PAGE 6 Ormngetowii Telegram and Pearl River Searchlight • • '

August 9, 1C4C

(RDStt BID2WMI&IL IFS&WUIBS ORANGETOW IELEGRAM

• Newspaper Dedicated To The People And Champion Of Thei r Rights . Politics—Kditorial Columns Republican. News Columns Independen t

Issued every Friday at Pearl River, New York, by W. L. Sherwood and E . O. Sherwood. Poet office address: Spring Val-ley, New York. ARTHUR D. HOI ' l 'KR Edi tor WILLIAM B. C O O P E R Display Advert ising GRACE MKHHHOKK Washington Correspondent Pearl River Office-—174 East Central Ave. Teieptune F c a i l

River 2118; Spring Valley Office—18 Church St., Telephone Namiet 2104.

SUBSCRIPTION R A T E S ONE YEAR $2.00 SIX MONTHS $1.00 T H R E E MONTHS 50c

No subscription taken for less than three months. P a p e r s mailed anywhere in the United States at above rates.

Entered a t the Post Office at Pear l River, N. Y., as second olaai matter .

Why Is Conscription Needed?

Hy W A I T E R I JPPMANN

THE BURMA ROAD He To the average American the term "The Burma Road"

means little or nothing. It would seem a good caption of a motion picture for detailing the heroism of British troops in the Orient in the good old days before tanks, machine guns and dive bombers. To the Chinese people, however, the Bur­ma Road is a life line. Along this road the Chinese have been securing supplies from Britain, France and the United States, during the past few years, to fight off the invading Japanese. Without the use of this road, it is said, other means of communication having been cut off, the Chinese would be unable to put up any effective resistance.

The Japanese, taking advantage of Great Britain's trou­bles in Europe, have demanded England close the Burma Road or else . . . . ! And John Bull, erstwhile so proud and imperious, has humbly agreed to do this "for three months." To save his face he has suggested that in the meantime Jap­an seek to make peace with China and has added that any­how during the next few months the road would not be of much use to China on account of the rainy season.

This latter statement is disputed by many of those ac­quainted with the situation in the Orient. They say that the road is useful even during the rainy season except at intervals of a few days at a time, and they add that if China is now compelled to make peace with the Burma Road closed it will be a virtual surrender to the Japanese, because the Chinese well know that once the road is closed it will be closed for the duration of the war.

Many statesmen then, even in Great Britain, claim that the old game of appeasement, practiced at Munich, is still eoiner on. They declare that the British government is seek-

L i i c l L At W ill UK. • v . t i O i i v - i , i H \ i iii£ s-u a p p e a s e oa.ya.Li m t . ic nuut, will make no greater demands on the British. The sign, they declare is not a reassuring one, although it must be stated in fairness, there seems to be little else Great Britain can do about it.

The most disturbing fact from the American standpoint is that we were apparently not consulted about this latest British move. Secretary Hull is said to have disapproved of it strongly. The American shipper as well as the British have been sending goods to China along the Burma Road, so that we would seem to have at least the right of being con­sulted, especially in view of the fact that sympathy in the United States is overwhelmingly on the side of China.

The truth of the matter is, laying aside all debate in the soundness of Britain's action, things are going on every day on the other side of the world of which we know little and about which we are not consulted. All the more reason Uncle Sam should make "looking after our defenses" business num­ber one.

WALLACE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT It is said that President Roosevelt picked Secretary of

Agriculture Wallace for the Vice-Presidential nomination on the New Deal ticket to offset any effect Senator McNary might have in attracting the farm vote to the Republican ticket this fall. That Mr. Wallace's choice was not a popu­lar one with the convention was evident to anyone who list­ened to the demonstrations via radio when Mr. Wallace was nominated.

It is reported on good authority that Mr. Roosevelt was informed on the day before he put Mr. Wallace "over the top" that his selection would not be popular in the Midwest. The men who told him this had reason for this statement. Some few weeks ago there was a special congressional elec­tion in an Iowa district due to the death of Congressman Cassius M. Dowell. This happened to be Mr. Wallace's home district and he took an active part in the campaign. Yet the Republicans not only carried the district but made a nice gain in the percentage of the votes cast over the 1938 election when the Republicans had almost a landslide in Iowa. This in itself indicates something of the "pull" which Mr. Wallace has among the voters in the Middle West.

