions are being raised?

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§ 8.4.1 Crisis

We have found that territorializing the crisis of meaning is not easy. In Wageningen, this has become

clear because of the fact that even though there seems to be a heightened appearance of this

expression of this dimension, it does not necessarily match with the cases, and the local expression

of the crisis did not seem to have a direct influence on the cases. From the interviews conducted and

brainstorms during the participatory observation, it seems more logical to in the future a) extend the

territory to the triangle of Arnhem, Nijmegen and Wageningen, since Nijmegen is also quite an

“alternative city” (de Waard, Interview , 2015) or b) to extend the research not necessarily to a

certain territory, but to university cities or universities that may specialize in issues like food security,

environmental sciences and livelihoods (this may be explained and founded by the fact that all three

women have followed studies in the environmental domain albeit in different cities) or c) to extend it

to the social stratum of highly educated people that are interested in environmental, social, political

or economic issues.

This crisis, then, is about awareness, values and access to information, instead of being a territorial

expression of a crisis. Since information and awareness on global issues might be higher in cities like

Wageningen, the crisis seems to be (temporarily) territorialized. Nevertheless, it is a crisis that is

bound to people rather than to places, it is therefore an internal crisis.

This shows us that a crisis is not a one-sided or static phenomenon. Instead, the way in which it is

perceived is very important. This is even more so the case in a ‘philosophical crisis’ like the crisis of

meaning. This means that a crisis only becomes a crisis at the moment it is perceived to be one.


The case of the Tuinderij de Stroom teaches us many things about the process of repeasantization.

First, we can see that in this process, constant adaptations are being made to what is needed both in-

and outside of the farm. This may also mean that there is a (small) move away from the peasant

mode of farming in order to serve other goals. For example, in the case of the Stroom there was a

choice to replace labour in some cases with machines to spear their own bodies. A second example is

the fact that they started buying inputs for the cases from other producers, thereby reducing

autarky, but keeping their customers happy.

The case also shows the importance of the engagement in networks. By engaging in networks that

are based upon reciprocity and solidarity, it is possible for farmers to move away from common

markets and thereby create autonomy and resilience. Striking is, that in this case, the networks

consisted of a wide range of actors, not solely from the agricultural sector.

§ 8.4.3 Connecting the crisis and the case

It also is clear that de Stroom is an example of ‘new peasants’, meaning those people that do not

have a background in farming, but nevertheless choose to get into food production. It seems that this

kind of initiatives on the one hand aim for autonomy and independence from the socio-technical

regime, while they are at the same time implicated in social and global issues. This means that this

kind of initiatives seems to on the one hand gain financial autonomy vis-à-vis the mainstream

society, but on the other hand reaches a high degree of solidarity with society and contributes to

social change through local action. There seems to be a strong connection between the crisis of

meaning and the way in which it influences the shape that repeasantization can take. This is also

illustrated by the following statement:

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“There has been a very clear increase in the number of highly educated people that come to follow

the (part-time) education. The crisis [of 2008] has put people to think about what they really want,

and what really matters in life. What direction do we want to go? What has the world got to offer us?

They have seized the crisis as an opportunity to do what they really want and to think about what

really is important. Part of these people has done this out of necessity, because they lost their job, and

they took that as an opportunity to start it [the education], thinking that it is now or never. Others got

the opportunity because it was paid by their work, while others are foreseeing and do it now they still

can. These take the crisis as a chance to see what they really want in life and what else the world has

got to offer them […]“All of these people [new peasants] place the societal aspect of farming at the

center of their holding, no one works conventional […]. None of them wants to work alone either, that

is too difficult. Instead, all of them form alliances, some of which do work out while others don’t”

(Hendriks, 2015).”

Thus, these farmers engage in alternative networks that make changes through local action.

Furthermore, they apply an innovative way of farming that incorporates the peasant mode of

farming to a large extent. We also see that in this way, there is a move away from the agro-food

regime and the landscape level and instead, autonomy from these structures is aimed for.

§ 8.4.4 Questions

When does willingness to change turn into action? Where is the threshold?

o Combination of factors? : Values, external happenings, turning points?

o How then, are values developed?

o Can they be changed consciously through policy action in order to foster changes

towards sustainability?

Can the crisis of meaning be territorialized?

o Was the wrong territory chosen here and should it be upgraded to Wageningen,

Nijmegen and Arnhem?

o Or is it a crisis that is rather attached to people than to places?

o Does the crisis of meaning occur in areas without universities and social movements?

What distinguishes these areas?

Chapter 9: Dealing with an economic crisis: Marina Alta The economic crisis that started in 2008 soon spread out through Europe, not leaving any of its

Member States unaffected. Yet, some were affected more severely than others. In particular, Ireland

and the Mediterranean countries Spain, Portugal and Greece (Witt, 2013; European Commission,

2013). Between and within countries, differentiated effects could be noticed. Spain for example, had

allowed a massive housing bubble to develop, that collapsed with the economic crisis and that led to

an almost complete collapse of the real estate market within the country. Within Spain, there has

been an interaction between global, national and local processes, that has differentiated the way in

which the regions and territories have been touched (García, 2010 ). In this chapter the Marina Alta is

central, because of the importance dedicated to construction in previous decades. Therefore it was

touched strongly by the economic crisis (VIW, 2015).

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§ 9.1 Describing the territory

§ 9.1.1 Geography

Where

The Marina Alta is one of the nine counties (comarcas) situated in the North of the Province of

Alicante, on the east coast of Spain. The province of Alicante is one of the three provinces in the

Valencian region. The county of Marina Alta is made up of 33 municipalities and has in total around

201.000 inhabitants. The capital, Dénia is the largest town of the comarca with 44.000 inhabitants

(Comunidad Valenciana, 2009; Giner Monfort, 2013). Also larger cities like Gandía, Valencia and

Alicante have an influence on the comarca, administratively, commercially, socially and for transport,

because of their proximity to the county (Comunidad Valenciana, 2009). The territory also forms part

of the area called Costa Blanca, that has been known for its attractiveness for tourists (Giner

Monfort, 2013).

Population & Social Profile

In recent decades, the Marina Alta has undergone profound changes that induced a deep

transformation. Because of its attractiveness in terms of climate, landscape, gastronomy and

proximity to the Mediterranean Sea the Marina Alta has attracted large influxes of tourists and

migrants. Therefore the economy of Marina Alta has been mainly focused on tourism contrary to the

agricultural focus it had before since the 1960s and 70s (Cervera Arbona, Rafet Soriano, Sanchéz

Cabrera, & Ripoll Berenguer, 2014). The tourists in question are mostly elderly people in the

retirement age, from European origin, mainly the United Kingdom and Germany. Generally, these

people arrive in the territory and stay for years. This movement has been particularly predominant in

the 1990s, and has induced urban expansion in the Marina Alta, which in turn has attracted a

younger migration stream from developing countries, looking for work in construction (Giner

Monfort, 2013).

These developments have induced a rapid population increase of 30,17% between 2001-2008,

which is significantly higher than population growth in Valencian Region (20,8% in general) in the

same period. Outliers within Marina Alta could also be found. This is mainly the case in the coastal

areas. Calp, for example, witnessed a population increase of 62% in this period and Teulada 42,2%

(Comunidad Valenciana, 2009). Nowadays, the comarca consists of 44% of inhabitants of foreign

origins, of which 83% is from European origin, with some municipalities mounting up to 70% (Giner

Monfort, 2013).

In most cases, no process of integration with the local population takes place. Giner Monfort (2013)

therefore has named it an equivalent of a LAT (Living Apart Together) :

“There is no need of interaction nor learning the language of the hosting country, because in reality

the insertion takes place within a hosting environment of compatriots (p. 147).”


Nature & Biodiversity

The territory is characterized by a large diversity of environments and exceptional natural

patrimony (Galbis Valiente, 2011). First, it is home to more than 60 kilometers of Mediterranean

coastline, offering larger and smaller beaches. Next to this, the territory has three national parks:

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Montgó

El Penyal d’Ifac

Marjal de Pego-Oliva (Cervera Arbona, Rafet Soriano, Sanchéz Cabrera, & Ripoll Berenguer,

2014).

These contribute to the high attractiveness of the territory for tourists.

Soil & Land Use

Traditionally, the county of Marina Alta has been known for its rain fed cultivation of vine, carob, fig,

almond and olive trees on so-called ‘mini-fundios’. All these crops are typically Mediterranean and

are situated on slopes with terracing arts, therefore largely shaping the physical landscape of the

territory. In time, many of these plots have been abandoned, or converted in orange plantations,

which now is one of the main ‘industries’ in the Valencian region. Yet, the most important

development has been the large inflow of tourist in the region, leading to a non-regulated building

of tourist housing and second residences (Galbis Valiente, 2011).

Today, this can be seen by the fact that natural regions have been saturated with houses, not always

on suitable lands, like in canyons and natural parks. This has had far reaching consequences for

ecosystems and the development of flora and fauna in these regions. Furthermore, it has also had a

negative impact on agricultural systems, the rural character of the region, the traditional landscapes

and the socio-economic characteristics of the region (Cervera Arbona, Rafet Soriano, Sanchéz

Cabrera, & Ripoll Berenguer, 2014; Galbis Valiente, 2011).


The Marina Alta is known to be a region with a larger than average rainfall in the Valencian region,

due to a micro-climate, which combines the warm and humid climate of the Mediterranean sea, the

surrounding mountains, and the direction of the dominant winds. Also, the region has important

aquifers, which until today have provided the region with its water. Nowadays, different

developments are threatening this abundance. First, climate change has led on the one hand to

stronger rains, but on the other to prolonged periods of drought.

This together with the increased occupation of the territory by humans and an increasing pressure

on land and water use has led to the two problems that will be discussed below (Plataforma

Ciutadana Riu Girona, 2010).

Drought

In 2014, the Marina Alta faced a serious and unprecedented drought. During the year, the area had

a rainfall of just 104 liters per square meters, 11% of normal precipitation. In this sense, it exceeded

the Sahel in its drought, therefore leading to a desert climate in the region and making it the driest

region of the whole of Spain together with Marina Baixa and the coast of Safor, la Ribera and l’Horta.

Normally, most municipalities in the region are supplied by aquifers, but the drought led to a serious

depletion of these stocks. For months, many municipalities were reaching their crisis points, in which

an inadequate water infrastructure was combined with a persevering lack of rainfall (Javéa Amigos,

2014). The Confederación Hidrográfica del Júcar (CHJ), called out a state of emergency for the whole

of Marina Alta and this state has lasted until today. Even though rain has started falling again,

hydrological reserves have been severely depleted, and a ‘good state’ of rainfall is necessary for at

least six months in order to get out of the danger zone (AMJASA, 2015).

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Floodings

On the other hand, the region has been facing heavy floodings in the past years. 2013 is one of the

examples, where a storm hit Denia especially hard. In this storm 87 liters per square meters fell in 20

minutes (Cronica Marina Alta, 2013). Again the Confederación Hidrográfica del Júcar (CHJ) performed

a study in which it identified 30 areas that were at a “significant potential risk” of inundations. Out of

these, five were identified as a high degree of danger and risk of which two are situated within

Marina Alta (La Marina Plaza, 2015). The high natural risk for inundations is exacerbated by urban

proliferation, making those zones that are highly attractive for tourists most vulnerable (Martínez

Ibarra, 2012).


In history, different environmental associations and activist campaigns were formed in order to

counter political decisions that were mostly favoring the building of urban areas. Instead, they tried

to defend the environmental values and the preservation of management of the nature of the

Marina Alta district. The three nature reserves that can be found in the territory are a result of these

struggles. To date, not many environmental organizations are active within the territory. And the

environmental groups that can be found are mainly focused on local issues (Cervera Arbona, Rafet

Soriano, Sanchéz Cabrera, & Ripoll Berenguer, 2014).

