NIGERIA GOVERNMENT POLICY ON QUOTA SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The Federal Character principle which gave rise to quota system

in Nigeria was established to solve the problems of inequality and

marginalization as expressed by certain parts of Nigeria. Among

other reasons for introducing the quota system were because of

differences in the socio-economic development of different parts

of Nigeria. Secondly there were disparities in the levels of

educational developments in different parts of the country. Some

sections of the country (North) were alleged to be educationally

disadvantaged, while some regions (South) of the country were

acclaimed to be educationally advantaged. Akuta (2009).

Related to federal character is the quota system that throws

expertise to the winds and instead promotes mediocrity in the

main. The quota system determines who gets what employment

in the federal civil service. It determines who gets admission into

any federal school from secondary to tertiary level. For example,

under the quota system, if a position has been reserved for a

particular zone or state of the country, rather than take a capable

hand from another state or zone to fill the position, it serves that

country better to leave it vacant or fill the post with a mediocre

from that very zone or state. The quota system and federal

character have contributed to the high unemployment rate in the

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country. It is a known fact that unemployment is worst in the

southern states than in the northern states.

Besides, the two monsters of federal character and quota system

keep reminding Nigerians that they’re not one people. They are

responsible for much of the looting at the federal level as each

state or zone of the country is out to corner more juicy positions

to themselves. Furthermore, the PDP has used the quota system

to determine which zone produces the president at any time.

What that means is that somebody must have to be imposed on

the country from the designated zone whether or not he is

qualified.How could the country get liberated from the shackles of

poverty, ignorance, disease and underdevelopment when the

system has put wedge against itself? The only way out is for the

system to dismantle these strictures that are drawing the country

backward. Failure to do that would not only stall development but

could help the forces that are out to tear the country apart. That

is not what right thinking and patriotic Nigerians want. The

country must rejuvenate itself to remain afloat. Ayoade (2000)

The federal character principle was adopted during the 1977

Constitutional Drafting Committee. It became part of 1979

constitution of Nigeria. From this point in our nation’s history, the

questions of merit or competitiveness among Nigerians were set

aside in place of quota system. This system has hindered

development and it defiles all logic. How can a nation make

progress when their best cannot occupy their due positions

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because we are practising quota? We cannot move forward as a

nation by putting round pegs in square holes.

From the time of incorporating the quota system into the Nigerian

law books till date, the federal government has used it as a policy

instrument in recruiting people to all federal government

establishments like the armed forces, police, ministries, federal

government owned universities etc. Because it’s in our statute

book, the various state governments and all local governments’

use the quota system in their various appointments etc.

Merit, experience and hard work do not matter if quota system is

in use especially when it comes to appointments. Its contrary to

what Max Weber (1864-1920) said, that employees should be

hired and promoted based on merit and expertise. We choose

mediocre in place of merit. The use of quota system has brought

about intense lobbying each time there is vacancy to be filled.

Quota system laid down the quest for the scramble and looting of

our nations resources. People, groups, politicians, contractors etc

lobby for positions all because quota system has replaced merit.

When people, politicians, regions or states do not get positions

they start shouting of marginalization. When they succeed, they

loot because they feel it’s their turn. Patriotism and national

interest do no longer exits in Nigeria due to this policy. Quota

system encourages tribalism and division. This twin evil makes

peace and love to be difficult in a country like Nigeria.

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In Nigerian federal civil parlance, appointment is often

synonymous with recruitment (Al-Gazali, 2006). Recruitment in

the Nigerian federal civil service is determined by three major

factors (Babaru, 2003). The first is the availability of vacancies

declared by the ministries and extraministerial departments and

forwarded to the commission through the office of the head of

civil service of the federation. Awareness for such vacancies are

publicized through advertisements and notices. The second factor

is the qualifications of the potential applicants. The specific

quailfications and skills required for various categories are

presented in schemes of service (2000). The third factor is the

principle of federal character. That is quota allocated in the

recruitment exercise to states to ensure that the federal civil

service reflects ‘Federal Character.’

Federal character principle is a constitutional matter and an

important factor that determine appointments into the federal

civil service. This issue is expressed in section 14(3) of the

constitution as “The composition of the Government of the

Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs

shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the Federal

Character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and

also to comm.- and national loyalty thereby ensuring that there

shall be no predominance of persons from few States or from few

ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its

agencies.”

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The basic idea of the principle is to have an even representation

of all states, ethnic and other sectional groups in the federal

service. It has a lot of political support, especially from those in

the disadvantaged areas- mainly the northern states of Nigeria

(Olowu et al., 1997). In order to implement this concept

effectively, a commission called the Federal Character

Commission was created in 1995. However, promotion in the

federal civil service is determined by factors such as number of

years in a grade level, performance in promotion examination and

interviews (FRN, 1998), and availability of vacancies or jobs at a

higher level.

STATEMENT OF THE STUDY

The culture of dependency in the north has given way to that of

over-dependency, laughable expectancy and blatant parasitism.

Worse still, the advent of religious fanaticism, and bigotry,

sexism, ethnocentrism, as well as an entrenched xenophobic

disposition make it unlikely for the north to ever emerge from its

quandary and squalor. It would seem to any right-thinking

individual, going by the belligerent posture of the northern

hegemony towards any attempts to move that region forward,

that they (the ruling class) probably like things just the way they

are. In that case, it would seem rather foolhardy for the northern

power structure to expect the south to continue to bear an

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overloaded and unrealistic burden… that would be amoral and

therefore utterly untenable.

The recent agitation of the southern governors for the control of

their resources and affairs must and will be heeded! It is in that

regard that one is immensely troubled and disappointed (though

not surprised) by the recent utterances of the northern governors

to the contrary. The continued intransigence of these northern

mal-administrators coupled with their inflammatory proclamations

(obviously playing to the gallery of the lunatic fringe in the north)

regarding the Oodua Peoples Congress (while a commission of

inquiry is still sitting in Lagos) is evidence of the fact that they do

not wish Nigeria well. As an American colleague of mine put it the

other day, “if there is a malignant cancer in a part of your body,

you cut that body part off!” The so-called north, from all accounts

seems to have gone from being a benign cancerous growth to the

real possibility of becoming malignant. There is without a doubt, a

remedy for such an eventuality.

It would be criminal, were it not inhumane, to witness the

continued rape and pillaging of the resources of the Niger-Delta

while the inhabitants of that region have nothing whatsoever to

show for their God-given resources. The life span of oil reserves is

at most 100 years; the Nigerian economy has become too reliant

on oil (accounting for 80% of the country’s revenue from exports)

while its vast mineral deposits (which in contrast to oil have a life

span of 400 years) have remained untapped. There is an urgent

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need for policy re-evaluation and economic diversification with a

view to re-energizing the nations economy and the subsequent

re-structuring of the body polity.

In Northern Nigeria for example, there is clearly high literacy rate,

even noticeably higher than the literacy rate in the Southern parts

of Nigeria, the fact that the North did not embrace Western World

education or Western European definition of education, simply

does not change the fact that most persons in the Northern parts

of Nigeria can Read and Write in Arabic, and being able to Read

and Write is sufficiently accepted definition of being a literate

person, unless we are to say the Germans, the Chinese, the

French and the Japanese etc. are all illiterates as they conduct

their lives not in English. The majority of the Nigerian citizens of

the Northern extraction can Read and Write Arabic, so that, if we

were to teach medicine and law in Arabic, these Nigerian citizens

will be quite at home (even at age 100) whereas, correspondingly,

there is no such high literacy level in the Southern part of Nigeria,

and this fact is more pronounced in the older generation citizens

of Nigeria of the Southern extraction.

OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The main purpose of this research, therefore, is to explore the

tatus of the quota system in Nigeria. This the researcher will try to

achieve by;

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I To evaluate the relationship between the Nigeria quota

system and the federal character principle of Nigeria.

ii. Exploring the causes of stigma of educational

imbalance in Nigeria.

iii. To examine carefully the reality of competitive ethnicity in

Nigeria with as it relates to power sharing and recruitment.

vi. To proffer recommendations on the most effective ways

of curbing the problems of quota system in Nigeria

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

In order to ascertain the status of quota system in Nigeria,

some questions were developed. These questions are:

i. What is the relationship between the Nigeria quota system

and the federal character principle of Nigeria?

ii. What are the causes of stigma of educational

imbalance in Nigeria.

iii. What is the status in terms of competitive ethnicity in

Nigeria with as it relates to power sharing and recruitment.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

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There is a need to revisit and reissue, for publication, this

opinion on federal character, quota system, our affirmative action

program; this topic, upon which a substantial portion of this

article was first published in June 2003, it is slightly modified for

this republication, which is as a consequence of the reignited

debate about the importance of true and effective

implementation of federal character in public appointments to

reflect the multi-variables of a multi-cultural, multilingual, multi-

religious Nigeria’s national development. It is important,

particularly, in a plural society such as Nigeria, that all citizens

feel a sense of equal voice, equal representation and equal

participation. No citizen or group of citizens should feel

marginalized.

Scope of the Study

The study cover issues on the state of the quota system

procedures in Nigeria in the areas of employment education

power sharing, ethnicity and Nation and cultural co-existence. The

focus is whether quota or federal character is a curse or blessing.

Nonetheless, the significance of this study is to throw more light

on the understanding of federal character commonly known as

quota system. Therefore for this purposes, federal character will

be used throughout the work as defined in our constitution.

