political economy of agrarian movement in bihar

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POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGRARIAN MOVEMENT IN BIHAR Author(s): APS Chouhan, APS Chauhan and Dinesh Kumar Singh Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 65, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec., 2004), pp. 517-530Published by: Indian Political Science AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41856074Accessed: 08-03-2016 10:15 UTC

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The Indian Journal of Political Science

Vol. LXV, No. 4, Oct.-Dec., 2004

POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGRARIAN

MOVEMENT IN BIHAR

APS Chouhan,

Dinesh Kumar Singh

I

The bloody trail of caste and class carnage continues unabated

in Bihar, cycle of killing and counter-killings continues. In semi- feudal

structure of Bihar caste based private militia of landed class is killing

harijan agricultural labourers. The major carnage against harijan labourers

has occurred at Dumariyan. ( Bhojpur district ) and Miapur village ( Aurangabad district ) Narayanpur , Shankarbigha ( Jehanabad district )

in 2000s. The different faction of CPI(ML) had massacred landlords and

rich peasants. There seems to be no end to this bloody trail of killing

and counter killings which had started three decades ago in the late 1960's and early 1970's with burning of dalit agricultural labourers at

Kargahar, Chhauranano, Gopalpur, Dharampura and Belchhi. This politics

of the brutal form of violence reflects upon the whole dynamics of the

politics of development and democracy which requires a careful analysis.

The importance and relevance of this subject is self-evident to social scientist of different intellectual persuasion because the myth of. Indian village as a "sleepy, lethargic and idyllic" place was exploded when Indian rural village in general and Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal in particular witnessed violent rural conflict in late sixties. Neither caste analysis nor class analysis alone will suffice to understand agrarian conflict. Caste and class dimension of agrarian conflict will be evident in course of discussion. It is imperative to discuss agrarian relation and agrarian system that developed during colonial and post colonial period which will throw light in understanding conflict that is occurring in Bihar. The classic compilations' of administrator and social scientist attempted to bring about a much clear understanding of agrarian process in India in general and Bihar in particular. The British had introduced there types of revenue settlement. These were permanent Zamindari : settlement in Bihar, Bengal and Eastern U.P. and parts of Orissa; Ryotwari :

in Bombay, parts of Madras Presidencies, Berar and Assam; and the



The Indian Journal of Political Science 518

Mahalwari : in United Provinces except Oudh, Punjab and Central Provinces. The Permanent settlement of land in Eastern India, introduced

by Lord Cornwalis in 1793, confirmed proprietory rights over the land with zamindars who were only conscious of their own interest and hardly

took interest in improvement of agriculture. Various acts introduced by the Colonial State for dealing with

tenant - landlord relationship till 1841, tilted in favour of zamindars only

and worsened the position of tenants.2 The acts of 1859 and 1885 introduced to consolidate the position of tenants hardly provided any relief to the tenants.3 There was wide gap between land revenue paid by

the actual tillers of land and the rent paid to the zamindars . A large numbers of intermediaries derived income from the landed property without making any productive effort.4 Many of the zamindars marked by 4 inability and incompetence 4 created highly ramified set of middlemen for their estates, in turn, receiving from them proprietory share of rent. These middlemen not only acquired degrees of rights on the land itself but also exploited poor peasantry leading to perennial source of agrarian tension. 5

In brief rent enhancement, unauthorised exactions, evictions and

other kinds of oppression against the tenantry continued, more or less,

throughout the period6. The landlords and their agent extracted maximum

surplus in the form of extra legal and illegal cesses or levying abwabs,

Salami money paid at the time of transfer of occupancy holdings and

vicious system of Corvee known as begar. This settlement was also marked by deterioration in agricultural production .7 As far as agrarian

classes are concerned, prior to 50 's, there had grown up in Bihar an

Intricately stratified system of relation ofpeopletoland:TheZamindar,

the tenure holder, the occupancy ryot, the non-occupancy ryot, the under

ryot and the Mazdoor.8,

II

In fact the agrarian relation varied from one region to another

region depending upon nature of revenue settlement. The nature of

agrarian relation in Bihar was quite different from that of Maharastra,

Punjab and Western U.P. One must not overemphasize the relationship

between land tenure system and agrarian relation which in turn, more or

less, shaped the nature of the peasants movement in different parts of

India. The Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha9 led by Swami Sahajanand



