nestle-aland 28 and the revision of the
DESCRIPTION
|TRANSCRIPT
CHAPTER 3
Nestle-Aland 28 and the Revision of the
Apocalypse's Textual History
juan Hernandez Jr.
1 Introduction
Revisions to the Greek NT in NA28 are restricted to the Catholic Epistles-the product of the MUnster Institute's ongoing work on the Editio critica maior.1
The text of the rest of the NT remains unaltered. The updated manuscript data, however, spans the apparatus of the entire NT and signals a new day for its textual history.2 The revised correctors of the Apocalypse in Codex Sinaiticus make the point. The proposed revisions have direct and far-reaching implications for the book's textual history. Corrections once placed in the fourth
1 Thirty-three changes are made to the text of the Catholic Epistles, all of which are listed
in the introduction. The variants appear in two columns, respectively labeled: ECM/NA28
and NA27. But for orthographic and typographical alterations, the text of the rest of the NT
remains the same (see Novum Testamentum Graece, ed. INTF under the direction of Holger
Strutwolf [28th rev. 2nd ed.: Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellchaft, 2013]: so* -51*, 54*). The text
critical theories, methods, and textual changes represented by the ECM (with its implications
for future editions of Nestle-Aland) are explored in Juan Hernandez, Jr., "Modern Critical
Editions and Apparatuses of the Greek New Testament" in The Text of the New Testament in
Contemporary Research: Essays on the Status Quaestionis (2nd ed.; eds. Bart D. Ehrman and
Michael W. Holmes; NTTSD 42; Leiden: Brill, 2013), 68g-7o8.
2 Apart from changes introduced to increase the clarity and accuracy of the apparatus, perhaps
the most consequential shift is the altered disposition toward the Byzantine tradition. The
textual decisions and arrangement of witnesses reflect a greater deference to the formerly
neglected tradition than in prior editions. The change will likely have important implications
for the tracking of the Apocalypse's textual history, whose tradition is currently split between
the Byzantine and Andreas textual streams. The new edition also features a more judicious
use of the versional evidence, the near elimination of conjectures, the introduction of new
and additional witnesses (and the jettisoning of 2427!), as well as the decommissioning of
pc and al. The consistency of every textual decision is also tested against the Coherence
Based Genealogical Method. A thorough appraisal ofthe numerous changes to NA28-both
major and minor-can be found in J.K. Elliott, "A New Edition of Nestle-Aland, Greek New
Testament,"]TS 64/1 (2013): 47-65.
© KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2015 I DOl 10.1163/9789004300026-;005
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72 HERNANDEZ
through sixth centuries now occupy the seventh. 3 The changes appear slight, even inconsequential-"touch ups" in support of the task of reconstruction. The clarification and re-dating of the correctors, though, represent a material shift with instant repercussions. The inclusion of new and additional witnesses-alongside of and in juxtaposition to the corrections-further portend altered textual alignments and disclose forgotten chapters in the history of textual criticism. The clarity of the new data also facilitates an examination of their limitations and unclutters the landscape for renewed textual research. The stage is set for a reappraisal of the Apocalypse's textual history.
2 Transfer from t(1 to t(2
Corrections dated to the seventh-century are identified with the siglum N2•
These surface 83 times in the apparatus of NA28.4 N2a or N2b emerge another 7 times, underscoring a more complex process.5 Together the corrections represent a little over a quarter of the post-scriptorium changes to the text of the
3 The reassigned corrections of the Apocalypse are not identified in the introduction. Only a
comparison of the two editions discloses it. It is nonetheless clear that the corrections and
correctors of Codex Sinaiticus are cited with greater precision in the new edition. Added to
the citations N1 (4th-6th cent.), N2 (ca. 7th cent.), and Nc (12th cent.) are Nl•fNib (for differ
ences within the N1 group) and N2"/N2h (for differences within the N2 group) in NA28• Further,
the 12th century corrections represented by Nc in NA27 are now labeled N3 in NA28. The siglum
Nc in NA28 refers to corrections not assigned to a particular group. The reassignment of Nc
laudable and necessary as it is-may lead to confusion as some users may assume the siglum
refers to the same set of corrections in both editions. See NA28, introduction, 59*; cf. Novum
Testamentum Graece, eds. B. Aland, K. Aland, J. Karavidopoulos, C.M. Martini, and B.M.