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THE FEDERAL CHARACTER PRINCIPLE

In other countries, the on going debate has been on how to create

equal opportunity for all the people living in their territories;

whereas in Nigeria, the focus is whether quota or federal

character is a curse or blessing. Nonetheless, the significance of

this study is to throw more light on the understanding of federal

character commonly known as quota system. Federal character is

akin to US affirmative action or UK race relation and sex

discrimination act, which amongst others attempt to compensate

for discriminatory practices that have in the past denied fair

consideration to members of minority groups. For example, an all-

white government office may take steps to hire people of colour.

Or, a mostly-male college programme may seek to balance its

admissions by giving preference to female applicants. Ayoade

(2000)

It is quite interesting that time have recruited some Nigerians to

become advocates and supporters of federal character in

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appointments to federal appointments. Disparate groups have

joined this worthy discourse! All Nigerians should in good faith

advocate that appointments and how we do business reflect our

essential composite make-up as Nigerians, from local government

to state and federal levels. All hands should be on deck. All

engines for Nigeria’s development should be firing at full-throttle,

from our diversities!

 

There is a need to revisit and reissue, for publication, this opinion

on federal character, quota system, our affirmative action

program; this topic, upon which a substantial portion of this

article was first published in June 2003, it is slightly modified for

this republication, which is as a consequence of the reignited

debate about the importance of true and effective

implementation of federal character in public appointments to

reflect the multi-variables of a multi-cultural, multilingual, multi-

religious Nigeria’s national development. It is important,

particularly, in a plural society such as Nigeria, that all citizens

feel a sense of equal voice, equal representation and equal

participation. No citizen or group of citizens should feel

marginalized.

The Constitutions of Nigeria, ( since 1979 to the present 1999

version) for decades now, have made provisions for a Quota

System and the reflection of a Federal Character in appointments

of public office holders, this, in my view makes perfect sense, in a

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diverse country and society as Nigeria. Diversity needs to be

actively and purposefully encouraged and even, legally enforced,

this should be provided by our laws, at local, state and federal

levels and as well made justifiable by Nigeria's Supreme law, the

Constitution of Nigeria. All successive government of Nigeria have

talked about federal character in a flimsy manner without the

necessary administrative framework to make its impact felt. For

example, admission into federal universities and colleges are

often determined on three differing percentile criteria such as:

merit, state of origin and a rather clumsy educationally

disadvantage leverage cover. In a normal circumstance, only the

first two former criteria will do since at least, they will produce the

best transparent result as opposed to the latter. Again, the

absence of national identity card indicating state of origin and not

sworn affidavit leads to inconclusive results and a fraud ridden

system that leaves federal character to all kinds of abuses.

Even though, it had been suggested earlier that state of origin

criteria will do, however, a problem remains for those who may

have changed residence and no longer have ties to their state of

origin because of their economic activities in the state of their

permanent residence. Hence, to tie federal character to state of

origin criteria is flawed and unsatisfactory since it may lead to a

number of difficulties and discrimination. In this regards,

residency as criteria will be most appropriate as practised in most

countries. Assuming we were to adopt residency and not just for

taxation purposes only, states of the federation would become

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competitive in other hindsight in order to attract those wishing to

take advantages of freedom of mobility and opportunities

elsewhere which in turn results in balanced mutual benefit for the

migrants and the state in question. All states, but especially the

educationally disadvantaged states, need special provisions and

protections in the admission process in Nigeria's educational

system, especially in higher education and the professions! All

Nigerians and Nigeria will be the beneficiaries of such good policy,

that encourages the grooming and nurturing of opportunities for

every Nigerian from every communities in Nigeria, and particular

effort should be made, in order that Nigeria does not live anyone

behind, economically, socially, educationally and

developmentally, this is in our national interests, it’s nothing to

jeer or sneer at.

In Northern Nigeria for example, there is clearly high literacy rate,

even noticeably higher than the literacy rate in the Southern parts

of Nigeria, the fact that the North did not embrace Western World

education or Western European definition of education, simply

does not change the fact that most persons in the Northern parts

of Nigeria can Read and Write in Arabic, and being able to Read

and Write is sufficiently accepted definition of being a literate

person, unless we are to say the Germans, the Chinese, the

French and the Japanese etc. are all illiterates as they conduct

their lives not in English.

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The majority of the Nigerian citizens of the Northern extraction

can Read and Write Arabic, so that, if we were to teach medicine

and law in Arabic, these Nigerian citizens will be quite at home

(even at age 100) whereas, correspondingly, there is no such high

literacy level in the Southern part of Nigeria, and this fact is more

pronounced in the older generation citizens of Nigeria of the

Southern extraction. The later day acceptance of Western World

education has severely and severally hindered the numbers of the

“educated” among peoples of Northern Nigeria, but since we are

in the same boat, all Nigerians are in the same boat! Our destiny

is and will forever be intertwined, it is therefore wise and good

investment to actively and purposefully invest in increasing the

numbers of our brothers and sisters the Northern part of Nigeria

in higher education and in the professions, we will be doing

ourselves a favor, favor not to the recipient, but those who are

willing to make the collective investment and sacrifice, to bring

about a balanced, equal and fair society which Nigeria deserves,

this is our path to greatness.

Historically, some Southerners have also been huge beneficiaries

of programs and policies similar to what I now advocate, for

example, many years ago, There were also, many Students, of

Southern Nigeria origins, who benefited immensely from the

Remedial Education Programs at the University of Maiduguri, even

though, the Remedial Programs were specifically targeted at

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Students of Northern origins from the immediate areas or

neighboring states (catchments areas) the direct and indirect

benefits are clear to me, or anyone who cares to examine it! The

students for whom the programs were intended benefited,

students who were outside the targeted group also benefited, the

entire Nigerian nation benefits! What could possibly be wrong

with that? Affirmative Action Programs Policies and the Quota

System and Federal Character Policies reflect visionary thinking, a

wonderful foresight, that should have the force of law, that we

should all support and encourage and see that these policies

continues to be enforced in Nigeria and America, the Big Picture is

that we will all benefit! The more equipped Nigerians from every

community in the nation are, the better we all are! When all

Nigerians become equipped with skills, training and professional

education in every level or strata, Nigeria will be on the way to

our destined greatness!

 

The basic principles of federal character are similar to

fundamental human rights, which are seen as central to social

justice and the foundation of peace, law and order, and dividends

of democracy. However though, in spite of the wishful desire for

anti discrimination programmes, they nonetheless remain

controversial in some countries. Essentially, the above subject

title shall be examined critically within the definition of federal

character and accordingly, the paper shall be examining sections

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14, 42, 217; and third schedule part 1 sections 7, 8 and 9; which

gives the meaning as follows:

section 14 (3), the composition of the Government of the

Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its

affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the

federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote

national unity, and also to command national loyalty,

thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of

persons from a few State or from a few ethnic or other

sectional groups in that Government or in any of its

agencies;

subsection (4), the composition of the Government of a

State, a local government council, or any of the agencies of

such Government or council, and the conduct of the affairs

of the Government or council or such agencies shall be

carried out in such a manner as to recognise the diversity of

the people within its area of authority and the need to

promote a sense of belonging and loyalty among all the

people of the Federation;

section 42 (1)(2) states that, a citizen of Nigeria of a

particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex,

religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he

is such a person: (a) be subjected either expressly by , or in

the practical application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any

executive or administrative action of the government, to

disabilities or restrictions to which citizens of Nigeria of other

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communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religions

or political opinions are not made subject;

be accorded either expressly by, or in the practical

application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any such

executive or administrative action, any privilege or

advantage that is not accorded to citizens of Nigeria of other

communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religions

or political opinions;

subsection (2), no citizen of Nigeria shall be subjected to any

disability or deprivation merely by reason of the

circumstances of his birth;

third schedule part 1 section 8 (3): notwithstanding any

provision in any other law or enactment, the federal

character commission shall ensure that every public

company or corporation reflects the federal character in the

appointments of its directors and senior management staff;

and

section 217 (3), the composition of the officer corps and

other ranks of the armed forces of the Federation shall

reflect the federal character of Nigeria.

From the foregoing definition of federal character, sixteen

important terms namely: federal, state, local council, all

parastatals and agencies, public companies and corporations,

composition, conduct, promote national unity, command national

loyalty, predominance, persons, ethnic or sectional groups and

diversity, disabilities or restrictions and circumstances of his birth

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come to bear. However, for the purpose of this essay, it maybe

unnecessary to examine the wording and meaning of each term

but nevertheless, they will be put into context in the substantive

discussion in order to highlight how they impact on the north and

south divide.

Clearly, the founders of the constitution recognised and took into

account our multicultural diversity when they formulated the

social justice charter even though our people were denied their

rights in vetting its coming into force, which had been envisaged

by section 14 (2a). That states that, sovereignty belongs to the

people of Nigeria from whom government through this

constitution derives all its powers and authority. In theory, it is an

important principle, which seeks to protect people's democracy

and give credence to their vote and voices. Unfortunately, our

politicians never have consideration for important provisions,

whenever it contradicts their interests even when it would have

backed their policies. Some of which raises the question whether

Obasanjo's regime is an extension of military dictatorship in view

of the fact that, his government continues to be run like a private

business with no regards for democratic institutions including his

obstruction of the EFCC - the only credible institution to discern

his eight years of power. Owoyemi(2010)

At the moment, federal character in its present form has only

benefited in reality the people from regions that have held power

and who still enjoy the influence of their fallen fathers- Awo for

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Yoruba, Zik for Ibo and Balewa for the north. Furthermore, Yoruba,

Ibo and Hausa divide would have been most appropriate rather

than the misleading north and south political divide discourses on

federal character. Nevertheless, in spite of all, it is still absolutely

correct to keep the discussion on north and south divide since

Yoruba and Ibo falls within the south and Hausa in North.