But this is not the entire story. As James A. Hagerty, the noted political correspondent of the New York Times, says under a Chicago dateline of July 19: "It is noteworthy that the nomination of Secretary Wallace, even with the weight of the President's authority behind his candidacy, could hardly have been brought about without the support of the party leaders of the large cities. Large blocks of needed votes were thrown to Mr. Wallace in Illinois by Mayor Kelley of Chicago, in Pennsylvania by Senator Guffey and others, and in New York by Mr. Flynn."

Here then we have the facts about Mr. Wallace s nom­ination as the "farmers' candidate." It was brought about by such shining agricultural implements as the Kelley-Nash, the Guffey, the Frank Hague and the Tammany machines. Moat of the delegates who voted for Mr. Wallace at the be­hest of these bosses probably never saw a cow milked or a sheep in the process of having its wool liquidated.

WALLACE VERSUS WALLACE We have Secretary Wallace's word about his illustrious

father, the former Secretary of Agriculture. He said,—"He worked for the farmer, as I have tried to work for the farmer."

There was a big difference in the way they worked. Here we quote what the father, Henry C. Wallace, stated in 1921:

"As is always the case in such periods of depression as this, many well-meaning men come forward with ill-consid­ered measures. Visionary schemes of all kinds are present­ed. Some would have the government take charge of the larger business enterprises, gome would have the govern­ment undertake to fix prices, either arbitrarily or indirectly S buying up surplus crops. The experience of 3,000 years

owe the impracticability of such efforts."

If the depression lasts long enough to bring back into food repute the time honored virtue of thrift it will not have been entirely without benefit. The young man or the young woman who embarks on life without having learned the rare virtue of thrift and self denial starts with a handi cap. Most of the destitution of later years and the oppor­tunities lost because one did not have the money at the op­portune time to make an advantageous investment, can be traced to the fact that as a young man or a young w«man the iadi^Matl never learned the simple virtue of thrift, of saving, sad tetf denial.

In order to set up and adminis­ter wisely a system of compulsory military service is it necessary to understand clearly the special cir­cumstances which have made me Msmry M unprecedented a measure. For until now the American people have always relied Upon the prin­ciple that hy maintaining an ade­quate Navy they could do without a large Army; In the event of war the Navy would provide a first line of defense behind which an army could he recruited, trained and equipped.

This is the tradit ional system of American defense, and the proposal to adopt conscription now Is based on a widespread recognition that in the world today the old princi­ple of American defence must be reversed: Instead of relying upon the Navy to hold the line while an army in being rawed, it in now nec­essary to raise «n army while the Navy is being expanded. We are driven to peace-time conscription because the Navy is not strong enough, and cannot quickly en­ough be made strong enough to de­fend this country if the worst hap­pens in Europe and in Asia,

Without, I think, a dissenting voice the Senate has authorized the construction of another Navy. If this additional Navy existed, or if it could be obtained in the course of the next year, it would not be necessary to raise a large Army or adopt conscription. This great Navy could guarantee the defense of the hemisphere not only against invasion from Europe but against the subjugation of any portion of the hemisphere by means of revo­lutionary conspiracies. But the Senators who voted to authorize this additional Navy must know-that no such Navy can 'be built and launched and manned for many years to come.

The Congress is on record as be­lieving that another Navy, which docs not now exist, is necessary to the defense of the nation. If the other Navy existed, it would be used to prevent the new imperialist powers fromestablishing a base of operations within striking distance of this hemisphere. Since the other v •••• ' • ' ' PTIS* n"d wince we must face the possibility that Bri­tain may be defeated -ind her Navy sunk or captured, our elementary security requires tha. at cne veiy least no base of opera;ions shall be established directly or Indirectly within reach of the Panama Canal to the south of us and within reach of Canada to the north of os. This is the very minimum of security which we muet havn; It does not include the s e e m l y of our interest* in the Far East or even in South America beyond the shorss of the Caribbean. Yet even in this region of minimum security, the Navy a t its present strength cannot guaran­tee our defense. For even in this limited area it cannot control the two oceans against a combination of totalitarian states.