Environmental programs for the territory

It seems that on a territorial level little attention has been paid and not many resources have been

dedicated to environmental programs. Of course, general environmental regulations from the EU or

national level apply to the territory, but as Andersson et al. (2009) argue: “In Marina Alta, nature

protection has low saliency (p. 37)”. Instead, policy has mainly been directed towards construction

and industry. This has had important effects in the region, as will be discussed later.

§ 9.1.3 Economic

Industries & Enterprises

The large flows of tourists and foreigners since the ‘50s and ‘60s heavily marked the economy in the

Marina Alta. Before, the sector of agriculture was most important, but a focus on urban development

took over. In 2008, 42,5% of all economic activities was situated within industries and construction.

Also, 66% of the economic activities were situated in the service sector. After the burst of the

housing bubble in 2008, many of the houses that were destined as a second residence for foreigners

were not sold, and most of them remain unused until to date, leading to ‘ghost urbanizations’ that

are already in decay (VIW, 2015).

Next to this, the arrival of large commercial centers in Finestrat, Gandia and Ondara has had a

negative impact upon local commerce. This discourages merchants to leave their businesses open on

weekends, leading to desertification of centers in villages and towns (Comunidad Valenciana, 2009).

Despite the fact that agriculture only accounts for 2% of the total added value in the region, the

Marina Alta is known for a wide variety of agricultural products and its gastronomy due its varied

climate. Some of these products are: grapes (of which the famous Moscatell wine is made), almonds,

citrus fruits and olives. Yet, traditional production is threated with the second homes taking over

more and more land in the mountainous landscape, as well as the transformation of dry crops to

irrigated ones like citrus fruits (Andersson, Eklund, & Lehtola, 2009).

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In the Valencian Community, the general unemployment rate increased from 8,9% in 2007, to

27,2% in 2013. The youth unemployment rate rose from 20,2% in 2007 to 58,7% in 2013. The largest

losses of jobs have been in construction and industries. For example, in the construction sector the

number of employees fell with 64,1% between 2008 and 2013. The industrial sector reduced its

activities with 28.5%. Given the importance of these sectors in the region of Marina Alta, it is clear

that the crisis has had devastating effects for this region’s economy (CES, 2015). This is confirmed by

the fact that the cities of Dénia, Calpe and Jávea were among the 50 hardest hit cities in Spain, since

the economy in these cities was solely based on tourism and the ‘immo-boom’ (VIW, 2015).

The unemployment rates do not solely have negative effects in the economic sphere, but also had

devastating effects in the sense of inequality, and social exclusion. Also, the number of mental

illnesses and suicides has significantly increased since the start of the economic crisis (Lopez Bernal,

Gasparrini, Artundo, & McKee, 2013 ).

Income & Poverty

The economic crisis seems to have had a large influence on income and poverty rates in the

Valencian Community. A drop in income can be seen from 2009 onwards. Where in 2009, the

average net income per person lay around €10.500, which dropped in 2013 below €9400. Similar

numbers are found for the average income per unit of consumption (from 155.000€ in 2009 to

140.000€ in 2013). Logically, this has led to an increase of the percentage of people in the

community that have great difficulties making ends meet financially, from 12% in 2004 to 22% in

2013. Also, the indicator of the percentage of the population at risk of poverty or social exclusion

increased from 26,5% in 2009 to 32 % in 2013 (INE, 2015).

§9.1.4 Socio-political

Number of students & post-graduates

The Marina Alta is not home to a University or other higher education, and the youth will thus have

to move out of the territory to follow higher education. In general, the cities attended to do this are

Valencia and Alicante. Striking is that the population in the Valencian Community seems not to be

highly educated in a first place. In 2011, 27,4% of the people between 18 and 24 did not follow the

complete obligatory track until high school, which was more than the double of the EU-27 (13,5% at

the time). Because of the immo-boom, many young people were attracted by the well paid jobs in

the construction sector. The economic crisis has however brought a change in this. Many people

have lost their jobs, and those jobs that are offered now are for higher educated people. It can

therefore be seen that since the start of the economic crisis, the percentage of people that quit

school has decreased. In 2013, the percentage of people leaving school early was decreased to

23,5%, and to 11,9% in the European average. Next to this, the number of enrolments in universities

increased with more than 4150 students per year, also the number of contracted professors and PhD

students increased (CES, 2015).

Projects financed by the region

Since the start of the economic crisis, different laws have been put in place to increase the number

of people starting and finalizing studies, as well as increasing the quality of education in the

Valencian territory. An example of this is the Ley Orgánica 8/2013 which had as an objective the

revitalization of apprenticeships in companies for unemployed youth as well as to include local

71

companies in this process. In this sense, also there has been an attempt to establish and improve the

dual educational system in Spain in which individuals both follow an education at the same time as

working in enterprises. This has also been promoted in the Valencian Community with the Decreto

74/2013 of the 14th of June, where also dual education is promoted in the region of Valencia (CES,

2015).

On the other hand, politics in the Marina Alta have favored massive building projects in the past

decades, although it was not always on suitable land, or with the consent of the local population.

Nevertheless, because of opacity and corruption in local politics, these projects were made possible

anyway. Many times the decision-making processes have been characterized by a lack of democratic

participation, in which the interests of businesses and building developers have been deemed more

important than citizens’ rights (Cervera Arbona, Rafet Soriano, Sanchéz Cabrera, & Ripoll Berenguer,

2014).

Another example that can be found that illustrates this point is the earlier mentioned water crisis of

2014. Naturally, the Marina Alta is known to have a surplus in water resources. Yet, some

municipalities reached the point of crisis in water-supplies earlier than others, because of politics,

tremendous population growth, an inadequate infrastructure, but also the division into a large

number of municipalities all individually taking care of water resources (Jávea Amigos, 2014).

Nevertheless, this was not spoken of much in politics, since many municipalities did not dare to raise

the issue, because of a) the fear of a drop in tourist income b) the fact that the issue happened

during the campaigns for election times (AMJASA, 2015).

Activism and Networks

When the politics of the excessive building of houses started in Marina Alta, there was not much

opposition against it. Cervera Arbona et al. (2014) state: “the urgency to modernize the country

imposed economic criteria as the only way to understand and do politics in those days. There were

not many movements offering any resistance to this policy.” Nevertheless, throughout the years,

awareness on the negative effects of such politics started to arise, leading to different types of

activism to counter it. Examples are individual or collective opposition in court, civil protests,

demonstrations and platforms of associations or ecologists. Yet, not much has changed: “The

building development and infrastructure proposals have not changed in the main points: an

administration or a building developer work out a project behind the population´s back. The main

part of the citizenship lack preserving and compromising culture (Cervera Arbona, et al., 2014, p. 5).”

Yet, it has been argued that the economic crisis and the crisis in the building sector have marked a

turning point in the economic model favored by society and therefore leading to increased activism

and changing voting behavior (Lopez Véga, 2015). This will be discussed in the following paragraph.

Voting behavior

The current developments in regional and municipal politics show a dynamism and fundamental

change in the way that people are engaged in politics in Spain. Until recently, Spanish politics were

characterized by the ruling of two parties: PP (Partido Popular) that in most counties had the

absolute majority, and PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) that was the major opposition party.

Nevertheless, these parties have been accused of corruption and opacity. The crisis and the following

wave of unemployment and budget cuts hit their firm electoral basis from beneath their feet, and led

to the strong and unexpected growth of new parties. Nationally, the party Podemos has arisen on

72

the left, and the party Ciudadanos is seen as an alternative on the right. This development has put

the bipartisanism that has characterized Spanish politics for decades to an end (Lopez Véga, 2015).

On the 24th of May 2015, the municipal and regional elections were held. Its outcomes were

described as an ‘electoral tsunami’, an implosion of the PP and ‘a political landslide’. In total the PP

and PSOE lost 13% of their votes. Almost everywhere these votes went to Podemos and Ciudadanos.

Even though the PP still got the majority of the votes, it was left with the worst voting results since

1991. Also, it was left without the absolute majority and in most counties power was shifted to the

left.

This was also seen in the Valencian region. Until the 24th of May Valencia and its territory were seen

as a right bastion. Since 1995, the PP had had the majority and since 1999 the absolute majority in

the Valencian government. The elections changed this for the benefit of the left (Thijs, 2015; Levante,

2015; Zandstra, 2015). The PP lost 24 seats in the Valencian government, being left with only 31.

Even though this is still the majority, it lost its absolute majority. Even in combination with

Ciudadanos it would not be able to reach absolute majority and therefore, for the first time in 20

years of hegemonic ruling it ended up in the opposition. Together the leftist parties PSPV (Partit

Socialista del País Valencià, Valencian Part of PSOE), Compromís (Valencian Green, leftist and activist

party) and Podemos obtained a majority of 55 seats, thereby together gaining the absolute majority

(El Periodico, 2015; Levante, 2015; La Vanguardia, 2015).

In the Marina Alta similar numbers were seen. Also until the elections, the PP had an absolute

majority in the municipalities of the territory. However, after the elections, the PP lost it in most,

though not all municipalities, also here showing a shift to the left (La Marina Plaza, 2015; Canfali

Marina Alta, 2015).

Whether these voting results will actually put an end to the corruption scandals, the political opacity,

and the undemocratic ways of handling things remains to be seen. Nevertheless, the results do point

out a radical change in the way in which citizens are involved in politics in Spain and the Valencian

territory, and the way in which they trust their government.

§ 9.1.5 Conclusion

In summary, this territory was chosen with the idea that it would represent the economic dimension

of the global, multi-dimensional crisis. It has become clear, that indeed, this region has been severely

affected by the economic crisis, because of the fact that the economy was mainly built on

construction and tourism. Both of these sectors have suffered or even collapsed after the crisis of

2008. Yet, the crisis in this territory is much more complex than it seems at first sight. In this sense,

the crisis that we witness in this area is mainly political. Politics in the region have been favoring the

interests of the construction sector and corporations over those of the local population. Moreover it

has also allowed the immigration of many foreign tourists and the proliferation of tourist housing.

This has in its turn induced a crisis economically, environmentally, traditionally, culturally and of

the physical landscape.

§ 9.1.6 Additions from the field

The different dimensions of the crisis that were mentioned above also became clear during the

interviews and participatory observation in the field work. Some of the elements will be revisited

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below before studying our case, in order to give a more comprehensive view on the context in which

the case is situated.

Corruption

During the interviews and participatory observation, the corruption of both the local regional and

national governments were often mentioned. This was not only seen as one of the main sources of

the problems in the territory, but also as a major impediment for the development of activities like

Agricología, our case later on in this chapter. Some examples that are connected directly to the

activities of Agricología will be given. First, when Agricología got started it was entitled to receive a

subsidy for starters from a European fund. However, many things went wrong:

“When you start up a company the government helps you by paying a part of your investment, so for

example for the greenhouse they paid part of our costs. But it is not correct how it goes. We first

spent the money and then we only got it back ten years later. The first year we actually needed the

money, but then we heard from the government all the time, next year you will get it. And no one

knew where the money went (Bisetto, 2015).”

Also, the organic regulations, to which the farm has to adhere, are characterized by corruption and

patronism:

“It always matters whether you are the son or daughter of someone with good political connections,

even in organic agriculture. For example, the person who owns the seedling company has the

monopoly. The rules seem to be customized especially for this company, it is so big, and the rules are

so specific. It is impossible to enter this market and to live up to those rules and therefore he can ask

whatever price he wants (Xamani, 2015).”

It is however legally prohibited to produce more than 20% of professional production with home

produced seeds. This makes it impossible for Agricología to move around this company for buying

seeds and seedlings. The farmers see this as a bad development:

“In organic agriculture certification the goal is not anymore to improve agriculture or biodiversity or

seeds. Before, there were at least 300 different species of tomatoes. Now there are less, and they are

not as good as before. But we are not allowed to produce them ourselves (Xamani, 2015).”

Favoring the wrong things

Furthermore, because of corruption and skewed power distributions, the wishes of construction

companies have often been favored over the needs of the population:

“The wrong things are prioritized. For example, in Alicante, they had water shortages, so the

population had to suffer. But at the same time, there were still swimming pools and golf courses for

the tourists. That is unacceptable (Xamani, 2015).”

