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Monday, April 9, 2012

Something New

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“THE SPANISH HOLOCAUST – Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth

Century Spain” by Paul Preston (Harper Collins, $NZ59:99)

“I have supped full with horrors;

Direness, familiar to my slaughterous thoughts,

Cannot once start me.”

So says Macbeth towards the end of his

career as a tyrant. Having committed

and caused so many murders, his moral

sense is numbed. He is desensitised.

He can now hear of an atrocity without

turning a hair.

I’m not a mass-murderer like Macbeth;

only somebody who has read about

mass murder. But Paul Preston’s The

Spanish Holocaust (like Solzhenitsyn’s

The Gulag Archipelago; like Martin

Meredith’s The State of Africa; like any

book that deals with atrocity on the large

scale) is the sort of book that creates

that same sense of numbness. By the

end of its 528 dense pages of text (before over 100 pages of notes,

references and statistics) I felt as if I had been repeatedly struck over the

head. The record of barbarity is so unrelenting that we start reading of

another massacre, another case of torture or rape, another group

execution, without turning a hair. According to a cynic (the phrase is

sometimes attributed to Stalin) “One death is a tragedy. A million deaths is

a statistic”. Here we read of hundreds of thousands of deaths. We sup full

with horrors. We end up reasoning by statistics.

Paul Preston is now Emeritus Professor of the London School of

Economics. The Spanish Holocaust is his tenth substantial book on the

Spanish Civil War and subsequent Spanish history. He has previously

written biographies of General Franco and King Juan Carlos, a general

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of 21Reid's Reader – A Blog of Book Reviews and Comment.: Something New

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account of the causes of the civil war and a general history of the war itself.

Some of his books – like this one – have first been published in a Spanish

edition before the appearance of their English edition. They have been

highly praised in Spain – especially on the Left – for their restoration of a

memory that has continued to be suppressed in the 37 years since Franco

died and democracy was rebuilt. Until very recently, the theory was that

there was no point in recalling – and possibly re-igniting – the passions of

the civil war when Spanish democracy was still a fragile thing. In the

circumstances, a sensible enough theory. But now that the civil war is over

70 years in the past, and its chief perpetrators of atrocities are all dead, the

archives can be scoured, the corpses exhumed (literally in some cases),

the horrors reconstructed. Not without some resistance, mind, but that is

the general Spanish context now.

In the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), approximately half a million people

died. Over half this number were killed in the fighting, bombings and

clashes of opposing armies. But behind the lines, on both sides, about

200,000 were killed in “repression” – that is, in massacres of civilians and

prisoners, terrorist raids, extra-judicial murders, and as a result of

dubiously-conducted “trials”. The repression continued well into the Franco

era, and did not really wind down until the mid-1940s.

The Spanish Holocaust is not a general history of the civil war, but an

account of this repression. It was always known that more were killed by

the Franco side than by the Republican side. (Preston insists on called the

Franco side “rebels” and never uses the term “Nationalists”). But even as

recently as Antony Beevor’s general history of the war The Battle for Spain

(2006), it was thought that the Right had killed “only” about twice as many

as the Left. Beevor suggested that between 30,000 and 40,000 were

murdered by the Republicans; and between 70,000 and 80,000 by the

Francoists. Paul Preston makes it clear that in fact the repression was far

worse on both sides. In round numbers, about 50,000 were murdered by

the Left, and about 150,000 by the Right. This includes Francoist

repression into the 1940s. So the Right committed about three times as

many murders as the Left.

Given inevitable gaps in the evidence (documents and incriminating

material missing or wilfully destroyed), Preston substantiates this history as

fully as he can, concluding the book with a statistical survey of Spain,

province by province. It shows that only in Madrid and Catalonia (the

Republican heartlands during the civil war) was Republican repression

worse than Francoist.

This is invaluable historical documentation and a real contribution to the

historiography of a war which has probably been mythologised and

romanticised more than any other modern war.

The Spanish Holocaust is, however, also a book written to a number of

theses, some of which can be questioned. In Preston’s view, repression on

the Francoist side was planned, deliberate, methodical and systematic – a

conscious attempt to destroy any social groups that could threaten the type

of state Franco intended to build. By contrast, says Preston, repression on

the Republican side was spontaneous and intermittent – the response of

frightened people who feared the worst as Franco’s armies approached,

and who sought to destroy fifth columnists and possible collaborators with

Franco, the “enemy within”. Besides, argues Preston, the official

government of the remaining Republic sometimes attempted to halt or

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mitigate left-wing repression of rightists, and to restore the rule of law. No

such humane concerns were ever shown by the Francoists. Also, Preston

further argues, repression by the Left would never have happened in the

first place without the breakdown of law and order that the right-wing

uprising caused. So, as he sees it, ultimately the 50,000 murdered by the

Left can also be sheeted home to Franco.