Therefore, we have to be ready to occupy by land and air force* any threatened strategic point in this area. That is why an army is necessary. It is necessary in order to defend the inner maritime fron­tiers of the United States during the long period needed to expand the Navy. The Navy cannot be used to guard islands, to suppress revolutions In small unstable coun­tries, to occupy bases, or to protect harbor* and shipbuilding plants against raids. The Navy must be kept together as a striking force against any major movement in our direction. An a rmy must exist, therefore, to make secure our ca­pacity to enlarge the Navy. By means of land and air forces alone can we hope, should Britain fall. to insure ourselves the time needed to expand the Navy and recover control of our ocean frontiers.

H we see clearly that the en­larged Army is needed in o*der to gain the time needed *o expand the Navy, then we shall also see more clearly the real reason for resorting to conscription.

Were it only a question of re­cruiting enough men to enlarge the Army to the size which it is now leasable to train and equip, it is

enough volunteers. It may be that a million young men would com forward If they were called to the eolOM by a great recruiting cam­paign with speeches, brass bands, and what not. Hut men like Sen­ator Vandenberg misconceive the probi*OI when they llx ther atten­tion solely upon the men who would put on uniforms.

Under modern conditions as they apply to this country, the number nl men needed behind the lines Is about twenty-five to one aw com­pared with the number who can or should actually be used in the light­ing services. The construction of the new Navy and of the new air force and of the equipment for an army of a million men Is a stupen­dous Industrial operation, and con­scription would be worse than use­less if It were not organized with the clear purpose of carrying out this Industrial operation.

The great value of conscription is that, if properly administered, it will serve this purpose. The volun­teer system will not. For it is as Important that technically equipped and skilled men should remain in the factories as that other men should receive military training. Under the volunteer system the In­dividual man has to decide whether he will work or fight. This la not a decision which the individual man should have to make. I t is too hard a decision for the private con­science. If he decides to fight when he ought to work, the volunteer system has no means of conserving his skill, however Indispensable, If he decides to work rather than to fight, his conscience will trouble him and his neighbors will question him. For his own peace of mind and for the efficiency of the nation­al effort, the choice of working or fighting must he made for him by an Impersonal tribunal.

The foundation of the system Is the registration of all adult males and their classification according to their training. All registered males are then legally liable to national service: they may be selected to work or fight, depending upon their abilities and the national need. Un­der such a system it Is not only possible to recruit in an orderly way the relatively small number who can usefully be trained and equipped; it is possible to call all the others as they are needed to jobs when they are needed or to be trained for technical tasks which will be multiplied greatly if we really mean to build the new Navy, the new a i r foree and the new Army.

If, therefore, the conscription bill

not be regarded as a mere device for put t ing one man out of twenty-five into uniform. It must be re­garded as a method of mobilizing the men of the country for the much larger and more complicated task of industrial preparedness. For only by a rapid increase in the rate of production In the muni­tions industries can the equipment be produced to deal with the emer­gency which may confront us at once if, by a disaster wtfaMB prece­dent in our history, British sea-power is destroyed and the security of our two ocean frontiers is lost.

Copyright, 1840, New York Tribune Inc.

The Military Training Bill

By MAKH SI I.I.IVAN

And It Has Just Started to Roll Hy imoWN

Copyr igh t , 1940, New York T r i b u n e Ine. m

Next Week in History

AUGUST 12—Singer and Wilson sewing machines patented, 1851. F i rs t American railroad, Mohawk and Hudson, completed between Albany and Schenectady, 1830.

AUGUST 13—World's first taxicab appeared 1.1 New lo rk city, 1907. Los Angeles captured from Mexi­co, 1846.

AUGUST 14—Lafayette returned to visit America, 1824. Harvey dis­covered circulation of the blood, 1628.

AUGUST 15— Panama Canal offi­cially opened, 1M4. Will Rogers, comedian, and Wiley Post, avi­ator, killed in plane accident, 1933.

AUGUST 16—First official message over first Atlantic cable, 1888,

AUGUST 17 —Gold discovered in the Klondike, 3896. Desk type telephone used, 1886.

