papers from at the twenty-eighth meeting of the seminar for arabian studies held at oxford, 21-23...

WERE THERE ANY TRULY MATRILINEAL LINEAGES IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA?Author(s): Andrey KorotayevSource: Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 25, Papers from at the twenty-eighth meeting of the Seminar For Arabian Studies held at Oxford, 21-23 July 1994 (1995),pp. 83-98Published by: ArchaeopressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41223551 .

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WERE THERE ANY TRULY MATRILINEAL LINEAGES IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA?

Andrey Korotayev

A little more than a century ago the answer to this question would have been emphatic 'yes' . What is more, it was considered that a few centuries before Islam most of the indigenous Arabian clans (if not all of them) were matrilineal (and even matriarchal: Wilken, 1884; Robertson Smith, 1885).

Of course, it should be taken into consideration that the 70s and 80s of the last century were a period of the relatively short domination of the classical 'social evolutionism'; one of its important elements was the conviction that mankind as a whole had passed through the universal stages of 'matriarchy' (characterized among other features by matrilineal descent) and 'patriarchy'. Consequently, it was postulated that all the present patrilineal systems must have evolved in the past from the matrilineal ones (Morgan, 1963 [1877]; Engels, 1970 [1884]; McLennan, 1886, etc.).1 This stimulated the search for the 'matriarchal past' in all areas of the world, and Arabia was no exception.

However, at the end of the last century and the beginning of the present one 'social evolutionism' in general, and the 'matriarchal theory' in particular, became subject to a strong and mainly well founded critique (Starcke, 1888; Westermark, 1894; Swanton, 1905; Boas, 1940 [1896], etc.; see also Sanderson, 1990, 36-49, etc.) and they lost their popularity. The theory of the 'Arabian matriarchy' was also rejected,2 though its remnants can be found in some later writings (Hitti, 1937, 26; Watt, 1956, 388; for a more detailed history of the problem see Spencer, 1952; J. Ryckmans, 1986, 407-9).

This theory does not seem to have ever been popular in the field of ancient south Arabian studies. The reason appears to be simple: the first published authentic ancient south Arabian texts (e.g. the inscription of Husn al-Ghurãb, С 621) already displayed an evidently patrilineal society. For example, it is possible to find in the pre- is lamie inscriptions of south Arabia hundreds of cases where two to three generations of men ([grandfathers], fathers, sons) indicate their belonging to one clan, or lineage, whereas this is simply impossible within a normal matrilineal exogamic3 model. But perhaps the most important point is that nobody has ever produced any direct substantial evidence for the existence in south Arabia (and Arabia in general) of any truly matrilineal autçnomous corporate descent groups, matriclans, or matrilineages.

However, some attention has been recently drawn to the evidence of the existence in south Arabia (and ancient Arabia in general) of some relations of matrilineal type



84 Matrilineal lineages In the Arabian peninsula

(Beeston, 1983; J. Ryckmans, 1974, 493-9; 1986; Avanzini, 1991; see also Dostal 1967, 143f.; Chelhod, 1981, with respect to the modern south Arabian tribes). Some evidence has been found for the probable existence In pre-Islamic south Arabia of occasional uxorilocal marital residence (Beeston, 1981,27-9; 1983, 11; Ryckmans, 1986, 412-13), though it has been reasonably stressed that this is not very 'cogently linked with matrilineal ancestry' (J. Ryckmans, 1986, 409 with completely well grounded reference to Murdock, 1949, 213-15).4

Generally, the evidence for the occasional uxorilocal residence in ancient Yemen does not seem to contradict the thesis of its overwhelmingly patrilineal character. Indeed, MAFRAY/ Qutra 1 shows that some pre-Islamic south Arabian communities could prohibit by law the marriage of their women outside these communities. In such circumstances, the only legal way for an outsider to marry a woman from such a community was to move to it, most likely settling with her relatives; to bring such a women to the house of one's own lineage outside her community would have been indeed something deserving thanks to the deities (Er 24 §1 ). And, of course, this itself by no means implies the existence of any true matrilineal corporate lineages.

Attention has been also drawn to the fact that some south Arabian women had especially close ties with their daughters.5 Of course, such facts do not seriously contradict the patrilineal model either. It is well known that in a tribal society the relations of kinship constitute such a tremendous value that it is normally completely unreasonable for an individual or group to restrict kinship relations to one line only. Hence, in the patrilineal society the dominant patrilineal relations are almost inevitably augmented with some secondary, additional matrilineal links.6 Of course, such relations should not normally be considered 'survivals' of a hypothetical universal 'matriarchal' stage, as was often done in the last century. Such facts do not constitute any challenge to the patrilineal model. Thus, it seems apparently reasonable to agree with the statement that there is no direct decisive evidence that any distinctly matrilineal autonomous corporate lineages were ever present in Arabia, and that all the attested matrilineal relations existed 'within what appears to be a broader system of kinship of patrilineal type' (J. Ryckmans, 1986, 410).

However, I would insist that there is direct decisive evidence for existence of a few distinctly matrilineal autonomous corporate lineages in southern Arabia in the third century ad. This evidence is contained in a well known Sabaic inscription, Fa 76 (from the Sabaean capital, Mãrib), which was published some time ago by G. Ryckmans (Fakhryl, G. Ryckmans], 1952, 50-3).7

The author of the inscription, NS2'KRB Y'MN YHRHB, the king of Saba3 and dhu- Raydãn, gives a certain group (the members of which seem to have been originally the royal clients; see 1. 9) to the clan ̂ KLN "SYT (11. 1-4); as a result the members of this group become clients Cdm) of Banu "TKLN "SYT (11. 4-7).8 With respect to the subject of this paper the main interest of this inscription is represented by the description of the object of the grant, a lineage of royal clients. This group is described as follows:

kl ̂sdn w-*ntn 33/ш ystmynn ^SLM w-MLKM w-WHBM w-GYS2M w-SfjDM w-^LGZ w^mht-hmw w-*ht-hmw MHYT w-MS2N*T w-HMD w-NcMLT w-HLK w-klfhy-hmw w-kl hnt ̂ntn w-^ht-hn w-bnt-hn w^w[l]d-hn w-d/cdr-hn.

