origins of bourgeois individualism - by joseph belbruno

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  • 8/11/2019 Origins of Bourgeois Individualism - by Joseph Belbruno

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    Origins of Bourgeois Individualism - Part 5Workers against capital: Living labour totally separated or alienated from the means of production

    owned by capitalists with the sole aim to extend the political command of the dead objectified

    labour of workers through the expansion of the working population. The separation or alienation

    of living labour from the means of production means that in order for it to reproduce itself it must

    be rewarded with monetary wages, with abstract value so that living labour itself may bereduced to abstract labour or labour power. This trans!mutation of living labour into abstract

    labour is entirely fictitious, except in the politico!institutional terms made possible by the

    separation of living labour from the means of production"

    #t is because bourgeois economics refuses, as it must, to acknowledge the violence of the wage

    relation that it must also deny the theoretical and institutional role of money in its scientific

    analysis. $ourgeois economics is therefore met with a dilemma: on one hand, it needs to present

    the capitalist economy as an objective process that can be observed and controlled

    scientifically and that is subject to economic laws. %n the other hand, bourgeois economics

    must leave the economic system, its mathematical and scientific necessity, open to the

    possibility of free choice in the determination of market prices for the allocation of socialresources, to allow for the possibility of profits &for these would be impossible in a Walrasian

    system of simultaneous exchange in pure competition', and for the undeniable disturbances or

    crises to which the capitalist system falls regularly and cyclically victim through political

    interference with the self!regulating free market mechanism.

    $ourgeois economic theory models the &capitalist' economy in such a way that crises can

    occur only as exogenous disturbances that cause dis!e(uilibria. )(ually, its ideology of pure

    and free exchange through competitive behaviour makes it impossible for it to theorise the

    existence of value and therefore of profits and thence, above all, of capitalist accumulation

    and growth. *rowth is utterly incompatible with bourgeois economic analysis because its

    ideology of e(uivalence all but prevents it. The (uestion arises then: how is it possible for

    economic agents or market participants in such a mathematically!determined system to be and

    act like individuals in the free market+ ow indeed are disturbances, crises, externalities

    and profit and growth at all possible once the economic system has reached a position of

    e(uilibrium+ #n short, how is economic science compatible or consistent with the existence of

    economic decisions taken by free individuals+

    $ourgeois economics must posit the freedom of the individual, even as an economic agent in a

    system that is scientifically determined. -s we have seen, the freedom of the individual is a

    necessary precondition for the fiction of wage labour, of living labour as separate from the

    means of production and from the co!operative labour process or social labour that can then

    be measured and paid with money wages as individual labour or abstract labour or labour

    power. $ut the very social antagonism that the wage relation generates and foments betweenliving labour and capital means also that different capitals are in rivalry with one another over the

    access to markets &social resources' and living labour. #t is this inter!capitalist rivalry that

    re(uires political mediation by a collective capitalist that can act in the interests of capital as a

    whole ! especially in regard to workers ! and therefore as social capital to ensure the

    reproduction of its system and social relations of production.

    #mportantly, just as capital brings together and concentrates workers in one place and in one

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    labour process of production, so does workers antagonism to the wage relation induce the

    concentration of capitals the better for these to contrast the attempt by living labour to retake

    control over the means of production" There is therefore a concentration of &workers by' capital

    and also a corresponding concentration of capitals by workers. #t is this antagonism between

    workers and capital, for one, and also between capitalists that determines the various levels of

    social conflict and antagonism in terms of profitability and therefore of the distribution ofincome in capitalist societies and between capitalist nation!states. &/nderstanding this process

    provides most answers to the current upheaval between bourgeois elites in the euro0one, and

    between the /1 and export!dependent countries as well as emerging countries.'

    2learly, then, one aspect of bourgeois individualism involves the need to rationalise and

    measure politically the living labour of workers in the division of social labour so as to reduce

    this to abstract labour. -nother aspect involves the camouflaging of the transmutation of living

    labour into abstract labour through the wage relation by presenting the reward of living labour

    with the exchange with money wages that stand for dead objectified labour into the free

    choice of the individual consumer" -nd finally the third aspect of the bourgeois mystification of

    the wage relation involves the individual investment or saving decision by the individual

    capitalist in antagonistic conflict with living labour and with other capitalists. This last element is

    important to underline the fact that the antagonism of the wage relation affects not just the

    relation between workers and capital, but also between capitalists and, to some extent, also

    between workers" #n other words, the wage relation ensures that capitalist societies are

    ex(uisitely and ferociously antagonistic societies in which money capital tends to dissolve all

    social bonds and all forms of human co!operation and solidarity. Worse still, as we shall see, the

    wage relation and the need for capital to perpetuate it tends to transform capital into a barrier to

    social production.