Metzger (27th rev. ed.; Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001), introduction, 48*.
4 The N2 corrections appear in the following verses of the Apocalypse: 1:6, 9 (2x), 11, 17, 18, 19,
20; 2:2, 7, 10, 20 (2x ), 22; 3:5, 12; 4:1, 3; 5:1, 13; 6:4 (2x ), 15; 7:9; 8:6, 11; 9:12/13 (3x ), 14, 19; 10:1, 10; 11:1,
4, 8 (2x); 9, 12, 16, 17, 18; 12:6, 8, 13, 14; 13:6,8 (2x), 16; 14:6, 8; 16:3,10,17, 18; 17:3,6, 8, 15, 17; 18:7,
8, 13; 19:5, 6, 7 (2x ), 9, 13; 20:1, 8, 9; 21:14, 16, 18, 20, 23, 27; 22:20. The corrections in 6:4 and 21:16
are documented in greater detail in the Variae Lectiones Minores. See NA28, 835.
5 These include: 1:8; 10:2 (2x); 15:3 (2x); 21:6 (2x). Additional information for the correc
tion in 10:2 is found in the Variae Lectiones Minores. See NA28, 835. The split designation
N2•/N2h appears to reflect the nuanced judgments of Tischendorf and the Codex Sinaiti
cus Project (csP). See A.F.C. Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum Sinaiticum cum Epistula
Bamabae et Fragementis Pastoris (2 vols.; Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1863), !.LXXIII-LXXVI and
www.codexsinaiticus.org.
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NESTLE-ALAND 28 73
Apocalypse. 6 The two editions differ little in this regard. The dating of the corrections is another matter. Twenty-two of the ~2 corrections in NA28 were originally ~1 in NA 27 -a designation that placed the corrections within the fourth to sixth centuries.7 The difference represents a chasm-or a crevasse-depending on the limits set by the interpreter. The imprecision of the broad and early date span, however, has now been replaced by a comparatively narrow and late one: ca. 7th cent. The deliberations that prompted the revision-apart from the expectation that collations were reexamined-are unknown. It is nonetheless clear that NA28 is now more closely aligned with Tischendorf's original paleographical judgments. 8
The impact appears minimal without a broader historical perspective. Most of the corrections-whether ~1 or ~2-serve to support readings already known. None is a sole and independent witness to the reconstructed text. The corrections have never been restricted to this purpose, however. Their major use has been in the tracking of textual alignments. 9 For over a hundred years the Apocalypse's later corrections-a select number at least-have served as
6 An appraisal of Tischendorf's analysis of the corrections to the Apocalypse in Codex
Sinaiticus discloses about 330 post-scriptorium corrections, most of which (about zgo) are
assigned to C•. The rest are credited to cc or cc*. The CSP has largely confirmed Tischendorf's
judgments about the "hands" of the correctors (though not necessarily their putative
7th century date) with only a few departures.
7 The N1 corrections of NA27 are also potentially "post-scriptorium," as they were assigned to
the 4th-6th centuries. The designation, however, does not identifY which corrections were
believed to originate in the scriptorium and which do not, making it impossible to ascertain
their place in the Apocalypse's textual history. Nonetheless, for Tischendorf, this particular
batch of corrections was never dated to the scriptorium. Nestle-Aland28 now appears to fol
low suit. The corrections in question occur in: 1:18; z:zo (zx); 3:5; 4:1; 5:1, 13; 6:4 (zx); 6:15; 7:9;
8:6, n; 9:12/13 (3x), 14; 10:1, 2, 10; n:S; 21:4. As noted, the reader is not alerted to the altered
status of the corrections in these verses in the introduction; neither is there any discus
sion of their implications for the Apocalypse's textual history. As for the fate of W (in the
Apocalypse), currently, only 2 corrections are listed as N1 in NA 28 (the Inscriptio and a correc
tion in 21:4). Both are credited to the prima manu in the csP. (See www.codexsinaiticus.org;
cf. Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum Sinaiticum, !.LXXVI). Future editions of Nestle-Aland
will have to clarifY where the N1 siglum (assuming it is retained) stands vis-a-vis the observa
tions ofTischendorf and the CSP.
8 The corrections under consideration belong to Tischendorf's "C" group, whose members are
dated to the seventh century. See Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum Graece (3 vols.; 8th ed.;
Leipzig: Giesecke and Devrient, 1869-1894), 3:346.
