proliferation of small arm in nigeria
TRANSCRIPT
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 BACKGROUND TO STUDYThe end of the Cold War generated worldwide optimism for international peace
and security. A shift from superpower proxy conflicts in the Third World to socio-
economic development appeared a viable project. However, actual events in recent
years have disastrously shattered those expectations. In place of enhanced security,
virulent internal conflicts accompanied by unprecedented civilian casualties and
gross violations of human rights have emerged at an alarming rate. The local roots
and causes of the conflicts are numerous and diverse. However, in nearly all of the
conflicts, the diffusion of small arms, particularly from the industrialized nations to
the developing world has played a decisive role in the escalation, intensification
and resolution of these conflicts. In the last decade, Liberia and Sierra Leone have
been embroiled in protracted civil wars; Guinea-Bissau experienced a brief
internecine conflict in the late 1990s. Casamance separatists have continued to
battle the Senegalese as they have done for two decades, Cote dIvoire suffers
insurrection, Tuareg problem has simmered in Mali and Niger, and Liberia and
Guinea continue to accuse each other of launching cross-border raids against their
territories, in a conflict also involving Sierra Leone rebels. The ongoing Daffur
crises in Sudan is also another clear case of diffusing small arms and light
weapons, Scholte (2000).
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Thus, in contrast to the conventional view inherited from the Cold War era,
emerging violence attest to the role of weapons as stimulus to conflict and a
harbinger of massive human rights violation and humanitarian crises. In many
cases, the availability of weapons has engendered violent conflicts. Thanks to
advancing globalisation and the new private order, the trafficking in light arms has
made them a weapon of choice. Illicit arms transfer is not a particular countrys
problem nor does the spread of deadly weapons stop at national borders. Small
arms and Light weapons are no longer the preserves of militaries and police force
but have fallen into the hands of ordinary criminals, terrorists, ethnic militias and
death squads around the world. In todays world, globalisation is becoming an
ever-influential architect of the new international security agenda. Its impact on
the evolution of the relations among states is contradictory. On the one hand,
globalisation contributes to accelerated development of productive forces, scientific
and technological progress and ever more intensive communication among states
and people. On the other hand, it has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal
arms from one country to the other and has transformed a domestic law and order
problem to a national and international security threat. Globalisation results in the
long term irreversible contraction in the domain of state authority. Coupled with
liberalization, states have in effect lost control of markets as reflected in the
development of parallel informal economics, the rise of grey and black markets and
the inability of the states to prevent the flow of illicit arms because of the porous
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nature of most borders and the adoption of policies such as free movements of
people in a particular region. Scholte (2000).
Evidence indicates that illegal arms transfers are easier in periods of political
transition that are normally preceded by periods of violence. The state, then focuses
it resources in areas of reconstruction and development only, leaving gaps for the
illicit transfer of small arms and light weapons by crime syndicates. Nigerias
fourth Republic has witnessed the upsurge of communal conflicts. Years of pent-up
anger suppressed by prolonged periods of military misrule found outlets as Nigeria
joined the third democratic wave. It is not arms that cause these conflicts, but the
ease with which these arms are available, leads to easy escalation of festering
conflicts, Dokubo (2000).
1.1 STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEMThe problem of state cooperation has been much debated among scholars of
general international relations, then it was long dismissed largely as improbable or,
at best, an aberration within national and international security. To the extent that
many studies of regional security or third world security explicitly consider the
topic of cooperation among regions, the standard argument has been that states in
the developing world simply face too strong security dilemma and too weak an
internal structure for cooperation to be either a desirable or feasible outcome.
Issues regarding the arms trade and arms control especially had been thought to
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drive regional rivalries and create destabilizing regional dynamics as a result of no
or poor cooperation. Despite these obstacles, however, a plethora of regional
initiatives to address problems of small arms and light weapons (SALW)
proliferation has emerged in Africa and Latin America in particular since the late
1990s, suggesting that further attention to security cooperation in the developing
world is needed, Acharya, (1992). In Africa, the proliferation of small arms is
increasing in proportion. The balances of small arms traded are the remnants of
conflicts in Mozambique and Angola, as well as licensed weapons being stolen or
lost. These small arms have played a major role in exacerbating crimes and armed
violence. Africa is also a major transshipment point for the international trade, as
well as a major producer of local arms. This phenomenon threatens the
consolidation of democracy and security in the region, which is necessary for
sustainable development, African Union (AU) (2005).
1.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
In general terms, the research work seeks to understand the nature and dynamics
of small arms and light weapons proliferation as a threat to national security. It
also sought to explain in a comprehensive manner, the link between small arms
and light weapons proliferation, and how the interaction has filtrated wider social,
economic and political context. In specific terms, the objectives are as follows:
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To examine the nuances surrounding the concept of small arms and light
weapons proliferation and seek a better understanding of their meanings.
To examine the interconnection and multiple linkages between small arms and
light weapons as threat to national security.
To identify and explain the role of small arms in the escalation ofethnic conflict
and community violence.
To examine, the role of the state, sub-region and international organizations in
their support for security as regards to small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.
1.3 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
Hypothesis I
H0: There is no significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light
weapons poses security threat to national security.
H1: There is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light
weapons poses security threat to national security.
Hypothesis II
H0: There is no significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have
escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence.
H1: There is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have
escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence.
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Hypothesis III
H0: There is no significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms
and light weapons and a threat to national security.
H1: There is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons and a threat to national security.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The scenario parroted in the study suggests a massive resurgence of insecurity as
a result of the proliferation of small arms, with due consequence for not only state
vulnerable, but also national security. Not unexpectedly, ethnic violence in
Nigeria as in many parts of the world has attracted the attention of scholars of
different ideological persuasions and academic pedigree, but without the issue and
linkage of small arms proliferation. These include Marxist scholars, who for long
ignored ethnicity and treated as epi-phenomena of class and economic relations.
Thus, in recognition of what has been considered a paradigm lost, scholars of
Marxian genre have undertaken the expansion of the conceptual and theoretical
warehouse of political economy. Similar response has been witnessed from
scholars, whose pioneering efforts resulted in interpreting the salience of this
identity in terms of the prevalence of traditionalism and the absence of
modernization. All this, points to the academic significance of the study of
proliferation small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security in
Nigerias complex regional formation. Finally, the study has policy significance.
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Without doubt, there exists a major lacuna in the domain of public policy for the
management of small arms proliferation and light weapons on the national
security. The view remains that, apart from the expectation of its management and
control, the democratic governance has a saluting effect. However, for public
policy to be effective, heuristic and enduring, it can only be anchored on a clear
understanding of the causes of proliferation and the dimension of security threat
in Nigeria particularly Lagos state.. The challenge is to specify which policies and
remedial actions both in the short and long terms that can be put forward to
address the threat to national security, caused by the spread of small arms and
light weapons in Nigeria.
