re-development: the politics of slums in mumbai metro region
DESCRIPTION
Final paper for GSD 5201: Urban Politics and Land-Use Policy. Prof. Susan Fainstein. Fall 2006.TRANSCRIPT
Mumbai is the largest city in a country, India, whose population has just crossed the one billion mark (one-sixth of the world’s population). The city’s population is at least 12 million (more, if we include the growing edges of the twin city, New Mumbai, that has been built across Thane Creek). This means a population totaling 1.2 per cent of one-sixth of the world’s population…
…About 40 per cent of the population (about 6 million persons) live in slums or other degraded forms of housing (the term “slum” is a formally defined settlement category in India and its use here follows that designation). Another 5-10 per cent are pavement dwellers. Yet, according to one recent estimate, slum dwellers occupy only 8 per cent of the city’s land, which totals about 43,000 hectares. The rest of the city’s land is either industrial, middle- and high-income housing or vacant land in the control of the city, the state (regional or federal) or private owners. The bottom line is 5-6 million poor people living in sub-standard conditions in 8 per cent of the land area of a city smaller than the two New York City boroughs of Manhattan and Queens. (Appadurai, 2001: 27).
This paper investigates the urban politics of Mumbai slums post-1991. Throughout the
second half of the 20th century, international development policy has deployed various
strategies to address the slum problem in cities of the former colonies post-
independence. Mumbai is today India’s industrial, commercial, financial and
entertainment hub; and yet 5-6 million Mumbaikars live in slums and on the streets,
about half the total urban population. If political participation is understood as the joint
capacity and willingness of individuals and groups to communicate personal preference
and to collectively pressure for personally-beneficial change, then the issue of equality is
uniquely charged in Bombay. Despite citizens, businesses and institutions operating
variously along a spectrum of formal to informal economies, i.e. within hybridized zones
of legality, nearly all maintain a voice within party-based electoral politics. In addition, a
broad array of social movements continuously challenge the dominant regimes of power.
By exploiting both tracks of participation, slum-dwellers have emerged as a non-trivial
political lobby within a city dominated by powerful real estate interests.
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Beginning with the question of how much power slum-dwellers have in Mumbai, this
paper seeks to understand the dual relationship of slum-dwellers’ collective influence on
official government policy, versus the impact of official policy on the welfare of slum-
dwellers. Mumbai’s decades-long shift in policy from Slum Clearance to Slum
Upgrading and ultimately to Slum Redevelopment suggests a positive valuation of the
rights of illegal slum-dwellers compared to conventional private property rights. However,
slum-dwellers remain at a critical disadvantage in realizing their particular objectives: the
economic trajectory of Bombay increasingly marginalizes the slum workforce; a half-
century of urban development agendas have failed to improve opportunities for slum-
dwellers; and the responsibility delegated to successive administrations has not
generated results on the ground commensurate to those promised by campaign slogans.
The issue of housing rights, and the related debate over living conditions more generally,
remains central to the struggle for control over both the city and the power to regulate it.
// Outline
The first section outlines an historical sequence of international development policy with
respect to substandard housing stock and low-income settlements. The second section
highlights key issues concerning housing and the politics of poverty unique to Mumbai.
The third section considers a slum redevelopment case study project in Mumbai, the
Markandeya Cooperative Housing Society. The fourth section in conclusion tests the
political agency of Mumbai slum-dwellers against the global power structure.
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//1 Politics of Slums
In his 2006 book Planet of Slums, Mike Davis argues that the planning problem for the
21st century will be accommodating the rise of a new urban proletariat, situated in
informal settlements. The statistics he cites propose that the “global countryside” will
contract demographically after 2020 and that cities alone will drive expansion toward a
maximum population of 10 billion in 2050. “Ninety-five percent of this final buildout of
humanity will occur in the urban areas of developing countries, whose populations will
double to nearly 4 billion over the next generation.” (Davis, 2006: 2). While the number
of people living in Chinese, Indian and Brazilian cities is today equivalent to that of
Europe and North America, projected urbanization in developing countries will outpace
by several orders of magnitude the historical development of first-generation modern
urban geographies. Although observations regarding this trend predate Davis’ work (see
Hay, 1977: 74), the contemporary discourse is increasingly divergent in its view of the
new urbanization as a process completely outside the West.
How, then, does and might planning operate outside “developed” cities? That is to say,
if the discipline of planning, as practiced in the cities of the so-called First World and
taught according to a general pedagogy formulated in schools of the northern
hemisphere, derives from issues that confronted Western society immediately following
World War II—what is the parallel narrative within urban conglomerations of the Global
South? Whereas 20th-century housing policy in Europe moved from state-organized
reconstruction to urban micromanagement, and in the United States sponsored nation-
wide suburban sprawl, the issues confronting “developing” cities are historically different:
higher rates of natural population increase contributed a basic stress on planning
strategy; urban migration mirrored a struggle for power between rural and urban
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constituencies over limited government financial investment; newly independent
countries sought to revamp administrative and bureaucratic structures according to
postcolonial logics; unchecked urbanization without adequate land policy reform failed to
impede patterns of slum settlement. The dependence of developing countries on
international aid and lending agencies ensured that policy debates were neither local nor
national, but rather linked at any given time to an on-going debate regarding
international development planning. If the global condition of slums today was born of
the developing world, the developed world—in joint capacity of economic advisor and
financier—was the midwife.