Also, it was often emphasized that in recent decades most local governments have favored

construction over agriculture. The following expression of José Manuel makes this clear:

“No one really cares about agriculture, industry has been prioritized. All except for one of the

municipalities in the Marina Alta do not even have a department for agriculture, while they do for

urbanization for example”

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This context has enabled a situation to develop that is now threatening the survival of the project:

“In the plot right next to ours they want to start building an airport for rich people that want to fly

straight into the Marina Alta. […] We went to the municipalities to explain that this is bad and that it

would be a catastrophe and the end of our farm. But we were not taken very seriously, and told that

the airport would be good for local economic development.”

Migration

The migration in the area can be seen as a direct consequence of the issues mentioned in the

previous paragraphs. Despite strong local opposition to many of the building projects, many of them

have been put in place anyway. A lot of attention has already been paid to this in the first part of this

chapter, but the importance of the issue in the discourses of the actors makes that it is mentioned

here again:

“They do it [construction] with the argument that it will bring money, but that is not true, they do not

calculate any further. It might bring money to the industry, but these extra people cost a lot of money

that is not taken into account, like for waste and water management, so in the end, there is no money

that we keep in the territory (Panella, 2015).”

Next to not bringing along financial benefits, the migration streams also increase pressure on the

environment, therefore being a source environmental degradation. The migration also contributes to

a loss of social cohesion and traditions in the territory. The migrants form their own communities,

and generally do not mix with the local population of the territory. As one of the migrants

mentioned:

“I do not need to learn Spanish, I can get around with English and German, and someone I live with

speaks it fluently, so she can talk for me”.

This at the same time leads to resentment among the local population:

“They come and live here for years, and after all that time the only thing they can say is ‘Hola’ and ‘La

cuenta por favor’ and then most of the time they do not even do that. They do not mix or integrate,

but have their own clubs and their own places to go to (Xamani, 2015).”

Conclusion

The Marina Alta district joins a multiplicity of environmental, social and economic problems that

have developed in a context where politics have favored economic values over social, traditional or

environmental values. This has not only led to a degradation of the environment, local traditions, and

a loss of agricultural knowledge, but also makes up a constraining context for those acting against the

dominant tendencies within the territory.

§ 9.2 Agricología: Changing society through agriculture

§ 9.2.1 History

The project of Agricología started in 2005, with José Manuel Bisetto, converting two hectares of

agricultural land into a multi-functional organic farm. The land belonged to his grandfather before

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and was situated in the village of Benidoleig. For many years, José Manuel had returned from his job

in the city on weekends and holidays to help his grandfather planting vegetables. He mentioned:

“I was working outside of the region, and then every time I came back to my village I saw that the

plots were degrading environmentally as well as in terms of agricultural traditions.”

This made him think of another system of agriculture, one that would conserve local traditions,

would suit the local climate and preserve traditional plant species. In his job at the time, he was

helping companies to start up and write projects, and he soon decided to start his own. With his own

savings and the money won in three young entrepreneur contests, he left his job and started to

design a new system for agriculture in the region. At the start, the project was mainly focused on

being a center of experiment for organic agriculture, which was completely new in the region at the

time:

“We made organic food, but it was uncommon. All the people said: “What are you doing in this plot?

Are you cutting the orange trees? Why would you?” I told them I produced ecologically and they told

me I was crazy because organic is impossible, and they asked why I would not go to another city to

work and earn good money. But I did not listen. This is my job and I like it. […] And I asked “Why is

growing organically impossible?”. And they answered that I need to put chemicals to make the plants

grow. But I did not believe this. So I tried, until I managed to plant different vegetables and fruits.”

In time, more people got to know and were inspired by the project. Through the interaction with

other individuals, companies and municipalities, the other two pillars of the project started to

develop: education and projects. In this way, the project grew out to be not just a farm, but “a center

of experimentation and education to change society and agriculture (Bisetto, 2015)”, that has a wide

resonance within the territory.

In time, the project engaged more people. In the beginning, José Manuel was alone, while getting

help of his girlfriend Jovi, his parents and friends. Since a few months, Jovi is working full time on the

farm. In time he also got the help from two volunteers for communication and project management.

One of these volunteers, has been working in the project for around 20h per week since 1,5 years

and is involved in the education and project management.

The farm now still exists of around 2 hectares, and is home to a wide range of activities, summarized

in the table below.

Activity Acreage

Professional production 7000 m²

12 plots for the course participants 3 plots for the fixed gardeners Experimentation plots Relaxation and social area Greenhouse Class room Citrus trees Animals

6800 m²

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Rural house and olive trees 6000 m²

Orange tree production 1200 m²

Fallow land for rest and balance 1000 m²

Development of an edible forest 1000 m²

Bioconstruction and children’s nature classroom

800 m²

Table 1: Division acreage Agricología

The project is also involved in activities outside of the fields of Agricología. In Figure 7 a schematic

representation can be found of the different fields of activity of Agricología. This scheme will be

described in further detail in the following paragraphs. The structure of this part will be the same as

chapter 7 and 8. The case will be described and after each descriptive part, a paragraph is added in

bold, explaining the way in which these specific elements contribute to the peasant mode of farming.

Afterwards, in paragraph 9.2.7, it will be concluded how these peasant elements contribute to the

autonomy, resilience and survival of the farm. The table of analysis of Agricología can be found in

annex 9.

Figure 6: Fields of activity Agricología, source: author

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§ 9.2.2 Agriculture

Agriculture is the first and oldest pillar of the activities of Agricología, but only accounts for 15% of

the total income. Even though José Manuel started alone, he now gets full-time help from Jovi. Also,

the parents of José Manuel often come to lend a hand. The different elements of the agricultural

production will be detailed below.

Production

The largest part of the land of Agricología is dedicated to its professional production, which consists

of vegetables, oranges, olives and fruits. The seeds and seedlings for this produce are bought at a

local company, which is the only one in the region offering organic seedlings.

Further production is done in a part of the land that has been dedicated to experiments. Some

examples of these experiments are the following:

1) This year, a part of the plot has been dedicated to the cultivation of spelt, with the goal of later

on producing their own flour and being able to teach this, as well as offering courses for people

to make their own bread.

2) An allotment has been dedicated to the reproduction of different local varieties of seeds. José

Manuel, Jovi and the other people working in the project have collected these seeds at old local

farmers. In the plot the seeds are tested and reproduced and possibly used later for further

production.

3) Since two years an edible forest has been developed. A large variety of trees has been planted

here, together with a mix of different vegetables and fruits. The vegetables are planted by using

an old Japanese technique. In a first instance the seeds are put into a little ball of clay, after

which they are spread more or less randomly. This prevents the seeds from being eaten by birds

or other animals before sprouting.

Later, the knowledge acquired through the experimentation is shared with others, so that it can be

preserved and spread.

In the same field where the experimentation takes place it is possible for people to rent an allotment

to produce their own vegetables. Three people are currently using this opportunity on a perennial

basis.

In all fields of production much value is attributed to balancing the soil, the health of the plants,

maximally closing the cycle of production and the conservation of local values and traditions.

Balancing the soil is done by choosing plants that are suitable for the land, by treating the land with

respect and nourishing it with proper nutrients. The professional plots are nourished with humus,

bought from a local company, and compost that is produced by a local chicken farmer according to a

Japanese technique called Bocashi. The experimental plots and the allotments of the course

participants are nourished with homemade compost that consists of their own plant waste, and dung

coming from the animals. Furthermore, in order to balance the soil, each year, part of the available

land is left fallow.

In order to reduce diseases and pests, plants are chosen that complement each other. Furthermore,

natural remedies and permaculture elements are used against diseases and pests. The frog pond

against insects and the aromatic plants that are in each plot are an example of this. Through constant

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observation, it is possible to further develop the techniques used and to gain more knowledge on the

soil and the ecosystem in the farm.

Markets

The produce from the farm is marketed in different ways. The olives and part of the vegetables are

sold on a monthly market in Xaló. Another part of the vegetables is sold through a box scheme that

has been set up since March 2015. This is done at eight distribution points in Marina Alta. Each week

the customer can command a customized box. At the moment of the research, there was a demand

for approval of the boxing scheme. Until the approval, on average 17-20 boxes were sold per week,

with the hope that after the official approval more boxes could be sold.

In the limb of agriculture we can see that many elements from the peasant mode of farming have

been integrated. First and foremost, there is a self-created and evolving resource base through co-

production. By combining this with local and (inter)national traditional knowledge and

embeddedness in society there is an on-going adaptation of farming practices and varieties.

Moreover, the farm is relatively autarkic, closing cycles of production as much as possible.

Wherever this is not possible, it is tried to get hold on external outputs through social networks

and reciprocity relationships. In this way, dependency on markets decreases. Also, labour relations

are based upon solidarity and reciprocity. Nonetheless, as we have seen, the context in which

Agricología operates sometimes inhibits this.

§ 9.2.3 Education

When Agricología started, it soon became well-known within the area of Marina Alta. After a while a

demand started to arise for Biseto to start and share the knowledge he gained in his

experimentations:

“So I thought: we can make small lessons for people that want to produce vegetables without

chemical products […] I learn in my farm and then we transmit it […]. And at the same time, my

dream was to create a special place here, where we can speak about agriculture and share

knowledge, share space and where we can make up social projects. So this is why we started to

improve the social area, so that people are comfortable here, that you feel like you can relax in this

area. After this we started the open doors, for children, schools and other people.”

In 2009, a first series of weekly classes was developed in order to teach people to produce vegetables

organically. The courses were a great success, and the project is now running the sixth edition.

During the course, the participants get an allotment in the experiment area of the farm, where they

can immediately put into practice the theory they just learned.

In time, other classes were developed that were geared towards the making of compost and the

reproduction of seeds. Also, next to the courses, conferences are organized in which people from the

outside are invited to come and speak at Agricología.

The pillar of education is also taken outside of the fences of Agricología, by offering an educational

program to six schools in the region, in which Biseto talks about ecological agriculture and

environmental issues. The program is also geared towards having the children experience the

subjects that he is talking about, by taking them outside, or by developing vegetable and aromatic

herb gardens in schools.

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All of these elements of the education pillar together nowadays provide the project with 25% of its

total income.

The branch of education again shows us the way in which Agricología is characterized by pluri-

activity, localized knowledge and know-how and embeddedness in society. Through constantly

connecting with others, knowledge is passed on. It also shows the incorporation of more values

than solely economic ones. Especially the passing on of traditions, local knowledge, environmental

values and social interaction are of a great importance in the way in which the farm is shaped.

§ 9.2.4 Projects

The third are of activity, projects, of Agricología has financially turned out to be the most important

one, accounting for 60% of the total income.

Biomoscatell

The first and most important project is Biomoscatell, of which José Manuel is the manager. This

program initiated in 2012, in the Poble Nou de Benitaxell:

“The council in this village wanted a project to improve agriculture in the municipality. But there were

no persons that knew agriculture and how to boost and develop it. So the council called me to ask

whether I could help and what I could do in this village. So we started to think and developed a

project focused at changing all the agriculture in the village to organic agriculture.”

The village accepted the offer. Since the region around this is known internationally for its Moscatell

grape it was a logical step to build the plan around this product. After the plan got approved, many

actors got contacted and involved in the project: oenologists, technicians, the council and the

farmers. To date, all grape farmers are involved, having made a larger or smaller commitment to

convert their production to organic. In terms of processing, the project has developed a chain that

processes the grapes into dried raisins, table grapes and wine, that are marketed mostly in the

region. It has had an important resonance, as José Manuel explained:

“We are the first project that does something in a village like this […] the farmers love their plots, but

they do not wonder why they put chemical products. This is because the system gives them another

view, pushes them in the direction of agro-industry and chemicals, definitely not ecological. We have

changed this […] and now it is a reference for the region and I think nationally because we are alone.

