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The Council of Trent RevisitedAuthor(s): Craig A. MonsonReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Spring 2002), pp. 1-37Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the American Musicological SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jams.2002.55.1.1 .

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The Council

of Trent

Revisited

CRMG A. MONSON

h e

lastfiftyyearshavewitnessed significanteinterpretationot

only

of the

Council

of

Trent,

but

also of

its aftermath.

Long

regarded

as

a

reaction and counterattack

against

Protestantism,

a

viewpoint

that

originally

arose out of northern

European

historiography,

he conclave

has

been resituatedwithina

continuity

of Catholicreform and

popular

devotional

movements

spanning

many generations.

The Council

is no

longer

perceived

as an

ultimately

decisive

event,

which

by

its decrees

effectively

turned

Catholicism

aside from

centurties f

corruption,

but as a

primaryepisode

in

severalhundred yearsof reform. From this new standpointthe old phrase

Counter-Reformation,

while

perhaps

still

applicable

to

German

religious

historiography,

appears

to

distort

the wider

reality

of

ecclesiastical

history

in

the rest

of

Europe

and

beyond.

Hubert

Jedin's

alternatives,

Catholic

Reformation-Counter

Reformation,

recognized

the

pluralism

of

the

Catholic

tradition,

provoking

in

turn

John

O'Malley's

Early

Modern

Catholicism. The

expanding

time frame

of Catholic

reform,

which

jean

Delumeau

had first

extended

from Luther

to

Voltaire,

subsequently

broad-

ened even

fuirther

o stretchfrom

the

thirteenth

to the

eighteenth

centuries.'

This

paper

is

respectfully

dedicatedto

Lewis

Lockwood.

Preliminary

ersions were

presented

at

the

Convegno

Internazionale

di Studi in

Occasione del

Quarto

Centenario

della Morte

di

Giovanni

Pierluigi

da

Palestrina,

Palestrina,

October

1994

(in

whose

proceedings

an

alternative

text

may eventually

be

published)

and at the

Sixty-sixth

Annual

Meeting

of

the

American

MusicologicalSociety,Toronto,

November

2000. It

has

greatly

benefited

from the

suggestions

and

observationsof

RichardSherr

andthe

two

anonymnous

eaders or this

Journal.

I

also

wish

to

thank

Leofi-anc

Holford-Strevens

or his

perceptive

advice

and

commentary

on

the

Latin

transla-

tions, and, indeed,

on

inaccuracies hat

had

crept

into

published

versionsof the Latin

originals.

1. See, in particular,Hubert Jedin, KatbolischeReformationoder Gegenreformation? in

Versuch ur

Kiarung

der

Begriffe

nebst

einer

Jubilaumsbetrachtung

uiber

das

Trienter

Konzil

(Lucerne:

Josef

Stocker,

1946);

John

W.

O'Malley,

Was

Ignatius Loyola

a Church

Reformer?

How to Look

at

Early

Modern

Catholicism,

The

CatholicHistorical

Review77

(1991):

177-93;

Paolo Prodi and

Wolfgang

Reinhard,

eds.,

II

Conciliodi

Trento

il

moderno

Bologna:

EI

Mulino,

1996);

as well as

Prodi's

earlier

writings

such

as II

binomio

jediniano

'Riforma

cattolica

e

Controriforma'

la

storiografia taliana,

Annuali

dell'Istituto

torico

talo-germanico n

Trento

6

(1980):

85-98,

and Controriforma

/o

Riforma

cattolica:

Superamento

di vecchi

dflemimi

nei

[

Journal

ofteheAmerican

usicological

ociet

2002,

vol.

55,

no.

1

?

2002

by

the

American

Musicological

ociety.

All

rights

eserved.

003-0139/02/5501-0001$2.00



2

Journal of the American

Musicological

Society

The familiar

old

legend

of Palestrinaand his Missa

Papae

Marcelli

saving

church

music from the Council's

attacks,

first

apparently

aised

by

Agostino

Agazzari n 1607 and elaborated epeatedlyover the centuriesbeforereceiving

its most

artistic

treatment

in

Hans Pfitzner's

opera

Palestrina

(1917),

has

largely

been

laid to rest.2

Yet

considerable

confusion has continued to

sur-

round

the

place

of music

at Trent.

By revisiting

he voluminous

primary

and

secondary

iteratureon

Trent,

some of which remains

unpublished,

this

essay

reconsiders

how the

Council

treated

the issue

of

music. It

attempts

to

distin-

guish

between what was

presented

about

music in

importantpreliminary

de-

liberations,

ess familiar

o

music

historians,

and the

specific

stipulations

hat

Council

members

eventually

chose

to make

official,particularly

t the

twenty-

second session. The failure

o

make such a distinction has contributed to

sig-

nificant

misunderstanding

n

musical

scholarship

until

very recently.3

For the

Council

actually

chose to

say

as

little as

possible

about

music-much

less,

in

nuovi

panoramistoriografici,

Romische

historische

Mitteilungen

31

(1989):

227-37; and,

finally,

John

W.

O'Malley's

recent Trentand All

That:

Renaming

Catholicism n the

Early

ModernEra

(Cambridge

and

London: Harvard

University

Press,

2000).

On

the

expanding

time frame of

Catholic

reform,

see

Jean

Delumeau,

CatholicismBetweenLuther

and

Voltaire:

A

New

View

of

the

Counter-ReformationLondon:Burns andOates, 1977); and idem, Lepeche t la peur:La culpa-

bilisation

en

Occident,

XIIIe-XVIIIe

siecles

Paris:

Fayard,1983).

2. Lewis H.

Lockwood, ed.,

Palestrina:

Pope

Marcellus

Mass,

prints

several ersionsof

the

leg-

end,

from

Agazzari(1607)

to

Giuseppe

Baini

(1828),

along

with

very

useful

commentary([New

York:

Norton,

1975],

28-36).

Jessie

Ann

Owens's reconsideration

f Palestrina's

eforming

role,

WasPalestrina

Reformer?

Rethinking

the

Myths

of

Reform,

presented

at

the

Yale

University

colloquium

series

Religious

Reformations:

Liturgy,Theology

and the Arts

in the

Early

Modern

Period

n

November

1998,

revisits he whole

question

but

remains

unpublished.

I wish

to thank

Professor

Owens

for

sharing

t with me.

3. Edith

Weber's Le

Concile

de

Trenteet la

musique:

De la

Reforme

a la

Contre-Reforme

ro-

vides one of the cleareroutlines of eventsat the Council,though it concentrateson events at the

general congregations

and

sessions,

and

misinterprets

he

outcome

of the

twenty-fifth

session as

it

concerned music

([Paris:

Honore

Champion,

1982],

65-95).

In

Ius musicae

liturgicae:

Dissertatio

historico-iuridica,

iorenzo

Romita

incorporates

a

wider

range

of documents in

a rela-

tively

brief discussion

([Taurini:

M.

E.

Marietti, 1936],

56-64).

Robert

F.

Hayburn's Papal

Legislation

on

Sacred

Music,

95

A.D.

to

1977

A.D.

provides

translationsof the documents from

Romita

but

is often

vague

or inaccurate

about

their contexts

([Collegeville,

Minn.:

Liturgical

Press, 1979],

25-31).

Events

at

the

Council

have

been

briefly

but

accurately

summarized in

Agostino

Borromeo,

La storia delle

cappelle

musicali vista

nella

prospettiva

della

storia della

chiesa,

in

La

Cappella

Musicalenell'Italia

della

Controriforma,

d. Oscar Mischiatiand Paolo

Russo (Cento: Centro studi G. Baruffaldi,1993), 229-37; Oscar Mischiati, I1Concilio di

Trento e la

polifonia:

Una diversa

proposta

di lettera

e

di

prospettiva

bibliografica,

n Musica

e

liturgia

nella

riforma

tridentina,

ed.

Danilo

Curti and Marco

Gozzi

(Trent:

Provincia

autonoma

di

Trento,

Servizio

beni librari

e

archivistici,

1995),

19-29;

and,

regarding

the

twenty-fifth

ses-

sion,

Robert

Kendrick,

CelestialSirens:

Nuns

and

Their

Music in

Early

ModernMilan

(Oxford:

Oxford

University

Press,

1996),

58-59. See

also

Craig

Monson,

Catholic

Reform,

Renewal,

and

Reaction,

n

vol. 4 of

The

New

Oxford

History

of

Music,

rev.

ed.,

ed.

James

Haar

(Oxford:

Oxford

University Press,

in

press

since

1993);

and

idem,

Another

Look

at Musical

Reform at the

Council

of

Trent,

in

Atti del

III.

Convegno

di Studi

Palestriniani in occasione

del

Quarto

Centenario

della

morte di

Giovanni

Pierluigi,

1994,

ed.

Giancarlo

Rostirolla

(Palestrina:

Fondazione

Giovanni

Pierluigi

da

Palestrina,n presssince 1995).



The

Council

of Trent

Revisited 3

fact,

than

many

music

historianshave

commonly

suggested.

Such

a

reconsid-

eration of the deliberative

process

at

Trent

points up

the extent to which

the

Council lackeda clearprogram,was selectiverather han all-encompassingn

its

concerns,

and was

characterized

y

compromise

and,

in

some

cases,

confu-

sion.

Consequently,

historians'

attempts

to

single

out

looming,

individual

saviorsor

enemies

of

church

music at the Council

have

been

misguided.

I

fur-

ther

suggest

that when it came

to

music,

the

one

mandate that

proved

to

be

the most

important

to the future

implementation

of the Tridentine

decrees,

though largely

gnored by

modern

musical

historiography

ntil

quite

recently,

was

the

delegation

of

responsibilities

o

provincial ynods

and local

episcopal

authorities in the twenty-fourth session. It not only encouraged a post-

Tridentine sacred

music

considerably

more

diversethan

generally

envisioned

in

much modern

musical

scholarship,

but also

appears

o have

prompted

an

immediate

amplification

n

Rome of

criteria or

musical reform

at the local

level.

This

modification soon

came

to

be

widely

perceived

and

accepted

as

iuxta formam

concilii,

a

perception

that has

continued down

to

our

own

day.

Finally,

xpanding

our

view to

include the

Council's work for

the

twenty-

fifth session

(involving

the

reform

of

religious

orders)

sheds

light

on a

little-

known and

often

misunderstood

attempt

at Trent

to enact

measures that

would

severely

restrictmusic in

convent

churches.

Preliminary

Deliberations and

Official

Pronouncements

in

the

Twenty-second

Session

(1562)

For

prelates

at the

Council

of

Trent,

musical

mattersdid

not

loom

large.

This

is not

surprising,

f

course,

since

music

had little

connection with

questions

of

doctrineor politics,which characterizedhe issuespredominatingduringthe

third and final

period

of the

Council in

1562-63:

communion

in

both

kinds,

episcopal

residency,

clandestine

marriage,

and reform

of

the Curia.4

Only

in

4. Between

1545

and

1563,

the

Council of

Trent

met

during

three

periods

(1545-47,

1551-52,

and

1562-63).

The

majority

of

its work

took

place

in

informal,

often

private

gather-

ings,

which

culminated in

daylong

public sessions,

where

decrees

were

formally

approved

and

read.

Of

the

twenty-five

formal

sessions,

often

separatedby

weeks or

months of

preliminary

de-

bate,

only

seventeen

concerned

doctrine

and

reform;

the

remainder

were

ceremonial,

nvolving

the

formal

opening

and

reopenings,

prorogations,

and

closing

of

the

convocation.

Issues of

doc-

trine and reform

were

considered

simultaneously,

ommonly by subcommittees,

meeting

concur-

rently,

with the

intention

that

each

doctrinal

decree

be

accompaniedby

relevant

reform

decrees.