Through this lens, then, Preston presents us with long chapters on General

Queipo de Llano’s Francoist forces marching through southern Spain, and

General Mola’s Francoist forces marching through central Spain,

systematically murdering peasants, trade unionists, left-wing teachers,

professionals and intellectuals, regardless of whether or not they had borne

arms or shown any resistance. Frequently Preston reminds us that major

leaders in this Francoist repression were large land-owners, seeking to

punish peasants for daring to support the Republic’s land reforms and in

effect trying to restore the semi-feudal conditions in which they expected

the peasants to live. Later in the war, Francoist repression in the north, and

especially in the Basque country, was directed at destroying regional and

localist feeling that could lead to separation from the centalised Spanish

state Franco intended to create. As Preston tells it, Franco could have

taken Madrid and ended the war much earlier than he did, but he was so

determined to see his repression carried out thoroughly first, that he

sometimes made military strategy a secondary consideration.

Preston emphasises the quasi-racist ideology of the Francoist forces.

Franco’s most efficient troops were battle-hardened regular soldiers who

had fought against Spain’s colonial subjects in north Africa, and were used

to “punishing” their enemies as an inferior people. They brought the same

mentality to the conquered peasants of Spain, seeing them as inferiors to

be terrorised into submission. Paradoxically (in a whole lot of ways), they

were supported by Moorish troops who were often unleashed upon villages

for purposes of mass intimidation by way of massacre, rape and pillage.

In stomach-churning terms, story after story, which I do not have the space

to relate here, is told.

Meanwhile, Preston also has to deal with what was going on in what

remained of the Republic. The very worst, as he sees it, were the

rampages of anarchists through Catalonia, shooting on sight anyone they

even suspected of being a rightist, a priest or capable of being plundered

for profit. There really was a “red terror” even if its scale was exaggerated

for propaganda purposes by the Francoists. Rather reluctantly, too, Preston

has to deal with Communist involvement, and spends many pages working

out exactly who was responsible for one of the most notorious acts of leftist

repression – the massacre of between 2,000 and 3,000 rightist prisoners

held in Madrid jails. In the end, he sees the planning of this massacre as

being largely a Communist initiative (with some Soviet advice and help).

One of the guilty was Carrillo, who resurfaced as the head of the Spanish

Communist party in the first years after Franco.

I hope I have made it clear that I regard this as an important book. I do not

question or take issue with the facts that Preston presents. But as with all

worthwhile books, this is one worth arguing with. There is no such thing as

“neutral” history written without a viewpoint, and I dissent from some

elements of Preston’s “slant” and interpretation of the facts.

I’ll list my criticisms in order.

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First, I think Preston “poisons the well” in preparation for his argument in

some of his opening chapters. He wants to argue that systematic

extermination was planned by rightists even before the war began. Hence

(in the chapter titled “Theorists of Extermination”) he presents us with a

selection of writings by the extreme Right (Fascists, Carlists, authoritarian

monarchists etc.) in the years between 1931 and 1936. Article after article

screeches that Spain should be freed from the “Communist-Masonic-

Jewish” conspiracy that has enslaved the liberal republic. Article after

article calls for a bloody purge of undesirable elements, and a restoration of

imperial, Catholic, traditional Spain. This, concludes Preston, was the very

programme of extermination which Franco put into practice. QED.

I don’t doubt that these hysterical and extremist writings are reported

accurately by Preston. I don’t doubt that, once war began, many rightists

acted as they did because of years of reading this sort of stuff. The trouble

is, as I know from reading (many) books on the Spanish Civil War, an

equally appalling selection of hysterical, intemperate, paranoid ravings

could be compiled from Spanish leftist sources in the same years –

anarchists and syndicalists promoting massacre of the bourgeoisie and the

clergy, varieties of Marxists calling for class war etc.etc. And, when civil war

came, some leftists acted on what they had been taught by their reading.

All we prove is that Spain was a violently-divided political society, and the

“exterminationist” mentality can be detected in anarchists as much as in the

Falange.

Second, Preston clearly has difficulty dealing with the element of the “civil

war within the civil war” which confounds many left-wing attempts to

romanticise the Spanish Civil War. The fact is, there was no firm “united

front” against Franco, and much repression and terror in the Republican

areas came in the form of anarchists or Socialists or Communists

assassinating or shooting one another rather than turning their guns

against Franco. The suppression of the (independent Marxist) P.O.U.M. in

Barcelona was the prime example of this process. Preston blames the

Republican Colonel Casado, in the last stages of the war, for turning

against the Communists and fighting a small “war” against them, in the

hope of surrendering Madrid to Franco with the minimum of reprisals.