AUGUST 18—Virginia Dare, first white child born in the United States, 1587. Marshall Field, in­dustrialist, born, 1835,

, o — When 16 lunatics escaped from a

j western asylum, sleuths returned not improbable tha t there would be 21 to the institution.

Two National Conventions (From the Ramsey Journal)

The general comment heard by men and women of both par­ties is tha t a t the convention held In PhiladeiphH, the old time politicians were swept from their moorings, and , ift to flounder about as best they could. The usual methods of selecting candi­dates functioned for a time, and then there came the full force at a wave, sponsored largely by men and women not delegates to the convention. This was no small voice in the desert but culmin­ated in a mighty clamor which swept all before it, and the result was a unanimous vote by the delegates for Wendell L, Willkie. He seemed to be, and to represent, all tha t true democracy could de­mand, and his clear-cut views on public questions seemed sound.

The convention at Chicago, judging hy pertinent news dis­patcher, was composed of delegates selected and governed bv poli­ticians and prominent office-holders. The proceedings rumbled on for a day or more until the delegates could be made to lwten to the voice from Washington, and follow to the letter the instruc­tions or orders given. This might have been good politics, as it is frequently played, but with the objective sought it far transcended the realm of politics, and put in jeopardy traditional p r i nc ip l e which have long been dear to the heart of the American people, and observed meticulously by It* candidate for President,

With the midden sweeping aside of all sentiment against a third term, the question for the voter now to consider carefully is not party success, hut the future of America. That sterling Demo­crat, Thomas Jefferson, often called the founder of the Democratic party, laid down most definite laws against a third term, hut all thi» was brushed aside by our President , and after a year and a half of planning for the event, he became a candidate for a thi rd ' term. Fur thermore , he demanded that any choice for the man to run for the office of Vice-President, made hy delegates, must be set aside and BBS man of his choice nominated.

With theae observations, based on facta, and plainly stated, we bring before the voters their duty a t t r ue Americans, to think and plan and vote for tha future safety of our great nation. It has long been the sincere ©pinion of a large majority of our people, regardless of pa r ty affiliations, t ha t a President, to aspire for a third term, showed a hist for power tha t was a start on the road toward diotajtorafctp. If there is only 0 N I J man who can safety pilot this nat ion of ours through the present emergency, then, in­deed, our dcmoenMy stands in grave peril. U Is truly a time for serious thought,

There will be introduced in the Senate this week a bill for what Is culled "selective, compulsory mili tary training and service." This description, as given in the bill it­self, omits the word "universal." The proposed system is universal. It applies to eveiy male between the unit* of eighteen and sixty-four.

In the Senate there will be de hate, estimated as likely to take ten days. There will likewise be debate in the House. In both cham­bers it Is desirable the debate should be long enough to fully ac­quaint the public with the meaning and Implications of the measure. On its face It is by far the greatest departuro from American practice and point of view ever made In peace time. The qualification "peace time" is probably unneces­sary. By some of the implications of the measure, it is the greatest depar ture ever made In peace or war. The bill should be debated and discussed until it, and every implication of it, every future con­sequence of it, is understood by every person it affects. That means, literally, everybody. Every male between eighteen and sixty-four Is directly affected, in all 42,000,000 men and their families.

The ba«lc provisions of the meas­ure a re that:

(A) "All male citizens . . . be­tween the ages of eighteen and six­ty-four . . . shall present them­selves for registration. . . .

(B) "Men registered shall be di­vided into two main categories.

(C) "Men between twenty-one and forty-five . . . shall be liable for t raining and service in the land and naval forces.

(D) "Men between eighteen and twenty-one, and between forty-five and sixty-four, shall be liable for t raining and (service in or near ..ne communities and areas In which they reside, in such home defense units of the land and naval forces as a re now established or as may hereafter be authorized by Con­gress."

From the fir.^t class, men netween twenty-one and forty-five, "the President is authorized to select for t raining n**1'! service TTH tn fn-duct into the iand and naval lorces . . . such number of men as in his judgment, whefner a state of war exists or not, is required in me na­tional interest for such forces."