However, it must not be forgotten that these three ethnic groups

are responsible for the marginalisation of other minorities despite

the little they contribute to our national wealth as shown by the

underneath illustration of diplomatic officials at the Nigeria

Embassy, Austria. Out of a total of eight diplomats, Yoruba have

four including the Ambassador; Hausa have three and Ibo has

one. Whereas, the other minorities had none including Edo and

the oil producing states. This scenario does not affect just Foreign

Service's postings but it is also prevalent in other areas such as,

OPEC, International organisation and etc. If one is to use north

and south divide assessment, you are forced to agree that, the

north is marginalised and unfavourably disadvantaged in

accordance with federal character. And if you explore the

argument further, there is no way of knowing whether all the

Yoruba officials are not actually from the same state or President

Obasanjo's cronies and likewise the Hausa represented. Yet, none

of politicians from the region marginalised or not represented

care about bringing any action before the federal character

commission.

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There is no doubt that, there might be cases where, it may be

difficult to apply federal character to everyone's satisfaction

especially, if applicants vying for the vacancies are more than the

places available. In that case, the best common denominator

should be used as much as possible in order to narrow the

division of all the ethnicity that make up Nigeria. The suggestion

by president Obasanjo that, appointment into federal civil service

be made on the basis that, applicant has to achieve second class

upper degree or above, is incompatible with federal character and

absurd. Because such hurdles may unduly affect certain groups

whose people have been disadvantaged in the past to be able to

compete with the so called educationally advantaged group.

Rather, the primary purpose of federal character should be

integration - one that serves the ideal of equal opportunity.

Obasanjo's model of second class upper or above civil service will

cause more trouble in the future and result further rift in north

and south divide.

It is also an aberration that Obasanjo has never had concern for

federal character in selecting his ministers and political

appointments! A mere look at his cabinet will say the iniquitous

state of his ethnic Yoruba domination, followed by Hausa and Ibo.

Again, implementing federal character according to the dictate of

these three big ethnic groups is inconsistent with his oath of office

and the spirit of our constitution. This kind of tribal politics is

responsible for the divide and not a well implemented federal

character that guarantees equal opportunity. One must say here

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that, federal character intertwined our national unity and to

undermine it, is like asking our people whether one Nigeria is ever

possible!

Therefore, public understanding and debate of federal character

or quote system has been on wrong assumptions. Firstly, there

has been no practice of federal character so far other than lip

service since there is even no institutional framework for it to

function. Secondly, the system has only served those in power

and their associates, and it is the same politicians who use false

information to cause malice among us whenever their powers are

threatened.

The constitution clearly envisage that federal character is the only

instrument that can truly unite our people and guarantee

inclusiveness, economic integration, equality of treatment and

mobility of labour within any part of its geographical territory. It

gives Nigerians the legal basis to pursue any of its violation

whether by the individual or federal character commission or

similar body at the state level. Despite the fact that affirmative

action is increasingly coming under attack in other countries,

where the issue of how to integrate all the ethnicities is recurrent,

nonetheless, the good of affirmative action outweighs its

drawbacks since its intent is to do compensatory or distributive

justice without which, would lead to mockery of democracy,

equality, liberty and justice - the very values on which nations are

founded (Dennis Kucinich: Affirmative action).

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Quota system or federal character can in no way be responsible

for the north and south divide if adhered to in its strictest term

since it equally applies to private bodies and corporation. Equally,

the federal character commission must be forced to do its

constitutional duty by ensuring that the tenets of federal

character are complied with because, only its full implementation

will strengthen citizenship, social cohesion and economic

integration, loyalty and patriotism - inseparable dividends of

democracy. However, for federal character to succeed there is

need for its reformation to incorporate the necessary framework

and bureaucracy in spite of any financial concern in terms of its

monitoring and enforcement bearing in that only federal

character can truly harmonise our difficult historical marriage.

So far, politicians and their political allies have exploited this

artificial north and south divide to cement their power base to the

detriment of healthy political debate, development and how to

eradicate corruption. What would have been wrong if president

Obasanjo and Atiku had established new federal universities in

any of those states without a federal university instead of pushing

for a US education for sale model? What about building a new

elite university like Oxford or Cambridge in Nigeria; where merit

should be the only criteria and not Obasanjo and Atiku model of

supporting only their own private universities. This would have

been better use of our petroleum trust fund rather than been

used to finance their private interests to the extent that private

universities are now equally asking for their own shares to the

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detriment of public schools and institutions. Politicians and power

holders are the root causes of the north and south divide and not

federal character. They are drawing the lines; spinning and

manipulating our people at the backdrop of tackling what ought to

empower our people and nation. They have failed to realise how

far our nation has been left behind by their lack of vision and

focus.

Finally, the survival of the Nigeria state lies on its ability to

resolve the impasses in power, resources control and the

economic integration of all the component ethnicities. Equally,

our people must take the fight against those sowing the seed of

hate and division and be proactive in defending their rights

through the use of the court's authority. We expect the federal

character commission to do its work in order to end the perverse

discrimination against minorities. We cannot properly evaluate

the impact of federal character, if politicians and policy makers

continue to use it only whenever it suits them rather, it has to be

applied in its strictest term because, it is a good law in practice

and the supposedly criticisms are artificial and have nothing to do

with the north and south divide. Ayoade (2000)

THE REALITY OF COMPETITIVE ETHNICITY IN NIGERIA

One obvious subject that has continued to elude the Nigerian

nation is integration. Neither the political structure nor the law of

the land is sufficiently positioned to redress the situation. The

state of origin of every Nigerian has remained the most important

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ticket for getting anything.  At the youth level, many Nigerians

are favoured or deprived by the quota system of admission into

schools- a system which accepts a scenario where two pupils of

the same school write the same examination for admission into

the same college and it is the pupil with the lower score who gets

admitted because of his state of origin. At the adult level, the

situation is no less inexplicable. In the larger environment, ethnic

groups in Nigeria cohabit under a cover of mutual distrust and

suspicion with each scheming to undo the other. The majority

groups naturally have the upper hand and they tell the rest of us

that Nigerians are Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba. In fact, once one of

them gets a position, the next consideration is what goes to the

other two.  Among the minorities, the bigger groups hold tight to

whatever is available in their areas. For this reason, ethnic groups

like Igede, Etulo, Abakwa and the Idoma, may as well forget ever

occupying the office of governor of Benue State. It appears

reserved for the Tiv because they are the majority. Fajana(2011)

Recalling that although the Benins are the majority in Edo State,

neither the incumbent state governor nor the minister

representing the state in the federal cabinet is one of theirs. On

its face value, one may be misled into seeing the Benins as

liberal-minded and accommodating. The truth however, is that at

this point in history; the Benins are just a sleeping majority. The

last time one of them got into the federal cabinet, he was made a

junior minister when some other states had two full ministers. Till

date, no one knows or asked who negotiated that for the Benins.

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The story is the same even outside politics. For example, although

the catholic faith came to Benin over one hundred years ago, no

Benin man has been able to become the Catholic Archbishop of

Benin. To say such matters are ordained and directed by God is to

be unfair to the Almighty because everything is ordained by Him

and because He is all fairness, He would not disapprove of

members of only one tribe moving up towards the apex of their

occupation. Why can’t a Benin man be the Bishop in other

peoples’ homelands? In the area of education, a Benin man has at

last become the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Benin after

40 years of its existence. The puerile argument for long that

heading a university was not an ethnic thing is a language of

deceit as only one group can head my own revered University of

Ibadan.

What then is the problem of the Benins? It can be seen that

disunity, lack of courage and selfishness among others. Yes, the

Benin political class has lately been engaged in atomistic politics,

a term which aptly describes a class that is at war with itself and

thus unable to negotiate a right. Once some wealthy individuals

among the minority groups can spread some resources around,

the Benins collapse and begin to doggedly project their

benefactors. If one listens carefully, one would hear things like

that there are non-Benins with Benin interest as if other people

can love somebody more than himself. Under the circumstance, it

would not be difficult for a minority to win an election in Edo

state. When compared to what our forbearers did, the fall of the

25

famous Benin Empire of old shows clearly. If the late Chief Omo-

Osagie was self-serving, he would not have declined to be Premier

of the new Midwest region in 1963, so that Benin City could be

the capital of the region. The warrior Obas of Benin built an

expansive wall as long as 20,000km around the empire. The

defensive edifice is the world’s longest self-protective complex

which according to the Guinness Book of Records, is the greatest

earth work ever constructed by man. Today, the Benins have only

one town-Benin City-all their other areas remain villages.

No one else except the Benins can take responsibility for their

poor state of affairs. They must thus rise now and take their

destiny in their own hands because it will be unacceptable to

posterity that the Benins were marginalized as a minority tribe in

Nigeria and at the same time, allowed themselves to also be

marginalized in a state where they are in a majority. To worry that

some people would describe this argument as parochial is to

overlook the imperatives of competitive ethnicity in a multi-ethnic

society like ours. Some people may not like it but the truth is that

ethnicity is one of the ‘settled’ issues of our federalism. If not, we

would not have had an arrangement where our President had to

go to his ‘place’ to register and to vote during the last general

elections. But for the same over-all importance of ethnicity,

zoning would not have assumed its important status in our

political structure. Abia state would not have disengaged from its

public service more than 1,800 workers of Anambra State origin.