Political Economy Of Agrarian Movement In Bihar 519

Saraswati advocated for the abolition of zamindari system in 1930's and

1940's. The peasant movement in Maharastra and Western U.P. was directed against money lenders. The Tebhaga Movement10 in Bengal was

led by the share-croppers against Jotedar for the reduction of the hare

of he proprietor from one-half of the crop to one-third. Thus the type of

land tenure system, in a general sense, influenced agrarian relations and

issue and demands to be taken up by the peasant movements.

In Bihar, the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha led by Swami Sahajanand Saraswati struggled to dismantle the permanent settlement.

The movement was joined by the Congress Socialists Party led by Jaya

Prakash Narayan, the Communist Party of India led by Karyanand Sharma. The movement forced the Congress Party, which came into power

briefly in 1937, and then in 1946, to address itself to the question of

changing the agrarian system through legislation.1 1 The election manifesto of the Congress party in 1946, for first time , talked of agrarian

reform, but after winning election on the basis of this manifesto, it moved

at slow pace in the direction of abolishing zamindari. Meanwhile the

peasants agitated on the issue of Bakasht lands during 1939 to 1945 in south Bihar.12

Land reforms be discussed because it would enable us to

understand not only agrarian relations but nature of agrarian conflict.

Bihar was first state to pass the Bihar Abolition of Zamindari Bill to

abolish the zamindari system. It was then amended and published as the

Bihar Abolition of Zamindari Act, 1948, only to be repeated and replaced

by the Bihar Land Reform Act, 1950, the validity of which was finally

upheld by the Supreme Court in 1952.,3Apart from it, the Bihar Legislature enacted land reform legislation dealing with ceiling on land

holding, consolidation of holding and provision relating to minimum

wages for agricultural labourers.

The zamindars vehemently opposed at entry stage of the various

provisions of land reform bills causing inordinate delay and dilutions

in final enactments inside the state legislature. 14 Commenting upon it,

A.N.Das writes, " It was opposed in political forum by no less a person than Dr Rajendra Prasad, in the mass media, and in the courts by the ' Maharajadhiraj ' of Darbhanga,

through a variety of extra-parliamentaiy actions by the likes of the

' Rajas ' of Ramgarh, Kursela and other large and petty zamindars. ",5




S.K .Sinha, while participating in debate inside legislature, has opined

that "J tell you that you are at the crest of volcano, the volcano may

burst at any moment It is only to save you from destruction that I have brought this resolution 16 The zamindari Abolition Act abolished zamindars but the same persons continued to maintain their hold over the village power structure. The act has been formulated and framed in such way that benefited zamindars. There

was sufficient loopholes in the act. This shows the strength of economic and social power enjoyed by the zamindars.17

The Bihar Tenancy Act, 1885 was amended in 1955 and subsequently in 1970. Certain exception and exemption included in

the act gave landlords a lot of scope to manoeuvre and manipulate and even to prevent under-raiyats to acquire occupancy rights. I8c Ladejinsky, in his field trip to Kosi Area in Bihar in 1969, found that

the condition imposed on share-croppers was probably of its worst kind in the country 9 The working group on Land Reforms notes,

practice

from acquiring rights in lands ".20 This fact was confirmed by scholars 2,and another governmental committee 22 on Land Reforms .