In

initial,

so-called

particular

ongregations,

bishops

witnessed

debates on an

issue

by specialists,

after

which the

papal egates,

who

managed

the

Council,

presided

over the

bishops'

private

discus-

sions of

the

matter in

general

congregations.

Only

then

were the

resulting

canons

and

decrees

publicly

presented,

voted

upon,

and

promulgated

in

a

session.

The

first

period

(13

December

1545 to 2

June

1547,

first o

tenth

sessions)

confronted

the

primary

points

of

doctrine

previously

raised

by

the

Protestants:

he

function

and

interpretation

of

the

scriptures

and

their

essential

relationship

o

tradition;

original

sin

and

justification;

he

sacraments n

general,

and

bap-

tism and confirmation n particular; nd initialdiscussionsof episcopalduties, obligations,and



4

Journal

of the

American

Musicological

Society

the

twenty-second

and

twenty-fourth

sessionsof

that

period,

as has

frequently

been

discussed,

as well as in

the much less

familiar

wenty-fifth

session,

did

musicfinally ind aplaceamidstthesetopics.

Attitudes toward

major

doctrinal

issues,

especially

as

expressed by

the

French and

Austro-German factions most

strongly

beset

by Protestantism,

reflected

a

direct reaction to that threat

and

were sometimes couched

in

counter-reformational

erms. When it came

to

music,

however,

the

pro-

nouncements of the more

reform-minded

participants

t Trent seem

less a re-

action to

Protestantism han

a continuation of

the reform tradition

extending

back

substantially

before

the Council. In

this

respect,

interest

in

musical re-

form at

the Council was

part

of

long-standing

concerns with

Catholic reform

and renewal whose

continuity

with the

post-Tridentine

period

has been ex-

plored

in

recent

years.5

n

many

details,

prelates'

attitudestoward

musicalre-

form

were

also

closely

akin

to some of the less

extreme

Protestant

reactions o

music,

both before the

third session of the

Council

(e.g.,

Luther's)

and more

or less

concurrently

e.g.,

Queen

Elizabeth

I

of

England's).

Scholars such as Karl

Gustav Fellerer

and

Lewis Lockwood

recognized

Tridentine

pronouncements

on music as the

continuation

of an

earlier radi-

tion of

complaints

about the

state of church

music.6But music

historianshave

not alwaysrecognizedhow closelysome of the most significant iguresat the

Council

were linked to the

earlier raditionof

Catholic

reform,

even as it re-

lated to

music.

Musicologists

tend to remember

Angelo Massarelli,

or exam-

ple,

who,

as

Pope

Marcellus

II's

secretary,

ecorded his familiar

diaryentry

in

1555

about Marcellus's

negative

reaction to

the

papal

choir's

inappropriately

joyful

Good

Friday

music,

as

well as the

pope's

subsequent

exhortation for

textual

comprehensibility.7

ut

before

his

election as

pope

in

1555,

Marcello

Cervini

had

already

served as

papal legate

at

the Council of

Trent

during

its

first

period,

while

Massarelli

also acted

as

secretary

o the

Council,

as scruti-

neer of

the

votes,

and as

protonotary

of the

sessions

during

all

three

periods,

from

1545

until

1563.

residency.

The second

period (1

May

1551 to

28

April 1552,

eleventh

to sixteenth

sessions)

con-

tinued

work on

the sacraments

penance,

extreme

unction,

Christ'sreal

presence

n

the

eucharist),

episcopal urisdiction,

and

benefices.

The third

period (17

January

1562 to 4

December

1563,

seventeenth

to

twenty-fifth

sessions)

addressed ssues of

the

Mass,

reception

of

both

bread and

wine at

communion,

marriage,purgatory,episcopalresidency,

and

severalother

matters,

nclud-

ing

veneration

and invocation

of

saints,

relics

and

images,

holy

orders,

clerical

education,

service

books,

and

music.

5.

Of the

sources in

note 3

above,

see in

particular

he

insightful

summary

and

analysis

n

Kendrick,

Celestial

Sirens,

1-8;

and

Borromeo,

La

storia delle

cappelle

musicali.

See also

Monson,

Catholic

Reform,

Renewal,

and Reaction.

6.

Karl

Gustav

Fellerer,

Church

Music and

the

Council

of

Trent,

Musical

Quarterly

39

(1953): 578-80;

and Lewis H.

Lockwood,

The

Counter-Reformation

nd the

Masses

f

Vincenzo

Ruffo

(Vienna:

Universal

Edition,

1969),

74-75.

7.

Printed n

Lockwood,

ed.,

Palestrina:

Pope

Marcellus

Mass,

18.



The Council

of Trent Revisited

5

More

significant,

Girolamo

Seripando,

sometime vicar

general

of

the

Augustinians,

who

attended the first

period

of the Council on behalfof his

or-

der and served aspapal egate at the thirdin 1562-63, had begun instituting

regional

reformsof church

music

in

the

1540s,

a fact

previously

unnoticed

by

musicologists.

His

successor

as

papal egate,

Giovanni

Morone,

more

familiar

to

music

historians,

had made similarreforms at Modena

in

the 1530s.8

The

committee

appointed

to

gather

the

abusesof the

Mass,

in

preparation

or

the

twenty-second

session,

was chaired

by

the humanist Ludovico

Beccadelli,

archbishop

of

Ragusa,

a chief

figure

of the

reforming

party,

and former

secre-

tary

to

the remarkableCardinal

Gasparo

Contarini,

who

had

been at

the

cen-

ter of Paul

III's

pre-Tridentinereform movement. It was Beccadelliwhom

Bishop

BernardinoCirillohad

urged

in

an

oft-quoted

letter of

1549

to

see to

it that

the

praises

of

the Lord are

sung

well and

in

a manner

different from

those

of secular

texts. 9

A

dozen

years

later,

back at

Trent,

Beccadelli was

attempting

to do

just

that.

Musical

practices epresented

ust

one

of

manyrelatively

minor matters hat

were to be

taken

up

among

abuses

of

the Mass at the

twenty-second

session

in

September

1562. The

preliminary

work for the

session has been

called a

parenthesis

between the

major

tumults of

the

twenty-first

session

in

mid

Julyand the new tensionsprovoked by the revivalof the issue of episcopalres-

idency

and

by

the arrival f the

cardinalof Lorraine

and the French

contingent

in

the

autumn.10

All

the

issues

for

that

session were

repeatedly

revised,

specifically

o

avoid

extreme

positions

that

might

provoke

long-winded

discussions n

the

general

congregations.

To

this

end,

Beccadelli'smultinational

committee,

appointed

on

20

July

1562

and

including

representatives

of

Italy,

Spain,

France,

and

Austro-Hungary,

met several

imes

betweenlate

July

and 8

August,

collecting

and collatingvarioussuggestionsregardingreforms.11As Beccadelliput it on

8. On

Morone's

reform,

see

Lewis

H.

Lockwood,

Vincenzo

Ruffo and

Musical Reform

After the

Council of

Trent,

Musical

Quarterly

43

(1957):

esp.

343 and n.

5;

idem,

Some

Observations

on the

Commission of

Cardinals and

the Reform of

Sacred

Music

(1565),

Quadrivium

7

(1966):

esp.

41-44;

and

idem,

The

Counter-Reformation,sp.

44-45 and

74-79.

On

Seripando's reform,

see Hubert

Jedin,

Papal Legate

at the

Council

of

Trent,

Cardinal

Seripando,

rans.

FredericE. Eckhoff

(St.

Louis, Mo.,

and

London:

Herder,

1947),

201.

Jedin

also

comments that

Morone

had

banned

figured

singing

at Modena in

1537,

citing

Pietro

Tacchi

Venturi,

Storiadella

Compagnia

di

Gesu

n

Italia,

vol.

1

(Rome:

Civilta

cattolica,

1950),

203.

9. BernardinoCirillo's letter is printedin Lockwood, ed., Palestrina:PopeMarcellusMass,

10-16.

10.

Paolo

Prodi,

II

Cardinale

GabrielePaleotti

(1522-1597)

(Rome:

Edizioni di

storia e

let-

teratura,

1959-67),

1:137.

11.

In

addition

to

Beccadelli,

he

committee

included Giulio Pavesi,

archbishop

of

Sorrento;

Urbanus

Vigerius

della

Rovere,

bishop

of

Senigallia;

Martin de

Cordoba

y

Mendoza,

bishop

of

Tortosa;

Bernardo

del Bene,

bishop

of

Nimes;

Martin

Rettinger,

bishop

of

Lavant;

and

Andreas

Dudith,

bishop

of

Knin.

See

Concilium

Tridentinum:

Diariorum,

actorum,

epistularum,

rac-

tatuum,

nova

collectio,

didit

Societas

Goerresiana,

3 vols.

(Freiburg:

Herder,

1901-

) (hence-

forth

indicated

CT),

8:721.



6

Journal

of the American

Musicological

Society

23

July,

We're n the midst of

the abuses

of the

Mass,

which

is a

field

filled

with

prickly

burdock. '12

Although

not

actuallyappointed

to the

subcommit-

tee, nor a voting member of the generalcongregations,a key figure in the

drafting

of

documents

during

the hectic final

days

before

the

twenty-second

session was Gabriele

Paleotti,

auditor

of

the

rota and future

archbishop

of

Bologna,

who is

credited

with

having composed

the

canons on abuses.13

Paleotti

records

n

his

history

of the Council that

during

the

subcommittee's

deliberations,

various

prelatesbrought up many

abuses

in

the

Mass that

did

not all merit consideration

ndividuallyby

the

generalcongregations.14

There was considerable elevant

material,

ome

of it

twenty years

old.

A

few

musicalreferences

dating

from

significantly

efore the

meetings

of Beccadelli's

committee are outlined below

in

Appendix

1. The decrees of the Council

of

Poissy

of

October

1561,

which articulated he Gallican

view,

and the much

discussed reform

suggestions

of the

Emperor

Ferdinand,

offered

early

in

1562, had

a

major

mpact

on the

Council,

though

music is a

relatively

minor

matter

in

them.

Significantly,

a

comparable

Italian list of reforms

virtually

ignores

music.

Precious

ittle, however,

has come down to us from

the

directsubmissions

to Beccadelli's committee

in

the summer of 1562. The observations of

StanislausHosius, bishop of Ermland,sometime nuncio to the Holy Roman

Emperor,

and one of the less effective

papal legates

who

governed

the

Council,

survived

n

Beccadelli's

personal

papers:

Abuses

egarding

he sacrifice f the Massnoted

by

the Most

Reverend

ishop

of Ermland nd

presented

o the

council....

Abuses,

ith

regard

o ceremonies

and solemn ites....

Around he momentof the elevationof the most

holy

sacrament, hen,

as it

were,

a

lofty

silence

ought

to be observed

by everyone,

anda

focused ommemorationf the

Lord's

death,

organs

makea

great

noise

and musiciansing,and some otherthings ntrudewhich,apartromthe fact

that

hey

are

untimely,

lso

requently

ppear

o recall

omething

icentious nd

to distract

ouls rom

piritual

nclinations.

In

the

singing

at the timeof

the

sacrament,

herehas

begun

o be much

i-

centiousness,

gainst

he

custom of the ancient

church.For

prophetic

and

apostolic

words in

the

Epistles

are

sometimesomitted andmutilated.The

Creed s not

recited

omplete,

nor the

Preface,

which s

also

an

expression

f

thanks,

nd the

Lord's

prayer,

oo,

is

suppressed,

or the

sakeof musicmade

12.

Saremo

ntorno

agli

abusidella

Messa,

he e un

campopieno

di

lapole.