This “history of ideas” begins with the default policy of slum clearance adopted by most
developing countries in the middle of the 20th-century. Slum clearance involves
relocation of slum-dwellers to publicly-financed housing off-site in order to accommodate
new for-profit development. Projects at this large scale were entirely consonant with not
only grand nationalistic visions of Western-style industrialized progress, but also urban
renewal schemes initiated during the same period by city planning boards in the United
States and Europe. Razing urban blight was deemed a necessary step toward modern,
high-density, high- and mid-rise construction. However, this model of public housing
failed to be cost-effective in the context of developing countries especially.
Simultaneous with skepticism on the part of Western lenders, as well as borrower
governments’ disillusionment with a purely Western model, a new group of scholars
offered a revised approach to dealing with the slum problem. Inverting the conventional
wisdom regarding the spatial and economic systems of squatter settlements, the new
paradigm proposed that instead of degrading the urban environment, informal
communities could represent a constructive resource for development, or to use Lisa
Peattie’s emblematic term, “slums of hope.” (Peattie, 1969).
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The alternative framework put forward by the likes of Peattie, Colin Ward, Charles
Abrams, John Turner, John Habraken and a host of others, led initially to slum upgrading
and later to sites-and-services schemes. The premise of slum upgrading is that
providing slum-dwellers with legal title to their land will, as a direct result of secure land
tenure, facilitate incremental, self-financed improvement. This process maintains social
networks and proximity to location-based jobs, and avoids placing slum-dwellers into
culturally-alienating apartment blocks. Sites-and-services projects usually entail
relocation of slum-dwellers to cheaper peri-urban land, allowing nominal savings in
construction costs since the government funds only basic utilities and infrastructure,
while residents are responsible for building their own units. Turner, who became the
most influential leader of this school in terms of his direct impact on international
development policy, typifies his philosophy of “housing by people” in his favoring of the
“supportive shack” over the “oppressive house.” (Turner, 1976: 54-59). During the final
decades of the 20th century, alongside participatory planning, the general principle of
“enablement” emerged as the major trend within international development policy. A
corruption of Turner’s argument for locally-sensitive process, the new enabling strategy
rejected his social understanding of housing (use-value) for the economic model of
housing as commodity (exchange-value), emphasizing decentralization, deregulated
housing markets and demand-driven housing delivery. (Hamdi, 1991).
//2 Power Relations and Mumbai’s Housing Policy
Evolving strategies of slum management in the Mumbai metropolitan region are jointly a
function of externally-induced international development policy and of localized urban
politics. During the 1970s official policy in the city moved from Slum Clearance to Slum
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Improvement, in keeping with the 1976 endorsement of human rights and community
empowerment at the UN conference in Vancouver, and as ideas like those of Turner and
of Peattie’s “slums of hope” began to gain currency. In 1985 the Maharashtra
government offered slum-dwellers legal title to land and assistance with housing finance
and infrastructure under a World Bank-funded Slum Upgrading Program (SUP). When
international development agencies later advocated a shift from provision of low-income
housing to enabling, the central government of India drafted the 1988 National Housing
Policy (NHP). The NHP aimed to re-invigorate privatized housing delivery through land
and regulatory reform, to support improved options for housing finance, and to partner
with community-based NGOs. Two successive versions of Mumbai’s slum
redevelopment housing policy, the 1991 Slum Redevelopment Scheme (SRD) and the
1995 Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS), gave increasing incentives for private
developers to cross-subsidize new on-site housing for slum-dwellers. While the direction
of housing policy over these three decades mirrors trends in development planning
globally, the specific politics of the Mumbai context played a key role in the city’s slum
redevelopment policy.
Economic re-structuring over the last half of the 20th century polarized Mumbai’s political
and cultural geography between the interests of global business and of the urban poor.
Collapse of the textile industry, which established modern Bombay and at one point
employed three-quarters of the population, led to more diversified manufacturing and
significant growth in commerce and the financial sector. At the same time that the
formal economy fought for a business-friendly environment of deregulation, the lower
classes struggled against marginalization. Analysis of urban policy during this period
suggests that slum-dwellers retained collective agency largely through the democratic
electoral process. The interrelationship of communalism, class and party politics also
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indicates that the slum-dweller demographic is not homogenous and operates more
complexly in the urban power dynamics of Mumbai.
Bombay has always been a city of commerce. Unlike British-built Calcutta, construction
of 19th century Bombay was principally financed by a non-British, “native” merchant
class. During this period, the city’s economic base expanded from maritime trading to
include a robust textiles and related manufacturing sector. Textiles became the primary
engine of industrialization and economic growth in the 1860s, when the U.S. Civil War
limited access to American cotton, and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869
consolidated Bombay’s role in intercontinental trade. By the 1930s the textiles industry
employed nearly three-quarters of the urban population. Decline of the textiles industry
began toward the end of the 1970s; instead of updating obsolete manufacturing
technologies, the established class of textile moguls alternately mismanaged finances or
reinvested in emerging industries such as engineering and pharmaceuticals.