Apart from it, Bihar Land Reforms ( fixation of ceiling area and acquisition of surplus land) Act passed in 1961 permitted every land owner to transfer within six months from the commencement of

the act, any land held by him to his son, daughter , grandchildren or any other heir . 23 In nutshell we can say that all these Acts failed to bring change in the agrarian set-up of Bihar. This has been concluded by the working group on Land Reforms of the National Commission on Agriculture : " By their abysmal failure to

implement the laws , the authorities in Bihar have reduced the whole

package of land reform measures to sour joke

land -owners do not care a tuppè nance for the administration ." 24

The agrarian social structure and agrarian relation , in post

independent India, varies from region to region. Wertheim characterized

the agricultural policy of the government as " betting on the strong "

25 Which created regional imbalance. There is capitalist type of farming in Punjab, Haryana and parts of western U. R while in Bihar and West Bengal there is semi- feudal, semi-capitalist mode of




production.26 The feature of semi-feudal mode of production in Bihar,

according to Pradhan H. Prasad, is reflected in landowners approaching the process of production and distribution with a view to strengthening their control over the masses, resulting in a set-up

where an indissoluble bond between direct producer and his landlord

is maintained by resort to "production relation" characterized by two modes of appropriation, share-cropping and usury. This results in semi- servile condition of living and low level of consumption,

and hence mass poverty and low productivity of land and labour , under- utilization of resources and almost negligible investment in

the agricultural sector.27

Ill

The various measures of land reforms, rural development and green revolution benefited upper backward caste (or intermediate

agrarian castes: Yadavas, Kurmi,and Koeri) in Bihar, Yadavas, Kurmis

and Koeris were, in pre-independence period, mostly tenants. The most numerous and relatively affluent among backwards Yadavas and Kurmis, during 1920's, protested against social oppression by upper caste. Later on Koeris 28 joined the movement. Triveni Sangh was their political outfit. The social movement started by these backward caste turned into economic conflict between upper-caste landlords and lower caste tenants. In post independent period, they benefited from various land reforms measures, green revolution

and rural development. They improved and consolidated their economic position . They, once constituted the leading core of the old Kisan Sabha movements, emerged as landlords, middle and rich peasants.

These upper backward castes not only consolidated their economic power but also emerged as politically conscious force in Bihar. In the late 1970's Karpoori Thakur Ministry's reservation

policy are indicative of a sea change in the structure of Bihar political economy . Observing on social change in Bihar, Harris W. Blair writes: " The Forwards or twice born" caste groups that had been dominant in Bihar since independence and before are being replaced by the ' backwards caste ' as the dominant stratum in the state."29 The hegemony and dominance of twice born castes was




challenged by emerging upper backward castes. Dalits became conscious and politically assertive. They began to be organised by different faction of CPI(ML). Their demands was centred on the various issues of rural social and class structure ie. struggle for

honour, opposition to oppression and exploitation, enforcement of minimum wages laws, recognition of share- cropper's right and abolition of bonded labour.30

The emerging backward castes are facing a challenge from below. The rich peasants from upper backward caste is very aggressive. It is a rising class. It is fighting two battles, socially and politically it is struggling against the upper castes and economically it is facing the dalits agricultural labourers and share-

croppers who are now organizing themselves. Commenting upon it Aran Sinha says that the major outrages against harijan share-

croppers and agricultural labourers were committed by both so- called backward castes of Kurmi and Yadavas and upper castes landlords. This rich peasants from upper backward castes have become more aggressive, ruthless and exploitative than upper caste landlords. They have transformed themselves into Kulaks. It does not mean that upper castes landlords have in any become less ruthless or exploitative. 31