9 That is to say that they are cited alongside the papyri, majuscules, and minuscules as an
independent witness to select readings in the Apocalypse's transmission history.
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74 HERNANDEZ
evidence that the codex was corrected toward the Andreas tradition.10 The corrections were originally thought to reflect the text of an early recension by Pamphilus, the fourth century martyr. The link to Pamphilus was severed in the mid-zoth century, but the same corrections were re-dated and advanced in support of a fourth-century Andreas text-type.11 The corrections then-far from attesting a late and derivative text-type-placed the Andreas tradition on par with the Apocalypse's remaining textual forms, each of which was dated to the fourth-century.l2 NA28's replacement of ~1 (4th-6th cent.) with ~2
(ca. 7th cent.) is thus no small matter. The corrections have never featured prominently in Nestle-Aland. The ~1
and ~2 sigla make their first appearance in the apparatus of NA27 (1993), nearly a century after the first edition was published (1898). Their connection to the Andreas tradition, however, goes unmentioned; the Andreas text is not called a "recension"; nor is the fourth-century origin for the text-type repeated-each of which was argued, rudimentarily, by Wilhelm Bousset and comprehensively by Josef Schmid.l3 The degree to which the editors of NA27 understood or endorsed claims about the use of the post-scriptorium corrections for the Andreas tradition is unclear. And yet, since the publication of NA26 (1979), readers have been directed to Schmid's multi-volume monograph for details about the Apocalypse's textual history and assured that further collations were unnecessary.14 The statement was unequivocal: the basic questions of the Apocalypse's textual history have been settled.
1 o The claim is original to Wilhelm Bousset. See W. Bousset, "Der Kodex Pamphili," in
Textkritische Studien zum Neuen Testament (TU 11/4; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1894), 45-73; idem,
Die Offenbarungjohannis (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1896), 152-154. See also
Hernandez, "The Legacy of Wilhelm Bousset for the Apocalypse's Textual History: The
Identification of the Andreas Text," in Studien zum Text der Apokalypse ( eds. Marcus
Sigismund, Martin Karrer, and Ulrich Schmid; ANTF; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015), 19-32.
11 See Hernandez, "Legacy of Wilhelm Bousset," 26-28; idem, "The Creation of a Fourth
Century Witness to the Andreas Text Type: A Misreading in the Apocalypse's Textual
History," NTS, 60/1 (2014): 106-120.
12 ]. Schmid, Studien zur Geschichte des griechischen Apokalypse-Textes, 2. Teil: Die Alten
Sttimme (Munich: Zink, 1956), 127-129, 146-151.
13 Bousset, "Zur Textkritik der Apokalypse," Textkritische Studien zum Neuen Testament (TU
11/4; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1894), 1-44; idem, "Der Kodex Pamphili," 45-n; Schmid, Studien
zur Geschichte, 2:53, 53n3, 127-129.
14 The introduction alludes to the idiosyncrasies of the Apocalypse's textual tradition
and refers readers to Schmid for additional information. The text-critical handbook
that followed the publication of NA26, however, discloses that"[ n ]o test collations were
made of Revelation in view of the magnum opus by Josef Schmid." The publication of
NA28 continues to reflect this state of affairs, though efforts are currently underway to
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3 Implications of the Transfer
The transfer from N1 to N2 presages otherwise. The revision reflects an increased awareness that the data merit a second look and suggest-inadvertentlythat the standard account of the Apocalypse's textual history may be flawed. The unsettled data corroborate the disclosure, elsewhere, of difficulties with Schmid's use of the corrections.I5 In fact, detailed scrutiny of Schmid's study uncovers a presentation uneven and beset with inaccuracies.I6 Far from corroborating a fourth-century origin for the Andreas text-type, the corrections dismantle it. Their incorporation by Schmid further appears piecemeal and
address the dated assessment. See K. Aland and B. Aland, The Text of the New Testament:
An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modem Textual
Criticism (2nd ed.; trans. E.F. Rhodes; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 107; cf. M. Karrer
and U. Schmid, "Report on the Apocalypse Project" (paper presented at the SBL Annual
Meeting in Chicago, 19 November 2012).