The first interpretation of this passage by G. Ryckmans did not provide any challenge to a patrilineal model. The main reason was simply that G. Ryckmans translated the key expressions of this text, *hťhn, bnt-hn, etc. (11. 4, 5) as 'ces soeurs', 'ces ßlles' etc. (Fakhryl, G. Ryckmans], 1952, 51; see also Höfner, 1976, 30).



Korotayev 85

However, in 1973 J. Ryckmans identified the suffix -hn as the plural feminine possessive (J. Ryckmans, 1973, 381), and in 1974 he mentioned the relevance of this interpretation for Fa 76 (J. Ryckmans, 1974, 494; see also J. Ryckmans, 1979, 95). This immediately made clear the matrilineal features of the description.

However, all the scholars who treated this description after that avoided the identification of the group described by Fa 76 in lines 2-4 as unequivocally matrilineal. Bees ton sees here a 'somewhat chaotic arrangement [indicating] a coexistence of matrilinear and patrilinear systems of reckoning descent' (Beeston, 1983, 8).

According to J. Ryckmans, 'in each of the two texts Fakhry 3 and 76, a Sabaean king decrees that a number of people of one given family will forthwith be fully incorporated into a larger noble lineage. The remarkable aspect of the procedure involved is that while it is declared that Such-and-Such men, mentioned by name, will become part of the lineage in question, "with their brothers, sons and (male) relatives", the same is said for Such-and-Such women of the same family, mentioned by name, "with their sisters, daughters and (female) relatives". We are confronted here with a privileged matrilineal relationship linking the females within what appears to be a broader system of kinship of patrilineal type' (J. Ryckmans, 1986, 410; see also Avanizini, 1991, 158).

The main mistake, which seems to have been made by Beeston, J. Ryckmans and Avanzini, is that they lumped together the descriptions of the cliental groups in Fa 3 and 76, whereas, though these descriptions display some similar features (first of all elements of the matrilineal descent), they have very important differences, too. The interpretations cited above might be more or less valid for Fa 3; however, they are significantly wrong with respect to Fa 76.

One of the possible causes of the misinterpretation of Fa 76 by J. Ryckmans and Avanzini seems to be the simple fact that they do not present their full translation of the passage from Fa 76 cited above, restricting themselves to its rendering in their own words.9 However, the translation of this passage does not pose any serious difficulties. When presented independently (and not together with the misleading Fa 3), it seems to exclude any talk about 'men with their brothers, sons / sic! / and (male) relatives' and 'a broader system of patrilineal type'. The passage cited above can be rendered as follows:

...all the men and women who are called DSLM and MLKM and WHBM and GYS2M and S(C]DM and 3LGZ and their (mase.) mothers (!) and their (mase.) sisters (!) MHYT and MS2NDT and HMD and NCMLT and HLK and all their (mase.) brothers and all these (fern.) women and their (fern.!) sisters (!) and' their (fem.!) daughters (!) and their (fern.!) chi(l]dren and their (fern.!) clansfolk.'

As one can see, in direct contradiction to the statements of J. Ryckmans and Avanzini, there is no mention of the men's male relatives other than brothers; in particular, there is no mention of the men's sons. This is extremely important, as the brothers (both blood brothers and cousins) can be genealogically related through both patri- and matriline, whereas the only unequivocally patrilineal relations are those between the men and their fathers and sons. Nothing of this kind is mentioned by the description. All the unequivocal relations of descent mentioned by it are matrilineal. Nor are descendants of the males mentioned at all. All the descendants are those of the females only; the group is structured exclusively through the matriline (see Fig. 3 below). The whole arrangement is consistently matrilineal; there is nothing 'chaotic' in it at all. And there is no indication of 'a broader system of kinship of patrilineal type'.




The matrilineal structure of the group appears especially clear when compared with the classical patrilineal structure of the group of the 'recipients' described in the same inscription: YHCN w-bny-hw HHY'TT w-S2FcTT w-WHB°WM w-l-kl °hy-hmw w- bny-hmw w-dr^dr-hmw bay QTKLN CSYT '(for) YHCN and his sons HHYÏT and S2FYT and WHB3WM and for all their (mase.) brothers and their (mase.) sons and their (mase.) clansmen, Banu "TKLN "SYT (Fa 76, 2).

The difference between the two lists is obvious. The first description (of Banu 'TKLN 'SYT) explicitly mentions only males, whereas the second includes more females than males. The first description mentions the clan leader, then his sons, then their 'brothers',10 and then their 'sons'.11 The second description mentions the clan leaders, then their mothers12 (without mentioning their fathers), then their sisters (the female leading group), and only then their 'brothers'. It mentions the 'sisters'13 and 'daughters' l* of the female leaders, but it does not mention the sons of the male ones. In fact, it mentions no sons at all (not even those of the female leaders) /!/. The first description also mentions the distant relatives (d-^dr) of the male part (employing the masculine possessive pronominal suffix -hmw), whereas the second mentions those of the female part only (employing the feminine possessive -ha).