1.4 SCOPE AND DELIMITATION OF THE STUDYSmall arms and light weapons are capable of aggravating ethnic conflict and
increase the rate of insecurity in Nigeria. This study shall therefore provide a
conceptual framework that will address the problems of small arms and light
weapons proliferation as the study progresses. This will also enhance assessment
of the extent to which small arms can be identified as security threat, by outlining
the scholarly work that has been on reconceptualising security, analysing the
socio-economic consequences of these phenomena as well as the repercussions of
organised crime. Another scope and delimitation of the study is that it will serve
as a starting point for further research by other scholars who might be interested
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in this area of study. Moreso, it will not only add to the body of existing literature,
but it will also explore fresh options to contain the spread of small arms and light
weapons in Nigeria with regard to Lagos state in particular.
Similarly, this study will also serve as a good source of information to the
Nigerian policy makers, constitutional lawyers, students of criminology and
sociology including politicians and professionals in crises and conflict
management. In addition, it could also be used to identify loopholes and adopt
strategies to prevent the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the sub-
region of Nigeria.
1.5 LIMITATION OF THE STUDYThe most important limitation on this study was time and finance. The inability of
the researcher to travel to various places in the sub-regionto interview major
actors in the small arms and light weapons debate might have limited the inputs of
some major actors. There was also the possibility that some of the publications
consulted had inhered bias. However, an attempt was made to reduce the effect of
this bias on the outcome of this study by consulting a wide spectrum of materials
on the research project; and also authentication of most of the materials used was
equally made. Inspite of all these limitations, a thorough study was undertaken, to
enable future researchers to improve on.
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1.6 DEFINITION OF TERMSCold WarAn ideological war that was fought with propaganda and diplomacy
between the capitalist western European countries led by America and Britain and
the Communist countries led by Soviet-Union.
Light WeaponsAll conventional munitions that can be carried by an individual
combatant or by light vehicles.
National InsecurityState of political instability in which the safety
of lives is no longer guaranteed.
Small armsA category of light weapons which include automatic weapons, up
to, and including 20mm submachine guns, riffles, carbines, handguns and hand
placed landmines.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter contains a review of previous studies on the proliferation of small
arms and weapons as a threat to national security, and existing literature, books,
articles, journals, magazines etc. It includes an examination of the key measures
to control it and as well as change the negative position it have occupy in the past
decade. Moreso, the study will undertake to provide the theoretical consideration
and conceptual framework for the research work.
2.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Security is aimed at protecting the national integrity of the state and at defending
the essential values that constitute identify, Nweke (1985). Security is conceived
as projecting dynamically in the field of development or human progress. In this
sense, security is viewed in holistic terms and appears as the integral elements of
the common good of the continent in general. Accordingly, security goes beyond
merely safeguarding territorial boundaries. It means ensuring that the country is
industrialized rapidly and developed into a cohesive, egalitarian and technological
society, Subrahmanyam (1973). As Nweke noted, security can be defined as the
preservation of independence, peoples institutions, and identity, including the
advancement of nation integrity and interests within and outside Africa through
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military, economic, ideological, diplomatic and socio-cultural instrumentalities
Nweke, (1985). In this sense, he stated the three dimensions of security as
follows:
Ability to perceive and utilize the foundations, which provide, support andshape the means to achieve African security.
Ability to influence the shaping of the international system within whichAfrican security must be achieved.
The actual provision of security through rational choice of appropriatesocioeconomic, political and military policies and strategies, Nweke (1985).
The pioneering research and writing on small arms in the mid-1990s was
predominantly conceptual in nature, seeking to give readers a framework for
understanding the situation Cock (1995); Smith, Batchelor and Potgieter (1996);
and Smith and Vines (1997). There were also a number of ground-breaking
investigative reports by international human rights NGOs such as Human Rights
Watch (1994, 1995 and 1999), which provided evidence of small arms smuggling.
More recent studies of small arms in the region have been of country specific, with
Nigeria being a main focus. The most insightful publications include Chetty
(2000), which provided a variety of official data on small arms related crimes in
South Africa, as well as Hennop, Jefferson and McLean (2001).
Since human beings coexist with one another they have been bound to relate to the
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pursuit of their interests. At times the resulting relationships are dictated by many
needs such as economic, social or political interests and desires. Divergent interests
are not without conflicts, which usually can be traced to differences in background,
beliefs and exposures. Nader stated that conflict results from competition between
at least two parties. The parties in this regard may be family or clan, community,
ethnic groups, organizations or even nation-states, Nader (1972).
Conflict does not mean negative values. However it is its escalation of violence that
should be avoided because of the destructive effects of violent conflicts. Therefore,
conflict prevention, conflict mitigation, conflict resolution and management are
very crucial. In the view of Ochoche (2002) there is the need to have a clear
picture of the dimensions and dynamics of these conflicts, along with a more
scientific understanding of the conflict resolution efforts. A handful of South
African studies focused on small arms-related legislation, such as Mckenzie (1999)
and SaferWorld/SaferAfrica (2003). By the end of 2003 only Oosthysen (1996) had
undertaken a regional study of small arms in southern Africa, but he had limited
access to reliable information and did not provide a comparative analysis across the
countries. The study by Nkiwane, Chachiua and Meek (1999) introduced useful
information on small arms flow in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland, and the
edited volume by Gamba (2000) considered broad small arms trends in Southern
Africa, with a South African bias.
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Conflict is pervasive in all human relationships and normal in the interaction
between persons in a society, whether acting as an individual or as groups.
Unugbor holds the same view, when he maintained that the conflict is universal in
human affairs and normal for individuals or group of individuals to experience
conflict in the process of their regular interaction, Unugbro, (1998). This is obvious
because, when people live together, they must of necessity interact as they try to
avail themselves of the necessities of life; that is meeting their physiological and
other needs. In the process of doing so, they are bound to disagree and have clashes
of interests from time to time as individual preferences play in their relationships
and consequently lead them to pursue incompatible goals or use incompatible
means to pursue chosen goals Imobighe, (2003). McFarland cited in Unugbro,
maintained this view, when he defines conflict as a situation in which persons or
groups disagree over means or ends, and try to establish their views in preference
to others, Unugbro (1998). Globalization is becoming an ever-influential architect
of the new international security agenda. Its impact on the evolution of the relations
among states is contradictory. On the one hand, globalization contributes to
accelerated development of productive forces, scientific and technological progress
and ever more intensive communication among states and people. On the other
hand, it has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal arms from one country to
the other and has transformed a domestic law and order problem to a national and
international security threat. Globalization results in the long term irreversible
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contraction in the domain of state authority. Coupled with liberalization, states
have in effect lost control of markets as reflected in the development of parallel
informal economics, the rise of grey and black markets and the inability of the
states to prevent the flow of illicit arms because of the porous nature of most
borders and the adoption of policies such as free movements of people in a
particular region.