26

The indigene-settler imbroglio in Jos, Plateau State, would not

have been as fatal as it has become.

These and many more examples of inter-ethnic problems in

Nigeria confirm that ethnicity is still the decider of all matters in

the country as it was in those days when the late sage, Obafemi

Awolowo, who has been aptly described as the best President

Nigeria never had, could not win either the general election of

1959 or the presidential elections of 1979 and 1983.The United

States which like Nigeria, is heterogeneous, does not have our

type of problem because ethnicity is not worshipped there. An

American citizen born and bred in a place does not go in search of

his ancestry to identify with a group so as to participate in any

event. Until we take the issue of integration seriously, our ethnic

groups would justifiably be engaged in cut-throat competitions.

Those who avoid it through self-centered rationalizations would

naturally decline because every other ethnic category has its own

agenda.

Nigeria's nations and the challenges of federalism 

AS we move inexorably towards a sovereign national conference,

Nigerians must reflect again on the federal character principle

enshrined in every constitution since 1960, its origins and how it

works in practice. In paraphrase, the principle states that the

government of Nigeria shall be run (appointment to high office,

and resources, shared) in such a way as to reflect the federal

character of the nation, and those of the states ditto to reflect

27

variations in the make-up of local governments. At the pre-

independence negotiations, it became clear that there was need

to give constitutional expression to this sentiment in order to

ensure that one or other of the three negotiating regions, East,

West, or North did not get a greater share of the plumb jobs soon

to be vacated by the departing Brits. The regions were not equally

endowed with men/women for such jobs, so it would not have

been fair to base appointments to those jobs on open competition

(there, was the origin of the quota system).

It is important to note that although the country was structurally

federal with three autonomous regions at that time, the

sentiments and passions that gave rise to the federal character

principle were tribal, predominantly, Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and

Ibo. As time went by, these rulers of Nigeria began to see

themselves as 'nations,' not 'tribes'. If there were any tribes in

Nigeria they were the smaller ethnic groups, the so-called

minorities. Not only did the rulers not want to use the word 'tribe'

to describe themselves, they did not want the 'real tribes' (the

minorities) to be too conscious of their own identities. The rulers

developed a pathological abhorrence of the word 'tribe.' As is

characteristic of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled,

the former feared that too much tribal consciousness among the

minorities (I almost said natives) would create tension and

instability, just as the rulers of apartheid South Africa feared

Steve Biko's advocacy of black consciousness.

28

The minorities could see this tyranny of the majority in our form

of democracy, but there was nothing they could do about it. The

rulers banned tribal unions (but they carried on their tribal

agendas under other names Afenifere, Ohaneze, Arewa whereas

MOSOP, Egbesu must be dealt with firmly to prevent a threat to

national unity (or more truthfully, to prevent the natives from

destroying the source of the rulers' wealth around which the

federal character principle is built). The rulers changed our

national anthem leaving out 'tribe and tongue may differ.' They

hoped that if we did not use the word 'tribe' all the time for some

years, Nigerians would become good Nigerians; a good Nigerian is

someone called a 'detribalised Nigerian, meaning a tribal minority

who has become assimilated by one of the tribal majorities, or a

tribal majority member who does not recognise the existence of

tribes. A detribalised Nigerian can also be described as someone

who wears European or Arabic suit all the time.

Now some people are calling for a sovereign national conference

where all Nigerian nationalities, all, including the smallest, can

express a view on how they wish to relate to other nationalities

(tribes) and to the Nigerian federation. Naturally, most of the

minority tribes, who have never really been able to express their

options on a Nigerian constitution, support the idea of a national

conference (some hide their objection behind the word

'sovereign') is that the conference will, for the first time in the

history of Nigeria, bring the 'tribes' to a negotiating constitutional

table with the rulers. The rulers fear that the natives who do not

29

really know what is good for them, will make unreasonable

demands (such as a say on how the resources in their backyard

and their environments should be managed) and cause problems

for them. Why can't the natives see that the rulers know best

what is good for them and that at all times the rulers have the

interest of the natives at heart?

To return to the federal character principle and put it point blank

(to borrow a phrase from Tony Iredia), the principle derives from a

tribal instinct and was enunciated to ensure that none of the

three tribes (nations) that mattered then and now, Ibos, Yorubas

or Hausa/Fulani, got a greater share of the national cake than the

others. The Federal character compromise enabled Nigeria to gain

independence in 1960, but it gave rise to a constitution that is

negative in spirit and perspective, consisting mainly of

arrangements for sharing Nigeria's wealth and characterised by

mutual suspicion. It is not a constitution that inspires the citizens

to work together to create wealth that would make Nigeria great.

It is a constitution that actually encourages individuals in high

office and groups to loot the treasury to buy influence among

their tribes men or women, and justify it as doing something for

their tribes or communities.

One cannot urge the young Nigerian or even the old Nigerian now

"not to ask what Nigeria can do for you, but what you can do for

Nigeria." Such sanctimonious nonsense would not wish, given the

ethos of the Nigerian constitution. It actually sounds

30

preposterous. Even if we are to assume that Nigeria has all the

wealth and that our only problem is how to share it equitably

(there is no country in the world that can retain a reasonable

quality of life for its citizens without continuously creating

wealth), a federal character principle would still not be a

satisfactory basis for such sharing, given the multi-tribal

composition of the country and the inevitable controversy

concerning a federating unit's prospective share in the production

of the wealth, and its share out of it.

The big three see themselves as the main beneficiaries of the

federal character principle. When one of them complains of

marginalisation, it always means that in that one's view, the other

two have got a greater share of the cake than it. The equation of

marginalisation which the rulers have to constantly balance by

means of quotes and zonings always ignores the factor of minor

tribes; it has to, they are just too many. What is worrying to the

rulers now, and that is why they do not want a sovereign national

conference, is that the wealth they are sharing comes

predominantly from tribal homelands. Some of the states that

were created by the rulers to increase the sharing units for their

nations are so unviable, so unbelievably poor, that they are a

joke. One state raises an income of 20 million naira monthly, but

receives 400 million as subvention from the federation account. It

is obvious that the tribes will be coming to a sovereign national

conference advocating true federalism, including fiscal federalism

in which the federating units pay taxes to sustain the presidency.

31

Clearly, many of the states created by the rulers will not survive

such a structure, and yet it is the only structure that will release

the tremendous creative entrepreneur energy locked up in

Nigerians by a 'sharing' mentality, engendered by the present

constitution. Owoyemi(2010)

The way the principle of federal character presently works is a

travesty even of its spirit and purpose. The principle arose from

the compromise of the leaders of the three major tribes each

wanting a fair share of the national cake for his tribe; but the

federation where the principle now applies is one which the

national wealth is divided into, not three tribes, but 37, sharing

states. We have deviated from the spirit of the principle not so

much because we have increased the number of sharing units but

because of two crucial reasons. The first is that the increase in the

number of pots is due to the division of each of the large tribes

(nations) into several states, so that instead of sharing into, say,

one Ibo tribe, we now share into several states of the same tribe,

and this has occurred at the expense of the smaller nationalities

or tribes. This now gives the major tribes an even more

disproportionate share of the national cake. Also, the fact that

states, rather than tribes, are the sharing units, enables the ruler

to appear to be upholding the federal character principle even

when he appoints a preponderance of his tribesmen or women

into high office, by selecting them from different states of the

same tribe. On the other hand, the small tribes are too small in

32

population to constitute states, and many are in fact crunched

together in tension-ridden states. Ayoade (2000)

For appointment to high office in federal departments, the rulers

use the quota system. This applies in admission to unity schools

and institutions of higher learning, appointments in federal

parastatals, ministries, etc. It is in the use of the quota that the

federal character principle has wrecked its greatest havoc on the

moral psyche of the Nigerian. Brilliant young Nigerians are

quotaed out of their deserved places in schools of their choice.

The disappointed youngsters carry a grudge against the country

for what they rightly see as injustice. There is nothing they can do

about it; they may find other ways to beat the quota, but the

wound is there festering and preventing any roots of patriotism

from sprouting. There are thousands of them. For every one

admitted into federal school on merit from the so-called

educationally-advantaged states, there are hundreds who are

quotaed out and who see Nigeria as a country where injustice is

institutionalised, where honesty and hardwork do not lead to

success. Those youngsters who are quotaed in are also corrupted

by the system, corrupted by the arrogance and assumption that

their privileges in special considerations for admission and

employment are God-given.

The federal character principle has gradually rendered the word

'merit' unfashionable in the Nigerian educational and employment

sectors where merit should matter most. Those who have been in

33

charge of admission, know that, given the chance, many parents

will do anything to have their children admitted, they will swear

affidavits to falsify the age of their under aged children, pay a

surrogate candidate to take the examination for their children,

buy leaked examination papers for their children. The educated

elite parents with influence have taken advantage of

opportunities offered by the nebulous federal character principle

and quotas to totally corrupt the educational system.

Owoyemi(2010) What about people in high office? Nigerians

actually want their ministers, director-generals, perm secs and

their commissioners to be corrupt and divert official funds to

themselves, their communities or their regions. How else can they

justify their quota appointments? The rulers find it difficult to

sanitise the system by removing an incompetent or corrupt high

office holder, even if they wish to; the royal fathers from the office

holder's region will mount pressure on the rulers for the

reinstatement of their incompetent or corrupt son or daughter.