However, though all these differences between the two groups are quite important, none of them can be considered as the most important one. The most important contrast is that all the living members of the first group (Banu 'TKLN) are structured exclusively through thepatrtline; all the relations of descent between them which are mentioned in the description are patrilineal, whereas all the living members of the second group (Banu MHBDM) are structured exclusively through the matrtline; all the relations of descent between them mentioned in the description are matrilineal.

It is not at all surprising that a male is indicated as the main leader of this group, as the situation when the matrilineal groups are led by the senior male kinsmen16 is completely normal for matrilineal societies (see, for example, Gough, 1961b; Schneider, 1961, 5-8, 27-8; Keesing, 1975, 63; Maretin, 1975).17 However, it is no less logical (e.g. Keesing, 1975, 62-72) that, unlike the 'classical' patrilineal Sabaean clans, this descent group virtually has a 'dual leadership': the female 'co-leader' of the group is also distinctly indicated (11. 5, 6), and her very special position within the group is completely clear, especially in the second, 'short', description of Banu MHBDM, which is provided in lines 4-5: hmw *sdn *SLM [w-]skl *hy-hw w-'ntn MHYT w-kl ̂ht-hw w-bnt-hw w-kl ̂wld-hw w^wld ̂ wld-hn w-d-^dr-hn 'those men 3SLM [and] all his brothers, and the women MHYT and all her sisters and her daughters and all her children and children of their (fem.!) children and their (fern.!) relatives'. Within the structural description of the matrilineal group its female (and not male!) leader is used as the main structural centre of the group: there are more 'circles' drawn around her than around the male leader (see Fig. 1). By contrast, the first, 'patrilineal', group can be represented as a group of concentric circles around its male leader (Fig. 2). The full descriptions of the patrilineal clan Banu "TKLN and the matrilineal lineage Banu MHBDM can be also graphically compared in the forms shown in Figs 3 and 4.

The matrilineal model also allows us to provide a completely plausible explanation for the phenomenon which seems impossible to explain otherwise: the second generation (font-) of Banu MHBDM consists of Jemales only/I/ . No males of the second generation are mentioned at all. This would appear inexplicable for any group if it were not matrilineal (and matrilocal!). However, it does not appear strange with respect to an exogamic matrilineal matrilocal lineage. It is well known anthropologically that within exogamic matrilineal matrilocal groups the males normally marry into another



Korotayev 87

Figure 1. The structure of the matrilineal lineage Banu MHBDM, as described in lines 4-5 of Fa 76.

matrilineal lineage; hence, at the given moment, the males of the second generation cannot be listed as an integral part of their native lineage, as at this moment they actually live with the matrilocal lineages of their wives. On the other hand, in matrilineal matrilocal societies, males, after reaching late middle age, often return to their native lineage, acquiring there a leading position (see, for example, Gough, 1961a, 484-5; 1961b, 548, 558-9; Maretin, 1975; Keesing, 1975, 72).

Of course, a logical question must arise at this point: 'And what about the women's husbands? They are not mentioned either'. However, the matrilineal matrilocal model seems to be able to provide a satisfactory answer to this question too. The point is that within exogamic matrilineal matrilocal systems, males of the second generation often occupy a rather special 'intermediate', 'indeterminate' position. On the one hand, they leave their native lineages and move to the lineages of their wives; on the other hand, they are not often properly integrated into the lineages of their wives.

FFFFFFFFFFF

FEEEEEEEEEF

FEDDDDDDDEF

FEDCCCCCDEF

bbb FEDCBBBCDEF

b | a | b F E D С В | А | В С D E F

bbb FEDCBBBCDEF

FEDCCCCCDEF

FEDDDDDDDEF

FEEEEEEEEEF

FFFFFFFFFFF

Symbols I II (a-b) The male part Csdn) of the lineage (A-F) The female part Cntn) of the lineage a The male leader CsLM) A The female leader (МНУТ) b 'AU his brothers' (kl ̂ hy-hw) В 'All her sisters' [w-kl 't-hw)

С 'Her daughters' [bnt-[h]w) D 'All her children' [Id ̂wld-hw) E The children of their (feminine !) children* Cwld-hn) F Their (feminine !) relatives' [d-^dr-hn).



88 Matrilineal lineages in the Arabian peninsula

Figure 2. The structure of the patrilineal clan Banu 'TKLN, as described inline 2 of Fa 76.

Finally, the inscription Ja 700 (see below) leads one to the supposition that clients' spouses did not become clients automatically after marriage. Hence, the husbands of the women of Banu MHBDM are very likely not to have been royal clients; consequently, the king would not have had enough authority to make them the clients of Banu 'TKLN. Thus, they must not have been included in the list.

The only point of the description of Banu MHBHM that might seem not to fit well in the matrilineal model is that the group as a whole is denoted in line 4 as bny MHBDM DHRN mqtwy bny 'TKLN 'Banu MHBDM DHRN, maqtawi (personal assistant) of Banu ^QKLN', where MHBDM DHRN (undoubtedly male) is most likely to designate the ancestor of the group. However, this contradiction is only apparent. First, the anthropologists working among the patrilineal tribes of present-day Yemen have collected several cases *of clans or sub-clans named after a woman, and this is quite common in the anthropological literature on patrilineal societies. Sometimes the explanation given is that the woman's names refer to the different mothers of sons by the same man, in other words со- wives of an apical ancestor, and they are there for a convenient way of denoting the clans which descend from each of his sons. Another reason is that some women become famous because of some action of their own and their sons take their name as a kind of nickname and then if their sons become politically prominent the clan is named after the son who of course has his mother's name' (Weir, 1994, 1-2; see also Serjeant, 1971, 81, etc.). Hence, there is no