Diversification of Bombay’s industrial economy throughout the middle half of the 20th
century together with modernization of the city’s financial services marked a shift from
labor-intensive to capital-intensive production. However, the robust trade union lobby,
inherited through the organization lineage of earlier independence movements and
political activism, contested any reduction in jobs or pay. The State propped up
unprofitable mills until the unsuccessful 1982-83 union strike phased in mass downsizing
and unemployment. From 1976 to 1991, jobs in the textiles industry fell by half to 12.5
percent of total workforce, or 400,000. Some research credits this reduction with
increasing undocumented textiles-related work and the rise of Bombay’s informal
economy overall. (Patel, 2003: 19). Between 1961 and 1991, the informal sector grew
from half to two-thirds of the city’s total employment. (Joshi, 2006: 155).
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Disintegration of the textile industry had major consequences beyond large-scale flux
from employment in the formal economy to the informal. The highly organized mill
workforce lost its monolithic political voice; unions persisted piecemeal in the factories
that remained operational, and resurfaced in advocacy movements and social
cooperatives but with atomized power. Also, the mills had been required by law to
provide worker housing (known as chawls, the typology of modest apartments arranged
around 3-4-story courtyards is unique to Bombay); the decline of the mills left a vacuum
in low-income housing delivery. Although the squatter presence predates
independence, the flood of rural immigrants in search of jobs increased Bombay’s slum
footprint. During the wave of migration between 1941 and 1971, two-thirds of the urban
population were migrants (Patel, 2003: 8); by 1981, 70 percent were more than 10 years
resident (D’Monte, 2002: 59). Analysis of the 1991 census suggests that a slight
majority (55 percent) of Mumbai’s population were slum-dwellers at that time
(Panwalkar, 1996). More generous estimates which include chawls within the settlement
category of slum range as high as 70 percent (Sundaram, 1989). More than half of slum
households earn above the poverty-line. (Joshi, 2006: 155).
Such a high proportion of slum housing is a response to incredibly expensive real estate
and lack of affordable housing—Mumbai land values multiplied seven-fold in the period
1966-1981 (Mukhija, 2003, 28) and three-fold between 1986-96 (Tiwari et al, 1999:
1784). Several laws and planning guidelines have exacerbated the interrelationship of
real estate, housing availability, and land-use in metropolitan Bombay. The Bombay
Rents, Hotel Rates, and Lodging House Rates Control Act of 1947, or Rent Act,
stabilized the rents of certain properties at 1940 rates. Although planned as short-term
legislation to counter postwar speculation, it has been extended to the present day.
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Because heirs to a property retain the legal right to extend the lease (independent from
landlord consent) at the same original rate, owners are unable to profit from these
properties. Consequently, thousands of buildings without landlord maintenance are in
disrepair; and as many as 400,000 units are held vacant by owners to avoid dispute over
tenant occupancy. (Mehta, 2004: 115). India’s national policy of liberalization
introduced in 1991 further aggravated Bombay’s housing crisis. When the country
plunged into the global market economy, the annual rate of growth jumped from 5.6
percent during the 1980s to 7.5 percent in the mid-1990s (Das, 2000: 29); Bombay was
the epicenter. Before the shock of structural adjustment peaked in 1995, bloated
corporate portfolios and forex reserves inflated the city’s property values to levels higher
than Manhattan and downtown Tokyo (Patel, 2003: 21).
Another national policy which has precipitated negative results locally in Mumbai is the
Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act of 1976 (ULCRA). In India, land use falls under
state jurisdiction, not that of the central government. Passed instead as a constitutional
amendment (No. 44), ULCRA extended government control over private property rights,
in theory as a preventative measure against land monopoly. In Metropolitan Bombay,
the Maharashtra state government could re-allocate vacant parcels over 500 sq-m to a
public land trust for redevelopment in the public interest. (Desai, 1995: 125). The
Mumbai Housing and Area Development Board utilized a quarter of one-percent, or 65
hectares, of the total 26,000 hectares made available, building 4,500 flats and using 10
hectares for the Bombay Urban Development Project, a sites and services scheme
sponsored by the World Bank. Private parties abused the system whereby they were
eligible for exemptions if they incorporated low-income housing on-site. A chief
minister’s quota (10 percent of government-appropriated units) was exploited for political
favors. (Narayanan, 2003: 183). After the ULCRA amendment was repealed in 1999,
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current plans are to replicate the bill at the state level, despite the fact that in contrast to
the purportedly egalitarian intention, large landowners, developers, and politicos were by
far the main beneficiaries.
Lastly, the expanded scope of the regional plans issued by the Mumbai Metropolitan
Region Development Authority (MMRDA) between the period of 1973-74 and that of
1996-2011 put in place a policy framework for Greater Mumbai. The 1973-74 MMRDA
Regional Plan set a precedent for de-concentration, seeking to direct labor-intensive
industries outside the city center via an incentive-based approach for the private sector.
This strategy of de-concentration, although not entirely successful, did begin a decades-
long trend of spatial reorganization—less a complete transfer from central city to the
suburbs than engulfment of the suburbs by the Island City. The 1996-2011 MMRDA
Regional Plan additionally calls for a foundation of public-private partnership:
“[objectives] cannot be achieved through sole reliance on public investment, achieved through sole reliance on public investment, regulations and controls. It calls for an approach that would facilitate increased investment by private sector in infrastructure and other developments, enable appropriate structural changes in the region’s economy and permit adoption of land-use policies that respond to market potential.” (MMRDA, 1995)
This recommended policy of enabling suggests both the influence of latest-generation
international development policy as well as recognition of the fiscal challenges inherent
in the MMRDA trying to operate independently in the cost-prohibitive environment of
contemporary Mumbai. The plan also notes that emerging trends in the metro region,
such as inverse rates of growth between manufacturing and financial services jobs,
require more office space and could increase Bombay’s global share in offshore
technical and financial support. Today Bombay is one of world’s leading centers for
Business Process Outsourcing (BPO), and 32 percent of India’s software engineers
work along the Bombay-Pune “Knowledge Corridor.” (www.maharashtraitparks.com).