Evidence indicates that illegal arms transfers are easier in periods of political
transition that are normally preceded by periods of violence. The state then focuses
its resources in areas of reconstruction and development only, leaving gaps for the
illicit transfer of small arms by crime syndicates. Nigerias fourth Republic
witnesses the upsurge of communal conflicts. Years of pent-up anger suppressed by
prolonged periods of military misrule found outlets as Nigeria joined the third
democratic wave. The argument by some other scholars that Small Arms and Light
Weapons (SALW) do not cause conflict is accepted, but its effect on conflicts
cannot be ignored. According to Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba, While small arms
and light weapons do not of course, cause conflicts, they soon become part of the
conflict equation by fuelling and exacerbating underlying tension, generating more
insecurity and adding to the number of casualties, Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba,
(2004). While prolonging the conflict, SALW also hinder the chances of resolving
such conflicts, warring factions, as demonstrated in the Liberian Civil War and
Sierra-Leone conflict, have been known to concede to peace negotiations only as a
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strategy to buy time to stock up arsenals in order to launch further attacks. This
assertion was affirmed by Taya Weiss when he stated that, The mere presence of
guns undermines alternative conflict resolution strategies. The availability of small
arms plays a role in perpetuating the violence and making it more lethal at every
level, from criminal activity to full-fledged war, in both developed and developing
countries, Weiss (2003). According to UN Security Council The destabilizing
accumulation and uncontrolled spread of small arms and light weapons in many
regions of the world increases the intensity and duration of armed conflict,
undermines the sustainability of peace agreements, impedes the success of peace
building, frustrates efforts aimed at the prevention of armed conflict, hinders
considerably the provision of humanitarian assistance and compromises the
effectiveness of the Security Council discharging its primary responsibility for
the maintenance of international peace and security United Nations (2002).
The effects of SALW to post conflict security situation is of no less significance.
The readily availability of small arms in any nation is a major factor in sustaining
and fuelling conflict, Department for International Development (2001). Increased
availability of SALW has in the aftermath of conflicts led to an exponential
increase in crime rates in the sub-region, perpetuating a climate of insecurity.
SALW are convenient and attractive to rebel groups and dissident that characterize
the African landscape because they are widely available, very cheap, deadly, easy
to use and easy to transport and smuggle, unlike heavy conventional arms, such as
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artillery pieces and tanks, which are typically acquired by government forces,
police, soldiers and civil populations, Boutwell and Klare, (2000). Besides, a few
hours of training are required to acquire the level of proficiency considered
sufficient for the execution of rebel warfare. These reasons account for the large
number of children involved in armed conflict in the region. Michael Renner, a
small arms commentator, reports that Africa alone has suffered about 5,994,000
fatalities in the last 50 years due mostly to SALW, Renner (2006). Narrowing the
estimate to West Africa, Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba indicated that, while there
are no official figures, an estimated 30,000 people have been killed by SALW in
conflict each year since the end of the Cold War (Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba,
(2004). In Africa, the proliferation of small arms is increasing in proportion. These
small arms being the remnants of conflicts in Mozambique, Angola, Somalia,
Liberia, Sudan, Sierra Lone etc. as well as licensed weapons being stolen or lost,
have played a major role in exacerbating crimes and armed violence in Nigeria.
The continent is a major trans-shipment point for the international trade, as well as
a major producer of local arms. This phenomenon threatens the consolidation of
democracy and security in the region, which is necessary for sustainable
development. Arms trafficking and the conflict they feed divert scarce resources
away from social services, disrupt trade, discourage tourism, and contribute to the
breakdown of family structures (www.state.gov/region/africa). The pervasiveness
and persistence of the conflict also have grave psychological consequences as
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children are traumatized or become accustomed to cultural violence. Arms
trafficking, has brought about organised crime which is mainly to strengthen its
illegal activities in Nigeria.
2.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
As Charles Lipson (1984) points out, economic issues more easily present
opportunities for significant joint gains andthe prevention of joint losses than
security issues, making the latter more rarebut not impossiblein international
politics. Nevertheless, African regional economic organizations, such as
ECOWAS and the SADC, in the past ten years have become active players in
security issues such as small arms and light weapons. To do so, this means that
regions in Africa (sometimes referred to as sub-regions) had to perceive
themselves to some degree as coherent communities with common security
interests and the political will and capacity to apply a collective approach to
cross-border security problems. I argue that this ability stems from four major
factors: (1) absence of superpower rivalry; (2) broadened understanding of
concept of security; (3) transnational conflict and instability; and (4) domestic
political pressure to address problems associated with SALW.
Before turning to these factors considered, however, it is useful to examine why
states seek regional solutions to some security challenges more generally and
why these reasons may or may not apply to African countries.
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The sources of small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation in Nigeria,
particularly Lagos state are many and varies. They include the manufacture and
supply of new weapons both inside and outside the country to the remnants of
weapons shipped into Africa in the 1970s and 1980s by the former Soviet Union,
the United States, and their allies to facilitate different interstate and intra-state
proxy wars. Intra-state armed conflicts, such as Liberia, Sierra Leone and
Nigerias Niger Delta region, has however expanded the frontiers of the gun trade
in Africa by creating considerable demand for these weapons of war. African
Union (AU) (2005).
2.3 THEORETICAL CONSIDERATION
Each of Nigerias 370 identifiable ethnic group perceives itself to be
linguistically, culturally, and historically distinct, although four tribes the Hausa
and Fulani in the north, the Yoruba in the southwest, and the Igbo in the
Southeast constitute a larger share of the population, Otite, (2005). Tensions
among these four are well documented, as are hostilities among other lesser-
known groups who have grievances against both the major ethnic groups, the
Nigerian state (which they perceive as insensitive to their interest), and one
another, Hazen and Homer, (2007).ECOWAS is endeavouring measures through
various institutions, to take the necessary steps to implement its policy on
security. It is not content simply to talk about combating the proliferation of small
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arms; it also tries to do something about it in practical terms by seeking to impose
some order on the circulation of such arms. To this end, she has adopted a number
of measures that fall into two broad theoretical categories: one covers action to
change mentalities and attitudes, the culture of peace concept, while the other
covers the need to control the manufacture and acquisition of weapons in member
states. This is an important element in the action by the Community, since the
weapons that it is trying to prevent from proliferating are not only in the hands of
combatants but also dispersed among the civilian population in towns,
neighbourhoods and homes. Small arms and light weapons are sometimes
handmade and can be found or bought openly on the market.
In other words, in order to prevent their proliferation, it is necessary to appeal to
the civilian population the citizens of member states, who may possess them as a
matter of course, if only for self-defence or as a deterrent. In combating the
proliferation of small arms, there is of course no question of making it impossible
for a citizen to possess a weapon, but it is important to make people realize that
possession of a weapon is a serious matter that needs to be regulated. This
realization needs to be brought home at a very early age, in primary or secondary
school. Civil society will also need to become involved in various ways in raising
awareness. This is the aspect stressed most in the 1999 Protocol. Several measures
are envisaged for this purpose, including limiting the number of weapons in
circulation, legal supervision and centralization of data on weapons, the
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establishment of a database and regional arms register and the initiation of a
dialogue or partnership with arms manufacturers and suppliers.
