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Section 1.
Topic a) Volia
The term Volia is perhaps best defined as a sense of personal liberty or will. It can be
understood as an inward freedom to pursue the more spiritual and abstract elements of
existence (dukhovnaia kul'tura) over more mundane and materialistic demands (Byt). This
idea somewhat eluded to in Gogol's Dead Souls1, in which he writes that the Russian soul
'Craves to be lost in a whirl, to carouse without stint.' In the same paragraph Gogol gives
us an excellent analogy for this rather abstract concept through his description of the
Troika. Its construction is simple and rough, yet the carriage careers along with unbounded
speed and freedom, its horses flying 'like a whirlwind.'
Volia appears to to plant itself in the Russian psyche through the very land itself, in
particular the sheer size of it. As an example, we need only look to popular folk song Song
Of the Motherland2. Russia is said to be a 'spacious land,' one in which 'life can flow as
freely, broadly, as the Volga brimming and unchecked.' It is unsurprising therefore, and
perhaps somewhat revealing, that the Russian word for self growth, prostor, should be
roughly translatable as 'expanse.'
It is important to distinguish between the concepts of volia and svoboda, the idea of
political liberty as opposed to what we have established as a more spiritual liberty. It would
be incorrect to assume that one necessitates the other or that they are causally linked.
Berdyaev illustrates this when speaking of the 19
th
century intellectual achievements of the
Russian nation. 'It [Russia] did this in the very oppressive atmosphere that accompanies
the absence of freedom. I am speaking of outward freedom, for the inward freedom which
existed among us was great.'3 To clarify this distinction further, consider that in her Nakaz
Catherine writes that 'Liberty is the right of doing whatsoever the law allows.'4 When we
1 Gogol, Nikolai. Excerpt fromDead Souls (1842). Adapted from 25-26 in Treasury of Russian Life and Humour, ed.
John Cournos. New York: Coward-McCann, 1943
2 Dunaevsky, Isaac & Lebedev-Kumach, Vasily. Song of the Motherland. Pgs. 271-272,Mass Culture in SovietRussia: Tales, Poems, Songs and Folklore. Von Geldern, James & Stites, Richard. Indiana University Press, 1995.
3 Berdyaev, Nicolas.Definition of the Russian National Type, in The Russian Idea. Beacon Press, 1962.
4 The Nakaz of Catherine the Great. Chapter V, articles 36-39.
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consider that the likes of Pushkin, Likhachov, and Solzhenitsyn were all at some point
censored or their works repressed by the state, the difference between the two terms
becomes apparent.
Section 2.
Images C1. & C2.
The two images supplied are both of Catherine the great one in which she is depicted as
the classical Goddess of justice and one in which she is wearing a traditional Russian
Kokoshnik. A Kokoshnik is a traditional Russian headdress, the word deriving from the old
Slavic word Kokosh (Hen), and having been worn in Russia since pre Petrine times. The
pictures are significant as they highlight the dramatic differences between the old Russia
of the 17th century and prior, and the new, more European Russia that emerged following
the reign of Peter the Great.
Catherine is in a manner of speaking the ideal figure to discuss in relation to this
topic. She was the quintessential post Petrine Russian monarch, believing firmly in the
country's European status. She was natively a German, having attained the throne by
deposing her husband Peter III. She saw herself as an enlightened despot, acting as a
patron of the arts, communicating regularly with European enlightenment figures such as
Voltaire, and establishing the Smolny Institute for the higher education of noble women.
She established the Hermitage, and was known to write for hours each day. Under her
Russia began to take a more active role in European politics, greatly expanding its territory
in the west and acting as mediator between Prussia and Austria during the War of the
Bavarian Succession. Her Nakaz borrowed heavily from Montesquieu's earlier work, Spirit
of The Laws, and in it she boldly stated how Russia was a European country.
Since the time of Peter the Great the vision of Russia as European had essentially
become the norm. French had become the chief language of the nobility, a class which
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Hosking argues had not existed as a single estate beforehand. Russian was relegated to
'communication with servants, serfs, and very young children.' This new class immersed
themselves in the culture of the west and adapted much of what they saw for Russia.
Prominent poet and statesman Gavriil Derzhavin wrote odes in the classical style, yet
founded the literary society 'Lovers of the Russian Word.' Classicalism spread throughout
Russia much as it did through the rest of Europe during the enlightenment. The Levitskii
portrait of Catherine demonstrates that, as do the Summer Gardens of St. Petersburg and
countless other examples. Thinkers and statesmen of the calibre of Lomonosov and
Ekaternia Dashkova emerged into what appeared to be a very European looking Russian.
This was far from the full story however. The peasantry, who would later become
seen as 'the authentic embodiment of the nation' were less than happy about the
governance of the country. Living conditions within the serf class worsened as landlords
became more brutal and demanding. This dissatisfaction eventually culminated in the
Pugachev Rebellion of the 1770's, in which thousands of serfs, cossacks and old believers
rose up against the state. What is notable is how non European these rebels appeared in
comparison to the nobility, as exemplified by Vasily Perov's Pugachev's Judgement.