Beccadelli's

comment

appears

n

Giambattista

Morandi, ed.,

Monumenti

di

varia letteratura

ratti

dai mano-

scritti di

Monsignor

LodovicoBeccadelli

arcivescovo

i

Ragusa,

vol. 2

(Bologna: Stampe

di S.

Tommaso

'Aquino,

804),

355.

13.

Fora detailed

nd

meticulously

ocumented

nalysis

f Paleotti'sole

at

Trent,

ee

Prodi,

II

Cardinale Gabriele

Paleotti,

esp.

1:121-92.

14.

Quod

abusus

missae

pectat,

ummulta

quae

a variis

atribus

roponebantur

onvider-

entur

digna

sse

maiestateanti

consessus,

lacuit

a

potiusgenerali uadam

acultate

omplecti,

ut

ordinarii

is

ex

prudentia

ua

providerent CT3,

pt.

1,

p.

429).



The

Council of

Trent Revisited 7

togetherby

singers,

musicians,

nd instruments.

y

a novel

and

remarkable

contrivance,

are s taken n some churches hat

this

greatmystery

hall

be

completed without much labor of singing, praying, meditating,and they rush

to the

end,

as

if

concern in the church were with the

belly,

not with

piety,

and

with the

world,

not with Christ.15

Otto

Braunsberger

claimed that Hosius's

compendium

must reflect the

input

of Saint Peter

Canisius,

who had sent

a

list of abuses of the

Mass,

now

lost,

to

Hosius on

3

August

1562. This

intriguing

possibility

seems

unlikely,

however,

since

the

saint's

lost

compendium

arrived on

8

August,

the

day

of the

commit-

tee's final

meeting,

too late

to receive much attention.16

The collection of abuses from 1562 surviving in the Nachlass of Bartolo-

maei a

Martyribus

probably represents

a

general summary

of

various submis-

sions rather than a list he

had

presented

directly

to Beccadelli:

Concerning

various

abuses,

which were

furtively

ntroduced

in

the

Mass;

they

were

brought up by

several athersat

the Council of Trent

in

1562....

10.

Let

not

only profanesongs

be

removed from the church or

sanctuaries,

but

likewise

singing

that

conceals the

text,

such as there is in

polyphony.17

These materials

consistently deplored

music that

interrupted

or

obscured the

sacred words of the Mass, went on too long, was inappropriate to the solem-

nity

of

particular occasions,

or

was

overtly

secular if

not

downright

lascivious.

Bartolomeo's note

summarized

what would remain

the two

most

important

issues at the

Council

regarding

music.

15.

Abusus circa

Sacrificium

Missae ab Rtmo

Wormiensi

[recte:

Warmiensi]

notati ac

Concilio

exhibiti....

Abusus ex

parte

Caeremoniarum,

et Rituum

solemnium....

Circa eleva-

tionem SacrosanctaeEucharistiae um altum quoddam silentium,et intenta Dominicae mortis

commemoratio ab

omnibus adhiberi

deberet,

perstrepunt

organa,

cantillant et

Musici,

et

alia

quaedam nteriiciuntur,

uae

praeterquamquodntempestiva unt,

etiam

saepe

lascivum

quiddam

referre,

t a

spiritualibus

tudiis animos

avocarevidentur.

In

cantionibus

sub sacro

magna

caepit

esse licentia

contra veteris

Ecclesiae

morem.

Omittuntur

enim,

et decurtantur

nterdum

verba

Prophetica,

et

Apostolica

in

Epistolis.

Non

recitatur

ntegre Symbolum

Fidei,

non

Praefatio,

quae

et

gratiarum

ctio:

supprimitur

t

praecatio

Dominica

propter

Cantorum,

Musicorum,

et

Organorum

concentum.

Nova,

et

mirabiliarte

curatur n

quibusdamEcclesiis,

ut

sine

magno

labore

cantandi,

orandi,

meditandi

hoc tantum

mysterium

peragatur,

et ad finem

curritur,

veluti

major

ventris,

quam pietatis, mundi,

quam

Christi n templocuraesset (Morandi,ed., Monumenti2:258).

16.

Peter

Canisius,

Epistulae

t

acta,

ed. Otto

Braunsberger,

ol.

3

(Freiburg:

Herder,

1901),

473-75.

Canisius's etter

appears

on

p.

474.

Stephen

Ehses

accepted

Braunsberger'sroposal

n

CT 8:916 n. 1.

For

Hubert

Jedin's

suggestion

that

Canisius's list

arrived

too

late,

see his

Geschichte

esKonzils

von Trient

Freiburg:

Herder,

1950-75),

vol.

4,

pt.

2,

p.

340 n.

22.

17.

Circavarios

abusus,

qui

in

missa

subintroducti

unt,

fuerunt

haec

postulata

a

nonnullus

patribus

n

Conc.

Tridentino anno

1562.... 10.

Tollanturde

Ecclesia,

seu

templis

non

solum

cantus

prophani,

sed etiam

cantus

occultans

literam,

qualis

est

in

figurata

modulatione

(Bartholomaei

a

Martyribus,

Opera

omnia,

ed.

Malachia

d'Inguimbert,

vol. 2

[Rome:

Typis

Hieronymi

Mainardi,1735], 408).



8

Journal

of the

American

Musicological

Society

The

following

note on

music

appeared

among

the first

suggestions finally

presented

by

Beccadelli's ommittee

to

the

papal egates

on 8

August:

It mustalsobe considered hether he kindof music hathasnow becomees-

tablished

n

polyphony,

hichrefresheshe ear

morethan he mindandwhich

seems

o

incite asciviousnessatherhan

religion,

houldbe abolishedrom he

Masses,

n

which

things

are

often

sung,

such as della cacciaand la

battaglia.18

It is

important

to

recognize

that this was not a

decree,

but

only

a

proposed

subject

for

discussion,

as the word animadvertendum makes clear.

This ver-

sion

was

neither

presented

for

consideration

n the


nor

publishedamong

the decrees

of

the Council.

The

specific

mention

of la

caccia

and la battaglia presumably efers o Janequin's Lachasse:Gentilz veneurs

and La

guerre:

Escoutez

tous

gentilz,

to the various imitations

they

spawned,

and to

Janequin's

own Missa

super

La

bataille,

published

in

Moderne's

Liber

decemmissarum

Lyons,

1532).

The document recalls

n in-

teresting

ways

the remarks

on

lasciviously

ndecorous church

music,

having

as

much to do with secular

mpropriety

as with

outright

lewdness,

from

Nicola

Vincentino's L'antica

musica

ridotta

alla

moderna

prattica,

published

in

1555:

Somecomposersettheseworks theMass]naway hatupsets he entire ub-

ject

of the

Mass,

which

requires

means

of movement hat s

grave

and more

filled

with

devotion hanwith

worldly leasure.

ome

compose

a Mass

upon

a

madrigal

r

upon

a

French

hanson,

r

upon

La

Battaglia ;

nd

when

such

pieces

areheard n

church

hey

cause

veryone

o

laugh,

or

t almost

eems

as

f

the

temple

of the

Lordhad becomea

place

for the

utterance

f

bawdy

and

ridiculousexts-as if

it hadbecomea

theater,

n which t is

permissible

o

per-

form

all

sortsof

music

of

buffoons,

owever idiculous nd

ascivious.19

On 19 August the legatesreferred his summaryback to Beccadelli's om-

mittee for further

revision. The

legates' goal

was

to

presentproposals

to the

generalcongregations

n

a

form

that

would be

readily

accepted

and not

pro-

voke

the inordinate

discussion

ikely

to

occur

if

individual

bishops

outlined in

detail the abuses in

their

own dioceses.

In a

new,

revisedversion

resubmitted

to the

papal

legates

around

25

August,

the reference to

music

had been

substantially

ttenuated:

Also let the

mannerof music n

divine

services

be

restored o the

standard

whichJohnXXIIprescribedntheExtravagantescommunes,ib.3, tit.1,cap.

18.

Item

animadvertendum,

n

species musicae,

quae

nunc invaluit n

figuratis

modulation-

ibus,

quae magis

aures

quam

mentem recreatet

ad

lasciviam

potius

quam

ad

religionem

excitan-

dam

comparata idetur,

ollenda sit

in

missis,

n

quibus

etiam

profana aepe

cantantur,

ut ilia

della

caccia t la

bataglia

CT8:918).

19.

Lockwood,

ed. Palestrina:

Pope

Marcellus

Mass,

17.

Janequin's

La

guerre

and

La

chasse

are

published

in

Clement

Janequin,

Chansons

olyphoniques,

d. A. Tillman

Merritt

and

Fran;ois

Lesure,

vol.

1

(Monaco:

Editions de

L'Oiseau-Lyre,

1965),

23-98.



The

Council

of Trent

Revisited

9

unicum]

on the

lifestyle

and

decency

of

clerics,

or

else let the

singing

be

such

that the words

are understood rather

han

the

music.20

Here the earlier preoccupation with creeping secularism has

given

way

to the

other favorite

theme

regarding

music:

intelligibility.

The

reference to

Pope

John

XXII's bull of

1324-25 is

particularly

intriguing,

since it

suggests

that

the

prelates

at

Trent

recognized

a

connection

between their

own

reforming

efforts

and a

tradition of

Catholic musical reform

extending

back two

centuries.

This

compendium

of

25

August

had to

be

revised

yet

a

third time in

the

busy days

of

early

September.

According

to

Gabriele

Paleotti's

secretary,

Ludovico

Nucci,

Paleotti and his

colleagues right

now are

earning

their

living

... and the legates are making them hustle. 21 The legates were finally pre-

pared

to

propose

a

draft on Mass

reforms for discussion in

the

general

congre-

gations

on 10

September

1562. It

included

a

lengthier

pronouncement

on

music:

Canon 8. Since

the sacred

mysteries

should

be

celebrated

with

utmost

rever-

ence,

with

both

deepest

feeling

toward God

alone,

and with

external

worship

that is

truly

suitable and

becoming,

so

that others

may

be

filled

with

devotion

and called

to

religion:

..

Everything

should indeed

be

regulated

so

that

the

Masses,

whether

they

be celebrated

with the

plain

voice or in

song, with every-

thing

clearly

and

quickly

executed,

may

reach the

earsof

the hearers

and

quietly

penetrate

their

hearts. In those

Masses

where

measured

music and

organ

are

customary,

nothing profane

should be

intermingled,

but

only hymns

and

di-

vine

praises.

If

something

from

the

divine service is

sung

with the

organ

while

the

service

proceeds,

let

it first

be

recited in

a

simple,

clear

voice,

lest the

read-

ing

of the

sacred

words be

imperceptible.

But the

entire

manner

of

singing

in

musical

modes

should be

calculated,

not to

affordvain

delight

to the

ear,

but so

that

the words

may

be

comprehensible

o

all;

and

thus

may

the

hearts of

the lis-

teners be

caught

up

into the

desire for

celestial

harmonies

and

contemplation

of

the

joys

of

the

blessed.22

20.

Species

quoque

musicae

in

divinis

officiis reducatur

ad

normam,

quam

praescripsit

Ioannes XXII. in

Extrav.de

vita

et

honestate

clericorum,

vel

ita

canatur,

ut verba

magis

quam

modulationes

ntelligantur

CT8:922).

21. Hora

s'aguadagnano

l vivere

... et

gli

legati

gli

fanno

trottare

(Prodi,

II

Cardinale

Gabriele

Paleotti 1:141

n.

52).