2.4 REVIEW OF CURRENT LITERATURE
Understanding the Proliferation of SALWs in Nigeria
The high circulation of SALWS in Nigeria is a product of the interplay of several
interrelated factors. The proliferation derives principally from the internal socio-
economic and political dynamics of Nigeria, compounded by globalization.
The crude nature of Nigerian politics is one key factor driving the process of
SALWs proliferation. Politics in Nigeria especially electoral politics, is defined
and approached by politicians as a do-or-die affair, or warfare. The stake in
Nigerian politics is incredibly high, making politicians desperate in the struggle to
win elective positions. As a result, many of them recruit specialists of violence
cultists, gangs and thugs to attain and retain political power. In some cases,
these specialists are compensated with sensitive elective and appointive offices.
The result is either gross ineptitude or recrudesces of political warfare, further
exacerbating governance failure in Nigeria. This goes a long way to explaining
the violent brand of Nigerian politics, usually painted with blood and money. The
incredible logic becomes: more money in politics, more SALWs. And more
SALWs in politics, more blood spilling in the name of politics . Governance
failure, in turn, adds another dimension to the proliferation of SALWs.
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The term governance is used here in its generic form to encompass not only how
state institutions and structures are managed, but also the processes of decision-
making and policy formulation, the capacity to execute these policies, resource
allocation, information flow and the efficiency of officials, Adhajani, (2011).
Governance, therefore, seeks institutions and rules that promote more equitable
socioeconomic outcomes and enhances human development. Accordingly,
governance failure entails the inability of state actors, institutions and agencies to
use public resources and authorities to ensure the protection of lives and
properties, as well as the delivering of public goods necessary for the
advancement of human security and development. It is a product of gross
mismanagement and embezzlement of public resources, resulting in mounting
poverty, unemployment and poor/failed delivery of basic services, not least
security. Despite enormous oil wealth, over 70% of Nigerias 150 million people
subsist on less than US$1 per day. Owing to frustration and deprivation, many
have taken to criminal activities such as piracy, armed robbery, kidnapping and
militancy, which contribute to the demand side of arms penetration and
circulation, Adhajani, (2011).
Form Of Small Arms And Light Weapons
The United Nations General Assembly defines small arms and light weapons as
any portable lethal weapon that expels or launches, is designed to expel or launch,
or may be readily converted to expel or launch a shot, bullet or projectile by the
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action of an explosive (Heinrich,2006). United Nations Institute for Disarmament
Research highlighted small arms to include: revolvers and self-loading pistols;
rifles and carbines; sub-machine-guns; assault riffles; light machine-gun; heavy
machine-guns; hand-held under-barrel and mounted grenade launchers; portable
anti-craft guns; portable anti-tank guns; recoilless riffles; portable launchers of
antitank missiles and rockets system; portable launchers of anti-aircraft missiles
systems; and mortars of calibers less than 100mm, United Nations Institute for
Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), (2006).
Combating Proliferation Of Small Arms And Light Weapons
According to Best Practice Guidelines for the Implementation of the Nairobi
Declaration and Nairobi Protocol on Small Arms and Light Weapons, small arms
are weapons designed for personal use and shall include: light machine guns,
including machine pistols, fully automatic rifles and assault rifles and semi-
automatic rifles (Best Practice Guidelines, 2005). Firearms include any portable
barreled and lethal weapon that expels, is designed to expel or may be readily
converted to expel a shot, bullet or projectile by the action of burning propellant,
excluding antique firearms or their replicas. Antique firearms and their replicas
shall be defined in accordance with domestic law:
Any device which may be readily converted to a weapon as referred to above or
destructive device such as an explosive bomb, incendiary bomb or gas bomb,
grenade, rocket launcher, missiles, missile system or mine.
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Ammunition:
The complete round or its components, parts or replacement parts of asmall arm or light weapon, provided that those components are themselves
subject to authorization of the respective State party; and
Other related materials:
Any components, part or spare parts of a small arm or light weapon, thatare essential to its operation. Generally, small arms refer to weapons
meant for individual use, including revolvers and self-loading pistols,
rifles and carbines, sub-machine guns, assault rifles and light machine
guns. Light weapons are portable weapons designed for use by several
persons serving as a crew: heavy machine guns, automatic cannons,
howitzers, mortars of less than 100mm caliber, grenade launchers, anti-
tank weapons and launchers, recoilless guns, shoulder fired rockets, anti-
aircraft weapons and launchers, and air defence weapons (SADC Firearms
Protocol, 2003: Article 1.2).
When compared to other major weapon systems, small arms are cheap, easily
accessible, simple to operate, portable and easy to repair or replace. In addition,
they are easily acquired and used in armed conflict by both state and non-state
actors. Above all they are highly lethal. According to the United Nations Institute
for Disarmament Research (2006), around 640 million such weapons are
estimated to be in circulation around the world, many of which are not
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government controlled. Although they are used for legitimate national defence
and security needs, they are also used by rebels, irregular armed groups, terrorist
and criminal gangs. Equally, to say that small arms are also used for personal
protection, hunting and sporting activities will amount to restating the obvious.
Modes Of Acquiring SALWs In Nigeria
The obvious thing is that the means of acquiring weapons today are much greater
and different from those of the Cold War period. The reason is that the Cold War
arms trading system was more strictly controlled than the one that exists today,
especially in the case of small arms and light weapons (Laurence, 2010). It is not
a false argument to say that Cold War arms trading system which have non-state
actors as its dominant feature (i.e. as the superpowers and their allies supplied
their clients in pursuit of political and ideological goals), did not receive 100%
government control. The truth is that during the era, the control of these weapons
was not perfect, especially for weapons sent to non-state actors. But at least in the
case of the initial production and transfer of these weapons to states and non-state
actors, government controlled the production and export. Weapons are also
acquired legitimately. It is on record that much of the supply and acquisition of
small arms and light weapons is through legitimate trade that occurs among
governments or among legal entities authorized by governments. As countries that
manufacture small arms and light weapons continue to export them legitimately,
along with their surplus of use weapons, they continue to be imported legally by
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counties in regions of conflict, -- legal being defined as any transfer that is not
contrary to the laws of states and/or international law Laurence, (2010). This
takes place as granted (aid), particularly when a large army is decreasing in size
and wishes to export its surplus weapons. Government to government sales can
take place as well, but the dominant mode of legitimate transfer is the commercial
sale. The transfer is normally controlled under national procedures in both the
supplier and recipient state, through export licenses and end-user certificates.