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Proposed measures such as reforming the Rent Act and providing for more flexible land-
use planning were not fully realized; however, the revised policy of de-congestion via a
polyvalent regional network of business districts is now under implementation.
The island geography of Bombay’s urban core problematizes the comparative
distribution of housing and jobs. Historically, the Central Business District (CBD)
developed adjacent to the port, located at the southernmost tip of Bombay Island.
Despite regional dispersal of textile mills and the industries that followed, the CBD and
Bombay Island provide 55 percent of employment while two-thirds of the total population
live in suburbs to the north. (D’Monte, 2002: 21). The 1996-2011 MMRDA Regional
Plan seeks to re-direct job growth to new business districts across the harbor in the
Belapur CBD of Navi Mumbai and in the inner suburb of Bandra-Kurla. Controversal
legislation separate from the MMRDA directive allowed mill owners to develop former
factory sites, originally ceded in the public interest of rapid industrialization, through
privately-funded adaptive re-use. Much like the flagrant abuse of ULCRA exemptions for
the “rehabilitation” of low-income housing, new office and market-rate high-rise projects
on redeveloped mill lands yield huge profits for private builders; it is of course no
surprise that laid off workers do not share in the financial gains of redevelopment.
Apart from the Rent Act, the primary focus of these policy initiatives is top-level
economic development. The patterns of their implementation demonstrate the
composite priority of policy-makers with respect to power dynamics in the city. The lack
of housing affordable to low- and middle-income Mumbaikars has been abundantly clear
for decades. At the same time, re-orientation of Mumbai’s economy from the textiles
industry to a diversified commercial and financial sector has warranted considerable
attention in terms of regional policy. What is particularly revealing is the systemic failure
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to execute those measures that specifically address the housing needs of citizens, as
opposed to the regulation of industry or the demands of the formal business community.
Post-liberalization, government policy changed from provider to facilitator. However, in
both the previous period and in the decade and a half since, the rhetoric of planning has
not translated into improved conditions on the ground. The defeatist attitude would be
that Bombay is such an extreme geography of disparate economic circumstances that
planning can be only marginally effective. The argument that official policy objectives
are perennially compromised because of an all-powerful nexus of big business, real
estate and government has long moved past conspiracy theory to become a widely-held
attitude amongst Mumbaikars. (Mehrotra et al, 2006).
In contrast to regional issues of economic development (MMRDA, etc.), policy strategy
regarding Mumbai’s informal settlements, beginning with the 1971 Slum Area
(Improvement, Clearance and Rehabilitation) Act and the 1976 slum area census,
bracketed subsets of the slum-dwelling population as a quasi-legitimate demographic
and acknowledged their collective development interests. Previous tactics of wholesale
demolition of illegal hutments under the 1956 Slum Clearance legislation had proved
unsuccessful; such basic structures can and were rebuilt within hours after the
bulldozers left, and bureaucratic inefficiencies hindered proposed resettlement in public
housing elsewhere. Slum-dwellers also unified as a significant political pressure against
displacement and the new policy of Slum Improvement recognized that the informal
socio-economic systems that support slum settlements preclude their wholesale
uprooting from the urban landscape.
Unlike the standard perception of slums according to the literature, Mumbai slums are
embedded in the city itself, not the periphery, and are generally irregular in their layout
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with small plots. (Mukhija, 2003: 98). This translates to added costs and difficulty in
introducing improved infrastructure and public amenities. Partly for these reasons,
World Bank intervention re-organized the first round Slum Improvement policy into one
with decreased government investment in infrastructure; the 1985 Slum Upgrading
Program required participants to pay in full for improvements to existing slum housing
stock, although long-term lease agreements involved cooperatives of slum-dwellers (no
individual property rights or permanent ownership).
Illustrating the competing agendas of international aid groups and indigenous party
politics, the Central Government of India sponsored an alternative model for slum
redevelopment during the same year, the Prime Minister’s Grant Project (PMGP) of
1985. The PMGP addressed slum redevelopment by combining state-awarded subsidy
grants with 20 percent bonus FAR for private development, in order to make it possible
for slum-dwellers to self-finance purchase of new housing built in higher density on
former slum sites. Following the lead of the Prime Minister of India, a Congress Party
member, the Congress-controlled Maharashtra state government rolled out this strategy
at a larger scale through the 1991 Slum Redevelopment Scheme (SRD). SRD allowed
private developers to build additional FAR on sites where they paid to re-house existing
slum-dwellers in new housing on-site (2.5 maximum FAR); it also capped profits to 25
percent return on investment.