Now it will be pertinent to point out caste and class interrelationship in Bihar . Gail Omvedt32 felt that in India there are

three classes: the rich peasants, the middle peasants and the poor peasants and agricultural labourers. The rich farmer, according to her, includes capitalist farmers, capitalist landlords, and feudal landlords. In caste term traditional feudal castes: Brahmans, Rajputs,

and middle kisan castes such as Marathas, Jats, Lingayats, Kammas,

Reddis, Vokkaligas etc come under the category of rich farmers. These

Kisan castes are dominant in those area where capitalist development

has taken place in agriculture. The poor peasant and agricultural labourers includes mostly dalits, adivasis, muslims and traditional middle castes. We must look at caste and class hierarchy in Bihar. In caste terms , landlords included the upper castes and upper backward castes such as Yadavas, Kurmis and Koeris. Rich peasants

belong to both upper castes and upper backward castes. The middle peasants include not only upper castes, upper backward




castes but also scheduled castes and tribes. The poor peasants

and agricultural labourers have in their ranks the great majority of the backward castes and almost the entire harijan and adi vasi population.33

If we closely observe development of agrarian unrest, it shows that class factor is the basic factor underlying these developments. But many social scientists analysing these phenomena

may prefer to see them in caste rather than class terms. When scholars throw their finely sociological nets into the stagnant waters

of Bihar's society, they draw out not class but the familiar .fishes of caste. But this is half the story. The discontent among dalits and rural poor could no longer be managed , a state of violence erupted. In 1970's the major outrages against harijan labourers in Karahgar, Belchi, Pathadda, Chhauradano, Gopalpur, Dharampura etc

are bloody testimonies of class war going on in Bihar.34 The South Bihar (Bhojpur, Buxar, Rohtas, Kaimur, Jehnabad,

Patna, Gaya, Nalanda and Aurangabad) has witnessed a series of agrarian conflict in its caste and class dimension. The nature of conflict is entirely different from conflict that is taking place in Purnea, Bhagalpur and Champaranpur district. The diara area of Bhagalpur-Munger hills and forests of Kaimur range and the Himalyan terrain of West Champaran and malaria- infested tracts of

trans -Kosi* Purnea are characterized by, in spite of overall pressure

of population, relatively low population density and less intensive agriculture. Lack of well established agrarian hierarchy, the weak nature of peasant caste and feudal oppression were common features of this region. It led to the emergence of roving rebel gangs of erstwhile peasants. 35

The main area of agrarian conflict is confined to Southern districts of Bihar. The Sone canal system, in southern districts, provided irrigation facility that led to increase in* agricultural output and income of zamindars. The improved irrigation facility and improved commercialisation of farming of this region provided material condition of agrarian unrest. 36 These regions has taken lead over other region in average yield quintal hectare for rice and wheat. 37 In short, on the relative scale of the level of development of agriculture, southern Bihar is far ahead than other



The Indian Journal of Political Science §24

region. 38 These region witnessed some package of green revolution.

It increased agrarian tension. The Home Ministry of Government of

India made a study in 1969 on causes and nature of agrarian tension. It came to the conclusion that the green revolution, instead

of being an instrument of social transformation, became an instrument

of social oppression. It has widened disparities between relatively few affluent farmers and the large body of small landholders and

agricultural workers. In consequence it has generated social tension.39 Thus Bihar witnessed , in late 1960's and 1970's, a numbers of

sporadic agrarian movements and the setting up of small organisations. In these movements, main participants were poor peasants

, share-croppers and agricultural labourers belonging mainly to the Harijan- Adivasi section fighting not absentee landlordism as in the

zamindari period but the new rich peasantry: the upper backward/ intermediary agrarian castes which had become more exploitative, ruthless and oppressive.40

A strong wave of spontaneous, sporadic and largely unorganised agrarian movements of the poor and landless peasants occurred in Bihar since late 1960's. They have come under some «ort of ideological guidance of one faction or the other of the CPI(ML) as in Musahari (Muzaffarpur), Purnea and Chauri, Ekwari and Chapra (Bhojpur district). These movements have been met by tremendous repression by both the landlord and the state.41 These peasant movements were also called first phase of the Naxalite Movement in Bihar. It rejected the possibility of peaceful solutions to

socio- economic problems and in turn resorted to violence. The first

phase of the Naxalite Movement was characterized as mindless violence.