Preston says Casado needlessly exposed many people to Franco’s wrath.

But in the circumstances, and given that Franco’s victory by then was just a

matter of time, it is hard to condemn the gamble Casado took, even if it did

not pay off. (As conqueror of Madrid, Franco proceeded to shoot both

Communists and Casado’s supporters.)

Third, while I think Preston is fair and accurate in the way he talks about

the role of the church, I am surprised that he does not draw any general

conclusions about it. Overwhelmingly, the Catholic Church supported

Franco and accepted the propaganda line that he was saving Spain from

destruction by “Reds”. Thousands of Spanish priests and nearly all Spanish

bishops supported the military uprising as a “crusade”. There was even a

small minority of priests who took up arms and joined in the fighting –

Preston gives details on a few who actually participated in massacres, and

he notes how often village priests compiled lists of “undesirables” to smooth

the way for Francoist purges and executions. At the same time clergy were

persecuted and shot in the Republican zone (especially by anarchists),

giving substance to clerical fears; and in the Basque country, priests were

more likely to be shot by Francoists than by Republicans because they

tended to support Basque nationalism. While recounting all this, Preston

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does also tell stories of priests and other clergy who were appalled by

Franco’s repression, who protested against it, and who (when Republican

areas were overrun) tried to put in a good word for Republican supporters

who had treated them well. To put it another way, Preston could have noted

that while thousands of priests supported Franco, hundreds didn’t – and

there is the additional fact that many prominent supporters of the Republic

(like Luis Companys, president of Catalonia, shot by the Francoists) were

also practising Catholics. Catholicism affected Spaniards in a multitude of

ways.

Fourth, without going into the details, I think that – as in some of his other

writings – Preston performs something of a character assassination upon

the prominent pre-civil war Catholic centre-right politician Gil Robles, whom

he describes as “wily” and “hypocritical” and who (by very selective

quotation of Gil Robles’ speeches) he presents as a fascist in the making.

This, I believe, is part of Preston’s programme of pretending that there was

no centre-right in Spain with legitimate grievances against the Republic –

indeed it is part of pretending that Spain was not fairly evenly divided

politically before the civil war (as the results of pre-civil war general

elections prove). Despite all the evidence that he himself presents and

knows about, at least part of Paul Preston is the old Popular Front

romanticist who wants to believe that the Spanish Civil War was a simple

set-to between democrats and “fascists”.

Finally, I dissent from the title and sub-title Preston has chosen, The

Spanish Holocaust – Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century

Spain. Killing 150,000 people is a huge crime against humanity and must

be taken into account whenever Franco and his regime are considered. But

it takes a big leap of imagination to pretend (a.) that it was on the same

scale as the Nazis’ industrialised attempted genocide of Jews, which is

what is now generally understood by “Holocaust”; (b.) that there was any

formal Catholic Church judicial system involved, which is what is meant by

“Inquisition”; and (c.) that it was really a war of “extermination”. While

murdering his perceived enemies, Franco did not “exterminate” a class or a

people. He wanted to make peasants and the working class obedient – not

to wipe them out.

Nothing is added to this story by overstatement.

Remember, I do not raise any of these criticisms to either mitigate or

excuse the repression. I am also aware that in this particular book, Preston

is concentraing on terror, and not writing a full history of the civil war. Some

of the lacunae in The Spanish Holocaust are covered in Preston’s other

books.

In a review that has already rambled on far too long, I conclude by noting

that these matters are still live political issues and can still arouse passions.

All earlier reviews of The Spanish Holocaust that I have read rightly praise

the book as a work of documentation. But if you go on-line you will find

positive reactions to the book inflected by political feelings. For example,

the reviewer for the (conservative) English Daily Telegraph notes that fear

of Stalinism was not irrational and that therefore not all things said by the

Spanish Right before the civil war are to be condemned. By contrast, I have

read one review by an anarchist group which gets very upset at what it

sees as Preston’s “slander” of anarchists.

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Posted by Nicholas Reid at 9:02 AM

Labels: Paul Preston, Something New, THE SPANISH HOLOCAUST – Inquisition and

Extermination in Twentieth Century Spain

Reactions:

You will find an even greater array of ideological positions than this in

reactions to The Spanish Holocaust. My own viewpoint doubtless inflects

the review you have just read.

None of this alters the fact that The Spanish Holocaust is now essential

reading on the Spanish Civil War.

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1 comment:

Paul Preston April 9, 2012 at 11:35 PM

Paul Preston here. Thank you for your very thoughtful and interesting review which I

have linked to my facebook page where you will see my comments that the only thing

with which I would take real issue is the idea that I compare what happened in Spain to

what the Nazis and their allies did in ALL of occupied Europe. I explicitly do not do

that. That aside, a very nutritious review.

Reply

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