We are the first project that does something in a village like this.”

Community gardens

Other municipalities also contacted Agricología to improve and develop food production in their

territory. Benissa was the first. For this municipality a community garden project was developed. A

piece of land was made available where the inhabitants of the municipality could rent an allotment.

This model has spread to other municipalities in the territory. For each municipality separately, José

Manuel makes the design, for the plots, the aquatic system and the aromatic plants. Each plot is

allocated to one of the inhabitants of the municipality. José Manuel visits the plots on a weekly basis

and develops an education plan to assist the plot holders in the process of producing their own food.

Next to this, he is running two professional gardens in Beniganim and Altéa.

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The projects do not only contribute to local food production in each of the participating

municipalities but also foster social change, community building and the embellishment of the

towns:

“It is so nice, people come by, and they stop here to ask what we are doing, like this you get to

communicate with many people and there is a lot of interaction. The plot-holders are also

communicating with each other and the ambiance is really nice. […] It is nice to see how people here

interact and learn. […] Before this plot (Xaló) was just left the way it was, at the entrance of the town

this does not look nice. Now there are the community gardens and it makes the town looks nicer

(Bisetto, 2015).”

For Jovi and José Manuel this is a very fulfilling part of the job:

“You know, sometimes it is all a lot, and then you can feel a bit low, because we work so much. But

then we are here [community garden Xaló] and you see all these people here, and this gives so much

energy. It makes you know your life is worth something and that you contribute something (Xamani,

2015).”

Markets

Next to this, José Manuel organizes three different local farmer’s markets in the region. Agricología

attends the one in Xaló on a monthly basis with its produce.

Bioconstruction

A last interesting project that happens on the farm is the nature classroom, where children come for

education. José Manuel wanted to construct a class-room out of cane and clay. In 2012, with a large

group of volunteers they built it. Unfortunately, due to a wrong mixture of water and clay the

building now has started to dry out and decay in the sun. This is however taken as a learning

experience and new plans are being made to create a new and improved bioconstruction.

Income

The external projects are helpful to the project, since they assure a fixed income every month. All of

the money is used to invest in Agricología, so that the project can be improved. José Manuel

explains:

“For me now, this is where I gain money. But I gain it and then put it here [Agricología]. We can

improve things here, the facilities, and the plots. We also need a new bioconstruction. So we put it to

improve Agricología. In the future I would like to just have Agricologia and to only work here, because

I don’t want to move around to other villages in the car in the morning. I prefer working here. But at

the moment we need to go outside in the external projects, to gain money to put inside”.

The branch of project management shows us different ways in which the elements of the peasant

mode of farming have been incorporated. Through pluri-activity the income is spread over

different activities, thereby increasing the financial resilience of the farm. This income is in turn

used for further investment and development of the resource base of Agricología. In this way, also

relationships with markets are patterned in such a way that no loans are needed, thereby reducing

dependency. Moreover, the projects show a strong embeddedness in society, since many of the

activities have been shaped by demands from society. The community gardens are an example of

this.

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Next to the different limbs and activities of the project, Agricología is engaged in a network of 8

farms in the region of Valencia called Xarxa de llavadors de les Comarques Alta. In a first place, these

farmers work together as an alternative certification community that is based on trust. As Jovi

explained:

“The normal certification agency is expensive, and does not really check what you are doing. It only

checks what you buy, not what you really do or what you believe in. You just have to administer

everything, but they really do not live up to the values that were initially behind organic agriculture,

and this makes people lose their trust in the label. The Xarxa meets once a year and then goes to all

the eight farms to explain and show how you do things. So it is based on trust. It is done by people

who are interested in HOW you work and all of these people are very concerned with natural

resources. […] It is not official or recognized, but you explain how you work and then the customers

decide whether or not they trust this”.

The cooperation goes further than that. For example, the farmer providing them with their Bocashi

compost also forms a part of the Xarxa. Furthermore, some of the produce in the vegetable boxes is

sourced from farmers from the Xarxa.

Lastly, the cooperation patterns of the farm show again that reciprocity and embeddedness in

society are important elements of the farm. These relationships allow Agricología to decrease

dependency on regular markets and therefore create autonomy and a move away from a

constraining context.

§ 9.2.6 Resonance in the territory

Agricología was the first initiative in the territory in its category, as well as being the first to getting

the organic label in the area. However, since the start of the project, it has influenced many

individuals, organizations and municipalities. In this sense, it could be said that it has had an

important resonance in its territory and it thus functions as a change agent in the region. Figure 8

illustrates this by showing the way in which the activities are spread throughout the county.

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Figure 7: Activities Agricoligía in space Source map: Agricología, 2015, additions: Author

§ 9.2.7 Summary

If we look at the table of analysis in Annex 9 and the information provided above, it can be concluded

that Agricología has strongly incorporated the peasant mode of farming. The project integrates

elements from the ‘old peasantries’ but rebuilds them in a modern and innovative way. This

contributes in different ways to the creation of autonomy, resilience and survival. We will first

discuss this before turning to our conclusion.

Autonomy

Autonomy is created in many ways. First, the farm has been financed by solely using savings and

price money. Now, all the developments are financed by using the salary for the projects:

“I do not have a loan at the bank, never had one and I will not take one. If I have 10€ I spend 10, if I

have five, I spend five. I always spend according to my possibility. If I can’t, I leave it until later. Like

this we develop ‘poco a poco’ (Bisetto, 2015).”

In this way, independence from banks is created, and the farm is developed according to the

resources that are available. This also makes the farm resilient, since it will be less vulnerable to

external shocks from the banking system. In the long run, this will contribute to the survival of the

farm.

Agricología

Market

School

Community garden

Biomoscatell

Professional garden Benigánim

Professional garden Altéa

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In terms of labour, reciprocity is an important element of the project, which adds to its autonomy.

For example, the labour coming from parents and volunteers enables José Manuel to move around

the labour market.

Dependency on markets is also reduced by decreasing inputs from outside. In case outputs from

outside have to be bought, for example seeds, seedlings and compost for professional production,

this is done as much as possible through personal connections, for example through the other

members of the Xarxa, which is also built on reciprocity and trust. Finally, dependency upon fossil

fuels is low, since most of the labour within the farm is done by hand. On the other hand, as we have

seen, Agricología acts within a constraining context of rules and regulations, that can sometimes

hinder a move towards more autonomy.

Resilience

Resilience is created through pluri-activity and diversification. In financial terms, the different

activities make that there are different sources of income. Therefore, if one of the activities fails or

stops, this does not mean that there will be no more income.

Environmentally, resilience is also created. This is an especially important feature in a region that has

heavily been influenced by heat waves, water shortages and inundations. The crops are of a wide

variety, making that the farm does not rely upon solely one or a few crops. Moreover, the crops are

combined in such a way that they are more resilient to diseases and pests. By constantly observing

what is happening on the farm, and making adaptations there where they are needed, this resilience

is increased year after year.

Survival

The elements that lead to autonomy and resilience also create the survival of the farm in the long

run. For example, on the pluri-activity, José Manuel states:

“I think that if other people work with Agricología, we need to make projects outside if we want to

make four people live from it. If not we cannot maintain our business. We need to go outside, to open

the lines to society.”

This also shows that embeddedness in society is an important element for the survival of the farm.

Likewise, the slow and gradual change that characterizes the farm ensures its survival,

environmentally, financially and socially. By always adapting the activities of the project to what

happens on the farm as well as outside, the activities stay relevant and embedded:

“At the beginning we had this idea of people having their allotment and producing organic vegetables

ourselves. But then we became aware of what people want. You get to know about things you did not

know of before, or did not think of and then you change it bit by bit. You adapt to what is asked for

and to the things that will support your business (Xamani, 2015).”

Survival is also created in a way that does not directly involve the farm. In this view, the existence of

the project ensures the survival of local knowledge and know-how, traditional farming techniques,

and ancient varieties of plants, local culture and social cohesion. This is done for example by

organizing activities on the farm, bringing people together in the social area, as well as by the

creation of the community gardens, thereby building and maintaining the local communities.

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Conclusion

In conclusion, Agricología is a clear case of repeasantization, and this has been the case since the

beginning of the project onwards. The peasant mode of farming has been incorporated in most if not

all elements of the farm, thereby being almost a stereotypical case of the ‘new peasantries’. This

does not mean that from the beginning onwards, the initiative has stayed the same. On the contrary,

many changes have been made throughout the years, adapting the farm and its management to

what is needed both from the farm and what is asked for from society. Moreover, it has become

clear that instead of responding to an economic logic, Agricología is organized around social, political,

traditional and environmental values, placing the preservation of local traditions and local

biodiversity above the rest.

§ 9.3 Making the connection Finally, we will make the connection between the shape that this case of repeasantization has taken

and the local expression of the crisis. This will be done in the same way as in the previous chapters.

§ 9.3.1 History

The way in which the process of repeasantization started in this case seems to be a combination

between the local expression of the crisis and the crisis of meaning.

First, the loss of traditions and environmental degradation, that are a part of the local expression of

the crisis have been important in the shape of Agricología and the activities that it performs. As José

Manuel mentioned:

“I was working outside [of the territory] and every time I came back to my village I saw that the plots

were degrading, in terms of environment, but in terms of agricultural traditions as well.”

As a reaction, Agricología was supposed to be a center for experimentation and education to change

agriculture and thereby changing society.

The crisis of meaning becomes clear from the following quote:

“Before, José Manuel was working in the city, but he was not happy. So he made the choice to come

here. […] Now we are here, and we do not make a lot of money, but we are happy. We know that we

made this, everything, here, comes from us, until the last screw. […]We are happy because we believe

that when you come in and you stay here you feel it. It is a positive place. And this is more than when

you count economic benefits.”

Here, we see the large value that is attributed to factors like tradition, happiness and quality of life,

over economic benefits. Also in the activities that the farmers decided to get involved in shows us an

expression of the crisis of meaning: Agricología is clearly an initiative that embodies new practices

that are geared towards self-organization, self-efficacy and that are organized in a participatory way.

Moreover, it engages in global issues through local action.

§ 9.3.2 Agriculture

In the limb of agriculture, much attention is paid the environmental, social and traditional side of

farming. In this sense, Agricología seems to be an expression of the crisis of meaning, but also the

local context shapes the initiative, by determining the issues that Agricología is involved in. We thus

see a strong influence of the local expression of the crisis. The way in which Agricología is organized

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shows that the initiative tries to counter the negative effects of local issues. At the same time, we

have also seen in this case the way in which the local expression of the crisis can be a constraint for

the project to develop. The plans for the building of the airport and the political situation in Marina

Alta form examples of this.

§ 9.3.3 Education

The same values can be found back in the limb of education. By sharing knowledge and know-how,

local traditions are more easily preserved, and knowledge about environmental degradation and how

to counter it is distributed. This also shows how repeasantization is a constant interaction between

the internal management of the farm and external factors. The external environment can create

opportunities that help the development of the project further and carry its values and goals to a

further level.

§ 9.3.4 Projects

Even though Agricología started as an agricultural project, it soon became clear that this alone could

not provide enough income for all the people involved in the project. The projects allow to earn

enough money to keep going, even though the running of projects was not the initial goal in

Agricología. This shows that repeasantization is not only a process in which goals are pursued.

Instead, trade-offs between on and off-farm activities are made so that the survival of the farm is

ensured.


The constraining context in which Agricología operates more or less forces it to cooperate with

others to find innovative ways to get around the dominant system and thereby be able to continue

the project. In this way, the strength and resilience of Agricología is ensured. The kind of networks in

which Agricología engages is therefore shaped to a certain extent by the local expression of the crisis.

§ 9.3.6 Resonance in the territory

The resonance that Agricología has in its territory shows us the way in which the project is not only

shaped by its context, but also the way in which Agricología reshapes the context in which it

operates. This does not mean that the total context is changed because of this project, but it does

show that there is an interplay between Agricología and its context, in which Agricología is not just

passively shaped by the context, but also contributing to a changing context. This, then, is an

empirical example of the MLP as explained in chapter 2.