Paleotti's

secretary

also indicates n

the

same note

that

the

abuses

of

the

Mass

were

almost

entirely

the

fabricationof our

Monsignor [Paleotti],

of

Castagna,

Buoncompagni,andthe organizer,but mostlyof Monsignor [Paleotti],as I said ( tessitura uasi

tutta di

Monsignore

nostro,

del

Castagna,

Buoncompagno

et

promotore,

ma

piu

di

Monsignore,

com'ho

detto ).

22.

Canon

octavus.

Cum

sacra

mysteria

umma

venerationesint

peragenda,

ntimo

quidem

affectu

in solum

Deum,

externo vero

cultu

adeo

composito

et

decoro,

ut

alios

devotione

repleat

et ad

religionem

excitet:

..

Verum ita

cuncta

moderentur,ut,

missae sive

plana

voce

sive cantu

celebrentur,

omnia

dare

matureque

prolata

in

audientium

aures

et

corda

placide

descendant.

Quae

vero

rhythmis

musicis

atqueorganis

agi solent,

in

iis nihil

profanum,

sed

hymni

tantum

et

divinae laudes

intermisceantur,

ta

tamen,

ut

quae

organis

erunt

psallenda,

si ex

contextu

divini

sint

officii,

quod

tunc

peragetur,

eadem

antea

simplici

claraque

voce

recitentur,

ne

perpetua



10

Journal

of the American

Musicological

Society

Although

several

modern

musicologists

have

quoted

this

proposed

eighth

canon from the

abuses

of

the Mass

in

their

discussionsof Trent and

music,

few of them recognized or mentioned the fact that it was never actuallyac-

cepted

in

this form. The

surviving

minutes

of

the discussion

of

these

proposals

in

the

general

congregations

suggest

that no one

spoke directly

o

the

issue

of

music.23GabrielePaleotti's

diary

ndicates

that

the

Spanish

remained

particu-

lar

advocates

for

the retention of

music,

because it had been

employed

since

ancient times

to

draw

the faithful o God.

Precisely

hese

sentiments

had

also

been

echoed

by

Cristoforus

of

Padua,

father

general

of the

Augustinian

Hermits,

in

his remarks

during

discussions

of

the sacrifice

of

the

Mass

in

late

August:

Whether

ceremonies,

vestments,

and

external

signs,

which the

church uses in

celebration,

ought

to

be removed-it seems

not,

for

they began

in

the time of

the

apostles,

as

witnessed

by Dionysius,

on ecclesiastical

hierarchy,

peaking

of

the

Mass;

Clement also

speaks

of it

in

the

homily

concerning

vestments

and

the

rite

of

ministers;

Jerome,

volume

I,

folio

25A,

says

to

preserve

ceremonies.

Outward

signs

arouse

the

people

to

devotion,

just

as

song

and sound

incite to

devotion in church.24

In the general congregations, the bishops of Granada, Coimbra, and

Segovia

urged

the

attenuation

of

the

long

list of

canons on

abuses

nto

a

single

general

decree,

with

three subsections:

covetousness,

rreverence,

nd

supersti-

tion.25This

idea won

the

support

of

many

other

prelates,

ncluding

the

presi-

dent of

the

collegium

of

papal

legates,

Ercole

Gonzaga,

bishop

of

Mantua.

After

the

debates,

only

some

fifteen

words

remained

regarding

music as

part

sacrorum

lectio

quemquam

effugiat.

Tota autem haec

modis

musicis

psallendi

ratio non ad

inanem

aurium

oblectationem

erit

componenda,

sed

ita,

ut verba ab

omnibus

percipi possint,

utque

audientium corda

ad

coelestisharmoniae

desiderium

beatorumque

gaudia

contemplanda

rapiantur

CT8:927).

23. See

CT

8:928-39.

24.

The

Most

ReverendFather

Generalof

the

Augustinians,

Cristofero

Patavini's

xplana-

tion

and decision

about

the articles

concerning

the sacrifice

f

the

mass -Cristoforo Patavini

was

responding

to

a

different set of

articles

regarding

the

sacrificeof the

Mass

when he made

this

statement.

Rev.mi

P.

generalis

Augustin[ensium]

Mag.

Christophori

Patavini

uper

articulis

de

missae

sacrificio]

xplicatio

et

decisio

[26

August 1562]....

An

ceremoniae,

vestes et

signa

exteri-

ora,

quibus

ecclesia n

celebratione

utitur,

sint

tollendae,

videtur,

quod

non,

quia

a

tempore

apos-

tolorum

coeperunt

teste

Dionysio,

de

eccl.

hierarch.de

missa

loquens,

Clemens

quoque [in]

homilia de

vestibus

et ritu

ministrorum

oquitur,

Hieronymus

tom. I

fol.

25A dicit

ceremonias

esse

servandas.

Excitant

populum

ad

devotionem

signa

exteriora,

sicut

cantus

et

sonus ad

devo-

tionem

in

ecclesia

aciunt

CT13:714).

25.

Granatensis....

Quoad

abusus fiat

unus canon

generalis,

n

quo

hortentur

ordinarii,

ut

abusibuscirca

missam

provideant....

Segobiensi...

Circa

abusus

n

missadeberet

provideri

circa

tria:

cupiditatem,

rreverentiam t

supersititionem.

Et

nonullos alios

abusus

reformandosretulit

(CT

8:928-32).



The

Council

of

TrentRevisited 11

of that

single

decree

concerning

the

things

to be observed and avoided

in

the

celebration

of

the Mass.

They

translate: Let

them

keep away

from

the

churches compositions in which there is an interminglingof the lascivious

or

impure,

whether

by

instrument

or

voice. 26These few

words

represent

he

final

and

only

musical

pronouncement

actuallyapproved

n

little more

than

an

hour's

time

during

the final

vote,

afterweeksof

preliminary

work

and discus-

sion.27

When

it came to

music

and other

abuses,

then,

delegates

tried to

say

as

little as

possible;

thus,

two

lines on

music were

actuallypublished

in

the

canons

and

decrees of

the

twenty-second

session of the Council

celebrated

on

17

September

1562.

Eight months previous,in an earliermemorandum of 18 February1562,

the

papallegates

had admonished the

delegates

at

Trent

not

to circulate

pre-

liminary

versions of the

Council's

decrees,

which had not

actually

been offi-

cially approved

by

the

congregations

and

signed

in the

relevant

session,

lest

scandal

result.28Some later

musicologists'

ignorance

of

this

prohibition

has

provoked,

if

not

scandal,

at least

confusion. Deliberations

regarding

Mass

abuses had involved a

process

of

attenuation until

very

little

remained. But

Gustave

Reese,

in

his Music in the

Renaissance,

reated a

misleading mpres-

sion of the Council's

egislation

on

music

by

stringing

ogether

the

preliminary

eighthcanon,whichhad not been

approved,

and the few lines that

supplanted

it

and were

finallypublished.

The

ellipsis

n

Reese's extensive

quotation

in

fact

covers

a week's

debate at

Trent:

All

things

hould ndeedbe so ordered

hatthe

Masses,

whether

hey

be cele-

bratedwithor

without

inging,may

reach

ranquilly

nto the

earsandhearts f

those who hear

them,

when

everything

s

executed

clearly

and

at the

right

speed.

In the

caseof

thoseMasseswhich

arecelebrated

ith

singing

andwith

organ,

et

nothingprofane

e

intermingled,

ut

onlyhymns

and

divine

praises.

Thewholeplanof singingn musicalmodesshouldbeconstituted ot to give

emptypleasure

o

the

ear,

but

in such

a

way

that

the words

may

be

clearly

n-

derstood

by

all,

and thus the

hearts

of the listeners e

drawn

o the

desire

of

heavenly

armonies,

n

the

contemplation

f the

joys

of the

blessed....

They

shallalso

banish

romchurch ll

music hat

contains,

whether nthe

singing

or

in the

organ

playing,

hings

hatare

asciviousr

impure.29

26.

Ab ecdesiis

vero

musicas

eas,

ubi sive

organo

sive cantu

lascivum

aut

impurum

aliquid

miscetur CT 8:963).

27.

The

brevity

of the

final

vote

is mentioned in

a

letter of 14

September

from the

papal

legates

to Carlo

Borromeo.

See

Josef

Susta,

Die

Romische

Kurie und das

Konzil von

Trient

unter

Pius

Ig,

vol. 2

(Vienna:Holder,

1909),

362.

28.

Ad obviandum

scandalis,

quae

oriri

possunt.

The

admonition is

printed

in

Judocus

[Jusso]

Le

Plat,

Monumentorum

ad

historiamConcilii

tridentini:

Potissimum

llustrandam

spec-

tantium

amplissima

collectio,

vol.

5

(Lovain:

Typographia

Academica,

1785),

36.

A

similar,

though

not

identical,

version

dated 17

February

appears

n

CT 8:329.

29.

Gustave

Reese,

Music

in the

Renaissance

New

York:

Norton,

1954),

449.

The

transla-

tion

differs n

a

few

details

rom the

alternative

ffered above.



12

Journal of

the

American

Musicological

Society

For the last

forty-five

years,

the

preliminary

and the

approvedpassages

have

commonly

been

strung

together by

music

historians,

following

Reese,

who

first combined them to make up a single Tridentine pronouncement on

music. The

quotation

continued

to

appear

n

this

misleading

form in

Claude

Palisca'snfluential ifth

edition of Donald

J.

Grout's

History

of

Western

Music

(1996)

and

in Allan

W.

Atlas's

Renaissance

Music

(1998).

In Piero

Weiss and

Richard Taruskin's Music

in

the Western

World:

A

History

in

Documents

(1984),

even Reese's

week-long ellipsis

was

suppressed,

urther

compounding

the

problem.30

New Reforms in the Twenty-fourth Session (1563)

The

official

wording

from the

twenty-second

session,

in

placing very

little

re-

striction

on

music,

implicitlypermitted

the

continued use of

polyphony

and

the

organ, specifically rohibited

secular

elements,

but made no mention

at all

of

the

intelligibility

ssue,

which has

commonly

been

incorporated

nto

discus-

sions of the

Council's decrees.

No

immediate

reactions to this final

wording

on

music

have come to

light.

But

the

complete

reform

package

hat

the

com-

mittee on abuseshadfinallyproduced,and what had been promulgated n the

twenty-second

session

on 17

September

1562,

provoked

considerable

dismay.

Giovanni

Strozzi,

writing

to Cosimo

I

de' Medici

on 14

September

1562,

afterthe examination n

congregation

of the canons and before final

approval

three

days

later,

aptly

summarized he

general

attitude:

And

to

many people

they

seemed minor matters and of little

importance.

And

many

have

boldly

stated that

major

ssueswere

promised

and that this

is

not the reform

that the

world

expects

of

thiscouncil. M31

Many, including

Gabriele

Paleotti, recognized

that the

substitution of a

single

canon

on Mass reform

would

prove

far

too

general

to

be

effective.32

Clearly,

his

could not end the matter. In

May

1563 two

new

papal legates,

Giovanni

Morone and

Bernardo

Navagero,

appointed

to

replace

the

recently

deceasedErcole

Gonzaga

and Girolamo

Seripando,

herefore

nstituted

a

new,

far-reaching rogram

of

reform.

Music-especially

polyphony,

which

has been

30. Donald

J.

Grout

and Claude V.

Palisca,

A

History

of

Western

Music,

5th ed.

(New

York:

Norton, 1996), 250; the Council'spronouncementsarepresentedmore accuratelyn the recent

sixth edition

(New

York:

Norton,

2001),

234. See also Allan W.

Atlas,

Renaissance

Music

(New

York:

Norton,

1998),

581;

Piero

Weiss and

Richard

Taruskin,

Music

in

the Western

World:A

History

n

Documents

New

York:Schirmer

Books,

1984),

137;

and

Lockwood, ed.,

Palestrina:

Pope

Marcellus

Mass,

19.