15 See Hernandez, "The Creation of a Fourth-Century Witness," 106-120.
16 The errata range from the trivial to the egregious. The greatest problem-and the one
that would shape the discipline's understanding of the Apocalypse's textual history for
over half a century-involves the equation of the post-scriptorium corrections (the
C group) of Codex Sinaiticus with the correcting activity of the manuscript's original
scribes (A, D). The problems that remain in Schmid's work pale in comparison but none
theless manage to obscure the picture of the Apocalypse's textual history. Corrections
in 12:6 (E~YJXOVTct), 16:10 (EcrxoTWf.tEVYJ), 16:18 (xctt ~povmt), and 18:7 (ctu1'l']v), for example,
are attributed to sa ( = ca) when they are actually from cc* (for 12:6 see Studien, 2:128n2;
for 16:10 see Studien, 2:180; for 16:18 see Studien, 2:227; for 18:7 see Studien, 2:49, 175).
Corrections in 6:4 ( C(U1'W) and 21:27 ( rrotwv) are attributed to sc ( = cc), though they should
be credited to ca (for 6:4 see Studien, 2:241; cf. 2:99, 128n2; for 21:27 see Studien, 2:70; cf.
2:128n3). A correction in 22:20 is listed as XptCTTOU when it should be XptCTTE (Studien, 2:226;
cf. 2:51). The adverb EU9Ew~ in 4:2 should be followed by a postpositive OE rather than pre
ceded by a xa:t ( Studien, 2:172 ). The recorded correction to ctqJY]CTOUCTt in n:9 was actually
never completed so all references to it as a completed correction are incorrect (Studien,
2:57, 128n2, 18o ). The article in na6 is not omitted by ca but rather added (Studien, 2:196).
And finally, there are numerous places where the siglum for a correction will appear in
support of a reading but be missing elsewhere in the monograph for the same reading.
The unevenness of presentation thus undermines Schmid's claim about the importance
of the corrections. Of course, there are also the expected typos that plague all undertak
ings of this type: rrpcrE~UTOl > rrpECT~UTEpot (Studien, 2:102); ~cr~UAWV > ~ct~UAWV (Studien,
2:143); (4) > (44) (Studien, 2:128-129); xa:TcrtxouvTct~ xa:TotxouvTct~ (Studien, 2:48). No doubt
there are others. Many of the errata might have been detected earlier had Schmid's indis
pensable work been translated into English; a broader readership would have insured
greater scrutiny.
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76 HERNANDEZ
incomplete. The impression is of a partial, late stage introduction of these into hisworkP
The reassignment to N2 discloses a critical error in Schmid's work: the original scribes were mistaken for the post-scriptorium correctors. The misidentification sits at the heart of Schmid's fourth-century argument: corrections executed in the fourth-century presuppose an existing exemplar; an exemplar contemporary with N that preserves Andreas readings is evidence of an early text-type. The fourth-century data, however, do not exist. The identified corrections-even as a collective witness to the Andreas text-did not occur in the scriptorium or in the fourth-century. The oft-repeated claim of a fourthcentury Andreas text-type is therefore misguided.l8 The relocation of corrections from N1 to N2 in NA28, recent and selective as it is, signals a break from one of the dominant textual reconstructions of the twentieth-century, whether or not the editors realized it.
4 Further Difficulties
The transfer to N2 in NA28 highlights a problem but does not solve it: the select number of corrections is insufficient to track a complex textual history. The fraudulent date is only one of several difficulties. The quantity, distribution, and use of the corrections by Schmid are another. Twenty-eight corrections were said to have a near exclusive agreement with the Andreas text.l9 Others gravitate toward the Andreas tradition with various alignments.20 The 28 corrections, however, are not represented evenly or completely in Schmid's work The dearth of corroborative detail is striking in light of the outsized claim for them. 21 Of the 28, only 7 surface among Schmid's tally of readings character-
17 This is certainly the impression one gains by noting the comparative flurry of activity
over the corrections in one section of the monograph (including a very lengthy footnote
in Studien, 2:128n2) against their uneven distribution and representation elsewhere. The
corrections are not fully integrated into the work.
18 Hernandez, "The Creation of a Fourth-Century Witness," 112n23.
19 Bousset was the first to identify these corrections. Schmid would subsequently adopt
Bousset's list of corrections without replicating it in his own work. See Bousset, "Zur
Textkritik der Apokalypse," 42~44; Schmid, Studien, 2:127~129.