We have been conditioned by years of federal character principle,

and we have come to accept appointments in terms of quotas not

ability. The National Assembly has even set up federal character

committee to monitor how well this constitutionalised corruption

is working.

Recruitment Practices in Nigeria: Issues of Equality and

Diversity

34

Recruitment is viewed as one of the key factors to organizations’

growth and success (Tanova, 2003). The profitability and survival

of an organization usually depends on the calibre of its employees

(Wickramasinghe, 2006). Taylor (2006), defined recruitment as an

activity which generates a pool of applicants wishing to be

employed by an organization out of which suitable candidates are

selected. Though there are a range of activities and processes but

irrespective of that, organizations should reflect equality and

diversity in practice. Previous studies have shown the importance

of recruitment practices to business success. (Tanova, 2003).

Ahmad and Schroeder (2002), opined that the first step to

ensuring the success of organizations, is to make sure that

employees possess the right qualities thus; effective recruitment

practice reduces labour turnover and enhances employee morale

(Bonn and Forbinger, 1992; Lee et al., 1999). Ayoade (2000),

opined that subjecting recruitment, appointment and promotion

to the Federal character usually discriminates against merit. This

results in the recruitment of incompetent people in the workforce

which will eventually lead to poor performance (Gberevbie, 2010).

This condition is mostly common in the public sector. In Nigeria,

employment discrimination has not been adequately addressed

because of the quota system that is still present especially in the

public sector (Fajana et al., 2011).

Equality and Diversity in Recruitment

35

There has been a lot of debate over the definition of diversity and

equality (Owoyemi and Sheehan, 2011; Torrington et al., 2005;

Wickramasinghe, 2006). Up till now there is no unified agreement

as to what the two terms really are. But they could be analysed

based on the components such as age, religious beliefs, sex,

nationality, race, equal pay and harassment. Equality and

diversity are used interchangeably most times though they have

different connotations. Equality is about creating a fairer society

where everyone can participate and has the opportunity to fulfill

their potentials while diversity literally means a difference (DOH,

2004).

Human Resource (HR) management is aimed at developing and

implementing policies that provide a balance whilst considering

the needs of different stakeholders in managing workforce

diversity (Armstrong, 2006). HRM practices could be improved by

adopting effective recruitment in organizations that reflects

equality and diversity, (Taylor, 2005). Equality is the tendency for

organisations to give out equal opportunities to all irrespective of

race, sex, disability, age or marital status (Armstrong, 2006). The

workplaces in recent times are cumbered with various forms of

diversities coupled with differing work ethics, deep-seated

attitudes, opposing perspectives and diverse motivations

(Owoyemi et al., 2011).

36

Diversity characterizes the preferences, motivations,

personalities, group identity and visions of people as well as their

supernatural ambitions for dominate. The Chartered Institute of

Personnel and Development (CIPD, 2009, 2010) Code of Conduct

stipulates that the recruitment process should have an accurate

and updated job description that does not discriminate against

sex and avoid over inflated job criteria in terms of person

specification. The code also covers areas like interview process,

selection criteria, training and development and promotions.

Workforce Diversity and Equality in the United Kingdom is

covered by the Equality Act of 2010. The Act harmonises and

replaces previous legislation such as the Race Relations Act of

1976 and the Disability Discrimination Act of 1995. Thus, the

employment law in the UK and Nigerian both protect employees

from discrimination.

Public and Private Sectors Recruitment Practices In

Nigeria

Similarities and differences occur in the recruitment practices in

both the public and private sectors which are reflected in the

methods, budget, organization culture, skills and knowledge

requirement. The public sector is characterized by an aging

workforce (Greenfield, 2007) thus, there is need to recruit others

to replace the retiring workers. All public organizations are

mandated by the Federal Character Principle (FCP) of 2003 and

37

Quota System Policy (QSP), to recruit employees according to the

national diversity legislation. In the public sector, equality in

recruitments is marred by personal interests such as preference

by management, ethnic and social class influences (Fajana,

2009). The private sector is more rigid in applying best HRM

practices to ensure that only credible candidates are recruited

into vacant positions.

The public sector is highly unionized towards protecting

employees’ rights. The private sector has not witnessed a high

participation in workers union in the private sector (Fajana et al.,

2011). These trade unions could be used as forums to identify and

discuss issues not only concerning work relations but also issues

of an effective recruitment process such as diversity. The

similarities between the public and private sector is seen in their

struggle to manage equality and diversity.

38

EDUCATIONAL IMBALANCE IN NIGERIA

 Incalculable effort and personal sacrifice have gone towards

uniting Nigeria politically. A truly united nation, however, is not

achieved by political or military decisions alone. The problems of

unity in this country have always had a dominant social

undertone. Social restructuring is therefore necessary before a

just and egalitarian society can be attained which in turn has the

potential of lasting unity and stability. For a just and egalitarian

society to be produced, employment opportunities must be equal.

That is, no section of the country should feel or be made to feel

that they are, or will become, "the hewers of wood and drawers of

water". The most important ingredient of employment opportunity

is education, especially higher education.

39

People are now sufficiently aware in this country of the fact that

political power, not backed by social development, and the full

participation in all aspects of the national life and management, is

shaky. The development of skilled manpower is therefore

intricately bound to the future integration of any group in the

society - "to know what the future holds out, see what the young

people are up to or up against."

Certain sections of this country will be highly disturbed about

their future in a united Nigeria if they study the pattern of higher

educational opportunities in the country. It is this kind of

disturbance which promotes among the people some actions and

counteractions, mutual suspicion, nepotism and loss of confidence

in the concept of fair play. This leads to unhealthy group political

and social instability as each identifiable section then attempts to

devise ways and means of protecting its own position - hence the

problems of ethnic politics, census crises and the like.

Fajana(2011)

In Nigeria, the problem of disparity in higher education among the

various ethnic groups has been a long standing source of friction.

Efforts have been made from time to time to correct this disparity

and it has always been clear that, at some stage, the issue will

have to be faced squarely if it is not to have adverse and

inevitable effects on nation building and social integration. If

there is any Government that can bravely confront the issue, it is

a military Government, especially this military administration,

40

which has excelled in the boldness of resolving long standing

contentious issues, such as the creation of more states,

corruption, the issue of Federal Capital and so on.

Other nations of heterogeneous composition have faced this

problem of regional education disparity. Those free countries,

which managed to remain one, had to solve it. In Canada, as we

found in our recent visit, the French and the English-speaking

peoples were kept in the same country by complete

regionalisation of all levels of education. In Malaysia deliberate,

and seemingly unfair measures, were temporarily adopted to

bring up the Malays to the level attained by the Chinese. Since

Nigeria has decided to put higher education in the Exclusive

Federal Legislative List, thereby rendering all Universities Federal

institutions, it is even more incumbent on (and easier for!) for the

Federal Government to remove this disparity in higher education.

The Evidence

The figures to be produced in this section are derived from

National Universities Commission sources based upon the returns

obtained from the Universities, Government records, etc. This is

probably the first time that these facts are being brought out in

this stark form. The reaction to their publication should therefore

not be taken for granted; although at the same time they do

provide the basis for the suggested solutions. It is hoped that

these solutions will be applied as from the 1976/77 session in the

Universities. There is still time for that to be attempted.

41

There is great geographical and ethnic imbalance in University

education. In relation to their population, the Northern States

suffer most, followed by Rivers and Cross River States. The

situation is not improving. It is getting worst each year. For

individual Universities and for the whole group the imbalance is

increasing exponentially. The imbalance is worse in respect of

disciplines. In the year 1974/75 the 4 states referred to above

monopolised 80% of the enrolment in Medicine and Pharmacy,

77% in Engineering and Technology, 75% in Pure Science and

Agriculture and Forestry as well as 75% in Education. They

monopolised 60% in Law and 56% in Public Administration. In

other words, the more backward states are in fact even worse off

in the really technical fields - important for development and for

education. How, even in ABU, the 4 advanced states are doing

relatively better in these technical subjects. The West appears to

monopolise the Education enrolment which is an indication of

further educational expansion.

According to the cost of University education as seen from N.U.C.

sources alone. The two conclusions are

(i) the gross imbalance in the distribution of the wealth of the

nation in this sector taking per capita expenditure on the student

and applying this to enrolment,

(ii) the rising cost of higher education (this year the truncated

N.U.C. budget is half of the total Federal Education budget). This

progressive rise could limit the expansion of the system. States

42

which are now backward do not have all that bright a chance of

catching up by way of increase in number of University places. 

The future of the country, as it were, lies in the hands of the

Nigerian citizens hailing from the West, East Central, Lagos and

Midwest states (in the form of 12-State structure), since they

have enjoyed a long monopoly of highly skilled manpower

development in all disciplines, and since the situation is not

improving.

Causes of the Imbalance

Surely, the imbalance has nothing to do with the basic

intelligence of the people since this quality is found to be

distributed normally in the population. The cause lies in our

social-political history and is sustained by persistent attitudes and

differences in Lower Level Educational Facilities. The first and

foremost cause is the fact that Western Education came much

earlier in the South than in the North. Even in the South, the early

efforts were made by Christian Missionaries. The concomitant

proselytising activities of those educationists rendered them

unacceptable in the Muslim North.