Whatever of the nobility, within the lower classes of the Russian people one could not say
that there was a distinctly European appearance.
Following the Great War of 1812 with France, the leanings toward the west within
the nobility lessened. Sergey Uvarov's triad of nationality, Orthodoxy, Autocracy &
Narodnost, was adopted by Nicholas I as a Russian response to the ideals of the French
revolution. By the 1830's the Slavophile movement had come into being, with notable
figures such as Kireevski and Khomyakov denouncing the reforms of Catherine and Peter.
The Decemberist Revolt of 1925, albeit predicated on Nicholas I's assumption of the
throne, saw more of the nobility cast aside their European identity. It would appear that
despite Catherine's declaration in her Nakaz, Russia's status within Europe was less clear
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cut than she had imagined.
Section III
Essay a) Continuity vs. Change.
Russian history has often been punctured with periods of great upheaval and change. As
often as not, these periods have lead to radical new attitudes towards law, types of
governance, or religious beliefs taking the place of those in place beforehand. In such a
climate it may be argued that it would be difficult to built up any cultural continuity or
identity, perhaps lending credence to Chaadaev's remarks in his Letters on the Philosophy
of Historythat Russia is devoid of history and is still in the stage chaotic fermentation in
the moral sphere. However, it is my belief that despite these upheavals there are
significant themes that pervade Russian history and culture, surviving these cataclysmic
changes and reappearing, if not immediately then at some later point. I shall make special
reference to the Christianisation of Russia, the changes instituted by Peter the Great, and
the rise and fall of the Soviet Union.
In their essay Binary Models in the Dynamics Of Russian Culture, Uspenskii and
Lotman outline a theory in which due to the lack of purgatory within the Russian Orthodox
faith in contrast with the medieval Catholic west, Russian culture essentially existed in a
state of two polar extremes with no middle ground, meaning that significant change could
only be achieved through radical upheaval. Following this upheaval prior customs could be
repressed or forgotten and would only manifest themselves discretely following the event.
The essential logic is that as there is no moral middle ground between heaven and hell,
and therefore right and wrong, if a new system of doing things comes into place then the
old method is immediately rendered incorrect. While this theory has its flaws, it does give
us a working model in which to examine certain significant events in Russian history and
their consequences.
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Taking first the Christianisation of Russia as an example we can test how this tehory
performs. In 988 Tsar Vladimir accepted the Byzantine faith and began the process of
making Russia Christian. The old gods such as Perun and Mokosh were discarded, with a
striking example being the destruction of the temple of Perun at Podol and the building of a
church to St. Basil on the site. Chrisianity spread quicky across Russia, as is evidenced by
the completion of the Cathedral of Saint Dmitrii at Vladimir in the 12th century.
Despite the rapid acceptance of the new faith however, there remained traits of the
pagan religions, in particular references to the Mother figure, Mokosh. In the Russian
Orthodox faith Mary, taking on this similar role, has far more significance than in the
western churches. As well as this we see throughout Russian icons from the middle ages
that Mary takes the uniquely Russian Orans Pose, a pose which can be observed in other
Russian designs, including what would appear to be a Mother Earth figure in a 19th century
headdress. This lends credence to the idea that there is a certain amount of discrete
continuity within Russian culture.
To further emphasise this we can also look at the modernization efforts of Peter the
Great and their after effects. Following his grand embassy of 1698 Peter instituted a large
number of changes within Russia, in an effort to bring the supposedly backward nation into
line with the rest of Europe. He established the table of ranks, forbade the wearing of
beards by his nobles and changed court attire to a more European style, amongst many
other things. However, as has been alluded to in the previous question, Russia remained
far from a definite European state. By the 1820's the idea of Russia being separate from
Europe was once again recognised by the Monarchy, as shown by Nicholas I's adoption of
Uvarov's triad, and Alexander III even removed the stigma of growing a beard. By the reign
of Nicholas II there were even suggestions of reintroducing traditional Pre-Petrine Russian
court clothing, although these apparently amounted to nothing.
As a final examination of this idea of upheaval and discrete continuity we can look
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at the emergence and fall of the Soviet Union and the destruction of the Church of Christ
the Saviour in 1931. Fitting the pattern rather well, and invoking thoughts of the temple of
Perun a century before, the Soviets had planned to build on the site a great Palace of the
Soviets, featuring a 100m high statue of Lenin, however due to poor planning, budget
problems and the second world war this never came to fruition. Following the fall of the
Soviet Union in the 1990's, the church was eventually rebuild on the same site in 1996,
highlighting both the reactionary element of Russian culture and indeed the discrete
continuity, as despite the official state policy of Atheism that had prevailed during the
Soviet period, the Russian people had evidently retained their faith.
In summation, Russian culture does indeed have incidents of great change and
upheaval. However, there are notable and distinct signs of continuity and consistancy
despite this, be it anything from the new Iconist movement of the early 20th century or the
important role of Mary in the orthodox faith.