Korotayev 89

Figure 3. Probable genealogical structure of the matrilineal lineage Banu MHBDM.

contradiction between the matrilineal structure of the group and the fact that it is named after its male ancestor.20 It is also very likely that the compilers of the document mentioned the fact that the group were the descendants of MHBDM DHRN, maqtawi (personal assistant) of Banu TKLN, first of all because MHBDM DHRN (and not, for example, his sister) personally served Banu 'TKLN,21 whereas the fact of this service seems to have provided some additional justification for the ascription of Banu MHBDM to Banu "TKLN. It should be also kept in mind that the document was

I I . . ■ • •

- - - - - ~~~~~~~~~~i i '

Symbols:

Males p Females Relations of descent mentioned by the description

named 'brothers' м Unnamed 'brothers' до Male component of ̂wld-hn, male 2 3 'children' /?/

p 'Mothers' p Named 'sisters' p Unnamed 'sisters'

'Daughters' p Female 'children' I j Relations of descent implied by the 5 i ! description

The groups dr dr-hn and wld wld-hn are not represented in this diagram simply to avoid il becoming too complicated.




Figure 4. Probable genealogical structure of the patrilinea! clan Banu CTKLN.

compiled in a predominantly patrilineal society; hence, the really surprising thing is not that the compilers of the document preferred to indicate a male rather than female ancestor of the matrilineal group, but that they managed to provide such an accurate account of its matrilineal structure.

There is also nothing surprising in the fact that the masculine form bny is used to denote a group including more women than men: it is simply a normal Semitic linguistic convention. What is really surprising is that in lines 5-6 Banu 'TKLN are denoted as the patrons of the second group through the expression ̂Imjf-hn, 'their [the plural/emfnlrie /!/ possessive] lo[r Ids', using fhejemlnine /!!!/ pronominal suffix: that is, the group Banu NfflBDM is conceived here as hunna, a group of females, though it includes a considerable number of males. In other words the compilers of the document admitted the importance of the female part of the group to such an extent that this even overcame (at least in this case) the normal Semitic linguistic convention.

There is no doubt that Banu MHBDM is a distinctly autonomous well integrated corporate matrilineage: it may be transferred as a whole from one patron to another, it has its own well defined leadership, it is able to undertake a collective legal action (1. 7 of the inscription), it is a distinctive subject of law. Of course, it is considerably different from the group of women belonging to one patrilineal lineage community and having close relations with each other depicted by Er (Iryânï) 34. Hence, I cannot agree with the statement of J. Ryckmans that 4a situation similar to that described

: : : S " : *'" :

i i il H : I I M I . м . M ! etc

! I UJ i

• ■

• m m ш

•ммм- мм • I м " II M II ■ 1 M 1 ' I M 1 etc*

Symbols:

M 'Patriarch' м Hls named sons до Their brothers'

Their sons' Relations of descent men- j | Relations of descent implied by the tioned by the description j j description

The group d- dr-hmw is not represented in this diagram simply to avoid its becoming too complicated.



Korotayev 9 1

in Fakhry 3 and 76 appears In the inscription Iryani 34' (J. Ryckmans, 1986, 410; see a similar statement in Avanzini, 1991, 158). The similarity is completely superficial.

Fa 76 seems to provide the only undoubted description of an autonomous corporate matrilineal descent group in Arabia. However, it is entirely evident that such a group could not be the only one in the area: to survive in its actual form it needed at least one more matrilineal matrilocal lineage to act as a recipient for its men, so that the males of the lineage had a group to be married to. One might also take into account the well known fact that 'isolated communities (or smaller groups) consisting of matrilineal core and in-marrying spouses are extremely difficult to maintain .... Where communities are spatially distinct yet near each other, these difficulties are minimized, so that distinct matrilineal monolineage communities might only be expected under such circumstances' (Schneider, 1961, 27; the emphasis is Schneider's). This of course obliges one to suppose the existence of a certain number of matrilineal matrilocal lineages in the close vicinity of Banu MHBDM.

It even seems possible to suggest tentatively the localization of the probable area of habitation of the south Arabian matrilineal groups in the third century ad. Line 9 of Fa 76 implies that Banu MHBDM belonged to the tribal confederation Amir (s*Qbn ^MRM).22 This fits very well with the area indicated as a zone of settlement of the clients of Banu 'TKLN, the area of Mãrib, Nashq and Nashãn (1. 7), as the main zone of the habitation of the Amirites in the Middle Period (first to fourth centuries ad) was just in the area between these three cities (von Wissmann, 1964, 81-159). This important south Arabian tribal confederation has been the subject of rather thorough and detailed research by von Wissmann (1964). As has been shown by this scholar, this tribe on the one hand had permanent settlements, including even hagars, 'towns', while on the other it was heavily engaged in camel pastoralism and camel caravan- eering (von Wissmann, 1964, 8 1-1 59). 23 In such circumstances the men must have spent some time far from their homes; hence, the women must have constituted the most permanent and stable part of the Amirite 'houses'. It is clear that such objective conditions are very favourable for the preservation of matrilineal descent.24 However, there are some grounds to suppose that even among the Amirites most lineages were patrilineal (see, for example, С 535; Fa 127 [= Haram 53]; Ry 367 [CIAS II 47.1 l/p8 N1]). Hence, the existing material leads one to the tentative localization of the south Arabian 'matrilineal minority' in the area somewhere between Nasq-Nashãn and Mãrib, within the tribal confederation Amir, with the reservation that even in this area and within this tribal group most lineages are likely to have been patrilineal. Certainly, it seems reasonable to take into consideration the well known fact that 'while the passage from a matrilineal to a patrilineal system of kinship is possible and attested in many cultures, the reverse sequence of evolution is not possible' (J. Ryckmans, 1986, 408 with a completely well grounded reference to Murdock, 1949, 190, 218). 25 From this, of course, it could be supposed that a few centuries before the period of Fa 76 the number of matrilineal groups in Arabia might have been higher.26