The 1995 Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS) followed the SRD as a program for slum-
dwellers with even higher political expectations; the Shiv Sena political party exploited
the proposed policy during campaigning to consolidate power at both state and
municipal levels. SRS increased incentives for private developers by eliminating the
profit cap and opening a new market for selling un-used FAR with Transfer Development
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Rights (TDR) certificates; slum-dwellers, no longer responsible for any payment toward
their new “rehabilitation” housing, received property tax breaks from the government and
both new housing and payments toward maintenance from the private developer. Once
elected, the Sena created a special state agency, the Slum Redevelopment Authority, to
fast-track SRS slum redevelopment projects; and in 1998 founded Shivshahi
Punarvasan Prakalp Limited (SPPL), a state government-run slum redevelopment group
charged with hiring private developers as contractors under SRS. In time, this attitude
toward slum redevelopment became reflective of the broader enablement strategy, given
its dual potential for enabling both private housing delivery as well as improved
opportunities for slum-dwellers.
// Slum Redevelopment: Policy
The correlation between elections and policy demonstrates that slum-dwellers in toto do
affect policy and are not entirely disenfranchised politically. Mumbai slum-dwellers
actually vote far more than wealthier demographics; some slum areas have as much as
88 percent voter turnout, compared to 12 percent in Malabar Hill. Thug-enforced high
voter turnout in some slums, quasi-sanctioned by political parties, suggests that slum-
dwellers constitute a vote bank easily manipulated by politicians. (Mehta, 2004: 68).
However, as constituents slum-dwellers do not represent a homogenous political block,
given the myriad divisions along religious, ethnic, caste, linguistic-cultural and even
economic lines. (Das, 2003: 227). A general distinction may be possible between class-
based experiences of modernity in the Mumbai: a nationalist movement of upper-class
elites versus a regionalist working-class of native Marathi-speakers. (Patel, 2003: 4).
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However, inter-party political competition illustrates more fluid and layered affiliations.
The politics of slums in Mumbai also depends on relationships between socio-political
communities of the metro region: South Indians, especially from Tamil Nadu, who were
among the first slum-dwellers (6 percent); North Indians, representing the latest wave of
migrants during the 1980s, mainly from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh (15 percent); Muslims,
although historically a major presence in the city but increasingly targets of religious
animosity (17 percent); scheduled-castes (6.5 percent) and Dalits (12 percent), who
despite high profile activism such as the Dalit Panthers Movement during the 1970s
have now returned to mainstream party politics. (Vora and Palshikar, 2003).
For the first decades after independence, the Congress Party administered at all levels
of government under a nationalist banner of secularism and unification. The Congress
Party of India formed from the Indian National Congress, a body founded in 1885 that
spearheaded India’s independence movement. The party attracted its Mumbai base
from within organized mill labor; the communist unions endorsed its social democratic
platform and shared common roots in the independence movement. In 1985, the Prime
Minister of India, a Congress Party member, introduced the Prime Minister’s Grant
Project in part to win back low-income voters who were defecting to the Shiv Sena.
The Shiv Sena party gained control of the Mumbai municipal council the same year; its
slogan was, “Mumbai for the Maharashtrians.” The Sena descended from the Samyukta
Maharastra Movement that championed the 1960 split of what was then Bombay State
into Maharashtra and Gujurat. Central to its Hindu-centric, regionalist agenda was
combating alleged discrimination against Marathi-speakers, 42.6 percent of Bombay’s
population in 1987-88. (Vora and Palshikar, 2003: 162). After the Sena’s anti-slum,
anti-immigrant campaign revealed that slums housed their largest vote block, they
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pledged instead to improve the Congress Party’s policy of slum redevelopment. With
the mantra “free housing for all,” the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party alliance captured
the Maharashtra state government in 1995. The Shiv Sena is often blamed for stoking
the communal fires, leading to flare-ups such as the 1992-93 Hindu riots and retaliatory
Muslim bombings. The Shiv Sena lost in the 1999 elections—when the “free housing”
never materialized.
// Slum Redevelopment: Performance
The failure of slum redevelopment to live up to its political hype implies that victory at the
polls may bring about policy initiatives favorable to slum-dwellers but does not
necessarily cause positive benefits for slum-dwellers on the ground. This disconnection
between policy and policy performance is readily apparent under the Shiv Sena
government: while the Shiv Sena promised 200,000 new private developer-financed
apartments for slum-dwellers by the year 2000, the actual number of SRS units built by
the new millennium was 3486. Clearly, the nature of competitive electoral politics in
Mumbai motivates government administrations at both the state and municipal level to
pass legislation favorable to slum-dwellers, in order to reinforce party loyalty and political
support. However, the subsequent ouster of the same political parties because of
underperforming policy reveals not only performance-based accountability, but also
fundamental breakdowns of the planning structure.
There are several explanations for the poor performance of slum redevelopment policy
in the period 1985 to 2000. As a policy family, all slum redevelopment initiatives sought
to capitalize on the inherent value of urban land: developers have the greatest incentive
to participate in slum redevelopment when land values in Mumbai are at the highest
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levels (i.e. 1993-1995); and developer incentive is predicated on the implicit attraction of
the opportunity to build to FAR higher than the artificially low zoning regulations in
Mumbai (1.33 in Bombay Island). Thus regulation of development rights is critical to the
foundational logic of slum redevelopment; the lack of FAR regulation pervasive in
Bombay (i.e. builder’s routinely building higher than permits allow) compromises the
viability of incentivized slum redevelopment.