§ 9.3.7 Conclusion

In this case we have thus seen how this case of repeasantization has strongly been shaped by the

local expression of the crisis. The crisis has mainly determined the activities of the project, as well as

the opportunities that have opened up, and the constraints that have limited activities. Nevertheless,

this is not the only shaping factor. Also individual preferences and goals, regional, national and

international factors have played a role in the way in which the initiative has been shaped.

§ 9.4 Progressions in knowledge & questions raised We finalize this chapter with a preliminary discussion on those elements learnt about the research

question. As was the case in the previous chapters, this will be done by separately looking at what we

have learned about the crisis, repeasantization and the link between the two.

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§ 9.4.1 Crisis

The most important element learnt in this chapter is the fact that a crisis on the territorial scale

might not be as one-sided and static as it may seem at first sight. Instead, a territory is made up of a

complex vector of characteristics that are influenced by global, national, regional and local

characteristics, that all have an influence on how the crisis will manifest itself locally.

Secondly, this chapter too, makes us wonder again about the territoriality of the crisis of meaning.

After this case, it seems that the crisis of meaning is rather global and instead has to do with the

values of groups or individuals rather than with local characteristics.

Lastly, again, it becomes clear that a crisis is a rather malleable concept that means something else to

everyone. In this sense, whether a crisis is lived as a crisis has to do with values, knowledge and

access to information. Hence, different people finding themselves in a similar situation can live a

crisis very differently. F.e. where one person sees the loss of tradition as a crisis, another might see it

as making way for progress. This makes us pose questions on whether a crisis can actually be seen as

something that exists, or that it is rather a perception of a certain situation.


From the case of Agricología, it seems that the process of repeasantization starts with a realization

that there is a certain issue or problem. Possibly, this may lead to action against it. Nevertheless, we

have also seen that the start of the process of repeasantization is complex, existing of not only the

willingness to start, but also the access to information and resources. This also means that the

particular knowledge and skills of people involved in the process are an important element, which

heavily determines the shape that the repeasantization will take. Moreover, change and progress

seem to come forth out of interaction with others, which makes the engagement in networks of

utmost importance for the process of repeasantization. This is also important for having a further

resonance in the territory and beyond.

Again we see that repeasantization is characterized by a slow and gradual progress. Once the

process gets started, there seems to be an ever developing interaction between internal and external

issues of the project. Therefore changes are always adapted to a very particular situation. In this

process, some elements of the peasant mode of farming are given up to ensure the survival of the

farm or to serve the ultimate goal of the farm. Personal goals thus strongly influence the shape that

repeasantization takes.

Also, Agricología seems to be a stereotypical example of ‘new peasants’. It seems from this case that

this kind of peasants engages in a range of activities and networks that are wider than agriculture

alone. This can be done out of necessity for ensuring the survival of the farm, but it might be too to

support the values of the project.

§ 9.4.3 Connecting the crisis and the case

Finally, from this case ideas about the link between the crisis and the process of repeasantization

have come up. In a first place, it seems that the way in which a crisis is perceived is crucial for the

shape that repeasantization will take. In this way, those issues that have to be dealt with are

determined.

Secondly, the resources, skills, relationships and networks of a farmer seem to be crucial elements,

for the shape of a case of repeasantization in a certain locality. This thus means that it is not only the

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local expression of the crisis shapes the process of repeasantization. Nevertheless, the local

expression of the crisis does seem to shape the activities to which an initiative seems to be focused.

Moreover, the local context determines what and what not is possible for an initiative. So, even if an

initiative tries to move away from the ‘regime’, it is embedded in a context of political constructions,

rules and regulations, etcetera. This will always have an effect on the shape that the farm can and

will take. Therefore, repeasantization is a reaction to a mix of local, regional, national and global

issues.

§ 9.4.4 Questions

What are the elements accounting for change? So: Why do many people feel affected by a crisis,

perceive it as a situation that needs to change?

o Hypothesis: the actual start of the process of repeasantization comes forth out of vector

of personal goals, external factors, values, access to resources and information and

willingness to change. These elements together account not only for whether the

process of repeasantization actually happens, but also for the shape that it will take.

In case the hypothesis above is true: How important are the separate elements that account for

repeasantization? The answer to this question can in turn be used for policy makers that are

gearing towards transitions to sustainability.

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Part III: Results

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Discussion Having completed the first two parts of this thesis, it is now time to turn to the third and final one.

This part consists of a discussion, conclusion and paths for further research. The discussion will be

subdivided in two parts. First, the methodology that has been used will be discussed. Afterwards, the

research question and hypotheses will be revisited and tested.

Methodology In this paragraph we assess the methodology chosen for this research. We will see how it has

worked, where it had to be adapted, and where it did not work. Also, it is important to notice where

the methodology chosen has created a bias in the outcome.

Choice of the territories & cases

First, the way in which the territories and the cases have been chosen will be discussed. As was

argued in the beginning of the paper, it was not deemed necessary to take similar boundaries or sizes

for each of the territories researched. Thus, the territories were chosen in such a way that its

boundaries would be coherent with the boundaries of the issue researched. Indeed, it has proven to

be more coherent to choose territories in a specific context for several reasons:

More literature is available if the specific context in which a certain topic is dealt with is chosen

to be the boundary of the case study;

For the interviewees it is more coherent to talk about a territory as it is talked about in a specific

context.

On the other hand, this method had its downsides, which were the following:

Territories are by no means a fixed concept, and boundaries may differ in time, in thoughts and

in discourses. Therefore, it has proven itself sometimes difficult to stick with one certain

delineation.

Especially in Wageningen, it was difficult to address and choose the exact boundaries of the

territory. It became clear that the territory chosen for the research area in the Netherlands

turned out not to be coherent. Since the crisis of meaning has not been researched from a

territorial perspective, this was a first attempt to territorialize the crisis. The problems

encountered in this research may be useful for adaptations in the future.

In the Lannion Bay, it should be taken into account that this area has often been researched and has

been under large media attention. While this might be an advantage in terms of available literature

and other resources, it might become a nuisance for the interviewees in the territory.

Tools

Throughout the research, multiple tools of analysis were tried, used, and rejected. The most

important ones will be discussed here.

Indicators

The indicators that were used to describe the crisis in each of the territories researched posed some

problems, which was a direct consequence of the way in which the territories were chosen. Since the

cases were not based upon administrative boundaries nor on similar scales, it was hard to obtain

comparable data. Besides, because of the small size of the territories, in most cases, no statistical

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data were available on indicators like income and poverty levels and employment rates for the

territories themselves. Therefore, estimations and assumptions had to be made, based upon data

from larger scales. Even though it was never the idea to obtain hard quantitative data, this may have

still decreased the comparability and usefulness of the indicators.

The indicators of (environmental) activism and associations and networks posed problems in a

different manner. Because of a lack of a clear definition of these indicators it was difficult to define

which associations should be included in the analysis and which not. In the future, it is necessary to

more clearly define which kind of organizations is included. For example, it should be more clearly

defined when an organization can be seen as an environmental organization. An organization guided

towards tourism for example, is engaged and interested in environmental issues, but this is not the

first subject that it is involved in. Another problem was that absolute numbers on these organizations

would not mean anything, because of the differing size of the territories. A solution would be to look

at number of associations per capita. Nevertheless, because of the problems with the indicator

named above, this was not possible. The decision was therefore made to look at the nature of the

organizations instead of the numbers.

Table of analysis peasants

The table of analysis that was used to determine the extent into which a case could be seen as a form

of repeasantization or not has necessarily created a bias. By choosing modern theories to be at the

basis of the table used, some elements of the peasantries may have been put to the fore, while

others have been obscured. If more ‘classic’ theories on peasant societies would have been used the

outcomes of this paper might have been different. This choice has however been a conscious one,

for reasons explained in chapter 5.

Timeline

In the initial plan of this thesis, the idea was that a timeline would be developed for each crisis and

case researched. The idea behind this was that this tool would enable us to compare both timelines,

so that similarities and parallelisms could be pointed out. In this way, the connection between the

crisis and the case of repeasantization could be pointed out. However, in reality, this method has

proven itself incoherent. First, it was not possible in all cases to establish a timeline of the crisis.

Where in Lannion Bay it proved itself as a useful tool to gain more clarity on the specific nature of the

crisis, in Wageningen it turned out not to be possible. This may have been because of the intangibility

and philosophical and psychological nature of this crisis.

Secondly, it turned out not to be possible to establish a timeline of the cases of repeasantization

because of the fact that all the cases in this thesis were characterized by slow and gradual change,

making it infeasible to mark turning points in the history of the farm.

Testing the hypotheses

In order to test the third hypothesis formulated at the beginning of this thesis, it was at first

envisioned to place the results in a table that would look as follows:

Local expression of the crisis Response/ adaptation of the case

Hypothesis true Hypothesis rejected

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1

2

Nevertheless, when putting the use of this table into practice, it was found the idea behind the table

is too unilinear. Since repeasantization is not a unilinear process, the usage of the table and the

analysis of the hypotheses were incompatible. The local expression of the crisis might not in all cases

directly lead to a response or an adaptation. However, this does not mean that the link is not there.

It was therefore decided to take a more comprehensive, complex and descriptive approach, so that

also indirect origins and consequences could also be pointed out.

Returning to the start: answering the research questions We will now return the research question with which we started this thesis:


different territories studied, and to what extent does it contribute to shape repeasantization

processes in these territories?

Three hypotheses were made. The information gathered in the previous chapters will now be used to

test these as comprehensively as possible. Together this will constitute an answer to the general

main question.

Crises

Hypothesis: The crisis that we have been witnessing forms part of a global, structural and multi-

dimensional crisis that is taking place on a landscape level. Nevertheless, the crisis is characterized

by specificity. This means that according to the socio-technical regime or locality in which the crisis

takes place, some dimensions of the crisis will be more predominant than others.

Origins

We started this thesis with the idea that we have been witnessing a global, structural and multi-

dimensional crisis. At the basis of this crisis lies a global political system that has highly valued

economic growth for the sake of growth, without taking into account social, environmental,

traditional or political values.

To gain more clarity on the dimensions and outcomes of the crisis we adopted the Multi-Level

Perspective theory as defined by Geels. In this sense, we argued that the crisis is one that takes place

on a global, or as Geels calls it “Landscape” level. This crisis characterizes itself by specificity,

meaning that according to the socio-technical regime or locality in which the crisis takes place some

dimensions will be more predominant then others. This idea was researched in three different

territories, that each represented one specific dimension that was chosen beforehand.

We have thus taken a territorial approach to research the outcomes of a global crisis; an approach

that until now has not been very prominent yet.

Differentiated nature

Several results on the specific nature of a crisis in a territory have come to the fore. First, the idea

that a crisis in a specific territory would be characterized by one dimension of the global, multi-

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dimensional crisis was too clear cut. Indeed, in every territory researched, a different outcome of the

global crisis was found. Nonetheless, also on a territorial level, the crises were characterized by a

large complexity. It shows that within a territory, multiple dimensions of the global crisis can be

present, in different compositions according to the locality.

Secondly, it was found, that a crisis as it is expressed locally can have dimensions itself. For example,

at first sight, the crisis in Lieue-de-Greve was of an environmental nature. Nevertheless, this crisis in

itself also had a social, economic and political dimension. Similarly, in Spain we found that the crisis is

economic at first sight, but that the origins of this crisis lay for example in politics, (lack of) education,

corruption. Moreover, this composition of different dimensions is not static. Again, Lieue-de-Grève

serves as an example. Until the accident with the horse and its rider, the crisis was indeed mostly

environmental and local in its nature. From the accident onwards, the issue evolved however to be of

national and even international importance, with a strong social and political dimension. This shows

us that not only the composition of the dimensions of the crisis is dynamic in its nature, but also its

territoriality. This will be discussed further in the following paragraphs.