Of course, the identification of Banu MHBDM as an undoubtedly matrilineal matrilocal lineage raises the probability of such an identification with respect to some other inscriptions, where the matrilineal structure of the respective descent groups may be supposed as one of the probable interpretations: С 21; 330; 420; 581; Er 24 (but not Er 34!); Fa 3, 2-7; 87; 121; Ga IS 4; Ja 700, 7-9 (very likely); 731 (= AM 853 = NAM 2375 [CIAS II 39. 1 1 / o3 N 10]); 741 « 756; 828; R 3960 (most probable); 4084; Qatabanian JP 2 = AM 757 [CIAS I 47.82/ o2] « AM 1 77 + 208 [CIAS I 95. 1 1 / o2] etc.

Fa 3 from Sirwäh, for example, describes a descent group apparently structured along both patrilinee and matrilinee (11. 2-7). However, it can be also interpreted as




a less than successful attempt to describe a matrilineal group according to the patrilineal pattern. This would simply imply that the 'bureaucrats' in 'provincial' Sirwãh turned out not to be so highly 'professional' as those of the Sabaean capital, Mãrib.27 They tried to describe a matrilineal group having in mind a familiar patrilineal model, but apparently failed, producing what Beeston characterizes as a 'somewhat chaotic arrangement'28 (Beeston, 1983, 8).

In Ja 700 a maqtawi, 'personal assistant', of the leader of the aristocratic Sabaean clan Banû MQRM is asked by a female client of the clan to return to her her son from her husband (who apparently was not this clan's client). The maqtawl promptly responds to this request and (literally risking his life) tries to do what he is asked (U. 7-1 6).29 Beeston has sufficient grounds to comment on this inscription, stating that 'what was evidently at stake was whether the child should be claimed by his father's or his mother's lineage', and in general to treat this case as an illustration for his statement 'that conflict could sometimes arise out of the operation of these two opposing systems [of descent]' (Beeston, 1983, 9). Indeed, the possibility of such a conflict is implied by the situation described in Fa 76. A matrilineal minority living in the milieu of the predominantly patrilineal population was doomed to have such conflicts. The women described by Fa 76 would no doubt treat their children as an integral part of their own lineage, whereas according to the predominant patrilineal rules the children were considered normally as belonging to the lineages of their fathers. What is remarkable is that the matrilineal rights appear to have been recog- nized by at least part of the patrilineal majority. It is also remarkable that the female client of Ja 700 is identified as BRLT NS2NYTN, 'BRLT, the Nashanite' (11. 7-&)y whereas Nashãn was situated in the main area where the Amirites settled in the Middle Period; what is more, in Fa 76 Nashàn is indicated as one of the places (in addition to Mârib and Nashq) where the clients of Banu 'TKLN lived. Hence, the possibility of BRLT belonging to one of the Amirite matrilineal lineages appears quite plausible.

However, it must be stated that only Fa 76 provides conclusive evidence for the existence of matrilineal lineages in pre-Islamic Arabia; in all the other relevant inscriptions the matrilineal structure of the respective groups could be considered only as one of the possible interpretations (though sometimes the most plausible one). Nevertheless, I would insist that the evidence provided by Fa 76 alone is sufficient to allow us to suppose, with a considerable degree of confidence, that in the third century ad a few distinctly matrilineal descent groups existed in south Arabia.

Hence, the answer to the question posed by the title of this paper is 'yes'. This 'yes' is, of course, now much less emphatic than it was little more than a century ago.

Appendix: Middle Sabaean Inscription Fa 76 Text 1 NS2:>KRB Y*MN YHRHB mlk SB0 w-d-RYDN bn >LS2RH YHDB w-Y^ZL BYN nüky SB0 w-d-RYDN

zrb w-hwfyn w-ЪЧп w-brgn f-3=

2 dm-hw YHQN w-bny-hw HHY^TT w-S^'TT w-WHB^WM w-l-kl ̂hy-hmw w-bny-hmw w-d-^dr- hmw bny 'TKLN QSYT kl >sdn w-^ntn D=

3 Iw ystmynn ^SLM w-MLKM w-WHBM w-GYS2M w-SfìDM w^LGZ w-*mht-hmw w-'t-hmw MHYT w-MS2N:>T w-HMD w-NQMLT w-HLK w-kl

4 °hy-hmw w-kl hnt *ntn w-°ht-hn w-bnt-hn w-°w[l]d-hn w-d-^dr-hn bny MHßDM DHRN mqtwy bny ̂ KLN l-kwn hmw *sdn ̂SLM (w-J

5 kl ̂hy-hw w-Jntn MHYT w-kl ̂ht-hw w-bnt-hw w-kl Dwld-hw w-Dwld Dwld-hn w-d-^dr-hn l-byt w- zbr byt ̂{mjr'-hn b='



Korotayev 93

6 ny 'TKLN qSYT l-kwn hmw Dsdn ̂SLM w^hy-hw w-MHYT w-kl ̂ht-hw w-bnt-hw w-d-^dr-hmw mtl w-mknt Dhsn-hmw ^dm