31. Et a

buona

parte

sono

parse

cose deboli

et

di

poca importanza.

Et molti

hanno detto

arditamenteche si

promettavano

cose

maggiori

et che

questa

non

e

la

riformache

il

mondo

aspetta

da

questo

concilio

(Niccolo

Rodolico and Arnaldo

D'Addario,

Osservatori

oscani al

Conciliodi

Trento

Florence:

Leo

S.

Olschki,

1964],

186-87).

32.

Jedin,

Geschichte,

ol.

4,

pt.

1,

p.

192.



The

Council

of

TrentRevisited

13

the

aspect

of

music

at the Councilmost discussed

by

later

musicologists-was

not

forgotten

in

this new reform

of

1563. Karl

Weinmannseems to have

been

the first modern musicologistto make the new legatesthe primemoversin a

crackdownon

musica

troppo

molle.

Lewis

Lockwood,

having

observed

that Morone had

actually

banned

polyphony

at Modena

in

1537-38,

went on

to

suggest

that the two

new

legates

headed a faction that

may

have

opposed

the retention of

polyphony

n

church.33

This second

attempt

at

musical

reform,

and the

keyplayers

n

it,

deserve a

second look.

Morone

had an

important

colleague,

overlooked

by

musicolo-

gists,

in

the

great

reform

during

the

later months

at

Trent:

GabrielePaleotti.

According

to Paleotti's

modern

biographer,

Paolo

Prodi,

in

fact,

the

reform

decrees from the last two

sessionswere almost

entirely

he work of

Paleotti. M34

Paleotti had

cherished

an

abiding

nterest

n

music since his

youth

and

during

Trent still maintained a

close association with his

former

music

teacher,

Domenico Maria

Ferrabosco.Paleotti even

plied

Ferrabosco or

information

about the

French

ecclesiastical

hierarchy

and

its

views

on reform

before the

arrival f the cardinal

of Lorraineat Trent in

November

1562.

According

to

GabrielePaleotti's

brother,

he

prelate

continued

in

adulthood to

sing

and

im-

provise

on the

lute,

in

the best

Renaissance

radition,

as a

means of

private

recreation.35One can be quite certainthat Paleotti,whose pronouncements

on

post-Tridentine

visual

art are well

known,

would also

have

favored more

clearly

articulated

ulings

on

the

use

of music in

church.36

On the other

hand,

Giovanni Morone's

brief ban on

polyphony

at the

Duomo

of Modena in

the 1530s

turns out

not to

have

been

unique.

As

mentioned

earlier,

Morone's

predecessor

as

papal

legate

at

Trent,

Girolamo

Seripando,

had

attempted

a similarban

on

polyphony

among

the

Augustinian

nuns of

Santa Monica in

Rome

in

the

1540s.

One wonders

uneasily

f

those

earlierattemptsmight have taught both Seripandoand Morone something

about

the difficultiesof

enforcing

such

bans. It

seems

unlikely

that

Morone,

33. Karl

Weinmann,

Das Konzil

von Trient und

die

Kirchenmusik

Leipzig:Breitkopf

und

Hartel,

1919;

reprint,

Hildesheim:

Georg

Olms,

1980),

esp.

4-7;

Lockwood,

Vmcenzo

Ruffo

and

Musical

Reform,

esp.

343

and n.

5; idem,

Some

Observations,

sp.

41-44; and

idem,

The


sp.

44-45 and 74-79.

34.

In

realta,

decreti

di

riformadelle due

ultime sessioni

urono

quasi

completamente

opera

del

Paleotti

(Prodi,

II

Cardinale

GabrielePaleotti

1:183).

Hubert

Jedin

comments,

Der uner-

mudliche, ausserstgewandte Gehilfe Morones bei diesem Geschaft war GabrielPaleotti. Man

uibertriebt

nicht,

wenn man

diese

beiden Manner

die

Architekten

der

tridentinischenReform

nennt

(Geschichte,

ol.

4,

pt.

1,

p.

123).

35.

For a

discussionof

Paleotti's

musical

raining

and his

exchange

with

Ferrabosco

egarding

French

views,

see

Craig

Monson,

The

Composer

as

'Spy':

The

Ferraboscos,

Gabriele

Paleotti,

and

the

Inquisition,

Musicand

Letters(in

press).

Prodi

touches

briefly

on

Paleotti'smusical

nter-

ests in

II

Cardinale

Gabriele

Paleotti 1:45.

36.

Paleotti's

Discorso

ntorno

alle

imagini

sacre e

profane appears

n

volume 2

of

Trattate

d'arte

del

Cinquecento, ra

manierismo e

Controriforma,

ed.

Paola

Barocchi

(Bari: Laterza,

1960-62),

117-509.



14 Journal

of the American

Musicological Society

Paleotti,

or

other committed reformers

rom Paul III's

pre-Tridentine

eform

movement,

such

as

Lodovico

Beccadelli,

would

realistically

ave

envisioned a

total ban on polyphonyin the laststagesof the Council-except, interestingly

enough,

as we

shall

see,

when it

concerned

female monasteries.37

In the last months

of

the

Council,

Morone worked

assiduously

o conclude

it

quickly,

n

part by preventing

prolix

discussions

n the

general congrega-

tions.

Any outright

ban on

polyphony

might

have

provoked delays, judging

by

the revisions

regarding

restrictions

on music

necessary

during

the

prelimi-

naries

to

the

twenty-second

session the

previous year.

This

circumspect

atti-

tude and the

spirit

of

compromise

become clear from

a

letter

by

the

papal

legates

to Carlo

Borromeo,

dated

22

July

1563,

at the

very beginning

of the

new reform work for the

twenty-forth

session: We still have not

given

out

these

chapters

on

reform,

because

t

does not seem like

a

good

idea

to

do

so

if

we do not sort them

out

well first and decide

upon

them with the cardinalof

Lorraine. 38 he

preparation

f

the

new reform

package

once

again

nvolveda

string

of

meetings,

informal

consultations,

and the

incorporation

of

numerous

changes.

The

quasi- democratic

ature

of this

process

is

revealed

by

a letter

from

the

harried

egates

to

Borromeo,

dated

11-13

September,

n

the most

hectic

stage

of the

drafting

of reforms:

We would

not omit

saying

hat

one

cannot

always

end

off

a

copy

of

every-

thing,

because here sn't a word that doesn't

get

changed

romone hour to

the

next.Whenwe

want

to

propose

an

article,

we

first

agree

upon

it

amongst

ourselves,

ogether

with

those

appointed

ither

by

the

synod

or

by

uson

its

or-

der.

Thenwe

give

t

out to the ambassadorsor

consideration,

ho

don't

all

re-

spond

at

one

time,

but some

n

two or three

days,

others

n

ten

or

twelve-and

everybody

with additions r

changes.

Then it

gets

examined

by

the ranksof

fathers,

who want

to have heir

ay

about

t,

apart

romeach

priest's

mention-

ing

sometimes ne

thing,

sometimes

nother

hing,according

o

his church's

needs, nsuchaway hat here'snevera fixedversion.... Wewanted o say his

to

justify

ndexcuse

ourselves,

ith all

that,

we sendYourMost

Illustriousnd

Reverend

ordship

new

copy

of

theentire

eform,

which

has

been

given,

and

is now

being

given,

o the fathers.39

37.

Lodovico

Beccadelli had not

even

participated

n

the whole

first reform

program,

in

which he had

played

a

significant

part,

because

he

had

fainted

n the

midst of

a

general

congrega-

tion

on

22

August

1562 and

spent

most

of

the

next three

months

recuperating

n

Bologna.

Having

returned

to Trent on 7

November

1562,

he left

again,

this

time

for

good,

on 20

May

1563

(Jedin,

Geschichte,

ol.

4,

pt.

2,

pp.

202 and 266

n.

4).

During

his absences

he was

kept

in-

formed

about

goings-on

at

Trent

by

the

bishop

of Zara. For

Zara's

awisi,

see

Morandi, ed.,

Monumenti

2:69-155.

38.

Non

havemo ancora dati

quei

capi

di

riforma,

perche

non ci

par

bene

di farlo se

prima

non lie

concertamo

bene et non

gli

stabilimo col

cardinaledi Loreno.

The

legates'

letter

to

Borromeo is

printed

n

gusta,

Die Romische

Kurie 4:136.

39.

Non

lascieremodi dir

che non si

puo

cosi

sempre

mandar

copia

d'ogni

cosa,

poiche

non

c'e

parola

che non

riceva

mutatione da

un'hora

a

l'altra.

noi

quando

volemo

proponer

un

articolo,

l'accommodamo

prima

fra noi

insieme con

quelli

che sono

deputati

o dalla

sinodo o da noi



The

Council of Trent

Revisited 15

On 31

May,

Morone

had shown

forty-two

preliminary

hapters

on

reform

to the

cardinal

of

Lorraine. The

chapters

had

been

assembled

at

Morone's

behestby anothercommittee of prelates,who once againdrew on awide vari-

ety

of

sources,

including petitions

from

the

Emperor

Ferdinand,

he

Spanish,

the

French,

and

representatives

f other

nations,

as is

clear

from

Morone's

letter of 4

June

1563 to Carlo

Borromeo,

which

accompanied

a

preliminary

draftof the

chapters.40

Unfortunately,

we

have little concrete

idea of what

musical

reforms

might

have

been

contemplated

in

these

earlier

meetings

between

May

and

August

1563. A

jumble

of

disordered,

now

extremely

fragmentary,

charred

pages

from the

chapters

on reform

from the Paleotti

archive

n

Bologna, bearing he

diverse

suggested

emendationsof

various

participants,

an

do

little

more

than

attest to the

frenetic

activity

of those

months.41But

anyputative

absolute ban

on

polyphony

seems to

have been

dropped by

the time

the

preliminary

de-

crees

were

distributed

and

a

copy

dispatched

o

the

Emperor

Ferdinand

I

on

13

August.

The

possible wording

of the

chapter

on

music

in

that version

seems

thus far

to

have

come

to

light only

in

the

emperor's

response

to it

dated

23

August,

which in

itself

does

not

suggest

an

outright

ban

on

polyphony:

That

the looser

sorts of

music should

be

cast

out,

and

that

sober

music

should be retained,which is most suitable to ecclesiasticalsimplicity. 42t

d'ordine

suo,

poi

lo

damo da

considerar

a

gli

ambasciatori,

i

quali

non

rispondeno

tutti ad

un

tratto ma

altri ra due o

tre

giorni,

altrifra diece

o

dodici,

et

tutti

con

aggiunte

o

mutationi;

poi

vien

essaminatodalle classi

delli

padri,

che anch'essivi

vogliono

far

ntorno la

parte

loro,

oltra che

ciascun

prelato

secondo

il

bisogno

della chiesasua

ricorda

quando

una

cosa et

quando

un'altra,

di

modo

che mai

non c'e

forma

stabile ...

questo

havemo

voluto dir

per

nostra

giustificatione

t

dis-

colpa,

con

tutto

che

mandiamoa

V.

Illma

et

Revma

Sriauna

nuova

copia

di

tutta la

riformanella

forma che s'e data et si daaliipadri Susta,Die RomischeKurie4:238-39). Thisapproachs also

confirmed

in

the awisi

of

Muzio

Calini,

bishop

of

Zara,

to

Ludovico

Beccadelli,

especially

hose

of

16

August

and 23

August.

See

Morandi, ed.,

Monumenti

2:108 and

111.

Calini

reaffirms

his

once

again

in

a letter

of

19

August

1563 to

Luigi

Cornaro.