20 See Bousset. "Zur Textkritik der Apokalypse," 42~44.
21 "Bousset hat die wichtigsten Korrekturen von S• und sc zusammengestellt und ist dabei
zu dem klaren und sicheren Ergebnis gelangt, dass wenigstens der uberwiegende Teil
der aus dem 4.]h. stammenden Korrekturen ( = S•) einer zu gehiirenden Hs entnommen
wurde" (Schmid, Studien, 2:127; italics mine).
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NESTLE-ALAND 28 77
istic of the text-type-the Andreas Sonderlesarten. 22 Of the 7, however, one comes from a separate group of correctors; a different exemplar is naturally suspected. 23 Three additional corrections are missing from the Sonderlesarten,
an inexplicable omi~sion given their import for the Andreas text. 24 Only 10
of the original 28, then, are represented among readings of the text-type, one of which is from another source.25 Their ad hoc presentation obscures what is otherwise clear: the post-scriptorium corrections offer a diffuse and mixed witness to the Andreas text.
5 New and Additional Witnesses
The inclusion of new and additional witnesses represents yet another advance: once important and forgotten witnesses reemerge in NA28 and reclaim their place in the Apocalypse's textual history. The reappearance of Codex Porphyrianus (P [ ozs]) is the most conspicuous. Formerly regarded as a chief representative of the Andreas text-type, P justified the creation of the MA class of manuscripts; its particular readings and textual alignments alleged to offer a witness distinct from the Byzantine class of manuscripts.26 P's critical role in the development -overplayed as it was-was soon forgotten and its
22 These include: 4:1; 7:9; 9:12; 13:6; 16:17; 18:7; 22:20. See Schmid, Studien, 2:44-52.
23 The correction in 18:7 stems from cc not c• in Tischendorf (Novum Testamentum
Sinaiticum, nxxv). Milne and Skeat would reassign this to cc*. Irrespective, Schmid's
C• designation is mistaken. H.J.M. Milne and T.C. Skeat, Scribes and Correctors of the
Codex Sinaiticus (London: British Museum, 1938), so.
24 These include: 2:2o; 6:15; 10:1. See Schmid, Studien, 2:44-53.
25 Further, textual variation only increases with the remaining 18 corrections. Six preserve
readings that resemble the Andreas text but are not identical with it (1:6; 1:20; 2:13; 9:14;
21:9; 22:2), four of which are listed among the Sonderlesarten (1:6; 1:2o; 2:13; 22:2). The 12
that remain vary in their textual alignments and fail to secure representation among the
Sonderlesarten (3:5; 4:5; 6:9; 7:10; 8:n; 10:2; n:8; 17:8; 18:8; 20:9; 21:2o; 21:23). See Schmid,
Studien, 2:44-53.
26 Credit goes to Bousset for the development. Prior to the publication of his "Zur Textkritik
der Apokalypse," the Apocalypse was thought to exist in two main forms: an early text
(represented by K AC) and a later, emended one (represented by PQ). Bousset's reexami
nation of Pled him to argue for two later recensions, represented respectively by P and Q.
The observation created the initial framework for the designations that would come to be
known as MA and MK. See Bousset, "Zur Textkritik der Apokalypse," 1-44; cf. B. Weiss, Die
johannes-Apokafypse: Textkritische Untersuchungen und Textherstellung (Tv 7/1; Leipzig:
Hinrichs, 1891); Hernandez, "The Legacy of Bousset," 21-25.
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78 HERNANDEZ
independence lost under a morass of Andreas manuscripts (MA).27 Its reemergence restores its standing as a distinct witness to the text of the Apocalypse, whether or not it agrees with MA.
The reintroduction of P seldom alters known textual alignments, however. P surfaces where it was assumed among the 28 corrections with two exceptions.28 The witness of P in another 3 locations remains undeclared.29 The impact of new and additional witnesses on the alignments of N2 and Andreas also appears negligible. Two alone, of the 28, are supported by a collection of new manuscripts.3° Further (new) support for the rest occurs in the single digits.31 The clarified and updated data set-apart from there-dating of N2-fail to disrupt prior textual alliances, at least among the corrections.