7 bny ̂TKLN d-b-hgrn MRB w-NS2QM w-NS2N w-dn wtfn f-[l-Jqbl[y] dt-qwmw k-Dl kwnw l-bny "TKLN w-rs2dw Qlm(n) [or w-gm(w) /?/, or w-lm(w) /?/)byt ̂TKLN l-yfynn

8 w-l-yknn dp. wtfn s3hlm l-hmt Dsdn w-°ntn Dl[ Jstrw b-dn wtfn Iqbly dt hfthw b-zm bn ̂ TKLN w- ksdw sntn w-sdqw clmw [or w-gmw /?/, or w-lmw /?/] °mr=

9 -hmw mlkn l-yfynn mtl w-mknt s2%-hmw °MRM °dm mlkn

Translation 1 NS2:>KRB Y3MN YHRHB, the king of SBD and d-RYDN, the son of 3LS2RH YHDB and Y3ZL BYN,

the two kings of SBb w-d-RYDN, has handed over and granted and transferred and given possession to

2 his subjects YHCN and his sons MHY'!! and S2F^TT and WHB'WM and to all their (mase.) brothers and their (mase.) sons and their (mase.) clansfolk, Banu "TKLN cSYT, of all the men and women w=

3 ho are called 3SLM and MLKM and WHBM and GYS2M and S[C]DM and 3LGZ and their (mase.) mothers and their (mase.) sisters MHYT and MS^T and HMD and NCMLT and HLK and all

4 their (mase.) brothers and all these (fern.) women and their (fern.) sisters and their (fern.) daughters and their (fem.) chi[l]dren and their (fem.) clansfolk, the descendants of MHBDM DřiRN, maqtawî (personal assistant) of Banu ̂ KLN, so that those men ̂SLM [and]

5 all his brothers, and the women MHYT and all her sisters and her daughters and all her children and children of their (fem.) children and their (fem.) relatives would belong to the house of their (fem.) lo[r]ds, Ba=

6 nu ̂ KLN CSYT, as its integral part, in order that those men ̂SLM and his brothers and MHYT and all her sisters and her daughters and their (mase.) clansfolk would be with the same legal status as their30 subordinates, the 'clients'

7 of Banu ̂ KLN in the city Màrib and Nashq and Nas han. And as regards this concessionary document, (it has been compiled) because they31 raised (the legal objection, claiming) that they did not belong to Banu ̂ KLN; and the house of ̂KLN requested (from the king his) legal decision in order that they32 would fulfil their obligations.

8 And this document should be legally binding for those men and women who are listed in this document, because the Royal Power has made the judicial decision in favour of Banu ̂ KLN, and made this regulation irrevocable and confirmed (it)

9 so that they should fulfil (their obligations) like their tribe Amir, the clients of the King.

Commentary Line 5 l-byt w-zbr byt: literally, '(belong) to the house, and the corner of the house', i.e. 'be an integral part of the house (= clan)'. See Fakhryl, Ryckmans], 1952, 7. Line 7 dt-qwmw seems to be more reasonable than d-tqwmw in view of Iqbly dt in line 8; this, however, does not appear to affect the general understanding of the passage, as both qwmw and tqwmw must have a fairly similar meaning in this context, qwmw: cf. arable qawwama, 'raise', qãwama, 'resist, counteract'; tqwmw: cf. arable taqawwama, 'straighten oneself, stand erect'; both seem rather good verbs to denote some group's legal contesting of the fact of their being clients of another group. clm(n) /??/: this part of the inscription (as well as Hmw in line 8) poses severe difficulties of reading and interpretation due to the bad preservation of these parts of the inscription and to the fact that in the Sabaic texts of this time lâm is practically indistinguishable from g im; in addition to that, cayn in this text is sometimes almost indistinguishable from wáw. Jamme (1962, 335), Robin (1982, 5) and Beeston et al. (1982, 49) prefer to read here wãw instead of cayn, which might seem formally reasonable. However, Jamme (1962, 335) insists that on his photograph he clearly reads ̂wdr in