See

Muzio

Calini,

Lettereconciliari

(1561-1563),

ed.

Alberto

Marani

Brescia:

Tipo-Lito

Fratelli

Geroldi,

1963),

514-15.

40.

Morone's

claim that

the

document had

papal

origins

is

mentioned in

a

letter from

Sebastiano

Gaulterio,

bishop

of

Viterbo,

to

Borromeo,

transcribed

n

Hubert

Jedin,

Krisisund

Wendepunkt

es Trienter

Konzils

(1562/3)

(Wurzburg:

Rita-Verlag

nd

Druckerei

derAugustiner,

1941),

247-49. Morone's

own

letter

to

Borromeo is

transcribed n

Susta,

Die

RomischeKurie

4:41-43.

41. The PalazzoIsolani-Lupari,which houses the Paleottiarchive,was severelydamagedby

fire

during

Allied

bombing

toward

the end of

WorldWar

II,

reducing

these

particular

ocuments

to

charred

ragments,

now

consolidated

n a

new

carton

numbered 67.

Fortunately,

ome other

portions

of

the archive

survived

the

devastation. I

should like to

thank

Cavaliere Francesco

Cavazza-Isolani or

kindly

granting

me access

to the

family

archives n

the

summers

of

1991 and

1992.

Prodi

points

out

that

other

relevant

materials

urvive

n

Archivio

Segreto Vaticano,

Sacra

Congregazione

del

Concilio,

MS

97,

fols. 12-80

(11

Cardinale

Gabriele

Paleotti

1:184

n.

35).

42.

Reiiciendos

esse

molliores

musicorum

cantus,

et in

ecclesiis

retinendam

esse modula-

tionum

gravitatem,

quae

ecclesiasticam

implicitatem

maxime deceat.

Quoted

in a

letter from

Ferdinand

I,

dated

23

August

1563,

to his

emissaries

at

Trent,

responding

to

their letter of



16

Journal of the American

Musicological

Society

recallsthe

sentiments

of

the

very

first reform

offered

to

Morone's

predeces-

sors,

Seripando

and

Gonzaga,

and the other

papallegates

a

year

earlier

on

8 August 1562, focusing on the elimination of irreverentelements with no

mention of textual

ntelligibility.

An

avviso

by

the

bishop

of Zarato Ludovico

Beccadelli,

dated

30

August,

indicates that further

discussions

on

all articles

of

reform-notably

the con-

tentious matter of

the reform

of

princes,

which concerned conflicts

between

ecclesiastical

nd secular

authority,

and

particularly

he

imposition

of

taxes on

members of the

clergy-were

more or less in

abeyance, awaiting

the

em-

peror's

response

to them.

The

papal legates

acknowledged

the

arrival

of

the

emperor'sresponse in a letter to Carlo Borromeo dated 28 August, which

concentrated

on

the reformof

princes

and made no

mention

of

the

emperor's

views on music.43

The discussionof

music

in

the

emperor'sresponse

o

the draftof 13

August

suggests

that an alarmist

Ferdinand

may

have been the one to

read

in

the

pos-

sibility

of a total ban:

Therefore f the

objective

s

that

polyphony

orthwith

be removed from

churches

ltogether,

We arenot

going

to

approve

t,

forWe consider

hatsuch

a divine

gift

as

music,

whichoften

kindles

he

soulsof

men-especially

of

those

skilled r zealous n

that art-to

heightened

evotion,

ought

in

no

way

to be

driven ut of

church.44

The

emperor's

defense

of music

earned Ferdinand

in

some

quarters

he

title

of savior

of

church

music,

which in

turn

provoked

Karl

Weinmann's

strongly

worded attack on this

Geschichtsfabel. Weinmann

suggested

that

in

musical

matters

Ferdinand I's views

had no more

direct

impact

than his

opinions

or

suggestions

on

other issues of reform.45

Weinmann

was

writing

without the

benefit of

Hubert

Jedin's

subsequent

voluminous

and meticulous

publications

on

the

Council and before all

the current

volumes of

Concilium

Tridentinumhad been

published.

There would be

little

point

in

detailing

his

apparent

misunderstanding

f

some

details

n

the

sequence

of

historical

vents

and

the

complicated processes

by

which

the

chapters

on

reformwere col-

lected, drafted,

modified,

and

broken

down into

groups

for

discussion n

the

13

August

containing

proposed

articles

on abuses or

his

consideration.

See CT

9:755

n.

1,

where

it is printedslightly naccuratelyrom LudwigPastor,TheHistoryofthePopes, ol. 15, ed. Ralph

Francis

Kerr

St. Louis,

Mo.:

Herder,

1951),

476.

43.

For

the

bishop

of Zara's

awiso,

see

Morandi,

ed., Monumenti

2:113;

for

the

papal

legates'

letter to

Borromeo,

see

gusta,

Die

Rdmische

Kurie

4:200-205,213.

44.

Quo

quidem

si

id

agitur,

ut

cantus

figuratus

protinus

ex

ecclesiis

n

universum

ollatur:

nos

id

probaturi

non

sumus,

quia

censemus,

tam

divinum Musices

donum,

quo

etiam animi

hominum,

maxime

eius artis

peritorum

vel

studiosorum,

non

raro

ad maiorem

devotionem

ac-

cenduntur,

ex

ecclesia

nequaquam

explodendum

esse

(CT

9:755 n.

1).

45.

Auch mit

den

uibrigen

Reformsvorschlagen

hatte

der

Kaiser,

wie

wir

aus

den

Konzilsakten

wissen,

wenig

Gliick

(Weinmann,

DasKonzil von

Trient,

esp. 11-16).



The Council of Trent Revisited 17

months

leading up

to the

generalcongregations

at both the

twenty-second

and

twenty-forth

sessions of the

Council. The

bishop

of Zara's

avviso

of

30 August mentioned above is but one of many documents that suggest

Weinmann

underestimated he

extent of the

emperor's

continued

influence,

whether or not he

ultimately got

his

way

concerning major

matters.46

Nevertheless,

t should

already

be

apparent

hat,

although

Ferdinand

may

well

have been

the

most

powerful

individual

o come to music's

defense,

it would

have been difficultfor one

single figure

to loom

quite

so

large

in

the

process,

particularly

when

music had

already

found several advocates before

the

twenty-second

session the

previousyear.

Sforza Pallavicino'sseventeenth-century history of the Council, where

Ferdinand's

musical mission

was

first

mentioned,

plausiblysuggests

that

the

emperor's

demands

regarding

music

may

have

agreed

with the views

of

others. Or

they may

already

have been

introduced

before the arrival f his

let-

ter.

Pallavicino

ertainly

did not see the

emperor

as the saviorof church mu-

sic.

An

obscure

eighteenth-century

Vater

Grancola,

whom

Weinmann

identifiesas the creatorof the full-blown

Geschichtsfabel,

ad indeed dressed

up

and

romanticizedPallavicino's ccount to include a

proposed

absolute ban

on

music,

brought

down

by

Ferdinand's

counterproposal.47

But

Emperor

Ferdinand in factwasonly elevated o the rankof Retterder Kirchenmusik

by August

Wilhelm Ambros

in

the fourth volume of his

Geschichte er

Musik,

first

published

(posthumously)

in 1878. It

is

perhaps

not

surprising

hat

this

Austrian

civil servant

and

musicologist,

who sometimes

served as

private

utor

to Archduke

Rudolph,

should have been

drawnto the

patriotic

notion of an-

other Austrian

great

man in

music

history,

in

the best

nineteenth-century

tradition.

More

puzzling

is

why

Karl

Weinmann

made no mention of

Ambros,

whose

exact

expression,

Retterder

Kirchenmusik,

e

borrows.48

Bynow, of course,Ferdinand's entimentsabout music have a familiar ing.

Paleotti attributed

hem

in

his

diary

to the

Spanish

n

the

negotiations

about

music

preceding

the

twenty-second

session

the

previous

year.

Thus,

no

single

savior was

needed

to

provoke

the

modification

regarding

music

in

the

reform

proposalfinally

presented

to the

prelates

for

examination on 5

Sep-

tember and

discussed

in

the


between 11

September

and

2

October:

46.

Many

primary

ources

and detailsof the

preparation

nd

presentation

of the

chapters

can

be gleanedfrom CT8:909-63 and 9:1-1040.

47. For

Vater

Grancola,

see

Weinmann,

Das Konzil

von

Trient,

11-12;

for Pallavicino's

de-

scription

from

Istoria

del Concilio di

Trento,

vol. 3

(Rome:

Biagio

Diversin e Felice

Cesaretti,

1664),

lib.

22,

cap.

5,

n.

14,

see

ibid.,

16. Weinmann

may

not have

recognized

that

Pallavicino's

account is

based on

Gabriele

Paleotti's Acts of

the

Council,

unpublished

until the

nineteenth

century (see

below),

which

Pallavicino

had seen in

manuscript.

See

Prodi,

II

Cardinale

Gabriele

Paleotti2:389.

48.

August

Wilhelm

Ambros,

Geschichteder

Musik,

3d

ed.,

vol.

4,

ed.

H. Leichtentritt

(Leipzig:

Breitkopf

und

Hartel,

1909;

reprint,

Hildesheim:

Georg

Olms,

1968),

19;

and

Weinmann,

Das

Konzil von

Trient,

11,

where

Retterder

Kirchenmusik

ppears.



18 Journal

of

the

American

MusicologicalSociety

13. Because

worthy

offices in

churches,

particularly

athedrals,

were

established

to

preserve

and

strengthen

ecclesiastical

discipline,

so that those who

hold

them might distinguishthemselves for piety,set an examplefor others, and as-

sist

bishops by

their

works

and service: it

is

fitting

that

those

called to

them

ought

to

be the

sort who could meet their

obligation....

Let them all be

re-

quired

to

attend divine

services,

and let them be admonished to

praise

the

name of

God

reverently,

clearly,

and

devoutly

in

hymns

and canticles

in

the

choir established or

psalmody.

They

shall,

furthermore,

always

adopt appropri-

ate

attire,

both in

and out of

church,

shall abstainfrom unlawfiul

unting,

bird

catching,

dancing,

taverns,

and

play,

and

they

shall be so rich

in

purity

of moral

characteras to be

justly

called the senate of the

church.

With

regard

to the

proper

direction of the

various

offices,

concerning

the

proper

manner

of

singing

or

playing

therein,

the

precise

regulation

for

assembling

and

remaining

in

choir,

together

with

everything

necessary

or

the ministers

of

the

church,

and

suchlike:

he

provincial ynod

shall

prescribe

an established orm for

the benefit

of,

and in-accordance

with the

customs

of,

each

province.

In

the

interim,

the

bishop,

with two chosen

by

the

chapter,may

provide

in

these mattersas seems

expedient.49

The weeks

and months of

careful

drafting

paid

off.

The

reforms where

music

appears

were

accepted

virtually unchanged

and

published

in

almost identical

form at the twenty-fourth session on 11 November 1563 (only the altered

passages

are

given

here,

with

specific

differences

highlighted):

Canon

12.... Let

them all be

required

to

attend divine services

and not

by

sub-

stitutes;

and to

assistand

serve the

bishop

when

celebrating

or

carrying

out other

pontifical

unctions,

and

to

praise

the name of

God

reverently,

clearly

and de-

voutly

in

hymns

and

canticles n a

choir

established or

psalmody....

With re-

gard

to the

proper

direction

of

the

divine

offices,

concerning

the

proper

manner of

singing

or

playing

therein.... In the

interim,

the

bishop,

with no less

than

two

canons,

one chosen

byhimself,

the

other

by

the

chapter,may provide in

these matters

as seems

expedient.50

49.