Since 1980's political analyst have noted qualitatively new aspect of the naxalite movements as an important force in left politics. The new politics of left range from various factions of CPI(ML), the most important being the Liberation, and party unity groups, guerrilla groups like the Maoist Communist Centre(MCC), mass organisation like IPF, and Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti(MKSS). Various factions of CPI(ML) have distinct organisational

forms. There has been rivalry between them on carving out spheres

of influence. These groups has been spreading not only in the areas




of original Naxalite activity like Bhojpur but also to Southern Bihar

and tribal Jharkhand region. 43 In 1982, in its document entitled 4 Notes on Extremist Activities- affected Areas', the Bihar Government

reported that as many as 47 out of a total of 587 blocks, spread over

14 districts, were affected by the communist extremist movement. It

has grown enormiously in the face of the corrupt, casteist and incompetent administration of Bihar.43

IV

Violence, bloody clashes and tough resistance have become mode of social intercourse in Bihar. The cycle of caste- class violence

continues unabated in Bihar, The Southern Bihar has witnessed the

emergence of caste-based landlord's Sena.44 These Senas has been constituted to suppress agrarian movement. As Arun Sinha has pointed out " The major feature of social as well as political life is the prevalence of the language of force. " 4;>CPI(ML) Liberation Group's

position, on issue of violence, is conditioned by the socio-economic condition prevailing in Bihar. It states :

" Everywhere in Bihar, it is landlords who are armed, they

derive a sadistic pleasure, burning their houses and raping their women. Secondly, by any human logic whatsoever, the rural poor cannot be denied their right to organize their own resistance forces

to counter the attacks of landlord armies. Thirdly, if peasant struggle

takes violent forms in Bihar, the root must be sought in the forms of oppression ." 46

Table-1 Major Caste Senas of Bihar

Name of Caste Year of Operational

Sena

Kuer Sena Rajput 1979 Bhojpur, Rohtas

Kisan Suraksha Kurmi 1979 Patna, Jehanabad,

Samiti

Bhoomi Sena Kurmi 1983 Patna, Nalanda

Lorik Sena Yadav 1983 Patna, Jehanabad

Brahmarshi Sena Bhumihar 1984 Bhojpur, Patna, Jehanabad

Kisan Sangh Rajput, 1984 Palamu Brahmin




Sunlight Sena Rajput 1989 Palamu, Gaya,

Sawarna Liberation Bhumihar 1990 Gaya, Jehanabad Front

Kisan Sangh Bhumihar 1990 Patna, Bhojpur

Kisan Morcha Rajput 1989-90 Bhojpur

Ganga Sena Rajputs 1990 Bhojpur

Ranvir Sena Bhumihar 1994 Bhojpur, Patna, Jehanabad, Aurangabad,

Source: Prakash Louis. "Class War Spreads to New Areas". EPW, Vol. XXXV, No 26 , June 24-30, 2000

The Landlords and rich peasants have formed their own caste

based sena in Southern Bihar.lt needs a careful analysis. One group of political analyst argue that the senas came into existence as response to naxalite violence. Other opinion considers that the emergence of Sena is fall out of the green revolution. The increased

production due to green revolution widened gap between rich peasants

and agricultural labourers. When dalit labourers demanded a greater

share in the production, rich peasants formed Sena to suppress them.47 A more oppressive rich peasantry is giving up pretences of

patronage. It is interested only in exploitation. As A.N. Das writes: "The system of patronage - clientelism itself was broken forever and socio - political assertion through the exercise of sheer brute force took its shape ."48