line 5, though by context this cannot be anything else but d^Qdr. There is also apparently no formal ground for preferring the reading of gïm or lãm, though Beeston et al. (1982, 49) and Robin ( 1982, 5) prefer gïm. To my mind, rs2dw lm(n) seems to fit better in the context: 'they requested (the issuing of the Royal) document', following Biella's (1982, 496) suggestion of rendering rs2d in this passage as 'arrange'. The fact that the plural rsWw is governed by byt 'TKLN, 'the house of 'TKLN', does not pose any serious problems, because in Middle Sabaic the clan is conceived as 'them' and not 'if, and the denoting of clan tends to be treated as the plural even in the absence of any formal plural indications.33 Of course, this is not the only possible reading and interpretation of this passage. Alternatively, for example, one may read w-lm[w] instead of Нт[п]. One may also take into account С 398 (1. 10): rsW ̂BD^TTR w-^sd-hw, where the general context shows clearly that ̂BD'TTR and his men' are the party which lost the case. Beeston et at propose to render rs2d here as 'inflict correction on* (Beeston et al., 1982, 1 18), which seems to suit the context quite well.34 However, one may also suppose that rs2d here simply has the same meaning as Arabic rashada, 'follow right way', which in such a context would mean something like *<lose a legal case,> acknowledge the judge's decision and act according to it'. The singular of rs2d before ''BD'TTR and his men* would not pose any problem for such an interpretation, as in Sabaic 'the verb may appear as sg when it has a subject phrase consisting of two or more nouns linked by w, the first of them being a sg' (Beeston, 1984, 17, §6:2). Beeston et al. read w-gm-w instead of clm[n], translating gm as 'decide in tribal assembly' (Beeston et al., 1982, 49), which does not seem to fit the context at all. However, they propose an alternative reading w-lm-w [ibid.], whereas they translate the verb Im as 'come to an agreement with s.o.' (Beeston et al., 1982, 82), which appears to suit the context much better. If we accept these two proposals the reading and rendering of the respective passage from line 7 of Fa 76 will look as follows: w-rs2dw w- lm[wj byt ̂TKLN, *<and they lost the case> and acknowledged <the judge's> decision and acted according to it, and came to an agreement with the house of 'TKLN'. This does not seem to affect the general understanding of the inscription. Line 8 hfihw: I would suggest that the subject of hfthw is ̂mlkn (line 9), 'the Kings', i.e. Royal Power; I would also suppose here a development already attested for dmr, 'legal case', -♦ hdmr b-cm, 'give judgement in favour of s.o.' (Beeston et al., 1982, 39): Jth, 'Judicial order; lawsuit* (Beeston et al., 1982, 47), -• fifth b-Qm, 'give judgement in favour of s.o.'. This translation implies the following situation: a lineage belonging to the tribe Amir (which was in direct dependence on the Royal Power) became dependent on the aristocratic Sabaean clan Banu 'TKLN; one of the probable reasons for this might have been the personal service to the Sabaean clan by the ancestor of the Amiri te lineage. At certain point the Amirites tried to break their relations of dependence on the Sabaean clan.35 However, Banu °rKLN managed to persuade the king to issue a document formally granting Amirite lineage to the Sabaean clan (the king appears to have had the authority to do this because of the basic status of the Amirites as royal clients), and thus ending the dispute between the Amirite lineage and the Sabaean clan in favour of the latter.

Notes 1 This view had already been clearly expressed by Bachofen ( 1948 [ 186 1 ]). 2 Spencer notes that 'the challenge came, in fact, not from the anthropologists of the time, but

rather from a fairly wide circle of Semitic scholars both in England and on the continent' (Spencer, 1952, 494). In this field a strong, well substantiated critique of the theory of the 'Arabian matriarchate' had been presented as early as 1885 (Redhouse).

3 Incidentally, there are sufficient grounds to suppose that at least the Sabaean lineages were normally exogamic (see, e.g., Korotayev, 1994a, 178-9).

4 On the other hand, nobody seems to doubt that the patři- and virilocal marital residence was overwhelmingly dominant in pre-Islamic Yemen (see, e.g., Korotayev, 1994a).



Korotayev 95

5 The text which is most frequently referred to on this occasion is Er 34 (J. Ryckmans, 1974, 493-9; 1986, 410; Beeston, 1983, 9; Avanzini, 1991, 158); though, of course, Er 34 is not unique in this respect: cf., e.g., С 506; NAM 2494 [CIAS II 39.11/ o3 N 6]; YM 470 [CIAS I 95.41/ p8/ C66 N11. Similar cases have been also found in eastern Arabia and in the north, among the Nabataeans (J. Ryckmans, 1986; Avanzini, 1991, 158).

6 Compare, for example, the well known phenomenon of avunculate widespread among patrilinea! societies.

7 The reading of the text was considerably improved from a photograph by Jamme in 1962 (334-5). The photograph of the inscription was published by Robin in 1982 (pl. 4).

8 This inscription belongs to quite a rare type; however it is not completely unique (see also С 69; Fa 3; R 4134; the act recorded by these inscriptions seems also to be mentioned by Ja 592, 3-6). The whole practice evidenced by these inscriptions appears logical. Judging by the inscriptions installed by the Middle Sabaean royal clients, their number was really significant; it is very likely to have exceeded that of the clients of any of the qaylite or non-qaylite aristocratic clans: С 397; 398; 399; 531; 534; 535; 544; Er 16 = M.Bayhán 7; Fa 102 = M.Bayhän9; Ga 9 = Ga AY II/6; Ja 570; 694; 723; 784; 812; 2112 (= CIAS* II 39.1 1/о2 N7); 2115(=CIASII39.11/o8Nl); 2223; R 4142; 4188; 4636; YM 350 (CIAS I39.ll/o6 N5) etc. It might not be fortuitous that the two main inscriptions of this kind (Fa 3 and 76) come from the reign of NS23KRB Y^MN YHRHB, as this was the last Sabaean king before the final Himyarite conquest. Hence, one would suspect that his position must have been already shaky, which makes the practice of granting the royal clients to powerful clans (no doubt to secure their support) appear logical.

9 One may also note that none of the scholars mentioned has tried to represent the structure of the group graphically, whereas such a diagram would show its purely matrilineal structure immediately (see Figs 1,3).

10 In such a context ^hy- no doubt includes both brothers and cousins. 1 1 In such a context bny- must include both sons and nephews (see, e.g., Korotayev, 1994a). 12 Whereas they simply would not belong to the same lineage as their sons within the patrilineal

exogamic model. 13 In such a context ht must include both sisters and female cousins. 14 In such a context bnt must include both daughters and nieces. Incidentally, daughters would

not simply belong to the same lineage as their mothers within the patrilineal exogamic model. 15 Named as such in 1. 4. 16 Or the husbands of the senior women of the respective group. 17 Incidentally, Avanzini also mentions this fact: 'dans les sociétés matrilinéaires se cont les

hommes, en qualité de frères, qui détiennent l'autorité sur leurs soeurs et sur les enfants de leurs soeurs* (Avanzini, 1991, 159).

18 If we take as the focal point the generation of the 'named persons'. Of course, it will be the third if we start from the generation of 'the mothers' Cmht-).