A second aspect of slum redevelopment is that location matters: prime real estate is
more likely to be redeveloped because it will generate larger profits for the same
investment. Consequently there is wide range in terms of slum location and therefore
the appeal of slum redevelopment, from a developer’s perspective. The conventional
view of Bombay’s slums is that they occupy undesirable and unhealthy sites, e.g. “low-
lying areas…on marshy lands, on garbage dumps, near cemeteries, adjacent to railroad
tracks, and under high tension wires.” (Swaminathan, 2003: 92). There are also
relationships between private developers who may sanction “official” slums to house
workers and subsequent accretions of “illegal” slums, such as with the World Trade
Center projects and Colaba. It is not fair to argue that a policy such as either SRD or
SRS applies equally to all slum-dwellers when there are marked distinctions between
slum communities based on pre-existing spatial geographies of the city—some slum
locations appeal far more to developers, whereas others are unlikely to justify developer
expense in financing new slum-dweller housing, despite increased FAR allowances.
A final factor central to the performance of slum redevelopment policy can be termed
“social dynamics.” (D’Monte, 2002: 45). The overarching goal of the slum
redevelopment project—i.e., government support for demand-driven mechanisms to
replace slum housing, through the combined deregulation of housing markets, revising
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private property rights, and restructuring mortgage finance—ultimately depends on
cooperation between private developers, contractors, builders on one hand, and slum-
dwellers, and community-based organizations which may represent them, on the other.
However, the contested history of Mumbai’s slums and the land they occupy justifies the
reluctance on the part of many slum-dwellers to trust developers (or government, for that
matter). That is to say, the very process of decentralization, which was intended to
restore productive partnership between stakeholders, was instead limited under
unresolved disequilibria of power.
//3 Squatters as Developers
This section shifts from policy at a regional or city-wide level to that of community at the
neighborhood scale: focusing on processes of public-private cooperation under slum
redevelopment, the concept of “social dynamics” will be explored as a critical interface in
the delivery of low-income housing in Mumbai. The most thoroughly documented case
study of a single Mumbai slum redevelopment project is Vinit Mukhija’s analysis of the
Markandeya Cooperative Housing Society (MCHS). (Mukhija, 2003). This section will
first describe the history of the MCHS redevelopment program according to Mukhija’s
findings; at that point, it becomes possible to evaluate the larger political dimensions of
slum redevelopment policy in this context.
Mukhija's argument that slum redevelopment—in which a given site is redeveloped at
higher density and squatters are re-housed on-site—is a viable alternative to both slum
clearance and slum upgrading requires active, sustained and flexible government
leadership. The 12-year MCHS project became possible after the Maharashtra state
government revised land development regulations in order to jointly increase land values
19
and developer profit. Under what Mukhija terms a “differentiated view of property rights,”
which expands the more limited conventions of private property rights to include
common property rights, slum-dwellers are able to leverage their existing housing stock
as equity toward new, developer-sponsored housing on-location, and to benefit
financially as a community through profit-sharing. However, this enabling strategy
demands that government play the role of mediator between competing interests of the
private sector and re-housed slum communities.
The Markandeya Cooperative Housing Society originally formed in response to the
opportunity for redevelopment under the Prime Minister’s Grant Project (PMGP) in 1987.
The PMGP was to provide 30-year, renewable leases to cooperatives of slum-dwellers,
established with assistance from the PMGP housing authority. These leases could then
become the platform for cooperatives to receive housing financing from third party
lenders. The Markandeya neighborhood within Dharavi, the largest slum in Mumbai and
arguably Asia, was among the areas slated for first-phase redevelopment: 92 of the 250
families in residence organized the Markandeya Cooperative Housing Society (the other
families were all part of the padmashali caste and formed a separate group).
The next year, the MCHS opted to retain the basic fiscal support of the PMGP (15
percent grant and 20 percent interest-free loan) but to develop their properties
independently, in collaboration with the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource
Centers (SPARC). SPARC, an established Mumbai-based NGO with substantial
international ties, was already contesting the PMGP approach and by joining forces with
the MCHS was able to mount a direct challenge to the housing authority. The PMGP
scheme at first called for displacing 20,000 families from Dharavi in order to house the
remaining 35,000 families in mid-rise apartment blocks. SPARC subsequently carried
20
out an intensive census of the Dharavi slum and determined that the PMGP plan would
more likely displace 65,000 families. SPARC’s alternative proposal, strategically titled
the “People’s Plan,” sought to accommodate all Dharavi residents without relocation in
self-managed 1-2 story units. Given this new political pressure (slum-dwellers
collectively feared they would be among those displaced), the PMGP scaled back the
initiative to redevelopment of 3,800 units; the majority of the area would be eligible only
for a more modest policy of slum upgrading.
The partnership between SPARC and MCHS began as mutually-beneficial. SPARC
sought a demonstration project as proof of concept to legitimize their planning advocacy.
SPARC made several key claims about their alternative model: beginning with the
assumption that unlike middle-class preferences, mid-rise living was inappropriate for
low-income groups, and that slum-dwellers were more comfortable with communal
bathrooms and associated lifestyle, SPARC argued that slum-dwellers could achieve
larger unit size through the joint cost savings of building lower apartments (1-2 stories
instead of 4-5 stories), and by self-managing the project avoid the surcharge of
bureaucratic inefficiency and corruption. SPARC’s core mission is to promote self-
sufficiency; consequently, the organization maintained a stance against for-profit
developers who might compromise the cooperative’s egalitarian effort. MCHS served to
benefit from SPARC’s leadership through both the NGOs administrative expertise and
political connections.