About this measure, it is going to be impossible for men to make up their minds on the basis of familiar symbols. Men cannot decide they are for this bill or against it o>. the basis of the public men who are for it or against it. * . . . measure expresses the wish of the Roosevelt administration. At the same time its sponsors are not New Dealers. The sponsor in the Senate, Mr. Ed­ward R. Burke, of Nebraska, is a Democrat who will not support Mr. Roosevelt because of the third-term issue. Similarly, the sponsor in the House, Mr. James W. Wads-worth, of New York, is a Republi­can. To make the situation more confusing, the measure is opposed by one of the moet thorough-going New Dealers, Senator George W. Morris, of Nebraska. No, there is no easy way for th citizen to take a stand on this hill. He must go through the process of making up his own mind, by examining the measure and following the debate and discussion of it.

No one should make up his mind solely on the basis of how the measure will affect him or mem­bers of his family, ' una is a time for sacrifice in the national inter­est. Citizens must judge whether the bill actually is in the national interest, whether it is imperatively called for; whether any other way —voluntary enlistment, for exam­ple—would do as well: whether the measure in its final form, after de­bate, is so written a s to make cer­tain it will be equitably adminis­tered; whether the measure is in­tended solely for defense In time of w a r or danger, whether it will terminate when the emergency ends or whether the bill may have the effect of bringing about a change in the structure of Ameri­can society.

No measure such as this can be interpreted as if it were in a vac­uum, as if it stood alone. Every such measure must be interpreted in the light of the times in which it U brought forward, in the light of existing conditions, especially when those conditions are new and subject to controversy.

We can make a beginning by comparing the conditions accom­panying this measure and condi­tions at the time of the only other military draft America has ever had, a much more limited draft.

The former draft, in June, 1017, was enacted when the country was actually at war -war against Ger­many had been declared some ten weeks earlier. But th is distinction from the present bill is immaterial. I t is agreed that, whatever should be done in t ime of war, is better done in advance of war, if war is known to threaten.

At the time of our 1917 draft sev­eral conditions were absent from the world which arc now present and which are pertinent. In 1917 there was no Bolshevism, no Com­munism, nor Nazism, nor Fascism. The idea of dictator government in the modern sense had not emerged. The w-hole notion of totalitarian so­ciety and government, of collec­tivism, the organisation of all so­ciety in the service of the state, the subjection of every Individual to the will of the state—that did not exist in 1917,

In 1940 that exists, It exists and tends to spread. We and Britain are the only important countries left which retain the principle of individual freedom. I t Is to defend this principle, to oppose collectiv­ism, t ha t we now arm.

We must judge th is conscription totll, carefully a n d In detail, by whe ther R is the heat poasthie de­fense of individualism or whether It contains within itself any faint-eat seed of that eolloctlvaim which we t r t supposed to resist.

Copyright, 1M0, Mew York Tr ibune inc .

OF A MANIAC Remember the good old days

when the high flyer %vas the fel­low who got a shave every day?

—#— We might divide the people of the

United States into two classes: pro-American and pro-paganda.

—0— When somebody wrote tha t "Life

begins at forty" the reference was to age and not to waistline.

_ 0 — There are three classes of

people who never seem to learn anything, the fellow who pours kerosene out of a can onto a burning fire, the jay walker , and the fellow who let* a gypsy paw him over and then discov­e r s after ahe Is gone tha t his pocket has been picked.

n A glamor girl, according to a

local Romeo, is a girl who can keep all the boys at an arm's length and still have lots of dates.

Few voters have read the two political platforms—and they have not missed much, at that.

Parachute maker 's guarantee: "If this one doesn't work, bring it back and get a new one free."

Men who have to pay alimony will agree that it would have been bet ter "to have lo%'ed and lost,"

Bernie Varus of PlkevlUe, Ky., warn no proud when he be­came the father of a son tha t h e placed an advertisement on the front page of the Pike County Newa which read: "Step right up and call me pap­py. It'a a boy. Berne (Whizz) Varus."

—0— A Chicago man dropped dead

while mowing his lawn. This vin­dicates our consistent refusal to in­dulge in such a dangerous exer­cise,

—0— Several well-known authors ad­

mit that they dislike to write. We have long suspected that some of them do it through pure cussed-nesg.

—o— Any time you are afraid you are

gett ing too cocky just start around town and try to borrow a hundred buck*.