Equally, a government that want to bolster its own security and political power,
arms sub-national groups that support its political or social policies and act as a
supplement to government security forces. This often takes the form of arming
self-defense force or liberalizing arms acquisition procedures for individual
citizens. Both types of holders can end up retaining weapons when the need for
such forces or possession diminishes, especially at the end of a peace process.
This has occurred in many places, including South Africa, Mozambique,
Colombia, and Guatemala. Attempts to register surplus weapons in a post conflict
phase can be complicated by such transfers and distribution. Several major
changes have taken place since the Cold War ended that resulted in much of the
trade in small arms and light weapons not conforming to the above definitions of
legal trade.
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Policies, Measure And Control Options
In the Lagos state, SALW have been used to exacerbate conflicts, to engage in
criminal activities such as banditry, theft of oil (known as oil-bunkering) and
kidnapping, and to intimidate opposition groupings. Given the availability of
SALW in the Lagos state, sustainable security is difficult to achieve in this
poverty-stricken and densely populated area surrounded by commercial boom.
Concerted efforts should be made to reduce the proliferation and misuse of
SALW in the Lagos state metropolis. Such an approach should address both the
demand and supply aspects of the SALW problem. In terms of supply, a multi-
tiered approach is required, from targeting the major global arms manufacturers
and suppliers in order to encourage them to show greater restraint in the sale of
weapons to African countries that are experiencing armed conflict, to establishing
stiffer internal arms transfer controls, to regulating the activities of arms brokers
and private security companies. In practical terms, it is impossible to place a ban
on the production and transfer of SALW in the country. According to Musah,
apart from the fact that they perform some legitimate functions in the governance
process, they are widely used in hunting to supplement the predominantly starch-
based diet in the rural communities of the country, Onuoha (2006). In addition,
SALW are sturdy, durable and reusable, and hence are difficult to eliminate.
Government must consequently improve and strengthen national SALW laws and
regulations, impose licensing requirements, and carefully restrict their
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manufacture and transfer. Addressing the demand side of the SALW problem can
only be achieved if local conditions are taken into account. For instance, the case
of the Niger Delta region, simply suggest the same with that of Lagos state, the
manner by which Nigeria is governed is one of the major root causes of violence
as it distributes resources inequitably, which directly contributes to
underdevelopment, Onuoha, (2006).
There have been some positive developments in terms of arms control and
disarmament in Nigeria. For example, in October 1998 the Economic Community
of West African States (ECOWAS) established a moratorium on the import,
export and manufacture of SALW. One of its aims was to institute a voluntary
freeze on arms trade and eliminate existing illegal stocks from society. The
agreement also calls for the creation of a national commission drawn from the
state and civil society structures to supervise disarmament within each individual
state. In May 2001 the Nigerian government inaugurated a national committee on
the ECOWAS moratorium on SALW. The Nigerian government has also
established a national committee to investigate and report on the proliferation and
illicit trafficking of SALW within as well as in the country. Its members include
representatives of the Army, Navy, State Security Services, Nigerian Immigration
Service, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency and Ministry of Defence. In
September 2003 the federal government announced an arms surrender policy to
recover weapons being used by ethnic militias in the State. Although it recorded a
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modest success, no real long-term strategy for recovering SALW seems to be in
place. Conversely, on the civil society platform, a coalition of non-governmental
organisations in the state launched a mop-up the arms campaign in June 2003
(Onuoha, 2006). In spite of these developments, practical action remains limited.
First, the moratorium is voluntary and is not legally binding. To this extent, only a
demonstration of confidence building measures and political will by the
government can tackle the instability caused by SALW in the region. Second,
there is a growing tendency for these agencies and commissions to be
incorporated into the corrupt and inept state bureaucracies, hence, rendering them
ineffective.
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CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter explains the procedure and methods adopted in the research work.
The study consists of research design, population of the study, sample size, and
technique, instrumentation, validity of the instrument, reliability of the
instrument, procedure for data collection and method of data analysis.
3.1 DESIGN OF THE STUDY
The design of the study is the planned structure and strategy for investigation
conceived so as to obtain answer to the research hypotheses questions. This is
used for the purpose of obtaining data to enhance the testing of hypotheses,
Behling (1997). It also went further to state clearly the methods employed in
collecting and analyzing data on the study of the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons as a threat to national security.
3.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDYAccording to Asika (2008), a population is made up of all conceivable elements,
subjects or observations relating to a particular phenomenon of interest to the
researcher. The population of interest in this research work is the Lagos state
police command. It consists of 4878 officers of the Nigeria police.
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3.3 SAMPLE SIZE AND TECHNIQUEThe sample size is made up of one hundred respondent police officers out of the
4878 officers of the Nigeria police. The adopted sample technique is the simple
random technique.
3.4 INSTRUMENTATIONEmory (1976) stressed on the relevance of questionnaire as an important
instrument in the collection of data. He added that questionnaire enables
researchers to obtain wide range of information needed for the research work.
The instrument used for data collection is the respondents questionnaire. It is
structured using 5-point Likert scale i.e. strongly agree, agree, undecided,
disagree and strongly disagree. The questionnaire consisted of twenty (20)
items. The questionnaire is divided into two sections: section A containing the
personal data of the respondents while section B contains statements relating to
the variables under study.
3.5 VALIDITY OF THE INSTRUMENTThe instrument validity is the face validity which was adopted. The researcher
gave the instrument to research experts and my supervisor went through the items
and made corrections, with the corrections made, the trial, draft of the items was
ascertained.
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3.6 RELIABILITY OF THE INSTRUMENTThe research instrument was reliable for the fact that it enhances the chance of
obtaining enough data needed for the research work. The questionnaire was well
structured to elicit respondents' response to the various items.
3.7 PROCEDURE FOR DATA COLLECTIONOlayiwola (2006) emphasized that there are two procedures for data collection
namely, primary and secondary sources of data collection. Data used for the
research study were collected using primary sources. The primary source of
data collection includes the use of questionnaire. This source of data collection
enables the researcher to obtain relevant information needed to enrich the
research work.
3.8 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSISData used for the research study were analyzed using descriptive statistics
such as frequency tables and percentages. Formulated hypothesis were tested
using Chi-square (x2) statistic with the aid of Statistical Package for Social
Sciences (SPSS).
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CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
4.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter of the study is concerned with the statistical tools used in data presentation,
analysis and interpretation. Data collected would be analyzed using frequency table and
percentages.
4.1 RESULT AND DATA ANALYSIS
Table 4.1.0: Questionnaire Response Rate
Response Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Returned 98 98
Not returned 2 2
Total 100 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.0 shows that out of 100 copies of the questionnaire distributed to the
respondents, 98 copies were fully completed and returned, representing 98% while 2
copies of the questionnaire were not returned representing 2%. Thus, indicate that
majority of the respondents completed and returned the copies of the questionnaire
distributed to them.