However, the back story of SPARC intervention (i.e. highly-visible public opposition to
the PMGP) led to an antagonistic relationship between the MCHS project committee and
government decision-makers. Mukhija goes so far as to say that, “The MCHS became
the battleground for the next phase of struggle between the PMGP and
21
SPARC.” (Mukhija, 2003: 48). Although the PMGP did not rescind its partial subsidy, it
did refuse to extend either any direct housing loans or to guarantee third party financing.
Similarly, the PMGP declined to recommend a formal land-lease from the Mumbai
Municipal Corporation (which owned the land), on the grounds that the PMGP was not
responsible for the MCHS-SPARC joint venture. In order to move construction forward,
SPARC became increasingly responsible for project financing. SPARC used its own
funds on an assumed temporary basis to provide a bridge loan and partial bank
guarantee. When the Housing and Urban Development Corporation, an Indian public
lending agency, suspended its line of credit, SPARC orchestrated a new bank guarantee
from Servicio Latino American Asiatico Vivienda Popular (SELAVIP), a Belgian
development fund, and the Bank of Liechtenstein. SPARC took on added liability, but
the new funds were disbursed to the MCHS. When the PMGP and Municipal
Corporation finally granted the land-lease, the MCHS balked at the increased debt
burden of a mortgage, the original financing strategy; SPARC subsequently held the
land-lease as collateral until the conclusion of the project.
At this juncture, five years after SPARC signed onto the MCHS project, and with
construction still at the first-floor level, MCHS shifted allegiance to a private developer.
SPARC claims that the new arrangement emerged solely from talks between the MCHS
and the contractor-developer, Shyambhai Patel. Regardless, SPARC was in effect “cut
out” of negotiations, since Patel offered to finance the remaining construction himself if
the project proceeded according to the new Slum Redevelopment Scheme (SRD)
legislation of 1991. When the Maharashtra state government re-structured SRD as the
Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS) in 1995 the contractor and MCHS agreed to upgrade
the project status accordingly. The new terms of the SRS—the Shiv Sena’s “free
housing” plan—stipulated that slum-dwellers receiving “rehabilitated” housing had no
22
financial obligation. The developer could build to twice the zoning standard (FAR of 2.5
instead of 1.33) and could also opt to make use of Transfer Development Certificates to
build the bonus square footages elsewhere in the city, or to sell that right on the open
market. Over a decade after the project began, MCHS finally moved into the bottom
three floors of a 5-story development. The top two floors were market-rate units for the
developer, who also acquired Transfer Development Rights for the un-used FAR.
Counter to the SRS mandate of “free housing,” MCHS residents paid Rs.35,000 each for
apartments with a market value over ten times higher, and the cooperative also received
a slush fund toward future maintenance paid for by the developer, and property tax relief
from the municipal government. After government arbitration, SPARC was awarded a
number of units to sell as compensation for SPARC’s earlier expenditures.
Mukhija’s study compares the behavior of the various players (the local and state
government, slum-dwellers, NGOs and private developers) against those anticipated
according to international development literature. The government, which was the land-
owner of most sites scheduled for redevelopment, had the civic and legal authority to
evict slum-dwellers (although in some instances, slum-dwellers were entitled to partial
compensation); instead, the State granted perhaps disproportionate benefits to the same
informal communities who are usually considered the least empowered. Slum-dwellers,
who are generally assigned a preference for slum upgrading (i.e. receiving land titles to
their existing properties), in this case favored slum redevelopment. NGOs, often
idealized as community-based and process-oriented, rather than power-hungry and
profit-driven, demonstrated clear political and financial self-interest. Private developers,
despite being a species motivated by the bottom-line, voluntarily entered into
development strategies that compromised potential profit.
23
These actions, which may deviate from expected patterns, nevertheless are not
inconsistent under more considered analysis. Although the government forfeits
immediate profits by selling land essentially for free, the SRS procedure increases
property values and therefore property tax revenue. At the same time, the government
is able to appease two opposing constituencies; slum-dwellers receive new, more
valuable housing for free, in the same location, and builders access new land for
development, generating profits that would not be possible without bonus FAR from the
SRS arrangements.
The collective decision-making of the MCHS reveals several attitudes relevant to
Mumbai slum-dwellers overall. It is quite apparent that members of MCHS perceived of
their (new) housing not primarily as shelter, but as real estate. (Mukhija, 2003: 98).
Similarly, SPARC decided, on behalf of the slum-dwellers and supposedly taking their
lifestyles into account, that mid-rise living was not appropriate for low-income residents,
and that slum-dwellers preferred communal bathrooms. However, Mukhija records that
the most sought-after housing in the new building was on the upper levels, and that
when the developer tendered the option of paying for private bathrooms, most MCHS
who could afford opted to do so. Both of these decisions were prompted by a clear
understanding of real estate markets, and demonstrate the MCHS slum-dwellers’ ready
appropriation of hugely subsidized housing as their individual private asset. It is too
easy to oversimplify slum-dweller preferences or to idealize the social networks and
relations within slums.