But that is not the end of the story. The British colonialists

understandably did more havoc here. The first Teacher Training

School in the North was established in 1922. The same School

was later transferred to Kaduna, then to Zaria (last as a

Secondary School). Serial enrolment number in this continuous

43

school reached the 1000 mark in 1953.As a result of these factors

the North is lagging far behind. The Rivers and Cross River States

lag behind for a different reason - they were minorities in a large

region before the creation of states. At a time (1975) when the

West, East Central, Midwest and Lagos States were enrolling

238,964 students, the six Northern states enrolled only 60,693;

four times lower. It should also be recollected that quite a

proportion of these students from the North, would be students, in

fact, not indigenous to those 6 states. Apart from differences in

sheer numbers, the standards of the secondary schools also

differ. While the percentage of successful candidates (Divisions 1,

11 and 111) in the advanced states is of the order of 50-60 per

cent, in the four Northern States (Kano, North West, North East

and North Central) it was of the order of 2O - 40 per cent.

Apart from the stark ethnic element as the figures show, obtain in

most of these six Universities, there has been a long standing lack

of concern for the national problem of educational imbalance.

These Universities will be the first to quoter their token individual

efforts to encourage students from the backward areas of their

own country. No doubt, Ibadan, for example, will quote the

establishment of Jos Campus which was originally scheduled for

elsewhere. The prolonged Senate debates that went on over this

before the campus at Jos was accepted, and the real performance

of the Campus in terms of bridging the gap in enrolments,

however, act as cautious reminders. Why should some Nigerian

Lecturers be paid N2.00 a night inducement allowance for

44

working in Jos? What prompted a former Vice-Chancellor to rebuff

the Vice-Principal of the NECAS who came to him to discuss the

admission of NECAS graduates into the University of Ibadan (while

these graduates were accepted by ABU through an agreement

and by Lagos probably because of other connections of the

NECAS council), by simply saying that Ibadan did not recognise

the Examination taken at Maiduguri? It is quite clear that most of

the Universities, apart from political statements at suitable

moments, could not really claim to have addressed themselves

earnestly to the problem of the educational imbalance in the

country they were set up to serve.

Worsening Imbalance

It has already been indicated that this educational imbalance in

the country is getting worse, not better. The high representation

of the former West in Lagos, Ife and Ibadan is stable if not rising.

The preponderance of students of the East Central State origin in

Nsukka and of Bendelites in Benin are increasingly exponentially.

Enrolments in the technical and professional discipline are also

getting more and more in favour of the four dominant states. The

others are improving their performance but nothing like to the

same extent. A particular point to note is the huge preponderance

of teachers (as judged by enrolments in Education) these states

will have. This is an indication of further accelerated development

in Education and further widening of the gap, a vicious cycle.

Against the arguments of the widening educational gap will surely

45

be quoted the Federal (and State) Government efforts in

educational expansion at the lower levels. All very well, but these

efforts must be placed in their proper perspective in terms of their

universal nature, the likelihood of better utilisation in certain parts

of the country than in others, and the length of time it is likely to

take before the effects are seriously felt. It must also not be

forgotten that some of these ‘plans’ are not really plans, but

statements of intent or even of hope.

There can be little doubt that improved educational opportunities

will be better utilised in the four privileged southern States than

in the ten Northern (and the other two under-privileged Cross

River and River) States. In the North especially, well-known social

handicaps of poor infrastructure, persisting suspicion of Western

education as a threat to cultural institutions, still militate against

educational expansion and a greater motivation. In terms of

erecting physical structures and equipping these, sheer distance

from the ports is a serious handicap. With this in mind one can

now better judge the likely effect of the Universal Primary

Education Scheme and the expansion of the secondary school

system, and the increase in the number of Universities, on the

educational imbalance.

There is no question that the national expansion of education at

all levels is a very salutary social development which we are

fortunate enough to be able to plan and finance and we must get

on with it. But under the prevailing circumstances, and without

46

adequate safeguards and remedial measures, it will only worsen

the educational imbalance and would contribute to the creation of

more social and political problems than to national unity and

stability. By definition, the Universal Primary Education Scheme

applies to the whole country and in absolute terms, will not close

any gap. It could be argued that in the advanced states a much

greater proportion of pupils are already going to school than in

the North for example, and therefore the UPE will have some

absolute effects by more greatly increasing the number going to

school up-country. This is debatable from several angles. The first

is that before the UPE becomes truly universal will be at least a

quinquennium, if not a decade. Secondly, any one who knows the

handling of the UPE programmes by the former Administrations in

the Northern States will know that, unless radical measures are

taken, the whole thing will be UPE only in name. Fajana(2011)

Thirdly, even with the best management up-country,

infrastructural reasons render it easier to build in the areas nearer

to the sea. Fourthly, enrolment does not mean success from the

availability of teachers etc., the primary schools in the less

developed states are likely to have more poorer standards and

therefore a lower yield to the secondary schools. The great

disparity in secondary school enrolments has already been

referred to above. The recent decision by the Federal Government

to peg secondary school fees should be seen as potentially

encouraging more secondary school enrolment by providing relief

to State Governments and other sponsoring agents, in addition to

47

the parents. In other words, more secondary schools will now be

built and these areas that have more and better primary schools.

Since these areas will be the four states already referred to

above, it can be seen how the imbalance will be further

worsened.There is now massive expansion in the University

system. Those with better secondary schools, will, all things being

equal, take greater advantage of this in terms of occupying the

few University places. There is not the slightest doubt, that

without a radical alteration in University admission policies, these

new Universities will only serve to increase the preponderance of

students from the former West, East Central, Midwest and Lagos

States. Owoyemi(2010)

In the Universities themselves, the Federal Government is now

contemplating introducing free education. Whatever may be the

merits of this considered step, its likely effect on University

population must be mentioned. It is going to result in an even

greater imbalance in enrolment, for the simple reason that at the

moment, there are a fair number of highly eligible candidates for

University education, mainly from the educationally advanced

states, who unfortunately cannot enter University simply on

financial grounds. This must be partly responsible for the annual

shortfall of about 10 per cent of budgeted enrolment targets of

the Universities. In addition to this, one has to consider the aspect

of the new policy of student financing concerning the

liberalisation of loans to students studying overseas. Every one

knows that there are literally thousands of Nigerian students

48

scattered overseas studying on their own. Most of these are from

the already advanced states. Government loan scheme to these is

a timely and kindly gesture but must be seen in the perspective

of causing further imbalance. A final area, which is a very serious

potential source of imbalance in University education is the

matter of Extenal Degree either through correspondence courses

or part-time classes. One or two Universities are trying to embark

upon that. The University of Lagos has stated, and the University

of Ibadan would have started last October but for the upsets

caused by the retirements etc. As these External Degree

Programmes can effectively neutralise any measures that

Government may adopt in order to correct the existing imbalance,

it will be referred to later. Fajana(2011) It must be stressed that

the Federal Military Government is only performing its duty to the

citizens by the bold steps of educational expansion and "boosting

the educational opportunities of every Nigerian" and the FMG

deserves support for that, but, surely, every silver lining has its

cloud, the rain from which needs not be allowed to drench us all.

Dangers of Educational Imbalance

In the last few years there have been efforts at promoting

national unity - especially after the Civil War. Every one now sees

his or her future in the context of one Nigeria. But what will that

future be? The answer to this question will provide the basis for

planning for lasting national unity and harmony. The National

Youth Service Corps exchange of students and other personnel

49

and functionaries between states, the posting of principal officers

to states other than those of their origins, etc., are all gestures

intended to mix peoples at functional levels. Commerce,

guarantee of safety to non-indigenes of states are also intended

to encourage mixing. But all these are besides the point if it is not

ensured that all parts of the country have the same realisable

opportunities of participating in the national life now and in the

future. "Full opportunities" is meaningless if certain criteria before

the opportunities become accessible, which criteria effectively

discriminate against some sections. For example, every one can

enter the University if he has appropriate entry qualifications.

Every one has the opportunity to a good job if he has a University

degree. Every one can attain these appropriate qualifications if he

has passed out of a good secondary school and so on and so

forth. So criteria must only be uniformly applied if they are fair

and just from first principles; namely, if all started the competition

from the same line.

One thought which could defuse the time bomb of geographical

and ethnic educational imbalance would be what the late General

Muhammed referred to as all of us "learning to live together as

Nigerians". If people from one part of the country, as individuals,

will work in other parts of the country and treat these parts, in all

respects, as their homes; if all Nigerians, as individuals, will treat

all other Nigerians exactly as they now treat members of their

one ethnic groups, then, educational imbalance would hardly,

have occurred, and, even if it happened, would hardly have been

50

noticeable. Every one knows better than to conclude that these

happy days are with us yet. As it is, this existing and deteriorating

educational imbalance will worsen the differential employment

opportunities of the indigenes of the backward parts of the

country. Even the attempts made by the Federal Government to

rectify the massively anomalous geographical representation in

the public sector are being frustrated by one thing or the other.

For example, the decision to decentralise the Federal Civil Service

was first taken about eight years ago; it was renewed last year,

with very precise guidelines given, but up till now little or nothing

appears to have happened. If employment opportunities are

different, standards of living, life expectancies and other

parameters of existence and of well-being, will be different. In

other words, in our present capitalistic vegetation, there will be

many more have-nots in some parts than in others. The

Distribution of the haves will be the exact reverse. Fajana(2011)

If the haves and the have-nots assume distinct geographical

distribution, the wealth of the country will follow the same

pattern, by definition. No one needs to be persuaded to believe

that this is exactly what happened over the first phase of the

indigenisation exercise. Mutual suspicion will thereby be further

entrenched and, in order to avoid outright political domination

and oppression by those who can control events through their

vantage position, the deprived will resort to survival tactics which

will attract appropriate anticipatory counter-tactics by the

affluent. In this climate there can be no national exercises, like

51

Census and elections, that can be conducted without drawing

hostility, bitter disputes and clashes which may be physical. All in

all, the society will be eminently poised for ethnic crisis if not

strife. This is the apocalypse Nigerians have just got to avoid.