Of course Henry Wallace, as the Vice-Presidential nominee is the farmers ' candidate. He was nom inated hy such experienced agricul­tur is ts as Ed Kelley of Chicago, F r a n k Hague of Jersey City, Sena­tor Guffey of Pittsburg, and Mr. Flynn of the Bronx.

Modern girls are not indiscreet, according to a hiahop. But if they were, we imagine that a bishop would hardly be an authority on the subject.

- « = A Western physician says beat­

ing a carpel vigorously is the b e * of exercise. It tends, however, to draw vacuum Cleaner salesmen to the scene.

Somebody writes to know what constitutes high society at Wash­ington. A* Washington the upper cruet constitutes those who t h e berries to the lower crust .

A lot of ailments people now dl#-— in public, a few year* ago were nev«r mentioned above a wh taper,

T U B CHEERFUL LUNATIC

Around Our House Sour Cherry Preserves

Cherries combine well with other fruits for j ams for winter use. These different ways of preserving thorn are suggested by the New York State College oi Home Econ­omics:

Raspberry and Cherry Jam 1 cup of pitted cherries 1 cup of black or red raspberry

pulp 2 cups of sugar Cook the cherries in a small

amount of water until the skins are tender. Then add the rasp­berry pulp and sugar, and boil the mixture rapidly until it is thick and clear. When it begins to thicken, the mixture should either be stirred or some other precaution taken to avoid burning. The usual jelly test may be used if a jelly­like result is desired.

Remove the kettle from the heat and let the mixture stand a few minutes so that it may stiffen slightly and thus help to prevent the fruit from floating in the liq­uid. Pour the jam into clean, hot containers, and seal them.

Cherry, Pineapple and Apple Conserve

2 quarts of pitted cherries 3 cups of diced pineapple 2 cups of diced apples 2 quarts of sugar % pound of English walnuts,

blanched (may be omitted) Cook the pineapple until tender

in as little water as possible. Mix all the fruit with the sugar, let the mixture stand overnight, then cook the mixture until it thickens. Jirat before removing it from the fire, add the walnut meats , cut fine. Pour the conserve into clean, hot containers and seal them.

0

Child Hit By Auto Mary Lou Morrison, aged 8 vears,

daughter of Mr. and Mrs. R, Mor­rison of Hsverstraw. was struck by an auto operated by Mrs. Ame­lia Brennan of West Haverstraw, and suffered lacerations of the head and arms.

WRIT BITS B r JOHN K, SMITH

MISTAKES Mistakes are very norma! flimgs,

Along the ways of life we make That always seem to leave M

slings, Or pain, or keen regret, « ache

While oft they lead to sore distress Not final in results they loom;

Nor do they bring on hopeie«n#», Nor tend to seal for us our doom,

Mistakes are very common-place, To err is just a common streak

That crosses all t he human race, I t 's universal, so t o speak;

And these are necessary too. For all on progress who're intent;

Problems are worked on. :i ii true By error*, thru experiment.

Uadders made from mistake* abound,

Which gain a lofty reach ;r, tin*; When each mistake becomes a

round Upon which, step by step we

climb. We never will give up, if wise:

Mistakes are very challenging; They seem to beckon us to r.«e,

As all our powerw to piay. * bring.

Mistakes we need not make its vail To give up means ourselves *

cheat ; And pressing on, with migh: St

main. Will never lead us to defeat.

To "stay put," we're not ca'.lrd upon,

As long as in us there is brew Not till the final spark is gene.

Need we give u p — the call ! Death.

Bicyele Hits Car J. Albert O'Brien, aged *< !

Nyaek, suffered a fracture at $ left wrist Thursday, when a bid cle he was riding collided with « au to operated by Philip Anwtr t i of Nyaek, The accident &»PJ** a t Burd and Cedar streets, Xvac

• When traveling^ fO« ind your ftmUy needj

jaNCt to'eevej^the j ^ , 0 | wtf belortjif!|ijjifoyj!J iny peril. !t"i lneypefl$Jve;

Th© Mmritt Agencf firt hnmce ~ * m • to*WCs^ •"•v'-—TeTW ©Wwi

I North Main Street—.ffetepbaatf « SPRING VJ

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