6 Old and Intractable Problems
The improvements nonetheless chronicle the Apocalypse's transmission history with greater precision; the revisions broaden the database for textual reconstruction. The apparatus of the current edition is a more reliable resource for textual judgments. And yet, the systematic modifications-rigorous and meticulous as they are-continue to be freighted with limitations. The impact of the new data on textual alignments, as noted, appears marginal. The failure of the new data to illuminate (or solve) well-known cruxes is another restriction. The consensus regarding the later corrections, for one, remains at an impasse. The transfer of corrections to N2 illustrates it. Despite the advance,
27 PQ would tum out not to be as representative of the Andreas and Kaine textual streams
as Bousset had initially thought. See Schmid, Studien, 2:64-66.
28 Of the 28 readings, n now have P listed independently (1:6; 1:20; 2:13; 2:20; 3:5; 4:1; 6:15; 7:9;
9:12; 10:1; 13:6). It is further noteworthy that in NA28 P bears witness to 2 readings that differ
from what was assumed in NA 27 : 1:20 (ext AU)(Vlcxt CH E7tTCX a~ EloE~) and 9:12 ( Epxov-rat ETl ).
29 It is unclear why P is not listed in 17:8, 18:7, and 22:2, since, according to the appendix in
NA28, these portions of the manuscript are extant. See NA28, 802.
30 These include: 3:5 (N2 P 046.1611.1841. 1854.2053 [the citation of 2050 in support of ou-ro~
is an error in NA28]) and 21:20 (N2 wo6. 1841. 1854. 2050. 2344 M). The correction in 21:20
is also supported by 2846c, which is not yet listed in the apparatus. See M. Lembke, "Die
Apokalypse-Handschrift 2846: Beschreibung, Kollation und Textwertbestimmung eines
wichtigen neuen Zeugen," NovT 54 ( 2012 ): 369-395.
31 Newly cited support for particular corrections include: 046 (2:13, 20; 9:14; 21:9; 21:23); 2329
(7:9; 9:12) and 2846 ( 4:1; 18:7; 20:9 ). For the latter see Lembke, "Die Apokalypse-Handschrift
2846," 369-395·
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NESTLE-ALAND 28 79
the reassignment masks what is unresolved: the precise dates and groups denoted by the later corrections are debated.
The dating of the post-scriptorium corrections is a matter of dispute; opinions have differed about the exact date(s) for over a hundred years. Kirsopp Lake placed them in the fifth-seventh centuries;32 Tischendorf opted for the seventh;33 and Milne and Skeat declined to arbitrate between the two (though Skeat would later settle on a sixth-century date). 34 The transfer of the corrections from ~1 to ~2 in NA28 precludes, correctly, Schmid's equation of the fourthcentury scribes with the later correctors; the suggestion was an aberration. The circa seventh-century designation of ~2, however, defaults to Tischendorf's date without new argument or justification, a reminder that our texts-and in this case our dates-are only as good as our text-critics. 35 Further paleographical analyses are required to remove the stalemate. Paleographers, however, tend to date materials within a century or two of transcription. 36
The segregation of the Apocalypse's later corrections into groups is less contested. The identification of 3 post-scriptorium hands by Milne and Skeat appears to have been adopted widely and without challenge. 37 The Codex Sinaiticus Project itself operates within the parameters established by the two paleographers. It is unclear, however, whether ~2 assumes or disclaims Milne and Skeat's more precise delineations. The siglum, sufficient for most of the NT, appears too generalized for the Apocalypse.38 The contribution of the individual correctors (and their exemplars) is therefore obscured by the broad category.
32 "Paleographical and historical grounds agree to fix this time as not later than the begin
ning of the seventh or earlier than that of the fifth century." K. Lake, Codex Sinaiticus
Facsimile Ed. NT Vol. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911), vii.
33 Tishcendorf, Novum Testamentum Graece, 3:346.
34 Milne and Skeat, Scribes and Correctors, 6s; cf. T.C. Skeat, "Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, and
Constantine,"JTS so (1999): s83-62s.
3S To echo Georg Luck's verdict: "our critical texts are no better than our textual critics." See
Georg Luck, "Textual Criticism Today," AJP 102 (1981): 166.
36 Hernandez, "Legacy of Wilhelm Boussett," 3onso.
37 c• makes corrections throughout the Apocalypse. cc•s corrections are restricted to the
book's first two pages (Rev 1:1-3:s up to ou) and cc" picks up where cc leaves off; cc"'s
first correction is OXYJVWO'El in 7:1s. The assignment of cc* represents a slight revision to
Tischendorf's original assessment of the three hands. See Milne and Skeat, Scribes and
Correctors, so; Hernandez, "Creation of a Fourth-Century Witness," ng-120.