Thirdly, characteristics like differences in population, geography, local politics and economics account

for differences between the way in which the global crisis expresses itself locally. Moreover, these

characteristics will determine the way in which the crisis is being dealt with locally and thus on how it

will develop in time. The existence of a surplus of Nitrates is an example that can serve here. Both in

the area around Wageningen as in Lieue-de-Greve, there exists a surplus in Nitrates. The geography

of both places however makes that the effects of such a surplus are significantly different. In Lieue-

de-Grève, the effects have become tangible and have therefore had effects on the everyday lives of

people in the region, while the effects in the Netherlands have remained unnoticed until to date.

This issue brings us to another point. Namely, that there is a crucial difference between the

economic and environmental crises and the crisis of meaning. Both the economic and environmental

crisis are tangible, affecting people in their everyday lives, whether they want it or not. The crisis of

meaning on the other hand, is rather personally bound, and internal. We will be coming back to this,

when discussing the territoriality of the different crises. Important to remember at this point is that

the nature of the crises is different. In the case of economic and environmental crises, we are dealing

with an external crisis, of which the effects might impact upon individuals, whether they choose to or

not. The crisis of meaning, on the other hand, is internal, and is built upon other crises, that might

not necessarily impact the person personally. For example, the crisis of meaning may be a reaction to

global environmental or social issues. In this case, the crisis is thus voluntary by nature, while

external crises are rather forced.

A last point that seems to have an important impact on the nature of the crisis and the way in which

it develops is the socio-technical regime that is seen as ‘the culprit’ of the crisis. In the case of Lieue-

de-Grève, agriculture was seen as being at the origin of the problem and thus agriculture in the

region was much more and very specifically affected and at the center of the crisis. In the other two

territories, this was not the case. This has proven to be of special importance for the process of

repeasantization. This will be further discussed in the third part of this discussion.

Territoriality

Some of the previous points lead us to question the territoriality of the crises as we have defined it at

the start of this thesis. First, the crisis of meaning seems to be a crisis that is bound to people, rather

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than to places. It is an individual reaction to (global) issues. Although there may be a higher

prominence of this crisis in a certain territory, it is not territorially bound. Several ideas on this have

been raised, that have led to the development of new hypotheses, which will be formulated in the

last part of this thesis.

Secondly, the territoriality of the environmental and economic crises must also be questioned. It was

explained that a territory is never a clear cut or static concept. Instead, a territory is an area where

certain characteristics may be coherent, or which is talked about in a certain context. Nevertheless,

as we argued, a territory is always influenced by local, regional, national and global developments. It

is thus not an isolated entity, but instead is embedded in a framework of regional, national and

global issues. These levels are not static. On the contrary, they are constantly changing, while

affecting and being affected by each other.

We can conclude from this that looking at crises territorially is beneficial and provides us with specific

information of how a vector of local characteristics impacts upon the specific nature of a crisis.

Nevertheless, it is indispensable to take the other levels of the MLP into account, since these will

have an important bearing on the outcomes of the crisis.

The importance of values & power

Another important element of the characterization of crises is the distinction between its internal

and external elements. There may be an issue at a territorial, national or global level that is defined

as a crisis. Nevertheless, it was found that a crisis at a territorial level may not be experienced as such

by everyone. Defining a crisis as such is thus a process that is dependent on individuals and

institutions. In this process, the (political) power to frame and to put forward “the truth” is of

extreme importance. Values play an important role in this process. Even though at the start of this

thesis they were only deemed important for the crisis of meaning this research has shown that in all

cases values also play a crucial role for a crisis to be incorporated as such. Moreover, once a crisis is

internalized, or perceived to be one, it may put into question existing beliefs and values. In this

sense, they may lead to a questioning of the legitimacy of ruling institutions (Darnhofer, 2014).

Nevertheless, this does not linearly lead to change, in the remainder of this discussion some reasons

as to why this is will be put to the fore.

Repeasantization

Hypothesis: The global and multi-dimensional crisis convokes reactions at a niche level. One of

these niches is the process of repeasantization in which farmers increasingly constitute themselves

in a peasant-like way. Reconnecting them to nature, society, local economies and increasing

independence from large structures and external inputs. The process of repeasantization too is

characterized by specificity

The process

Even though we have not arrived to the part where we connect the crisis and process of

repeasantization yet, it is indispensable that we do so for a short moment here. As we mentioned in

the previous paragraph, a crisis can change existing values, thereby leading to the questioning of the

legitimacy of ruling institutions and replacing them by new ones. In this sense, for the process of

repeasantization to start, an external issue has to be internalized as a crisis. From the cases

researched it has come to the fore that this may be out of choice, but also out of external pressures

forcing change. For example, in both Agricología and Tuinderij de Stroom the process of

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repeasantization started from a realization that something was not right, and therefore adaptations

were made. In Lieue-de-Grève on the other hand, there was a strong external element accounting for

change and shaping the choices made in the process of repeasantization. More on this will be said in

the following paragraph.

Once started, the process of repeasantization is characterized by slow and gradual change towards

the particular goals of the farm in question. This process can take many different shapes. Which

elements are adopted always depends on a combination of factors, like the values and goals of the

farmer and the context in which change takes place. In this sense, some elements of the peasant

mode of farming may be adopted, while others are left out if the context or end goal requires the

farmer to do so. What reunited all the cases researched however is that through the different

elements of the peasant mode of farming, there is a move towards increased autonomy and

resilience vis-à-vis the external environment. Other elements that play an important role in the

process of repeasantization will be discussed in the following paragraphs.

New versus existing farmer

In the case studies, both newly established peasants as well as entrepreneurial farmers that made a

move towards the peasant mode of farming were interviewed. This seems to be an important

element determining to what extent the peasant mode of farming is adopted. Both Agricología and

de Stroom are newly established peasants, and have adopted most if not all elements of the peasant

mode of farming. Moreover, from the beginning onwards, both of these farms have functioned

according to other logics and values than the economic and productivist alone.

The case of Roc Hou Ker, on the other hand, was an example of an entrepreneurial farm that

gradually moved towards a more peasant-like style of farming. The changes made here were much

less radical than those in Agricología and the Stroom. This is due to different reasons. First, a farm is

not an isolated entity that can make any change it wants. Instead, it is embedded in a framework of

institutions, corporations, rules and regulations. In this sense, it is locked-in in a certain system, and

change cannot be made from one day to another. Secondly, a difference in values was found. Where

the previous two examples adopted a wide range of different values and end goals, Roc Hou Ker

mostly functioned according to economic principles and adapting its actions to reach this goal.

The farm of Guerguillegen on the other hand makes us pose questions on the statements made

beforehand on ‘new peasants’. On the one hand, this farm is also a new farmer, without a farming

background. On the other hand, its development resembled more that of Roc Hou Ker, thus the

development of a farm that was already established and previously rather entrepreneurial. Several

explanations may be given for this. For example, Guerguillegen is a previously entrepreneurial farm

taken over by a new farmer. Because of this, change could not be made from one day to another.

Secondly, size seems to play a big role as well. Whether a farm is 60 or 4 hectares makes a large

difference in the ease with which changes can be made. Lastly, the political context in Lieue-de-

Greve seems more stringent for farmers than for those in Marina Alta and Wageningen.

Lastly, it may be the crisis of meaning that strongly determines the extent into which a farmer

internalizes a crisis and therefore how radical a case of repeasantization may be.

These findings are however merely ideas on possible reasons for the differences between these

farms and should be seen as an opening to further research.

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Importance of networks and information

Another point that seems of crucial importance in the process of repeasantization is the engagement

in professional and social networks. Through networks access to information and resources is gained.

This does not only create possibilities for change and leverage for change making at other levels, but

also contributes to a development of values and ideas.

In Spain and the Netherlands, we have witnessed two cases of new peasants, which have adopted

the peasant mode of farming to a very large extent. Both of these farms were on the one hand

aiming for a maximum autonomy from the dominant system, while at the same time showing a large

engagement in global and social issues through local action. It therefore does not come as a surprise

that especially in these cases a high involvement in different networks was found. Striking was that

these networks do not only consist of agricultural actors, but instead engage a wide range of actors

from governments, civil society, educational institutions, etcetera. This provided both initiatives with

access to resources and information outside of common circuits.

In the cases in Lieue-de-Grève, there was less engagement in such networks. Moreover, when there

was some engagement in networks, these were or agricultural, or rather forced in nature. Contrary

to Agricología and de Stroom, relationships with other groups from society were rather conflictual.

Several explanations for this are put to the fore here. However, to gain closure on the issue, further

research is needed:

The culprit of the crisis in Lieue-de-Greve is thought to be agriculture, thereby unclenching a

different dynamics than in the other two territories, where agriculture is affected by, but not at

the basis of the crisis.

The crisis in Lieue-de-Grève is conflictual in its nature, thereby fostering less interaction and

more hostility between different interest groups within the territory;

The crisis in Lieue-de-Grève seems to be forced upon the farmers rather than an internalized

issue. Therefore, there may be less engagement in alternative networks;

The farms in Lieue-de-Grève are more embedded in the dominant agro-food regime than the

farms in Spain and the Netherlands; this may have had an impact on the engagement in

alternative networks as well.

Connecting the crisis and the case

Hypothesis: Since the crisis convokes repeasantization the shape of the repeasantization that we

will be studying is strongly determined by the local expressions of the crisis. And that the form of

repeasantization in a certain place can be explained by the nature of the crisis in that territory.

Influence of crises on values and beliefs

As we have seen, crises can put existing values and beliefs and the legitimacy of existing systems and

institutions into question. We have also seen that a change in beliefs and values is fundamental for

the process of repeasantization to start. This does, however, not mean that a crisis necessarily

changes values and beliefs, nor that this in its turn necessarily leads to change. In this sense, crises

can contribute to the willingness to change at a niche level, but for the process of repeasantization to

start a combination of other factors has to be present. These factors are a combination between

internal and external components. Some of these have already been discussed while reflecting upon

the previous hypotheses. Others will be taken into account here.

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The influence of political processes

It is important to notice that actual change is a political process. Darnhofer (2014) has formulated

this as follows:

“Which problems need to be addressed and selecting suitable approaches to address them is a

political, constructed and often contested process (p. 27).”

This has become especially clear in the case-study in Lieue-de-Grève, where change was heavily

influenced by the political power of Empire. This shows us that repeasantization, next to being an

individual change, is also a political process, challenging existing beliefs and values, and often

challenging the political power of Empire. In this sense, repeasantization is not a direct reaction to

the local expression of a crisis. Instead, it is a constant interaction between and reaction to external

factors, crises, power relations, and inner values.

The other levels of the MLP will therefore have a crucial impact on the shape of repeasantization.

Repeasantization is thus not an isolated process, but is a constant exchange between the niche level,

the socio-technical regime and landscape level. In this sense, these levels determine the

opportunities and possibilities that are open for the directions in which the process of

repeasantization can go. We have especially seen this in France and Spain. In both of the case

studies, the farms found themselves in a constraining framework of institutions at the landscape and

socio-technical regime level, which had an important impact on the room for maneuver of the

farmers.

Lieue-de-Grève also shows us how other developments within a territory can have an influence on

the shape that repeasantization takes. The SFEI was a system that was already in place in the region,

before agriculture and the green algae were linked. Once the link was made, this farming system was

(successfully) put forward as an alternative farming system to combat the green algae in the territory

and many programs have been addressed to promote this type of dairy farming. The shape that

repeasantization has taken in the area was strongly determined by this, even if the repeasantization

itself did not start because of the green algae. This shows us the importance and the interaction

between different dynamics in a territory and the way they impact upon the process of

repeasantization.

Adaptation versus change

This brings us to the notion of adaptation versus transition. It was found that in Lieue-de-Grève, the

process of repeasantization was rather a process of adaptation towards a hostile environment that

demanded change. On the other hand, the cases in Marina Alta and Wageningen were cases of far-

reaching change, or even inner transition. This could be another explanation why the cases of

repeasantization witnessed in these areas were much stronger than those in Lieue-de-Grève. Hence,

external pressures, like crises, might induce processes of adaptation. Nevertheless, true change only

seems to happen once a problem is internalized and experienced as an inherent part of one’s system.