19 'If matrilineal descent groups are to be maintained ..., women's ties to their husbands must not be such that the priority they assign their marital ties supersedes that which they give to their matrilineal descent group. Similarly, if a man is needed to fill authoritative roles in his matrilineal descent group, he cannot accord such priority to his marital relationship that he fails to play this critical role in his own group' (Schneider, 1961, 17). I came across a good illustration of this in one of the descriptions of the matrilineal matrilocal lineages of Nyasaland. A colonial officer who was making a census in a matrilineal village was surprised that he could not meet most husbands of the village's women. They told him that they themselves had not seen them for a few months, and when he asked them where those men were, the women simply answered: 'And why should we know? They are only our husbands'. Finally, it was found that the men spent a considerable part of year with their native lineages (Olderoggé, 1975, 23).




20 Or should we consider, for example, those modern Yemeni patrilineal clans which are named after female eponym ancestors as 'privileged patrilineal relationship linking together the males within what appears to be a broader system of kinship of matrilineal type'?

2 1 The function of mqtwy was normally performed by men; women performing this function are attested (C 289; DJE 22; Gl A 788; NAM 2376 [CIAS II 39. 1 1 /об N10); Na NNSQ 14), but these cases are extremely rare.

22 Sometimes it is denoted as 'the tribes Amir' Cs^bn ̂MRM: e.g. R 3087, 16). 23 See also Ghul, 1959, 432; Bàfaqih, 1990, 282-3. 24 It also might not be fortuitous that strong matrilineal elements (though not true matrilineages)

are attested among the Nabataeans and Hasaeans (see, e.g., Ryckmans, 1986; Avanzini, 199 1 ): i.e. among the two Arabian peoples with a lifestyle resembling the Amirite one.

25 As far as I know the anthropologists have so far found just one unique case of the transition from the patrilineal system to the matrilineal one (under the direct influence of stronger matrilineal neighbours); see, e.g., Bromley [and Pershits], 1981, 186.

26 Though there are certainly no grounds at all for suggesting that at any time in the past all the Arabian clans (or even the majority of them) were matrilineal. Of course, it could alternatively be supposed that the matrilineal structure of some Amirite lineages was preceded by some system of bilateral descent: on the cognatic kinship groups in south Arabia see Dostal, 1989, 1990. One of the possible causes of such a transformation (cognatic kinship groups -» matrilineal lineages) would have been, of course, the above-mentioned mode of subsistence practised by the Amiri tes.

27 Indeed, what is really surprising is the high 'professionalism' demonstrated by the Mãrib 'bureaucrats'. It is truly amazing how these members of an overwhelmingly patrilineal society managed to provide such an accurate description of a group structured according to completely different principles. I would insist that the description provided by the compilers of Fa 76 is accurate to such an extent that it would look appropriate even in the pages of a professional anthropological study. The Mãrib 'bureaucrats' managed to grasp who constituted the 'skeleton' of the respective group, which kinship links were the most essential, 'structure- creating', and to present it in a perfectly laconic and accurate form. The 'bureaucrats' of Sirwah might not have been so successful. The quite plausible alternative hypothesis, of course, is simply that Fa 3 describes a cognatic kinship group.

28 This characterization appears appropriate with respect to the Sirwahite document (Fa 3), but it does not seem to be just as regards Fa 76 of Mãrib.

29 Incidentally, this inscription shows that the dependence of the Middle 'Sabaean' clients on their patrons was not one-sided. Not only did the clients have certain obligations (sometimes almost all-embracing ones; Fa 3, 8) to their patrons; the patrons also had certain obligations, primarily to provide some protection and defend the clients' interests in some cases.

30 Banu "TKLN's. 31 BanuMHBDM. 32 Banu MHBDM. 33 See, e.g., Korotayev ( 1 994b, 213). 34 This rendering implies that the subject of rs2d is the judge of this case, the king of Saba3 and

dhu-Raydán SaCRM ^WTR mentioned in 1. 9. (Incidentally, in this legal case, as in Fa 76, one of the parties are the royal clients.)

35 It does not appear surprising that clients would be reluctant to change their patrons from the kings to some aristocratic or qaylite clan, as the status of the royal clients seems to have implied certain privileges, such as the right of direct legal appeal to the king. For example, in С 398 a lawsuit against a group of the Sirwahites is submitted to the Sabaean king S2CRM 3WTR (and not, for example, to their qayls, Banu dhu-Habãb, who are also mentioned in the text [11. 16-17)); and the king passes sentence on them, incidentally in favour of the Sirwahites. It should be taken into consideration that these Sirwahites are royal clients (lines 2-3; see



Korotayev 97

also, e.g., С 544, 1-2); this might be why the lawsuit against them must be submitted to their lord, the king, though they are not Sabaeans or Fayshanites.

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Spencer, R. F. 1952. The Arabian matriarchate: An old controversy. South-Western Journal of Anthropology 8 : 478-502. Starcke, C. N. 1888. Die primitive Famille. Leipzig. Swanton, J. R. 1905. The social organization of American tribes. American Anthropologist 7 : 663-73. Watt, W. M. 1956. Mohammad at Medina. Oxford. Weir, Sh. 1994. Personal letter of 31 January 1994. Westermarck, E. 1894. The History of Human Marriage. London. Wilken, G. A. 1884. Das Matriarchat (das Mutterrecht) bel den alten Arabern. Leipzig. von Wissmann, H. 1964. Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde von Alt-Südarablen. Vienna: Sammlung Eduard Glaser, III. Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch - historische Klasse, 246.



papers from at the twenty-eighth meeting of the seminar for arabian studies held at oxford, 21-23...

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