Government Responsibility

It is the task of the competent Government, which has the

responsibility for defending the country’s integrity and

constitution, to remove all sources of strife - imminent or

potential. Here, it is necessary to emphasise that this must not be

considered a North-South dispute. For one thing, the Rivers and

the Cross River States are also affected. It must be seen positively

as a question of correcting a dangerous educational imbalance in

the whole country. It will be an exercise embarked upon in order

to lay a sound foundation for unity and for contentment among

the peoples. It is a task for which the Federal Government needs

to offer no apologies, and the Committee on University Entrance

needs to have no hesitations in recommending.Serious social

problems of this nature are solved by facing them, not by

avoiding them, since sooner or later they will have to be faced. It

is better to face them when we can do so in a measure of peace

and goodwill, when we have the Government that can do so.

The Government will find it necessary to immediately prescribe a

solution to the problem. Some of this prescription can be applied

immediately, the rest will be long term. There may be protests,

even stormy protests, from the so-called privileged. But this is

52

natural. These protests will simply have to be contained and the

measures pursued with the political firmness they deserve, until

every one comes to accept the situation; until every one realises

that what was done was for the lasting peace of the nation.

Rationalising the System of Quota Admission

It will be necessary to work out the method of selecting the quota

students from the various areas, and also to give guidelines as to

which of the various institutions they should be sent for any

necessary remedial courses. A review of the WASC results for two

years presented in the form of the Grades achieved, and then in

the terms of credits obtained, may help. If candidates with

Division III in WASC are prepared for university education, the

numbers of students from the underprivileged areas will increase

substantially. Using only Division I and II as the universities tend

to do now, will not redress the imbalance even if all the qualified

candidates enter university. Using the GCE pass rate, the

numbers benefiting will also increase substantially, but not as

much as by using Divisions and taking Division III as well.

At the moment, universities consider only candidates who score 5

credits. The numbers likely to benefit in the underprivileged

states will be small. Using four credits especially for remedial

course is not likely to make great difference. Figures are not

available for candidates who obtain three credits and two or one

credits. But clearly it maybe necessary to go down to these levels.

In all categories, the problems likely to be faced are those of

53

subject combinations, but if the institutions are seriously

determined they can rectify this.

Regularising University Admissions

It was already indicated that the educational imbalance at the

university level can be redressed by two complementary means,

increasing the eligibility of candidates from the backward areas,

and detribalising the process of university admissions. Admission

has become a national issue, and therefore a political issue. It

should therefore be handled by the political organ of the

university - the Governing Council . At the moment, admission is

the responsibility of Senate. It is regarded as an academic

exercise, and Council is sometimes not even notified of admission

figures giving detailed analysis.

Senates are very conservative bodies which jealously guard what

they call university autonomy and academic freedom. But neither

of these can over-ride national unity and harmony. Concerning

the Senates’ modest record of concern with the geographical

imbalance in our universities education, the composition of these

Senates (the staff of the existing universities classified by

ethnicity of geographical areas will yield similar graphs to those of

student enrolment) and the unexpected inability of these bodies

to completely divest themselves of all ethnic sentiments, one

should not allow university admissions to remain their exclusive

responsibility, at least not that portion of it related to correcting

imbalance. Universities admission should therefore for the time

54

being, be transferred from being the ultimate responsibility of the

Senate, to being that of the Governing Council. The Councils

should be given clear directives by the FMG as to what is

expected of them in terms of redressing the imbalance, using set

guidelines. The Councils will then arrange to take over the control

of the admission apparatus. Each Council should report to FMG,

within four to eight weeks of the beginning of any session an

analysis of the university’s admission for the year - with details of

State by State breakdown, and States by Disciplines, as well as

States by Remedial Courses breakdown and clearly shown. This

should be observed for a number of years with policies and

mechanics appropriately adjusted according to the feedback

obtained.

Apart from vesting the Councils with responsibility for admissions,

some general shake-up may be needed in university

administration - to reduce allegations of tribalism at the lower

administrative staff level, if necessary by shuffling the staffing of

certain positions. It does appear that what the Universities want is

leadership. Respectable Universities do not want to live under the

shadows of the politics of tribalistic admissions or the charges of

ignoring national needs hanging over their heads. Our universities

are no exception.

Problems of Quota System of Admission

55

The problems to be faced in introducing the quota system of

admissions into the Universities are two types - the real ones and

the obstructionistic ones.

Genuine Problems

1. Expense

It could be quite expensive. The State Colleges of Arts and

Science, will cost at least 15 to 20 million naira each. The Federal

schools of Arts and Science may require expansion. The

universities, the older universities, will use the introduction of a

remedial course as an opportunity to press for funds for capital

development. To prevent lack of funds being used as an excuse to

frustrate the whole exercise in so far as the universities are

concerned, generous provisions will need to be made here too.

2. Logistic

To organise the quota system requires an efficient coordinating

machinery. As already indicated, a Quota Implementation

Committee can be set up to serve as a Common Entrance Board

of limited scope. The Committee will have to be fairly high

powered. Of course, the problems of staffing and equipping any

remedial centres to be established need no emphasis.

3. Congestion in the Universities

56

Introduction of remedial courses in the universities will increase

congestion already existing in some of them. The staff will need

to put in extra work. However, it has already been shown that

these remedial courses enrol half of those who could have been

enrolled into preliminary courses. The net effect tends to be less

serious than imagined.

4. Problems of Injustice

This is the most emotional part of the whole undertaking, but the

system proposed must be seen in the proper perspective. It is not

the intention to lower entry qualification for degree courses for

any group. That will not be in the interest of any one. What is

proposed is to give a second chance at entering into a degree

courses to those who come from weak secondary schools.

It is therefore not as if there is someone with qualifications for

entry into a degree course who is turned away in favour of

someone with lower ones who happens to come from a particular

area.

In addition to giving a second chance to the weaker candidate,

more equal opportunity for entry is also introduced by fair play,

which means abolition of all traces of tribalism in the university

admission process. This is the job of a briefed political body - the

Governing Council. Nevertheless, there will still be problems since

the quota will need to be preserved for the Colleges of Arts and

57

Science in the backward States, and since preliminary admission

will be halved in favour of remedial courses.

Questions will be asked like: The son of a farmer in Ekiti or

Arondizuogu is as deprived as the son of a farmer in Eket or

Argungu, so why ever discriminate? Whose fault is it that the

secondary schools in the states affected are fewer and standards

poorer? Since we are all committed to unity, why cannot every

Nigerian be regarded as a Nigerian and given equal opportunity?

These questions are quite searching, but the answers to them do

exist. On the two farmers’ sons - you promote national unity; by

doing justice to groups rather to individuals. This is the concept of

the greatest good for the greatest number. Anyone who asks

whose fault it is that there is educational imbalance in the country

needs to be told that the future of the nation is more important

than apportioning blames, and that historical errors are corrected

by determined men fortunate enough to have the opportunity to

do so. We are in the position to correct these errors which

threaten our national oneness, and should not dissipate energy in

laconic circumspection and recriminatory adjudication. As can be

seen in the article by Dr. S.D. Onabamiro, there will inevitably

have to be "temporary injustice" done to certain individuals. This

is the give and take of peaceful and harmonious co-existence. The

Chinese accepted it from the Malays in Malaysia. On the question

of Nigerians having equal opportunity, it can be replied that the

quota system is designed to promote just that!

58

5. Surplus Youth

If there are some highly qualified candidates for university

education, who wish to, but cannot get in, there will be surplus

youth. But the expansion in the university system can absorb

most of such any way. Then the others can get into other post-

secondary institutions like Colleges of Technology, and para-

professional courses and the Armed Forces. Here too a quota

system should be adopted. A fair redistribution of manpower

would then result.

Employment opportunities, currently high in the country for the

realistic ones in this group, will obviate any problems.

6. Non-Co-operation and Sabotage

If the introduction of a quota system generates the expected

heat, then this factor will have to be reckoned with.

First of all, the university staff could theoretically refuse to teach

the students any remedial courses. This is not very likely, since

the university staff are responsible people and since the

University authorities will be required to see to that. What is more

likely is that these students could be taught grudgingly, without

goodwill. If the final examination of the remedial course is made

internal, a high proportion of these candidates can also

theoretically be failed just to prove that they were never

"university material" any way. A system of external examiners

59

nominated (not on individual but) on institutional basis can help

reduce this unlikely problem, which should however not be ruled

out because of human weaknesses.

The act of non-co-operation and sabotage can also be applied to

the marking of the WASC and the JMB examinations. The only

answer is to take steps to increase confidence in the conduct of

these examinations. The most effective way will be to

decentralise them, and establish regional centres. To safeguard

local cheating, a small sample of schools from other parts can be

made to take the examination of each designated area and vice-

versa. Another possible reaction is non-co-operation in staff

recruitment and in erecting physical structures. These are most

unlikely, and can be discounted. They are the sort of things which

could only accompany open hostility.

7. Civil Strife

It is not expected that civil strife will result from this, but it should

not be ruled out completely. More likely will be violent reactions

from the students who justly (or not) feel deprived. There could

also be mob taunts to remedial course students in the universities

or to those coming from such course. This could lead to all sorts

of things, but will be a temporary phenomenon.