AS we have discussed earlier , in South Bihar a semi-

feudal society has led to rise to ruthless oppression, violent revolts and resistance. Killing and counter - killing is going on. The bloody

trail of caste and class carnage continues unabated in Bihar. In 2000's the Ranvir Sena the outlawed private militia of the upper caste landlords killed six supporters of CPI(ML) at Dumariyan village in Bhojpur district. The same sena had massacred more than 35 people of Yadava and Pas wan caste at Miapur village in Aurangabad district. The killings was obviously in retaliation to senari and Afsara carnages. At Senari in Jehanabad 34 bhumihars had been massacred by the Maoist Communist Centre on March 18, 1999. The Ranvir Sena killed 22 dalits and backward castes in




Shankarbigha village in Jehnabad district on Jan25,1999. They again

massacred 11 and 12 dalits in Narayanpur village ( Jehnabad district) and Sendani (Gaya district). 49

Violence , massacre, ruthless oppression and resistance have

become feature of semi-feudal society of Bihar. The ruthless and

exploitative rich peasantry and landlords is attempting to establish their dominance and hegemony through brute use of force. Dalit

share-croppers and agricultural labourers are violently resisting to

overthrow oppressive and hegemonic structure. They are asserting their identity. The unfolding of class and caste contradictions are giving

rise to violent revolt, resistance and massacre. The roots of agrarian

violence lies in the semi-feudal political economy of Bihar which is

ruthlessly exploitative, castiest and oppressive in nature, even at the doors

of the twenty-first century.

REFERENCES :

1. Please see for detailed discussion on aspects of colonial agrarian

system: Baden-Powell, B.H, Land Tenures of British India, OUP,

Calcutta, 1882; Daniel, Thomer, Agrarian Prospect in India,

Allied Publishers N. Delhi, 1976; Frykenberg (ed), Land Tenure and Peasant in south Asia. Manohan New Delhi, 1977; Guha

Ranjit, A Rule of Property in Bengal. Mouton, Paris, 1963; Buchanan, Francis, Report on Shahabad. in 1811-12. Patna, 1922;

and also by the same auther -An account of District of Purnea in 1809-10. Patna. 1928: Sinha, R.N, Bihar Tenantry. 1785-1833.

Bombay, 1968; Bhowani , Sen, Evolution of Agrarian Relations in India. PPH, 1962.

2. Sinha, R. N,op.cit, pp. 1 04- 1 2 3. Ojha, G, Land Problem and Land Reforms : A study with

reference to Bihar , Sultan Chand and sons, New Delhi, P. 35

4. ibid, pp.46-47 5. Das. A.N. Agrarian Unrest and Socio- economic Change in Bihar,

1900-1980. Manohar, New Delhi, 1983, PP .24-27

6. Sinha, R N, op. cit, p.47 7. Ojha, G, Land Problem and Land Reforms: A Case Study of

Champaran. NEW DELHI, 1978, PR 45-68




8. Jannuzi , F. T, Agrarian Crisis in India, the Case of Bihar, New Delhi, Sangam Books, 1974, pp. 10-1 1.

9. Walter Hauser, The Bihar Provincial KisanSabha, 1929-1942.

A Study of An Indian Peasant Movement, A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Social Sciences in Candidancy

for the degree of Ph. d, Deptt. Of History, Chicago, Illinois,

Sept, 1961. also see Das, A. N, op. cit 10. Harnza Alavi, " Peasant and Revolution " in A.R. Desai(ed),

Rural Sociology in India, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1969,

p.413.

11. Das , A.N. The Republic of Bihar, Penguin Books, New Delhi , 1992, p. 3512.Das. A.N, Agrarian and Socio-economic Change

in Bihar, op. cit, for detail see Gupta, Rakesh, Peasant Struggles;

A Case Study of Bihar, Ph.D Thesis , J. N. U , New Delhi, 1978.

'and also see Hauser Walter, op. cit, Bakshat Land is Holding

which is not cultivated by tenants and it is not personal property of the landlords.

