reservations about the ‘nudge’ philosophy

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RESERVATIONS ABOUT THE ‘NUDGE’ PHILOSOPHY 1 Philip Booth The government has embraced the Nudge philosophy. Its enthusiasm is misplaced. It undermines freely chosen paternalistic mechanisms and has no guarantee of producing better government decision making about whether to intervene in a free economy. Keywords: Nudge, libertarianism, paternalism. The new government seems to have embraced the so-called libertarian/paternalism of the ‘Nudge’ philosophy. It is clearly attractive to Conservatives because it seems novel without appearing to smack of market fundamentalism. The ideas simultaneously appeal to the paternalistic wing of the party without posing too much of a problem for the more classical liberal wing. One reservation that I have about ‘Nudge’ is not about the basic underlying idea, but about the likely problems in implementation. The authors of ‘Nudge’ clearly intend that their proposals should be an alternative to overt state regulation, but it is difficult to see them being implemented that way in practice. For example, in the pensions field, auto-enrolment into personal accounts is going to be used in addition to all the current government interference in the provision of pensions: we will still have a government-provided state pension, a ‘second state pension’ and continued regulation and tax relief relating to private arrangements. In addition to all this, people will be auto-enrolled into saving through personal accounts. A second problem is that of who decides the direction in which to nudge people. The political elite, for example, wish to nudge the young to take out pensions but this risks making pension mis-selling compulsory. Young people will be saving in a pension whilst paying off a mortgage or even paying off credit card bills: saving and borrowing with two different financial institutions at the same time is an expensive business. Of course, the people who will lose out most are those who are not sufficiently sophisticated to shoulder barge the nudger and do their own thing. Nudging does not resolve the problem as to whether intervention is a good thing at all. If intervention is misplaced, then nudging is wrong too. In practice, whether to intervene is just as likely to be decided by pressure from lobby groups or prejudices of politicians as by incisive economic reasoning. The use of nudging does not improve the quality of government decision making. The best form of paternalism is that which evolves naturally in society without the interference of government. That is genuine ‘libertarian-paternalism’ to use the phrase that Nudge’s authors use. People generally know when they are not the best judges of their own interests and they often choose to devolve decisions to others. Again, we can use an example from the area of pension provision. Until 1988, employers were allowed to require their employees to join their pension schemes as part of their terms and conditions of employment. It generally satisfied both parties. A Conservative government then tore up freely negotiated contracts of employment which contained ‘libertarian-paternalistic’ clauses so the employees were free to not join the schemes. The consequence of this intervention was the £12 billion pension mis-selling scandal. The government’s pension auto-enrolment requirements will be doing what employers and employees freely used to decide to do before they were prevented by government. Another nudging idea from the current government does not inspire confidence either. This is the idea of sending to households their next-door neighbour’s electricity and gas bills so that you are nudged (or shamed) into cutting down on energy use. It is worth looking at the results of NBER research on this kind of policy in the USA: Economic viewpoints © 2011 The Author. Economic Affairs © 2011 Institute of Economic Affairs. Published by Blackwell Publishing, Oxford

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Page 1: RESERVATIONS ABOUT THE ‘NUDGE’ PHILOSOPHY

R E S E R V A T I O N S A B O U T T H E‘ N U D G E ’ P H I L O S O P H Y 1

ecaf_2063 121..122

Philip Booth

The government has embraced the Nudge philosophy. Its enthusiasm is misplaced.It undermines freely chosen paternalistic mechanisms and has no guarantee ofproducing better government decision making about whether to intervene in a freeeconomy.

Keywords: Nudge, libertarianism, paternalism.

The new government seems to have embracedthe so-called libertarian/paternalism of the‘Nudge’ philosophy. It is clearly attractiveto Conservatives because it seems novelwithout appearing to smack of marketfundamentalism. The ideas simultaneouslyappeal to the paternalistic wing of the partywithout posing too much of a problem for themore classical liberal wing.