38 The post-scriptorium corrections-assigned separately to C•, cc, and cc* by Milne and
Skeat and the csr-are represented without distinction under the single siglum N2
in NA28.
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80 HERNANDEZ
7 Conclusion
The upgrades to the apparatus ofNA28 augur more than they can deliver at the present; the way forward is clear but remains to be traversed. The saga of the Apocalypse's post-scriptorium correctors serves as a bellwether: revered and established boundaries are likely to be redrawn. The Andreas text, for one, is late. The unique readings of its medieval manuscripts evince a clear and distinct type of text.39 The clarity and coherence of that text during an earlier
period vanish upon closer inspection.40 The Kaine text is likewise slated for repatriation. Its fourth-century date was established on the basis of an analogy with Andreas.41 The Kaine text will likely share its fate. The textual affinities of Origen and Codex Sinaiticus are also overdue for reassessment. The number of their shared readings-as represented in the revised apparatus-appears to fall short of evidence that the text of the Apocalypse is identical in the two.42
The apparatus of the new edition nonetheless reflects the state of textual research with accuracy; the current period is one of transition. The edition, thus, sits uneasily with the past as it lurches forward. The tensions that punctuate NA28 are symptomatic of a changeover: Schmid's Studien zur Geschichte
des Apokalypse-Textes is accorded deference in the introduction, while its data
39 This is evident from the list of 243 Andreas Sonderlesarten. See Schmid, Studien, 2:44-53.
40 This is true whether the post-scriptorium corrections are dated to the fifth, sixth, or sev
enth centuries.
41 The transmission of the Andreas text served as a model for understanding the transmis
sion of the Kaine. The presence of Andreas readings in earlier witnesses meant that the
Andreas text-type existed as early as the fourth-century. The same dynamic was observed
in the Kaine and the same conclusion drawn. Colwell rejected that assertion, however.
The presence of Kaine readings in early witnesses did not move the Kaine text (as an
entity and as it exists in the ninth-century) to the fourth-century. Colwell was unequivo
cal in his objection but cautious (though no less skeptical) about the date of the Andreas
tradition due to its putative link to the "fourth-century" corrections of Codex Sinaiticus.
Those "fourth-century corrections," however, have now been exposed as fraudulent. See
Schmid, Studien, 2:126-129; cf. E. C. Colwell, "Method in Establishing the Nature of Text
Types in New Testament Manuscripts," in Studies in Methodology (NTTS 9; Leiden: Brill,
1969 ), 45-55; Hernandez, "Creation of a Fourth-Century Witness," 107-108.
42 Origen is cited as a witness for only 21 readings in the Apocalypse in NA28 (3:7 [3x ]; 5:1
[ 2x]; 7:2; 14:1, 3, 5, 6 [3x ], 7 [ 2x ]; 19:n, 12, 13, 14 [ 2x ], 15). Of the 21, only n are aligned with
N (3:7 [3x ]; 5:1; 14:5, 6 [3x ]; 19:14 [ 2x ], 15)! The distance between the data for Origen in
the apparatus and the claims of Bousset (that the immediate textual basis of Origen was
identical toN) and Schmid (that the text used by Origen is on the whole identical with
that of 'P47 and N) require explanation. See Bousset, Offenbarung]ohannis, 157-158, 157n2;
Schmid, Studien, 2:48; cf., Hernandez, "Legacy of Wilhelm Bousset," 29-30.
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NESTLE-ALAND 28 81
are undermined in the apparatus. The inconsistency has persisted for over thirty years; NA26 was already at odds with the monograph in 1979.43 The edition thus embodies a cautionary tale: suspect claims thrive without historical review. And yet, the obsolescence of the traditional reconstruction is expertly (if unwittingly) documented in the new edition; the clarity of the revised apparatus paves the way for judicious textual research. The gains-even if spasmodic-represent a critical advance in the history of textual analysis with new outposts secured in key locations. A fresh chronicling of the Apocalypse's textual history lies on the horizon.
43 That is insofar as the majority of the N2 corrections of NA26 were already at variance with
their fourth-century assignment by Schmid.
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