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Table 4.1.1: Sex Analysis
Response Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Male 56 58
Female 42 42
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.1 shows that 56 respondents are male representing 58% while 42
respondents are female representing 42%. Thus, indicate that majority of the
respondents were male. The survey shows that the number of male is higher than
female who were surveyed.
Table 4.1.2: Age Analysis
Response Frequency (t) Percentage (%)
18-30 17 17
31-40 53 55
41-50 22 22
51 and above 6 6
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.2 shows that 17 respondents were between 18-30 years representing 17%;
53 respondents were between the age of 31-40 years representing 55% 22
respondents were between 41-50 years representing 22%; while 6 respondents were
between 51 years and above representing 6%. Thus, indicate that the majority of the
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respondents were between the ages of 31-40 years. This shows the active working
age position of workers in the survey.
Table 4.1.3: Marital Status Analysis
Response Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Single 45 45
Married 53 55
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.3 shows that 45 respondents were single representing 45% while 53
respondents were married representing 55%. Thus, majority of the respondents are
married.
Table 4.1.4: Analysis of Working Experience
Year Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Below 5 19 19
6-10 45 47
11-15 26 26
16 and above 8 8
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.4 shows that 19 respondents have worked below 5 years representing 19%, 45
respondents have worked for 6-10 years representing 47%, 26 respondents have worked
for 11-15 years representing 26%, while 8 respondents have worked for 16 years and
above representing 8%. Thus, indicate that majority of the respondents have worked for
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6-10 years. This indicates the experience the respondents have undergone over the years
in the course of the survey.
Table 4.1.5: Qualification Analysis
Qualification Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Master Degree 12 12
HND/B.Sc. 27 27
NCE/OND 38 40
SSCE/NECO 21 21
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.5 shows that 12 respondents are Master Degree holders representing 12% while
27 respondents are HND/B.Sc. holders of representing 27%. 38 respondents are
NCE/OND holders representing 40%, 21 respondents are SSCE/NECO holders
representing 21%. Thus, most of the respondents are holders of NCE/OND. This
indicates the educational qualification of the respondents in during the survey.
Table 4.1.6: Analysis of Position at WorkLevel
Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Senior Staff 23 23
Junior Staff 75 77
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.6 shows that 23 respondents are senior staff representing 23% while 75
respondents are junior staff representing 77%. Thus, majority of the respondents are
junior staff.
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Table 4.1.7: Distribution of Respondents by Department
Department Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Investigation 16 16
Enforcement 22 22
Personnel /Admin. 13 13
Operation 38 40
Research and Development 9 9
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.7 shows that 16 respondents are in investigation department representing
16%; 22 respondents are in enforcement department representing 22%; 13
respondents are in personnel/admin department representing 13%; 38 and 9
respondents are in operation department and research & development department
representing 40% and 9% respectively. Thus, indicate that majority of the
respondents are in the Nigeria police force.
Table 4.1.8: Can poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons in Nigeria?
ResponsesFrequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 32 34
Agree 29 29
Undecided 7 7
Disagree 11 11
Strongly disagree 19 19
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
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Table 4.1.8 shows that 32 respondents representing 34% strongly agreed that poor
border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 29
respondents representing 29% agreed that poor border check increase the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondent
representing7% was undecided that poor border check increase the proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed
that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in
Nigeria, while 19 respondents representing 19% strongly disagreed that poor border
check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus,
majority of the respondents agreed that poor border check increase the proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in Nigeria
Table 4.1.9: Do the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to
their do or die politics?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 26 28
Agree 25 25
Undecided 10 10
Disagree 15 15
Strongly disagree 22 22
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
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Table 4.1.9 shows that 26 respondents representing 28% strongly agreed that the Nigerian
politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 25
respondents representing 25% agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the
insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 10 respondents representing 10%
were undecided that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to
their do or die politics, 15 respondents representing 15% disagreed that the Nigerian
politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, while 22
respondents representing 22% strongly disagreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute
to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics. Thus, most of the respondents
agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do
or die politics.
Table 4.1.10: Can the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons
proliferation by registering her weapons?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%}
Strongly agree 25 25
Agree 34 36
Undecided 4 4
Disagree 13 13
Strongly disagree 22 22
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
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Table 4.1.10 shows that 25 respondents representing 25% strongly agreed that the Nigeria
police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her
weapons, 34 respondents representing 36% agreed that the Nigeria police help in the
control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 4
respondents representing 7% were undecided that the Nigeria police help in the control of
small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 13 respondents
representing 13% disagreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and
light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, while 22 respondents representing
22% strongly disagreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light
weapons proliferation by registering her weapons. Thus majority of the respondents
agreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons
proliferation by registering her weapons.
Table 4.1.11: Can adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to
improve our security?
ResponsesFrequency (t)
Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 29 31
Agree 26 26
Undecided 9 9
Disagree 17 17
Strongly disagree 19 19
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
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Table 4.1.11 shows that 29 respondents representing 31% strongly agreed that adequate
consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 26
respondents representing 26% agreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle
weapons help to improve our security, 9 respondent representing 9% was undecided that
adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 17
respondents representing 17% disagreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to
handle weapons help to improve our security, while 19 respondents representing 19%
strongly disagreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to
improve our security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that adequate
consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security.
Table 4.1.12: Can poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small
arms and light weapons in Nigeria?
ResponsesFrequency (f)
Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 49 51
Agree 28 28
Undecided 3 3
Disagree 7 7
Strongly disagree 11 11
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.12 shows that 49 respondents representing 51% strongly agreed that poor
governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in
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Nigeria, 28 respondents representing 28% agreed that poor governance constitute to the
increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3 respondents
representing 3% were undecided that poor governance constitute to the increase in
proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondents representing 7%
disagreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms
and light weapons in Nigeria, while 11 respondents representing 11 % strongly disagreed
that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light
weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that poor governance
constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.
Table 4.1.13: Can ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in Nigeria?
ResponsesFrequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 51 53
Agree 35 35
Undecided 3 3
Disagree 2 2
Strongly disagree 7 7
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.13 shows that 51 respondents representing 53% strongly agreed that ethnic and
community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in
Nigeria, 35 respondents representing 35% agreed that ethnic and community violence
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constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3
respondent representing 3% was undecided that ethnic and community violence constitute
increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 2 respondents
representing 2% disagreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in
proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 7 respondents representing
7% strongly disagreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in
proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents
agreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small
arms and light weapons in Nigeria.
Table 4.1.14: Do denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms
and light weapons in Nigeria?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 38 40
Agree 32 32
Undecided 8 8
Disagree 11 11
Strongly disagree 9 9
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.14 shows that 38 respondents representing 40% strongly agreed that denial of
civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in
Nigeria, 32 respondents representing 32% agreed that denial of civic right constitute to
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increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria denial of civic right
constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 8
respondents representing 8% were undecided that denial of civic right constitute to
increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 11 respondents
representing 11% disagreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation
of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 9 respondents representing 9% strongly
disagreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and
light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that denial of civic
right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.