One reservation that I have about ‘Nudge’is not about the basic underlying idea, butabout the likely problems in implementation.The authors of ‘Nudge’ clearly intend thattheir proposals should be an alternative toovert state regulation, but it is difficult to seethem being implemented that way in practice.For example, in the pensions field,auto-enrolment into personal accounts isgoing to be used in addition to all the currentgovernment interference in the provisionof pensions: we will still have agovernment-provided state pension, a ‘secondstate pension’ and continued regulation andtax relief relating to private arrangements.In addition to all this, people will beauto-enrolled into saving through personalaccounts.

A second problem is that of who decidesthe direction in which to nudge people. Thepolitical elite, for example, wish to nudge theyoung to take out pensions but this risksmaking pension mis-selling compulsory.Young people will be saving in a pensionwhilst paying off a mortgage or even payingoff credit card bills: saving and borrowingwith two different financial institutions at thesame time is an expensive business. Of course,the people who will lose out most are thosewho are not sufficiently sophisticated toshoulder barge the nudger and do their ownthing. Nudging does not resolve the problem

as to whether intervention is a good thing atall. If intervention is misplaced, then nudgingis wrong too. In practice, whether to interveneis just as likely to be decided by pressure fromlobby groups or prejudices of politicians as byincisive economic reasoning. The use ofnudging does not improve the quality ofgovernment decision making.

The best form of paternalism is that whichevolves naturally in society without theinterference of government. That is genuine‘libertarian-paternalism’ to use the phrase thatNudge’s authors use. People generally knowwhen they are not the best judges of their owninterests and they often choose to devolvedecisions to others.

Again, we can use an example from thearea of pension provision. Until 1988,employers were allowed to require theiremployees to join their pension schemes aspart of their terms and conditions ofemployment. It generally satisfied bothparties. A Conservative government then toreup freely negotiated contracts of employmentwhich contained ‘libertarian-paternalistic’clauses so the employees were free to not jointhe schemes. The consequence of thisintervention was the £12 billion pensionmis-selling scandal. The government’s pensionauto-enrolment requirements will be doingwhat employers and employees freely used todecide to do before they were prevented bygovernment.

Another nudging idea from the currentgovernment does not inspire confidenceeither. This is the idea of sending tohouseholds their next-door neighbour’selectricity and gas bills so that you are nudged(or shamed) into cutting down on energy use.It is worth looking at the results of NBERresearch on this kind of policy in the USA:

Economicviewpoints

© 2011 The Author. Economic Affairs © 2011 Institute of Economic Affairs. Published by Blackwell Publishing, Oxford

Page 2: RESERVATIONS ABOUT THE ‘NUDGE’ PHILOSOPHY

1. The average change in energy use was just over 1.5% – thisis a very small saving.

2. This translated into a $24 saving a year per household. Asimilar 1.5% saving seems to translate into roughly a £12

saving in the UK – or about £5 per person per year for theaverage household.

3. Low-energy users, on average, increased their energyusage in one study!

4. The average saving includes a group that received monthlyreports on their neighbour’s consumption rather than justquarterly reports. This is significant because the biggestsavings come close to the time when people received theirneighbour’s usage figures. Those receiving quarterlyreports about their neighbour’s usage, in one of thestudies, made savings less than 50% of the savings madeby those receiving monthly reports.

So, if monthly reports on neighbours’ energy use are to berequired, this will be an awful lot of paper, postage and

information collation for a very small saving in energy bills. Ifthe Conservative Party really were both serious and honestabout energy-use issues and not just courting electoralpopularity, they would just propose VAT on domestic fuel atthe standard rate.

All in all, the government would be better focusing on theway in which its own policies nudge or shove people in thewrong direction rather than creating a new form of regulation– albeit one potentially less pernicious than existing forms ofregulation.

1. This article was first published on http://conservativehome.blogs.com/ and isreproduced with permission.

Philip Booth is Editorial and Programme Director, Institute ofEconomics Affairs, and Professor of Insurance and Risk Management,Cass Business School ([email protected]).

122 r e s e r v a t i o n s a b o u t t h e ‘ n u d g e ’ p h i l o s o p h y

© 2011 The Author. Economic Affairs © 2011 Institute of Economic Affairs. Published by Blackwell Publishing, Oxford