13. Jannuzi, F. T, op.cit, pp. 12- 13. 14. Sir C.P. N. Singh and Syamanandan Sahay, quoting several

examples, pleaded for the retention of the zamindari system.

See. Legislative Assembly Debates from 1946 to 1947. 15. Das, A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op. cit, p.35. 16. Bihar Legislative Assembly Debate, 26 July, 1946. 17. Ojha, G, op.cit, pp.52-55. 18. Pandey, A.R, " Tenancy Reforms for share-croppers and

homeless Tenants in Bihar Social Science Probyn, March, 1986.

19. quoted in ibid. 20. Bandhopadhyay, " Agrarian Relations in Two Bihar Districts:

A field survey, Mainstream, vol XI, No.40,1973 21. Koshy, V.C " Land Refonms in India Under the Plans"'

Social Scientist, July 1974, p. 52.

22. India, Planning Commission, Implementation of Land Reforms: A Review by Land Reforms Implementation Committee

of the National Development Council, New Delhi, 1 966, pp 279- 281.

23. Ojha, G, op. cit.p.29.



Political Economy Of Agrarian Movement In Bihar 52M

24. Bandyopadhyay,D , op.cit. 25. Wertheim ,W. F, " Betting on the strong " , in Desai , A.R ,

op. cit pp.894-903.

26. Pradhan H Prasad, " Production Relation : Achilles ' Heel of Indian Planning " EPW, vol.8, No. 19, 1973.

27. Ibid.

28. Kalyan Mukheree and Rajendra Singh Yadav, Bhoipur: Naxalism on the Plains of Bihar, New Delhji, Radha Krishna Prakashan, 1980

29, Blair W Harry , " Rising Kulak and Backward Classes in Bihar, Social Change in the late Ì 970 's" EPW, vol.xv, NO. 2, Janl2, 1980

30. Ibid see. Also Das ,A.N, op.cit, p.253 31. A run Sinha, " Adavancing class interests in the name of

caste" EPW, Apri 22, 1978; Also see Arvind N Das, " Class in itself Caste for itself social articulation in Bihar , " EPW, vol. Xix, No. 37, 1984; Report from flaming fields of Bihar, A CPI(ML) Document, Sree Art Press, Ramnath

Majumdar Street, Calcutta, Aug, 1986, p.47 32. Gail Omvedt," Class, Caste and Land in India: An

Introductory Essay" Teaching Politics, vol. VI, No, 3 &4, 1980.

33. Report from flaming fields of Bihar, A CPI(ML) Document, op.cit., pp. 46-47.

34. Das A.N, op.cit, EPW, vol. XIX, No.37,15 Sept, 1984 35. Das A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op. cit, pp.33-34; Report

from flaming fields of Bihar, A CPK ML) Document, op.

cit, p. 7

36. Mukherjee Kalyan and R. S Yadav, op. cit. p.38 37. Dasgupta, Biplab, The New Agrarian Technology and India,

United Nation, Geneva, 1977, p.29. 38. Framework Action Plan for foodgrain production, Report of

the Task Force, Planning Commission, Government of India,

March, 1988,pp.4-l 1; also see See. Misra, S K, valuation of Public Policies for Agricultural Development in Less Developed Region, I.l.T, Kharagpur, 1985, pp.214-15.

39. cited in Sachidanand, Social Dimension and Agnculiirai

Development, National Publishing House, Delhi, 1972




40. Das, A.N , Agrarian Unrest and Socio-economic Change in

Bihar, op. cit, p.222

41. Ibid, pp.230-232. 42. Das, A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op.cit, pp. 109-1 10 43. Ibid, p. 107 44. " Bihar, Peasant , Landlords and Dacoits'' EPW, vol,xxi,

Aug30,1986

45. cited in Das A.N, The Republic of Bihar, p. 107 46. Ibid, p. 108. 47. Prakash Louis, op.cit, 48. Das A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op.cit, p,73 49. Prakash Louis, op. cit,



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