We can thus state that the local expression of the global and multi-dimensional crisis is just one of

the many factors that influences upon the shape that repeasantization will take. Other elements,

which are discussed above, are of great importance. Therefore, the crisis may partly determine the

activities on which the repeasantization is focused. But the process is also influenced by a further mix

of individual, local, regional, national and international elements, and the opportunities and

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challenges that this mix creates. Repeasantization in this sense is mix between external pressures,

internalization of these pressures, and the opportunities that are created by this to induce change.

Conclusion In this research, we have been dealing with the question of how the current global crisis can be

characterized, and how this crisis expresses itself in different territories and in turn shapes the

process of repeasantization.

In a first instance, it was hypothesized that the crisis that we have witnessed forms part of a global,

structural and multi-dimensional crisis. Indeed, the economic crisis of 2008/2009 is just one of the

many shapes that this crisis has taken. Using the MLP of Geels it has become clear that a crisis in a

first instance creates ruptures between the landscape level and that of socio-technical regimes. It

was hypothesized that the local expression of these crises would be characterized by specificity.

Thus, that according to the place and socio-technical regime in which a crisis takes place, its shape

would be different and some dimensions would be more predominant than others. Three territories

were chosen that each were supposed to be characterized by a different dimension of the global

multi-dimensional crisis, from which different lessons were learned.

First, it was found that, indeed, according to the territory in which a crisis takes place, its shape is

different. Which dimensions are predominant is determined by a mix of local, regional, national and

international characteristics, thereby differently affecting the crisis from territory to territory. In this

sense, the crisis is always characterized by a mix of different dimensions. These are far from being

static. Because of ever changing social, political, economic and environmental factors the shape of a

crisis is developing in time.

Secondly, whether a crisis is experienced as such is dependent on individual values. A crisis thus does

not mean the same to everyone involved. This means, that it is of great importance to what extent a

crisis is internalized as such. Hence, a crisis is not just an external pressure. This also determines

whether and how reactions against the crisis arise. Moreover, it is important to note who has the

political power to act and frame the issue. This will determine what actions can be taken, whether an

issue is framed as a crisis in public discourse and the way in which a crisis will develop.

In the second hypothesis it was stated that because of the crisis at the landscape and socio-technical

regime level, reactions at the niche level develop. These initiatives try to counter or deal with the

negative effects of the crisis. The goal of these niches can be to either align with the dominant socio-

technical regime and change it, or rather to move away from it and gain as much autonomy from it

as possible.

It was said that in one of these niches the process of repeasantization is taking place in which farmers

increasingly constitute themselves in a peasant-like way by connecting themselves to nature, society

and local economies, while decreasing dependence from large structures and external inputs. It was

hypothesized that, next to having generic characteristics, repeasantization too would be

characterized by specificity. This specificity, then, would be determined to a large extent by the local

expressions of the crisis. Indeed, it was found in all cases that repeasantization is characterized by a

slow and gradual change towards personal goals and values. Also, it is characterized by an ongoing

move towards autonomy and resilience vis-à-vis the dominant agro-food system.

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It was found that repeasantization can take many different shades, either strongly adopting the

peasant mode of farming, or only adopting some elements while not adopting others. In a first place,

this is because of different personal values and goals that may be pursued, thereby determining the

shape that repeasantization should take. Secondly, the context in which repeasantization takes place

plays an important role in this by creating the opportunities and constraints that a farm has to deal

with, thereby determining the shape that repeasantization can take.

In this sense, the local expression of the crisis does have an influence upon the shape of

repeasantization in a certain territory. Nevertheless, it is now clear that the local expression of the

crisis is not the sole shaping factor. Each case of repeasantization will thus manifest itself differently.

This can be explained because of the different mixes that individual, local, regional, national or global

scale factors may have.

Questions raised & paths for further research

Having come to the end of this research, we will take a short moment to assess what has not been

answered with this research, the questions that have been raised, and the paths that have been

opened up for further research:

It has come to the fore that crises play an important role in changing values and therefore in the

willingness to change. Nevertheless, this does not mean that actual change will happen, or that

all actors within a territory will be equally affected. In the future, further research into the

factors accounting for change is needed. In this way, this knowledge can be used not only as

knowledge on transitions to sustainability, but also in policy making to foster sustainable

transitions.

Further research is also needed in the area of the crisis of meaning. It has been found that

instead of being a crisis bound to places, the crisis of meaning is bound to people. Yet, there

seem to be areas with a higher incidence of the crisis of meaning. Research is needed as to find

out why this is. Several hypotheses can be formulated:

o A higher amount of people within a territory having incorporated the crisis of meaning

may “pollinate” others with their ideas, and therefore affect others;

o People with similar concerns may concentrate within a territory.

Repeasantization is a complex process that involves people, politics, nature, economics and

society. This research has been done from a sociological and qualitative angle. In the future, it

may be beneficial to add other angles, like psychology, biology, agro-ecology, etcetera, and

adding quantitative data to gain a more comprehensive view on the process of repeasantization,

its effects on nature and society and the representativity of specific cases within their territory.

Ambiguity has arisen on the nature of repeasantization processes in the case of the ‘new

peasantries’. The cases of Agricología and de Stroom suggest that new peasants on the one hand

try to get away from dominant regimes, and on the other hand imply in local and solidarity

economies and are change makers through local action. The case of Guerguillegen, on the other

hand, shows a case of repeasantization to a lesser extent. Ideas as for why this would be the case

have been put to the fore in the discussion, but further research into the reasons as to why this is

needed to gain more clarity on the issue.

Lastly, in the cases witnessed in Lieue-de-Grève there has been less engagement in networks

consisting of a wide range of actors than in the other two territories researched. Ideas on the

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reasons and consequences of this have been put to the fore in the discussion, but also here,

further research is needed.

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Published Online. URL: http://www.wakkerdier.nl/persberichten/proefproces-tegen-wageningen-

universiteit

http://amjasa.com/la-marina-alta-cumplira-un-ano-en-estado-de-emergencia-por-sequia-y-con-las-reservas-hidricas-al-minimo/

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http://www.confederationpaysanne.fr/actu.php?id=800&PHPSESSID=a1499b6e13e

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http://www.wakkerdier.nl/persberichten/proefproces-tegen-wageningen-universiteit

111

Annexes

113

Annex 1: Questionnaire Farms History

Could you tell me about the history of your farm?

o Why did you start it? / What is the main goal of the project?

o How did it develop in time?

o Were there any big turning points in the way you run your farm?

Could you further explain/ justify every choice made.

o Why did you make that choice at that moment?

In all cases, how is autonomy, resilience and survival created


Labour, co-production, self-created and evolving resource base

In case organic: Why did you choose to be an organic farm? What are the advantages for

you?

What is the place human labour takes on your farm? Also vice versa, what roles do machines

take?

o If labour. Who works? How many hours, and what are the main tasks?

o If machines are used: what was your reason to use them? Who owns the machine?

How did you pay for it?

Do you use any inputs from outside?

o If yes, which, and what are your reasons for getting them from outside the farm?

o How are these inputs paid for?

o And how are they used?

Do you use any of your outputs for the next round of production?

o If yes, in what way, why?

Social networks/relationships with the outside world

Patterns of co-operation, reciprocity

Are you engaged in any type of (social) network?

o What kind of network?

o Why?

o What kind of activities?

o What is your role in the network?

o How does this network contribute to shaping your farm/activities?

Are you working together with other farms/farmers?

o How do you work together and why?

o What are the activities you perform together?

o What kind of remuneration do you get/give for this collaboration?

Economic practices/ relationships to markets

114

Patterning relations with markets in ways that allow for autonomy, survival, reducing dependency,

pluri-activity

How does the farm relate to main stream markets? Is dependency reduced?

How has the farm been financed?

o Is there still a loan at a bank?

o Loans with other people/organizations?

How are your products being sold?

o Who buys your products?

o Or links with shops/retailers that sell the products?

o Direct link between producer and consumer?

Do you have any other sources of income than your farming-activities?

How do you use your income, is it distributed among the owners? Is it reused for further

development of the farm?

Future

Economic resilience? Survival?

How do you see your farm in the future?

o Do you think you can continue your activities as they are right now?

o Do you want to make any changes?

If something would happen to (the income of) the farm this year (f.e. really bad harvest, no-

one buys the products) would you be able to continue your activities?

o Why (not)?

o How?

115

Annex 2: Table of analysis

Agricultural practices and internal organization Relationships with the outside world Economic practices and relationships to markets

Labour Labour is relatively abundant and central to the production process in peasant agriculture and therefore development typically occurs as labour driven intensification. In this, family workers are the rule, salaried workers are an exception.

Embeddedness in society The peasant mode of farming is connected to the society of which it forms a part, instead of being embedded in international and national markets. In this sense, peasant agriculture fulfills a multi-functional role, integrating the social aspect of farming, instead of only the market aspect.

Patterning relations with markets in ways that allow for autonomy Peasant production is only partly commoditized. Relations with the outside world are constructed on the basis of distrust of the larger markets and therefore translate into autonomy. Those relations that come into play are linking the past, present and future. The peasant way of farming is characterized by the production and growth of value added, this leads to emancipation and a growing independency from a hostile environment.

Self-created and evolving resource base through co-production Co-production is an ongoing interaction and transformation of man and living nature. The quality and productivity of key resources like land, animals, crops, buildings, etc. is slowly but gradually improved. Also, the relations with the outside world are constantly re-patterned. In this process, “free” resources are favored over those that should be paid for; One of the major outcomes of co-production is an evolving resource base of which the separate elements are working together. Resources are not only converted into goods and services, but they are also (re)produced as resources. In this way, patrimony is created.

Patterns of co-operation Facing a hostile environment nearly always requires forms of cooperation. Through cooperation, the struggle for autonomy extends beyond the level of the individual farm unit. This strengthening often implies the use of social networks, in which reciprocity and solidarity instead of competition is a central element.

Reducing dependency An ever persistent goal is to counter the general tendency of unequal and worsening terms of trade.

116

The resource base is nearly always limited, which implies technical efficiency. As much output as possible is realized with a given amount of resources and without depleting them.

Localized knowledge and know-how Instead of trusting upon generalized science, the farm is adapted to local conditions by constantly observing what works in the particular conditions of the farm and what does not.

Autarky Instead of shaping the production system according to market demands, the farm is organized in such a way that it shapes the needs of the farm and its farmers. This can take the shape of auto-consumption. However, most of the time it means that there is a relatively autonomous flow of resources produced and reproduced within the farm itself, thereby closing the cycle of production as much as possible.

Pluri-activity & Diversification Through engaging in pluriactivity, dependency upon banking circuits and money lenders can be avoided. This gives the peasant the freedom to do with his resources what he thinks best.

Use instead of ownership of land Land is not seen as a capital, but another idea of ownership is in place. In many peasant societies there is still a communal idea of the land. Or land is being paid for in different ways. Most importantly, ownership is not seen as it is mostly seen on paper.

117

Annex 3: Table of comparison crises

Wageningen, Netherlands Lieue-de-Grève, France Marina Alta, Spain

Environment

Nature and biodiversity

Soil & Land-use



Environmental program

Diversity of nature areas

Diversity in soils: dairy, poultry, pig production, orchards, and greenhouses

High levels of Nitrogen dioxide (+/- 22 μg/m3) and fine particles (+/- 26 μg/m3)

Organizations engaging in environmental activism geared towards global issues

Wageningen Klimaatneutraal 2030 (Wageningen Carbon Neutral 2030) Project & Flexitarian covenant

High ecological interest, different nature areas

70% agricultural land (85% intensive dairy production), 194 farms

Green tides since 1970s between April and October

Environmental organizations and activism aimed at local problems and local nature preservation

EU water framework directive, “Prolittoral, Plan de lutte contre les algues vertes, CRE, ACCASYA

Diversity of environments and natural patrimony

Traditional agricultural systems replaced by urbanization and orange plantations

Land abandonment

Desertification and flooding

Increasing human pressure on sensitive lands

Environmental activism focused on local issues

Low saliency for nature protection

Economic

Income & Poverty


Industries & Enterprises

Large influential institutions

Average income 13,600€ per year

Increasing unemployment,

bankruptcies and decreasing

incomes

2012: unemployment rate 4,2%

Low share of empty shops (less than

2,5%) and bankruptcies (Less than

3/10,000 inhabitants per year).