8. Effect of Quota Admission on Morale of Candidates

60

It is possible for the quota students to develop a -complex as a

result of the taunts referred to above. That would not be new and

is the reason why in white America the Black Universities do not

physically separate remedial course students from the others. A

measure of such taunts has always existed and is no more than

mere friction. Let the affected students learn to be thick-skinned.

It is good for them.

9. Poor Motivation

The problem of poor motivation in the affected states, to the

extent that the whole effort to introduce quota admissions

becomes not worth the pitch, is a possibility. There will need to be

organisation to overcome this as indicated above. The authorities

may also be too slow or too busy to respond in the pursuit of the

establishment of the remedial centres. All these should be

expected.

10. External Degree

The External Degree programme can be effectively used to

maintain or worsen the imbalance even if the quota system

comes to be accepted. This will not only be in the Arts but also in

Science since there are plans to bring these students in for

Laboratory work during long vacations. In a way these

programmes can act as a safety valve but it will be necessary to

observe that they are not misused by anyone to counteract

Government policy on imbalance.

61

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECCOMMENDATIONS

SUMMARY

It is a sure bet. No Nigerian government is likely to escape

accusation of marginalisation in any national political

appointments. That is somewhat, natural. Nigeria , a nation of

more than 250 ethnic nationalities, has since it attained

independent 52 year ago, sought to give everyone the

opportunity to share in the so-called “national cake.” But there

are always suspicions that the political leaders favour their geo-

political regions or states to the detriment of other areas.

There may be serious arguments with rancour and heat to oppose

the quota system of admission. There will be figures bandied

about. While cautioning on the limitations of statistical analyses, it

should be pointed out that in this case the only valid correlation

will be that of a population sample against the given higher

educational opportunities of that sample under prevailing

circumstances.

Arguments about lowering standards by adopting the quota

system will be spurious since all that is intended is to remedy the

effects of poor secondary schools. This is best done in the

universities or similar institutions. You cannot remedy a student in

the same institution where he was retarded.

62

There will be hue and cries of infringement of University

autonomy, insult to Senates, rape of the University system etc.

(coming from expatriates as well) if admissions are removed from

Senate to Council in the universities. A few show piece

resignations from certain Government bodies can be anticipated.

This will all be part of the expected trials of a problem which is at

least being tackled.

Of course shortage of funds, staff and facilities will be put in the

fore front. Elaborate details will be obtained of the already

deplorable state of the universities. The short answer is to

improve the facilities, but, more important, to make better use of

the existing ones in the national interest.

In education, It will be stated that students do not wish to leave

their areas to study elsewhere, and citations made of individual

unsuccessful heroic efforts to enrol students from deprived areas.

The latter may well be true, but this wide imbalance gap requires

more than "token" or "showpiece" efforts of well disposed

individuals however sincere. It may be argued that quota

admission will engender complex in the students concerned and

give them a bad start in life. A remedial course leading to a

degree surely engenders less complex than lack of university

education. All these arguments should therefore be expected, but

must be seen for what they really are: obstructionist. In fact, the

debate on federal character as a means of ensuring equity and

social justice is almost as old as the Nigerian nation. In his first

63

administration as a military head of state, Obasanjo tried to tackle

the problem through the introduction of quota system in

university admission, admission to federal government colleges,

and recruitment into government ministries and parastatals.

Pertaining to recruitment matters, the federal character

commission Decree No. 34 of 1996, was signed into law, to give

the commission the legal muscle to operate. The 1999

Constitution lends weight to the fundamental objectives and

principles of federal character in section 14. Item 3 of the section

says: “The composition of the government of the federation or

any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried

out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria

and the need to promote national unity, and also to command

national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no

predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic

or other sectional groups in that government or in any of its

agencies.” Item 4 of the same section prescribes a similar idea for

each state of the federation.

Thus, it is incumbent on the commission, to among other things:

work out an equitable formula for the distribution of cadres of

offices in the federal and state public services, as well as

government-owned companies and agencies; promote, monitor

and enforce compliance with the principles of proportional sharing

of all bureaucratic, economic, media and political posts at all

levels of government; and take such legal measures against any

64

individual, ministry, government body or agency which fails to

comply with any federal character principle or formula prescribed

or adopted by the commission. But has the principle of federal

character furthered the cause of Nigeria as a nation? Opinion, as

in the past, remains divided.

CONCLUSION

Nigeria has the largest population in Africa with an estimate of

about 160 million people thus; it has an abundance supply of

human resources. Its natural endowment in oil attracts investors

from across the globe and it is gradually integrating into the

global business environment. Globalization has impacted HRM

practices because it demands that organizations conform to

global standards of operations (Fajana et al., 2011). But increase

in globalization further increases the diversity of the work place.

Recruitment in Nigeria is governed by the Nigerian Labour Act of

1974 and also the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of

Nigeria hence, section 14 (3) states that the composition of the

government of the federation or any of its agencies and the

conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to

reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria and the need to promote

national unity. And also, to command national loyalty by ensuring

that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states

or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government

or in any of its agencies. The significance of the Federal Character

Principle cannot be overemphasized but some human rights

65

activists believe that it is a mere euphemism for balancing ethnic

dichotomy (Bodunrin, 1989; Ayoade, 2000 in Fajana et al., 2011).

The imbalance in enrolment in the Universities was first brought

to light as far back as 1952 when a delegation of the British Inter-

university Council for Higher Education in the Colonies (now called

for Overseas - IUC for short) paid a visit to the then University

College, Ibadan. They noticed a shortage of students from the

then Northern Nigeria but firmly rejected a quota system of

admission on the grounds that this would lower academic

standards.

When the debate on the imbalance in University enrolment

heated up and it appeared that the then Federal Government was

going to be unyielding in its bold determination to do nothing -

the underprivileged states embarked upon serious plans to build

and own Universities. This included the Rivers State (the then

South Eastern States entered into a fruitful political association

with the then East Central State over Nsukka). The then top

functionaries of the Federal Government, very interestingly

blocked these efforts by working against very formidable States’

opposition to transfer Higher Education from the concurrent to the

Exclusive Federal Legislative List in the Constitution in order,

according to them, to stop the "tribalisation of our Universities".

RECOMMENDATION

66

This work identified that there is little research in the area of

diversity and equality especially with regards to recruitment,

education and in Nigeria thus; academic research is needed to

help address the dilemmas of equality and diversity. This is

deemed compulsory if the effects and gap of inequality must be

reduced to achieve the fundamental millennium goal of

eradicating poverty in Nigeria. The government is therefore

enjoined to pursue policies of equitable balance especially in the

area of gender discrimination. HR experts and agencies could be

engaged to recruit credible candidates based on their capabilities.

This will help organizations to curb the factors of nepotism and

favouritism in the workplace.

There should be mandatory birth and death register; compulsory

place of permanent residence register to be managed by an

independent body or police authority. Residency must be

evidenced in print copy to be handed to the person making the

registration with the possibility of verifying its authenticity and

time of issuance. All information should be stored in a databank

subject to data protection law, which is accessible to all

government agencies and institutions. Any change of place of

residence must be registered within a week at the latest and

failing which should make it a strict liability offence with fines

high enough to ensure compliance. Adopting all these measures

would lead to transparency and remove the lapses that could give

room for the manipulation of federal character.

67

The Federal Military Government will need to also make a bold

attempt to correct the unsavory educational rotational imbalance

in the country, by taking the following steps in the entire system.

1. Retention of the present admission formula for the power

rotational.

2. Establishment of Quota Implementation Committee.

4. Campaign to increase response to educational opportunities in

areas.

Any approach to solution should be seen in the context of

promoting national unity and maintaining the standard of the

Nigerian University degree. It should be based on two

fundamental principles. The first is to increase the real

opportunities and the eligibility of the students from the under

privileged areas. The second is to remove as much as possible, all

traces of tribalism and sectionalism in the Universities. There is

no question at all that the eventual solution to the educational

imbalance is to improve the number and standard of the primary

and secondary schools in the deprived areas. There must also be

a concerted campaign to improve motivation and enterprise in

these areas as well aim at eradicating any entrenched social

attitudes which militate against a spurt of education at lower

levels. Here, the State Governments, Local Authorities and all the

68

citizens have a tremendous role to play. They must have the

funds to put into practice what they will be expected to preach.

In Nigeria, it would be absurd to expect that merit should be main

determining factor for seeking employment and admission in view

of the paucity of available places. Rather, we ought to device a

new formula of say for instance 60:40 for merit and state of origin

as the only yardstick with similar mandate on state government

to take account of all the ethnicities within its area of authority;

since the constitution is salient on merit other than that, which

promotes a sense of belonging, loyalty and national unity.

Leaving federal character to two criteria only would bring about

significant development such as:

(a) ensures that only the best have assess to higher education

since the government cannot provide adequate institutions and

places;

(b) The prevalent negative cultist culture in our institutions of

higher learning would end, because our institutions would in turn

have only those committed to serious academic work.

(c) It would bring about new human development since a policy of

preference based on mental capacity in any case enhances

economic productivity.

If federal character means that every Nigerian ought to have

equal opportunities and treatment irrespective of ethnicity or

circumstances of his/her birth when seeking employment,

69

education, economic development and services. So, what is then

responsible for the dichotomy between north and south if federal

character, which ought to cement social cohesion as succinctly

defined in the Constitution, has been unable to do the magic.

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