Table 4.1.15: Can public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in Nigeria?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 39 41
Agree 35 35
Undecided 7 7
Disagree 5 5
Strongly disagree 12 12
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.15 shows that 39 respondents representing 41% strongly agreed public
enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons in Nigeria, 35 respondents representing 35% agreed that public enlightenment
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on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7
respondents representing 7% were undecided that public enlightenment on weapons help
to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 5 respondents
representing 5% disagreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 12 respondents
representing 12% strongly disagreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to
reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the
respondents agreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation
of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.
Table 4.1.16: Can proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 36 38
Agree 31 31
Undecided 2 2
Disagree 12 12
Strongly disagree 17 17
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.16 shows that 36 respondents representing 38% strongly agreed that proper
education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons, 31 respondents representing 31% agreed that the proper education of the
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youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 2
respondents representing 2% were undecided that proper education of the youth on
weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 12
respondents representing 12% disagreed that proper education of the youth on weapons
help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, while 17
respondents representing 17% strongly disagreed proper education of the youth on
weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Thus,
majority of the respondents agreed that proper education of the youth on weapons help to
discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons.
Table 4.1.17 Can institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in Nigeria?
ResponsesFrequency (f)
Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 50 52
Agree 36 36
Undecided 3 3
Disagree 7 7
Strongly disagree 2 2
Total 98 100
Source; Field Survey 2012.
Table 4.1.17 shows that 50 respondents representing 52% strongly agreed that
institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light
weapons in Nigeria, 36 respondents representing 26% agreed that institutions like
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ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in
Nigeria, 3 respondent representing 3% were undecided that institutions like ECOWAS
help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7
respondents representing 7% disagreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in the
reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 2
respondents representing 2% strongly disagreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in
the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, most of
the respondents agreed institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of
small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.
Table 4.1.18: Do proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to
national security?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 39 41
Agree 32 32
Undecided 4 4
Disagree 7 7
Strongly disagree 16 16
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.18 shows that 39 respondents representing 41% strongly agreed proliferation of
small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security, 32 respondents
representing 32% agreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security
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threat to national security, 4 respondent representing 4% was undecided that
proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security, 7
respondents representing 7% disagreed that proliferation of small arms and light
weapons pose security threat to national security, while 16 respondents representing
16% strongly disagreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security
threat to national security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that proliferation of
small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security.
Table 4.1.19: Do Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and
community violence?
Responses Frequency (f)Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 45 47
Agree 33 33
Undecided 3 3
Disagree 6 6
Strongly disagree 11 11
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.19 shows that 45 respondents representing 47% strongly agreed that Small
arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, 33
respondents representing 33% agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the
ethnic conflict and community violence, 3 respondents representing 3% were
undecided that the Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and
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community violence, 6 respondents representing 6% disagreed that Small arms and
light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, while 11
respondents representing 11% strongly disagreed that Small arms and light weapons
escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence. Thus, most of the respondents
agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community
violence.
Table 4.1.20: Is there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons as a threat to national security?
Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)
Strongly agree 30 30
Agree 43 45
Undecided 2 2
Disagree 11 11
Strongly disagree 12 12
Total 98 100
Source: Field Survey, 2012.
Table 4.1.20 shows that 30 respondents representing 30% strongly agreed that there
significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a
threat to national security, 43 respondents representing 45% agreed that there significant
relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to
national security, 2 respondent representing 2% were undecided that there significant
relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to
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national security, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed that there significant
relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to
national security, while 12 respondents representing 12% strongly disagreed that there
significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a
threat to national security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that there significant
relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to
national security.
4.2 TEST OF HYPOTHESES
Hypothesis I
H0: There is no significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons
poses security threat to national security.
H1: There is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses
security threat to national security.
Table 4.2.1: The computation of calculated chi-square value
Responses O E O - E (OE)
(OE)
E
SA 39 19.6 19.4 376.36 19.20
A 32 19.6 12.4 153.76 7.84
UN 4 19.6 -15.6 -31.2 -1.59
D 7 19.6 -12.6 -25.2 -1.29
SD 6 19.6 -13.6 -27.2 -1.39
Total 98 98 25.55
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Expected value = 98 = 19.6
5
Calx2= (O - E)2 = 25.55
E
D.F = N1 = 51 = 4
a = 0.05
Tab (x2) = 9.48773
Decision ; since the chi-square (x2) value (25.55) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x
2)
(9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is
accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms
and light weapons poses security threat to national security.
Hypothesis II
H0: There is no significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the
ethnic conflict and community violence.
H1: There is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the
ethnic conflict and community violence.
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Table 4.2.2: The computation of calculated chi-square value
Responses O E O - E (OE)
(OE)
E
SA 45 19.6 25.4 645.16 32.92
A 33 19.6 13.4 179.56 9.17
UN 3 19.6 -16.6 -33.2 -1.69
D 6 19.6 -13.6 -30.2 -1.54
SD 11 19.6 -8.6 -17.2 -0.89
Total 98 98 37.97
Expected value = 98 = 19.6
5
Calx2= (O - E)2 = 37.97
E
D.F = N1 = 51 = 4
a = 0.05
Tab (x2) = 9.48773Decision ; since the chi-square (x
2) value (37.97) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x
2)
(9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is
accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant evidence that Small arms and light
weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence
Hypothesis III
H0: There is no significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons and a threat to national security.
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H1: There is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons and a threat to national security.
Table 4.2.3: The computation of calculated chi-square value
Responses O E O - E (OE)2
(OE)2
E
SA 30 19.6 10.4 108.16 5.52
A 43 19.6 23.4 547.56 27.94
UN 2 19.6 -17.6 -35.2 -1.79
D 11 19.6 -8.6 -17.2 -0.88
SD 12 19.6 -7.6 -15.2 -0.77
Total 98 98 30.02
Expected value = 98 = 19.6
5
Calx2= (O - E)2 = 30.02
E
D.F = N1 = 51 = 4
a = 0.05
Tab (x2) = 9.48773Decision ; since the chi-square (x
2) value (30.02) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x2)
(9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is
accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant relationship between the proliferation of
small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security
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4.3 DISCUSSION OF FINDING
Contrary to public perception that some outs of the SALWs are used for
protection while majority are of the opposite that it is harmful and endangers the
security of the state. The study revealed that there is significant evidence that
proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national
security considering the economic position of the state. The research work shows
that Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as institution can
help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria,
given about 52% of the respondents strongly agree and about 36% agree
respectively. The study therefore challenge the Federal, State and Local
Government as well as concerned institutions to give ear to the call for measures
that can lead to the reduction or even eradication of proliferation of small arms
and light weapons in Nigeria.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
5.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter consists of summary, conclusion and recommendations made based on the
outcome of the research work.