13. Cum

dignitates

n

ecclesiis,

praesertim

athedralibus,

d

conservandam

ugen-

damque

cclesiasticam

isciplinam

uerint

nstitutae,

t

qui

eas

obtinerent,

ietatepraecellerent

aliisque

xemplo

ssent

tque

piscopos pera

t officio uvarent:

erito,

ui

adeas

vocantur,

ales

esse

debent,

qui

suomuneri

espondere

ossint....

Omnes

verodivina

ompellantur

bireoffi-

cia,

atque

n

choro,

ad

psallendum

nstituto,

ymnis

t canticisDei

nomen

reverenter,

istincte

devoteque

audare

moneantur.

estitu

nsuper

ecenti am n

ecclesia

uam

xtra

ssiduo

tantur,

ab

illicitisqueenationibus,ucupiis,horeis,abernisusibusquebstineant,tque a morumn-

tegritate

olleant,

t merito

cclesiae

enatus ici

possit.

Cetera,

uae

addebitum n

diversis

f-

ficiis

egimenpectant,

eque

ongrua

n

iis

canendieu

modulandi

atione,

e certa

ege

n

choro

conveniendit

permanendi,

imulque

e

omnibus

cclesiae

ministris,

uae

necessaria

runt,

et

si

qua

huiusmodi:

ynodus

rovincialisro

cuiusque

rovinciae

tilitate t

moribus ertam

uique

formulam

raescribet.

nterea

ero

episcopus

um

duobus

capitulo

eputandis

n

his,

quae

xpe-

dire

videbuntur,

otent

providere CT

9:754-55).

50.

Canon

uodecimus.

um

dignitates

n

ecclesiis,

raesertimathedralibus,

dconservan-

dam

augendamque

cclesiasticam

isciplinam

uerint

nstitutae, t,

qui

eas

obtinerent,

ietate

praecellerent

liisque

xemplo

ssent

atque

piscopos

pera

t

officio uvarent:

erito,

qui

ad eas



The

Council of

Trent

Revisited

19

This

pronouncement

treated

music even more

generally

han

the

one

that

hadcome

out of the

twenty-second

session. In

it

prelates

once

again

passed

up

the opportunityto articulate he issueof textual ntelligibility,whichhadfallen

by

the

wayside

in the

deliberations

of

August

and

September

the

previous

year.

But the

decree's

significant

stipulation

that

specific

details be

imple-

mented

at

the local

level would

have as decisive

an

impact

on

church music

as

any

other

official

Tridentine

pronouncement.

It

ensured

that

post-Tridentine

Catholic church

music

would be

anything

but

uniform

and

monolithic.

As

we

shall

see,

it

also

opened

the

way

in

the

immediate

post-Tridentine

period

for an

expansion

of

the

original

pronouncement

on

music

from

the

twenty-

second

session

into

what has

come to be

understood

as

essential

conciliar

musical

reform.

Attempts

to

Reform

Convent Musical

Practices in the

Twenty-fifth

Session

(1563)

Ironically,

by

ending

their

discussions

of

Tridentine

musical

reformswith

the

twenty-fourth

session,

music

historians

have

overlooked

the

single

instance

in which polyphonywas threatenedas drastically s suggestedin the old tales

of

Tridentine

attackson

music and

its

last-minute

salvation.

This

also

repre-

sents the

only

case

where

severe

musical

restrictions

actually

survived

all the

way

to the

debates of

the

general

congregations.

It is

not

surprising

hat

earlier

musicologists

commonly ignored

this

attempted

ban on

music,

and

often

con-

tinued to

misunderstand

t

even

when

they

recognized it,

for it

occurred as

part

of

Tridentine

deliberations

hat

long

held

no

interest

for

musicologists:

the

reform

of

female

religious

orders.51

vocantur,

tales esse

debent,

qui

suo

muneri

respondere

possint....

Omnes

vero

divina

per

se et

non

per

substitutos

compellantur

obire

officia,

et

episcopo

celebranti

aut alia

pontificalia

xercenti

adsistere t

inservire,

atque

in

choro,

ad

psallendum

nstituto,

hymnis

et

canticisDei

nomen

rever-

enter,

distincte

devoteque

laudare.

Vestitu

insuper

decenti,

tam in

ecclesia,

quam extra,

assiduo

utantur,

ab

illicitisque

venationibus,

aucupiis,choreis,

tabernis

lusibusque

abstineant,

atque

ea

morum

integritate

polleant,

ut

merito

ecclesiae

senatusdici

possit.Cetera,

quae

ad

debitum

in di-

vinis

officiis

regimen

spectant,

deque

congrua

in his

canendi

seu

modulandi

ratione,

de

certa

ege

in

choro

conveniendi et

permanendi,

simulque

de

omnibus

ecclesiae

ministris,

quae

necessaria

erunt, et si qua huiusmodi:synodusprovincialispro cuiusqueprovinciaeutilitateet moribuscer-

tam

cuique

formulam

praescribet.

nterea

vero

episcopus,

non

minus

quam

cum

duobus

canoni-

cis,

quorum

unus

ap

episcopo,

alter

a

capitulo

eligatur,

n

his,

quae

expedire

videbuntur,

poterit

providere

CT

9:983-84).

51. The

most

familiarof

the few

modern

accounts to

discuss

this last

Tridentine

attempt

at

musical

reform

misunderstood

or

misinterpreted

t

through

lack of

familiarity

with the

original

documents.

Hayburn

misconstrued

he

historical

hain of

events

and

overlooked

some

documen-

tary

evidence

(Papal

Legislation,

9).

Weber

overlooked the

final

outcome of

the

deliberations

on

monastic

reform

(Le

Concile

de

Trente,

95).

Hayburn,

in

turn,

apparently

misled

Jane

Bowers

( The

Emergence

of

Women

Composers

in

Italy,

1566-1700,

in

Women

Making

Music: The



20 Journal of the American

Musicological

Society

An

impression

of haste

predominates

in

the reform of

religious

orders

during

the last

days

of the Council.

As

Hubert

Jedin

points

out,

by

contrast

with earlier eforms,which hadgone throughmonths of preparation ndwere

debated

for

weeks, this

last reformwas

largelyprepared

n a few weeks and

de-

bated

in a few

days.

Ludovico

Nucci,

secretary

o Gabriele

Paleotti,

captures

the

general

spirit

at Trent

in

a letter to

Astorgio

Paleotti,

written

during

the fi-

nal

days

of

the debate: There are few

prelates

who

haven't

already

had their

bags packed,

and

many

have

already

ent them home. 52

As

early

asthe autumn of

1562,

the

legates

had instructed

Egidio

Foscarari,

bishop

of

Modena,

and GabrielePaleotti to

begin working

on the reformof

religious

orders;

during

October of that

year

Paleotti had drafteda decree

on

the

cloistering

of

nuns.

The

matter

then

seems

to have been

put

asideuntil the

busy

days

of

August

1563,

when

the issues

for the

twenty-fourth

session still

remainedthe dominant

preoccupation.

A letter of 18 November

from

Muzio

Calini,

archbishop

of

Zara,

suggests

that

a

committee

had been

formed to

draft the decrees

only

several

days

earlier.53As

passed

to the

delegates

on

20

November,

less

than ten

days

after the celebration of the

twenty-fourth

session,

the reform decrees

regarding

female monasteries included

specific

musicalrestrictions:

Chapter

....

Let

the divineservicesbe

accomplished y

them with voices

raised,

nd not

byprofessionals

ired or that

purpose;

nd in the

sacrifice

f

the Mass et them

makethe

responses

hat the choir

usually

makes;

but let

them not

usurp

he role

of the deaconand subdeacon f

reciting

he

Lessons,

Epistles,

nd

Gospels.

Let them abstain rom

modulating

nd

inflecting

he

voiceor from

otherartifice f

singing,

which

s called

figured

r

instrumen-

tal,

asmuch n

choiras

elsewhere.54

WesternArt

Tradition,

1150-1950,

ed.

Jane

Bowers and

Judith

Tick

[Urbana

and

Chicago:

University

of

Illinois

Press,

1986],

141-45).

The

attempted

ban on convent music

is likewise

pre-

sented

inaccurately

s

recently

as the second edition of

The

New Grove

Dictionary of

Music

and

Musicians

2001).

See

Judith

Tick,

Women n

Music,

sec.

11/3,

Western

Classical

Traditions,

1500-1800,

27:525.

52.

Jedin,

Geschichte,

ol.

4,

pt.

2,

p.

174. For

Nucci's letter

( ci

sono

puochi prelati

che

non

habbino sin

adesso fatto

incassare

e

lor

robbe,

e

molti

di

gia

l'hanno

inviate ),

see

CT3,

pt.

1,

p.

756 n. 1.

53. Jedin,Geschichte,ol. 4, pt. 2, p. 173; Hubert Jedin, ZurVorgeschichteder Regularen-

reform

Trid.,

sess.

xxv,

in his

Kirche des

Glaubens,

Kirche der

Geschichte

Freiburg:

Herder,

1966),

2:394. See also

Reymond Creytens,

La

riformadei monasteri

femminili

dopo

i

decreti

tridentini,

II

Conciliodi Trento la

riforma

tridentina:

Atti del

Convegno

torico

nternazionale,

Trento,

2-6

settembre1963

(Rome:

Herder,

1965),

1:45-84.

Calini's letter

appears

n

Muzio

Calini,

Lettere

onciliari

(1561-1563),

568-69.

54.

Caputseptimum....

Divina autem

officia ab eis altavoce

peragantur,

non

a mercenariis

ad id

conductis,

et in

missae

sacrificio horus

quidem respondere

solet,

respondeant;partes

vero

diaconivel

hypodiaconi

n

sacri

Evangelii

vel canonicae

Epistolae

aut

alterius acrae ectionisrecita-

tione non

usurpent.

Vocis

modulatione

atque

inflexione aliove

cantus

artificio,

quod

figuratum

vel

organicumappellatur,am in choro quamalibiabstineant CT 9:1043).



The Council of Trent

Revisited

21

Here

was

a ban on music about as severe as the

one

that

subsequently

ound

a

place

in

the Palestrina

egend.

Not

only

had outside

professional

musicians

been excluded from nuns' churches,but polyphony ( cantusartificio,quod

figuratum

..

appellatur )

ad

also

been banished rom

chapel

and

monastery

alike.

The

key figure

in

the whole

enterprise

of

monastic reform was the

by

now

familiar

Gabriele

Paleotti,

who in the

days

afterthe

twenty-fourth

session

was

too

occupied

in

the

preparation

nd

revisionof these new

decrees

concerning

monastic

reform

even

to

attend the

concurrent

general

congregations.

The

charredremains of various

autograph

draftswith

changes

in

Paleotti'shand

attest once

again

to

his

primary

role.55

During

his

subsequentyears

as arch-

bishop

of

Bologna-a

position

to which

he was

nominated

in

the

very days

he

was

drafting

these

chapters

on

monastic

reform-Paleotti

remained

deeply

suspicious

of

nuns' music.

It

is not

unreasonable o

suggest,

therefore,

that in

the autumn of

1563,

as

many prelates'

attention

turned

increasingly

away

from Trent and

toward their own

concerns at

home,

the

extremely

restrictive

musical

decree

presented

to the

general

congregations

on

20

November

may

have been

primarily

he work of one

man,

Gabriele

Paleotti.