The process that took a decade to finally lead to housing for the MCHS could have been
derailed at several points along the way. This unstable and conditional set of
institutional relationships is perhaps the fundamental problem with Mumbai’s slum
24
redevelopment policy: decentralization, especially given such a high-stakes and volatile
project as housing in Mumbai, invariably results in conflict; the process itself is one of
continuous conflict resolution. At the same time that slum redevelopment, as part of the
larger enabling agenda, seeks to exchange a highly visible and proactive government
with liberated market forces, the inherent murkiness of property rights under schemes
such as SRS demands direct involvement of government. Successful implementation of
slum redevelopment policy requires a trusted, impartial body to serve as mediator. Also,
given that there is limited window for redevelopment—as housing supply increases,
costs will decrease until the value of cross-subsidy through slum redevelopment is no
longer sustainable—powerful government authority should be leveraged to
systematically resolve “turf wars,” enforce benefit-sharing according to that prescribed by
the legislation (developers are likely to shortchange slum-dwellers), and maintain a
realistic scope of projects through flexible policy and hybrid redevelopment scenarios.
Das has noted that one of the unfortunate outcomes of the SRS process is the tendency
of “self-styled leaders” from among the ranks of slum-dwellers to collude with builder-
developer interests for personal gain. (Das, 2003: 228). Held as representative of slum-
dwellers, these parties instead compromise the integrity of slum-dweller organizations
more generally. Mukhija also observed that over the course of the MCHS project, there
was likely corruption of the building committee. The main decision-making body of
MCHS was a managing committee, organized as per government regulations. When
this committee initially formed, SPARC benefited from a good working relationship with
two of the members; the rest were less interested in the details of a self-managed
project, and more willing to entrust the entire process to their local politician. There were
no elections. As the process diverged from SPARC’s original model of community-
empowerment to a program of direct partnership or even reliance on the developer, the
25
building committee realized its relative control over decision-making. Acting in a rational
manner, but without concern for the larger implications of the MCHS project (i.e.
precedent-setting for other Dharavi slum-dwellers), the MCHS leadership reflects the
implicit conflict in placing a group of elected or unelected individuals in charge of a larger
collective process. Similarly, a direct movement of slum-dweller self-organization is
preferred, but NGOs, even if an at times helpful interface between slum-dwellers and
policy initiatives, are not necessarily any more democratic or representative a system.
In the 1960s, the bazaar swept across Bombay, sprawling along transport lines, on slopes, underutilized land, undefined or unpoliced pavements, and on any other interstitial space it could find and occupy. In the process, it blurred beyond recognition the physical segregation inherent in the colonial city structure that had survived until then. (Mehrotra, 1997: 40)
//4 Deep Democracy
The current geography of slum infill throughout the Mumbai metro region reflects the
opportunistic growth of the informal sector, the ubiquitous and ambiguous "bazaar."
Simultaneous with divergence of the formal and informal, the underlying economic
structure of the city is fused and interdependent, with increasingly blurred boundaries:
the Dharavi slum is leather manufacturing center with global distribution; many of
Bombay's large corporate banks outsource back office support to slum areas; policemen
and teachers who aspire to the middle class are slum-dwellers, while some slum-
dwellers own proper apartments elsewhere which they rent out instead of occupy.
26
The on-going power struggle in Mumbai is spatial—access to land and its embodied
value means control over the city's major resource for development. On one hand, the
urban poor, including slum-dwellers, are preoccupied with securing jobs and basic
amenities; concern over the quality of housing, of lifestyle, or of the image of the city is a
luxury they cannot afford. On the other hand, the middle- and upper-classes of the city
share the vision of Bombay First, efforts on the part of the business community to re-
make Bombay as a "global city," India's Singapore; from this perspective, slums once
again become urban blight that together with the bazaar culture that chokes the streets,
must be excised. This particular approach toward legitimacy on the global stage is
supported by the expanded field of Bombay's real estate interests and capital: new
production facilities for large corporations and headquarters for multinationals symbolize
the potential gains, for some players, for an alternate urban geography cleansed of the
messiness of slums and their inhabitants.
Contemporary superimposition of globalizing economic systems onto and above the
democratic structure of the nation state has profound implications for Mumbai. Arjun
Appadurai has offered the term "deep democracy," to the efforts of certain NGOs (such
as the partnership between SPARC, the National Slum-Dwellers Federation, and Mahila
Milan, a women's cooperative) to catalyze self-organization of the urban poor. Key
tactics of such groups include capitalizing on the expertise of the poor, exercising
political neutrality to safeguard against exploitation of slums as vote banks, and the
emphasis of precedent-setting to affect change over a long time horizon. But
revealingly, when SPARC attempted to use the MCHS project as a precedent—
encouraging the building committee to mortgage the collective lease of the housing
27
cooperative in order to secure construction financing independently—that effort failed.
While from the viewpoint of SPARC, the MCHS became less empowered through their
dealings with a private developer, it is also important to recognize that MCHS slum-
dwellers were demonstrating that they were already empowered, and market-savvy.
There is a critical conflict of interest whenever slum-dwellers opt or are legislated to
delegate organizational control to a third party, either government, NGO or private
company. This transfer automatically devolves to a loss of power for the slum-dwellers
themselves. In a political arena in which collectively the urban poor should be able to
enforce majority rule, slum-dwellers need to first build lateral networks; only on such a
unified and deeply rooted base, can slum-dwellers challenge vertically the power
structure that globally seeks their disempowerment.
28
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