5.1 SUMMARY
The approach adopted by the Lagos State to the problem of insecurity created by
proliferation of small arms and light weapons was of no good. This act which has
increase the level of crime and human violation caused by those who make use of
the weapons in an unhumanised way and manna has led to the high level of
insecurity. The militarizing the state rather than forming the basis for security,
led to the emergency and activities of vigilante groups. This approach rather than
addressing the challenges has heightened the conflict in the state and led to human
rights violations in the state, Balogun (2003). There are issues surrounding the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons to national security. The issue of
marginalization, deprivation, unequal allocation of development resources and
gross marginalization and the quest for social equity and justice, and the use of
wrong approach in addressing the issue of insecurity constitute to this problem.
These are issues that the Lagos state cannot run away from and that it has to be
addressed for peace and security to reign in the state.
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5.2 CONCLUSION
Obviously, having described the issue of small arms and light weapons
proliferation as well as identified and shed light on the causes of the proliferations
and how it constitute threat to the national security. The study therefore conclude
that any attempts to totally arrest or initiate efforts to combat the activities of
small arms and light weapons proliferation, without providing credible and
sustained synergy and demobilization will likely fail and this will be drawn back
into conflict activity to support political power brokers, or other form of human
violation which would be more worster than the proliferation of SALWs will step
up. The study therefore challenge the authorities in charge to step up actions to
stop the menace in the society, as well as seeking collaboration from religious
groups, human right organizations and NGOs as against the proliferation of small
arms and light weapons.
5.3 RECOMMENDATION
Increasingly, the illegal transfer of Small arms and light weapons is recognized as
a security-related humanitarian problem that needs to be tackled by states on a
national, regional and international levels. The uncontrolled accumulation and
proliferation of small arms is a major threat to national, sub-regional and regional
security. Apart from causing destruction of lives and serious human rights
violation, the phenomenon undermines development efforts. This has resulted,
among others, in the increase in criminality and banditry, and the emergence of
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child soldiers with its attendant consequences. In view of this, the study therefore
make the following recommendations.
i. Establishing a Culture of Peace:The Moratorium is a confidence building measure that is needed to establish a
culture of peace. This will be achieved through an awareness campaign involving
women organizations, religious bodies, community groups, business associations,
professional organizations, academics, traditional groups, elders and non-
governmental organizations. They will inform the general public about the effects
of armed violence and the concerted efforts by the government to reduce them.
The approach for establishing this culture of peace can come through the
following levels:
Local Level Programmes such as
Essays and opinion pieces/papers will be published in local newspapers asregards the Moratorium.
Talk shows in local radio networks discussing the governments effort to curbillicit small arms trafficking.
National Level, Government will facilitate the
Mobilization of resources at inter-ministerial level to promote education infavour of the culture of peace.
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Educating the school children on the culture of peace by deglamourizingviolence and emphasizing on the African traditions of negotiation and
dialogue in conflict situations.
International Level:
Need to establish a network of West African NGOs working to promote peacein the sub-region. This will be in collaboration with Programme for
Coordination and Assistance on Security Development (PCASED).
Need to increase sub-regional and international collaboration. Each member state of ECOWAS will celebrate a week against the
proliferation of small arms.
ii. The setting up of Truth Commission:The true commission would have the primary objective of investigating and
reporting cases of human rights violations in the Lagos state. The truth
commission should be an official body of the federal Government that will be
responsible for making recommendations that will remedy human rights
violations and measurement to the reoccurrence of such abuses.
5.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
Many questions remain unanswered which could be addressed by different social
science disciplines. From the political science discipline, studies could address
the question of which factor is influencing the proliferation of small arms and
light weapons. Government should as a matter of policy and legislations workout
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a framework for a research on the proliferation of small arms andlight weapons
and measure to combat it as this will promote public confidence in the National
security system or network according to Onuoha, (2006).
BIBLOGRAPHY
APPENDIX
National Open University of
Nigeria,14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way,Victoria Island, Lagos.
Dear Sir/Madam,
REQUEST FOR THE COMPLETION OF QUESTIONNAIRE
I am a student of the above institution conducting a research on THE PROLIFERATION
OF SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS AS A THREAT TO NATIONAL
SECURITY (A case Study of Lagos State), " as the study area.
I humbly solicit for your co-operation and assistance in helping me in this study by
completing the attached questionnaire. All information supplied herein shall be treated
with strict and absolute confidentiality as this exercise is merely for academic purpose.
Thanks for your co-operation.
Yours faithfully,Mr. Jimmy Sunday Okon
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Researcher, 08026980840
QUESTIONNAIRE
Section A: Personal Information
Instruction: Please tick () against the appropriate choice/options to indicate youranswers to the items.1. Sex: (a) Male ( ) (b) Female ( )
2. Age (years) : (a)18-30( ) (b)31-40( )
(c) 41-50( ) (d) 51 and above
3. Marital Status: (a) Single ( ) (b) Married( )
4. Working Experience: (a) Below 5yrs ( ) (b) 6 - 10yrs( )
( c) 11 - 15yrs ( ) (d) 16 years and Above
5. Qualification: (a) SSCE ( ) (b) NCE/OND( )
(c) HND/B.Sc. ( ) (d)Master Degree ( )
6. Position at work:
(a) Senior Officer ( )
(b) Junior Officer ( )
7. Department: (a) Investigation ( ) (b) Personnel/Admin( )
(c ) Enforcement ( ) (d ) Operation ( )
(e ) Research and Development
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Section B:
Instruction: Please tick the appropriate answer in the boxes attached to the statementsbelow:SA = Strongly Agree A= Agree UN = Undecided D =Disagree SD = Strongly Disagree
S/N Statement SA A UN D SD
8 Can poor boarder check increase theproliferation of small arms and light weaponsin Nigeria?
9 Do the Nigerian politicians contribute to theinsecurity of Nigeria due to their do die politics?
10 Can the Nigeria police help in the control ofsmall arms and light weapons proliferation byregistering her weapons?
11 Can adequate consideration of ages eligible tohandle weapons help to improve our security?
12 Can poor governance constitute to the increase inproliferation of small arms and light weapons inNigeria?
13 Can ethnic and community violence constitute
increase in proliferation of small arms and lightweapons in Nigeria?
14 Do denial of civic right constitute to increase inproliferation of small arms and light weapons inNigeria?
15 Can public enlightenment on weapons help toreduce the proliferation of small r]arms and lightweapons in Nigeria?
16 Can proper education of the youth on weaponshelp to discourage the proliferation of small armsand light weapons?
17 Can institutions like ECOWAS help in thereduction of proliferation of small arms and lightweapons in Nigeria?
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18 Do proliferation of small arms and light weaponspose security threat to national security?
19 Do Small arms and light weapons escalated theethnic conflict and community violence?
20 Is there significant relationship between the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons asa threat to national security?