Industry terrain and harbor : > 200

companies, 1600-1800 ships/year,

yearly transshipment of 1,5 million

tons, > 1200 jobs.

Wageningen University and

Bretagne: low average income, 50% earning < 10€/h

Average income 18.162€ per year

Côtes d’Armor poverty level 12.6%

2013: Côtes d’Armor -3,8% bankruptcies

2009: Milk crisis

Third sector: 73,5% of jobs, mainly tourism

Côtes d’Armor: 15.000 employments, 760 mln €/year in tourism

Decrease tourism because of green algae

Technopole Anticipa Lannion-Trégor

Average net income < 9400€/y

Youth unemployment: 51,9%

General unemployment 27,2%

Population at risk of poverty and social exclusion : 32%

Third sector: 66% of jobs, mainly tourism

42,5% jobs in construction

Ghost urbanizations after burst of housing bubble

Commercial centers negatively impacting local commerce

118

Research Center (WUR). With and

6500 employees, first decade of the

2000s, with a triple increase of the

number of yearly new students

Food Valley

Bipolar character: biotechnology, agro-technology, food technology, etc versus rural development, environmental sciences, organic agriculture

major driver local economy (ICT, photonics, marine industries, agro-industries and transformation of matter, biotechnology and eco-industry): 3500 jobs

Socio-political

Number of students & post-graduates

Associations & Networks

Forms of activism

Voting behaviour

Projects financed by the region

> 10.000 students > 20% of the inhabitants are students

34% successfully completed an applied university or university program

Socio-political/civil society organizations focused on global issues

2012: most “vegetarian friendly city” in the Netherlands.

Preference green, left-wing and democratic parties. 2014: 57,5% to four left-wing, social-democratic parties

+/- 1600 students in Côtes d’Armor

Young people leaving Côtes d’Armor for studies

No numbers post-graduates

Associations, networks & activism, see: Environment

No striking trends voting behavior: departmental elections 2015, (53.55% left vs 46.45% right)

27,5% did not complete secondary school

Increasing education rates

Opposition against excessive building, and other forms of activism but without effect

Elections 24-5-2015: Radical change in preference for left-wing parties

Opacity and corruption in (local) politics

Lack of dmocratic participation

Ley Orgánica 8/2013

Decreto 74/2013

Summary Crisis of meaning

Environmental crisis with a social, political and economic dimension.

Multiplicity of dimensions: Economic crisis, social, political and environmental

119

Annex 4: Voting behavior Lieue-de-Grève

Commune Gauche Droite

Plestin les Greves 54,52% 45,48%

Trémel 42,36% 57,64%

Plufur 50,58% 49,42%

Guerlesquin 58% 42%

Plounérin 55,63% 44,37%

Lanvellec 51,65% 48,35%

Plouaret 54,36% 45,64%

Plouzélambre 51,68% 48,32%

Tréduder 56,25% 43,75%

Saint-Michèl-en-Grève 51,91% 48,09%

Ploumilliau 51,49% 48,51%

Trédrez-Locquémeau 64,18% 35,82%

Total Lieue-de-Grève 53.55% 46.45%

Source: France TV info , 2015

120

Annex 5: Timeline crisis Green Algae

Year Event

End 1950s – 1960s

Active promotion of landless livestock rearing system

1960s- 1970s

Green tides starts to occur

1971 First mention of green tides as a problem

1980s Start of studies into provenance and causes of algae

end 1980s First proof link nitrate levels surface water and proliferation green algae Claims get mediatized by NGOs

from 1990s onwards

Increasing evidence tying nitrogen fertilization to green algae → issue put on the official national agenda

1991 European Nitrates Directive (Directive n° 91/676/CEE)

1993 SFEI formalized as an agro-environmental measure

1998 Manifestation of 5000 inhabitants in Binic.

1990s-2000s France has large difficulties putting in place the demands posed by the European Union

2002-2006 Prolittoral program

February 2004

Four associations file claim against State → State held responsible for the green tides

2003 Two dogs die on one of the beaches that is hit by the green algae.

2007 SEFI becomes agri-environmental measure

2008 Start ACCASYA

August 2009 Incident death horse and illness horse rider

2009 Confidential report by the prefect des Côtes d’Armor made public

5th of February, 2010

Plan de lutte contre les algues vertes is presented

May 2011 CESER adopts report that acknowledges the level of < 10mg/l concentration of nitrates to conquer the green tides

30th of June 2011

First territorial contract is signed: investment 10,4 million euros to reduce the nitrate pollution

121

September 2011 Manifestation: 2000 people gather

2012 EC includes 7 complaints against the State, and condemns it for the wrong application of the EU Nitrate Directive of 1991

State condemned to compensate affected municipalities

July 2014 Court of Appeal holds State responsible for death horse and sickness horse-rider in 2009

122

Annex 6: Table of Analysis: Roc Hou Ker




Labour

1 couple of farmers

Clear division of labour

Mostly machinery

Embeddedness in society

Chamber of Agriculture → Represent and explain agriculture in society + Increase the amount of farmers working on the action plan against green algae

Signatory Charte de territoire

Patterning relations with markets in ways that allow for autonomy

Increase % grass in feed → decrease external inputs → decrease costs

Landless meat production → mainly grass-based milk production

Depending on a cooperative for sales

Changing cow breed → less costs

Self-created and evolving resource base through co-production

Mixing grass types

Fertilization mainly with what is produced on the farm

Changing cow breed

No re-use of seeds

Mainly own fertilizer + animal feed: buying when bad harvest

Patterns of co-operation

Delegating fertilization

Ensilaging maize with 14 others

Cooperation for sowing wheat

Sharing machines in CUMA

Previous pilot farm in ACASSYA

Buy feed from neighbor when needed

Reducing dependency

Decrease external inputs

Changing cow breed

Dependent on banks, cooperatives, etc.→ decreasing output no option → decrease inputs

Localized knowledge and know-how

Use of a mix of grass suitable for the area

Abandonment of wheat mainly because of unsuitability of soils.

Reciprocity

-

Pluri-activity

+/- 10 meat cows: production friends and family

Autarky

Producing and ensilaging animal feed for winter

Use instead of ownership of land

Own the land

123

Annex 7: Table of Analysis Farm Guerguillegen




Labour

1 worker

Delegating work in the field

Manual labour taking important place


Signatory Chartes de Territoire


90% grass-land

Cows grazing largest part of the year

Milk to cooperative

Decreasing costs

Finding balance: not maximum output

Change cow breed →less costs


Buying seeds

Change into grass-based system

Cross-breed cows breed more suitable for grass-based system

Simplifying work through constant adaptation of practices


Delegating work to company

Little implication in networks: feeling of inutility & powerlessness

Reducing dependency

Simplifying work

Reducing external inputs

Reduce relations with cooperative, syndicate, etc.

Reduce work with machinery →less costs → more autonomy


Finding what works for the farm not following the push to increase productivity

Reciprocity

-

Pluri-activity & diversification

Activity guided towards milk-production

Autarky

Fertilization


20% land (family)-owned

124

Annex 8: Table of Analysis Tuinderij de Stroom

Agricultural practices and internal organization Relationships with the outside world Economic practices and relationships to markets

Labour

Mix machine work and labour

Important role of labour, especially marginal labour


Offering a place for those who need it to work on the farm.

Opening doors of the farm → social engagement


Different sources of income → spreading risks

Most sales outside conventional marketing channels


Flow of inputs in Green Circle

Seeds and seedlings from outside

Constant and gradual changes


Arable farmer and the Tuinderij.

Other organic holdings in the region & Tuinderij → organization of different projects

Cooperation with volunteers

Reducing dependency

Low costs → no engagement with financial markets

Buying machinery from own resources

Collaborative insurance initiative


Adapting produce to clients

Finding new ways of marketing and attracting visitors

Development in crops

Balance crops arable farmer and crops the vegetable farmers

Reciprocity

Between Lingehof, Opneij and the Stroom

Between volunteers and de Stroom

Pluri-activity

Engagement in different projects

No employment outside of the farm

Autarky

Financially autarkic

Not dependent on one market

Most inputs come from outside


Rented land & shed

125

Annex 9: Table of Analysis Agricología




Labour

José and Jovi full-time

Ximo: 20h per week

Rado, on a voluntary irregular basis

Parents José Manuel


Strongly embedded in society through projects and education

Open doors for everyone

Interaction with municipalities and society

Change agent in his region and outside


Minimize dependency on monopolies

Attempt to produce own seeds

Sourcing compost from Xarxa

Reducing inputs from outside


Finding traditional techniques, seeds and knowledge and integrate, preserve and develop them

Gradual Development through observation and experimentation

Using income from external projects for further development of the project


Xarxa: certification, compost and inputs vegetable boxes

Reducing dependency

No loan, only invest what is there

Minimal inputs from outside

Dream to decrease external projects


Observation of what works and what not

Collect local seeds and reproduce them

Experimentation: what fits the climate and the soil?

Knowledge exchange in the region

Reciprocity

Parents, Rado and Ximo: labour based on reciprocity

Xarxa: Trust and reciprocity between the farmers

Pluri-activity & diversification

Gaining income through different limbs: Agriculture, education and projects

Autarky Use instead of ownership of land

126

Partly closed cycle, compost for experimental plot, reducing external inputs as much as possible

Own the land, but share with others:

12 plots for the people from the course

3 fixed allotments for others

Land is not seen as a capital, or commodity

127

Annex 10: Field information

Type Attending interviewees Date Time Name of Interviewee

Interview 1 Co-owner Tuinderij de Stroom 17-03-2015 1 hour SWART, Linde

Interview 2 Owner de Lingehof 17-03-2015 45 min. JURRIUS, A.H.J.

Interview 3 Volunteer Tuinderij de Stroom 19-03-2015 30 min. Anonymous

Interview 4 Volunteer Tuinderij de Stroom 19-03-2015 30 min. Anonymous

Interview 5 Co-owner Tuinderij de Stroom 19-03-2015 30 min. De WAARD, Welmoet

Participatory observation

2 Owners Tuinderij de Stroom 5 Volunteers 4 Volunteers care farm

19-03-2015 4 hours

Interview 6 Employee Warmonderhof (Organic farm school)

30-03-2015 30 min. HENDRIKS, Ruud

Interview 7 Coordinator action plan Green Algae

17-4-2015 2 hours BRIANT, Gwenaelle

Interview 8 Farmer Plouzelambre 17-4-2015 1,5 hours KERBORIOU, Edwidge

Interview 9 Farmer Ploumilliau 20-4-2015 1,5 hours GWENDAL, Raoul

Interview 10 Researcher INRA Dairy Systems

20-4-2015 2 hours DELABY, Luc

Interview 11 Ex-facilitator CEDAPA 23-4-2015 2 hours GOUEREC, Nathalie

Interview 12 Owner and Founder Agricología

5-5-2015 1,5 hours BISETTO, José Manuel

Participatory observation

Agricología

Primary school visits

Visit agricología

Working along Agricología

Visit community garden

Talk with co-workers Agricología

Visit seedling cooperative

4 – 8-5-2015 3,5 days a.o.:

XAMANI, Jovi PANELLA, Ximo

Interview 13 Participants organic agriculture course

6-5-2015 30 min. Anonymous

Interview 14 Allotment owner 7-5-2015 30 min. Anonymous

returning to the land in times of crisis

Documents