Paleotti's

secretary,

writing

in

anticipation

of the

discussion

of

monastic

reforms,commented:

I hear

hat he

reform

f

friarss not

much

iked

by

the

fathers,

ut

they

will

re-

duce

it to a

much abbreviated

orm,

andwill

speak

n

generalities

n

order o

finish

up

quickly.

believe

he same

thing

will

be done in

the reform

of the

nuns;

but

because

hey

have no

advocates

ere,

the

mattercould

go

more

severely

orthem.56

But

it

turns out

that nuns'

music did

find a few

supporters.

n

the

general

con-

gregations,

Giovanni

Battista

Orsini,

archbishop

of

Santa

Severina,

and

Francesco

Piccolomini,

bishop

of

Pienza,

specifically

stated that musical

songs

should

not be

prohibited,

while the

delegate

from

Venice

said

the

mat-

ter

should be left

to the

nuns'

superiors.

Several

delegates

voted

that

all con-

ventual

reforms

should be

left to

the

nuns'

superiors,

while

others

opted

for

the

cardinalof

Lorraine's

view that

such

matters

should be left

to

provincial

councils.57

55.

On the

last-minute

committee,

see

Jedin,

Zur

Vorgeschichte,

394;

on

Paleotti's

role,

see Prodi,II Cardinale GabrielePaleotti1:188-89.

56.

La

riforma

de' frati

ntendo che

non e

molto

approvata

da'

padri,

pero

la

ridurannoa

forma assai

pitu

breve,

et si

parlera

n

generale

per

finirla

presto.

I1

simile

credo si

fara

nella riforma

delle

monache,

pur

per

non

havereesse

qui procuratorealcuno,

la

cosa

per

loro

potria

andare

pitu

stretta

(CT3,

pt.

1,

p.

756 n.

1).

57.

Lotharingus....

Quoad

moniales

... si

qua

alia

reformanda unt circa

moniales,

id

fiat

in

concilio

provinciali....

Venetiarum....

Quaod

moniales,

etiam

remittatur

earum

reformatio

earum

superioribus.

Si

autem

canones

remanent:

...

7.

relinquatur

arbitrio

superiorum....

S.

Severinae....

Quoad

moniales:

.. In 7.

non

prohibeantur

antusmusici....

Pientinus.

Quoad

moniales

...

7.

De

Eucharistia

ervetur oci

consuetudo,

neque prohibeatur

antus

musicus

(CT

9:1044-67, esp. 1045, 1047, and 1050).



22

Journal

of

the American

Musicological

Society

The

summary

of

criticismsof the

preliminary

decrees,

drawn

up

after

the


of 23-27

November,

specifically

ame out

in

favor of

music: As for nuns. Let the entire matter be referredback to the heads of

their

orders;

or

let

these canons be combined with those

above....

In

7....

Musical

songs

are not to be

prohibited. 58

n

the discussion

of this

summary

on 28-30

November,

non

prohibeantur

cantusmusici must

have

carried,

for all references o nuns' music were

dropped

from the decrees

of the

twenty-

fifth

session,

celebrated on

3-4

December

1563,

which also

brought

the

Council

to

a close.59Convent

polyphony apparently

ad been

saved.

Post-Tridentine Revision of the Original Meaning of

Iuxta Formam

Concilii

In

the immediate aftermath of the

Council,

the most

direct,

official

pro-

nouncement

on

music-originating

in

the

twenty-second

session and

hastily

published

amidstall the canons and decrees

by

Paolo Manuzio

in March 1564

-was

limited

solely

to the

prohibition

of

lascivious

or

impure

elements.

The

same

wording

likewise found its

way

into the new Codex uris

canonici,

book 3, part3, canon 1264.60Yet the issue of textualintelligibilityn church

music,

which had

figured

in

the

preliminary

deliberations for the

twenty-

second session but had been

dropped

from the canons

finally approved

in

congregation, clearly

would not have

been

forgotten.

Although

these initial

reform

proposals

and their

discussionswere not made

public, they

were

widely

known to direct

participants

nd

observersat

Trent,

as the

papal egates'

de-

scription

to

Borromeo

of the

drafting

of

reforms,

cited

earlier,

makes

clear.

Textual

clarity

remained

a

live

issue,

despite

its removal

from the

final,

pub-

lished

wording.

Significantly,

Gabriele Paleotti's

manuscript

Acts of the Council for

1562-63

actually

restored the

requirementregarding

textual

intelligibility.

Sketched

during

the

Council and

redrafted everal imes in

subsequentyears,

they

were

intended for

publication

shortly

after the

canons and decreeswere

printed,

but

only

published

n

the

nineteenth

century.61

he second redaction

58.

Quo

vero

ad moniales. Remittatur otum

negotium

earum

generalibus;

el

coniungan-

tur

canones isti cum

superioribus....

In 7....

Non

prohibeantur

antus

musici

(CT9:1068).

59.

The

full Summa

censurarum, summarizing criticismsof the preliminaryreforms,

appears

n

CT9:1067-69.

60. Musical

compositions

in

which there is

intermingledaught

lasciviousor

impure,

either

by

the

organ

or

other instrumentsor

by

singing,

should

be

kept away

from churches

altogether;

liturgical

aws must be

observed

with

reference o sacredmusic

(Fellerer,

Church

Music

and

the

Council of

Trent,

581n).

61. On

Paleotti's Acta

Concilii

tridentini,

heir

history,

and their

eventual

publication,

see

Prodi,

II

Cardinale Gabriele

Paleotti

2:389-424;

and

Hubert

Jedin,

Das

Konzil

von

Trient,

ein

Ueberblick berdie

Erforschung

einer

Geschichte

Rome:

Edizioni

di Storia

Letteratura,

948),

37-39.



The

Council of Trent Revisited 23

includesthis

illuminatingdescription

and

explanation

of

deliberations

about

music before the

twenty-second

session:

So,

too,

earlier

many things

had been

provided

regarding

music

in divine

ser-

vices

in the

eighth

canon of these

abuses,

which

thereafterhad

not

been

re-

peated

in

this,

not

because

they

were

unacceptable,

but because

they

did

not

seem

appropriate

or individual

presentation

n this

way.

As,

for

example,

that

one

[of

the

stipulations

requiring]

that

it

[music]

be

composed

so that

its

words

may

be

perceived

by

everyone,

and

nothing

of

the

text of

the

service

then

being performed

shall be

displaced by

the

organ

or

singing,

but

it

shall

first

be

recited in

a clearvoice.62

Having

thus articulated

early

on that the issue

of

textual

intelligibility

had

been omitted from the final

version

of

the

canons and

decrees,

and

having

ex-

plained

the reasons behind that

decision,

Paleotti

subsequently

rewrote the

reference

to

music in

the final redaction

of the

Acts :

In

the deliberations

regarding

music in

divine

service,

although

some rather

condemned

[than

approved]

it in

churches,

the

rest,

however,

and

especially

the

Spanish, gave

their vote that it

should

by

all

means be

retained

in

accor-

dance with the

most ancient

usage

of

the Catholic

Church

to

arouse

the

faith-

ful to love of God,

provided

that it should be free of lasciviousness and

wantonness,

and

provided

that,

so

far as

possible,

the

words of the

singers

should be

comprehensible

o the

hearers.63

In

Paleotti's

final,

more

general

reference to

music,

the issue of

intelligibility,

ignored

in

the

published

Council

decrees,

here

rejoins

the

single

musical

stipulation

specifically

articulated

there.

Ironically,

Paleotti thus

provides

a

62. Sicquoque antea n 8. canone horum abusuumcircamusicam n divinisagendammulta

erant

provisa,

quae

deinde

non

fuerunt

in

hoc

repetita,

non

quia

non

probarentur,

ed

quoniam

non ita

singula

visa

sunt

exprimenda.

Veluti

llud,

ut ita

componatur,

ut eius

verbaab

omnibus ac-

cipipossint,

et ne

organo

aut cantu

occupetur

aliquid

ex

contextu eius

officii

quod

tunc

agitur,

ed

illud

plana

voce

recitetur

prius.

This

version,

surviving

in

Archivio

Segreto

Vaticano,

Sacra

Congregazione

del

Concilio,

MS

88,

is

printed

in

CT3,

pt.

1,

pp.

429-30.

Comparison

of this

passage

with the text of

canon 8

(see

n.

22

above)

suggests

that

plana

voce

implies

either

plain-

chant

or

speech.

63.

De musica

in divinis

agenda,

tametsi

aliqui

eam

potius

in

ecclesiis

damnarent,

reliqui

tamen,

et

praesertim

Hispani

eam

omnino ex

antiquissimo

catholicae

ecclesiae

nstituto ad

exci-

tandumfidelium n Deum affectumretinendamcensuerunt,modo lasciviapetulantiaquevacaret,

et

quoad

eius fieri

posset

verba

canentium ab

audientibus

intelligerentur.

This

version,

from

Archivio

Segreto

Vaticano,

Sacra

Congregatione

del

Concilio,

MS

105,

is

published

n

CT3,

pt.

1,

p.

429n. It had

previously appeared

n

Augustin

Theiner, ed.,

Acta

genuina

ss.

oecumenici

Concilii

tridentini:

Sub

Paulo

III.

Julio

III.

et

Pio

IV

ab

Angelo

Massarello

piscopo

helesino

jus-

dem

concilliisecretario

conscripta.

Nunc

primum

integra

edita

ab

Augustino

Theiner ..

accedunt

acta

ejusdem

Concilii

SubPio

IV

a

cardinale

Gabriele

Paleotto ..

digesta,

ecundis uris

expolitiora

(Zagreb:

Typis

et

sumptibus

Societatis

bibliophilae,

1874),

590. It

was

quoted

from

Theiner,

with

slight

differences,

n

Weinmann,

Das

Konzil von

Trient,

16;

and is

also

printed,

without source ci-

tation,

in

Mischiati,

II

Concilio di

Trento,

20.



24 Journal

of

the American

Musicological Society

venerable

precedent,

unknown

to Gustave

Reese,

for the

later

historian's

reframing

of Tridentine

pronouncements

on music

to include

both

issues.

PerhapsPaleotti'srevisions n the yearsafterthe Council were also influ-

enced

by

what

happened

in Rome

shortly

after the

Council

adjourned.

Paleotti's

retention

of the issue

of textual

comprehensibility,

a

concern

to

prelates

preoccupied

with

music

long

before

Trent

and,

of

course,

to

sixteenth-

century

musical

humanists

generally,

must

have reflected

the

abiding

mind-set

of

other

reform-minded

churchmen

returning

from

Trent.

This is

most

evi-

dent

and

familiar

rom the oft-cited

experiments

with

textual

intelligibility

n

polyphony

pursued

in 1565

by

Cardinals

Carlo

Borromeo and

Vitellozzo

Vitelli

as members

of the Commissionof

Cardinals,

stablished

by

Pius IV

the

previous

year

to

carry

out

Tridentine

reform

in Rome

in accordance

with

the

stipulations

of the

twenty-fourth

session

that reforms

be

implemented

at the local

level.

In

April

1565,

papal

singers

convened

at Vitelli's

residence

to

sing

some

masses

and test

whether the

words could

be

understood,

as

their

Eminences

desire. 64

This

may

best

explain

the

interesting

circumstance

of Giovanni

Animuccia,

who

in 1566 received

payment

for fivemasses

[written] according

to

the re-

quirements

of the Council

to

be used

in

the

Cappella

Giulia.At

their

publica-

tion the following year, the composer indicated that the masses had been

composed

so

that the

music

may

disturb

the

hearing

of the

text as

little as

possible,

suggesting

that

this had been

his

understanding

of secundum

or-

mam

concilii,

and

the

understanding

of administrators

f

the

Cappella

Giulia

as

well.65

But it is also

interesting

to note that

in 1568 the

Cappella

Giulia

continued

to

perform

a mass

by Pipelare

on L'homme

arme ;

an old

mass

by

Robert

Fevin

in

the old book,

which could

be the Missa

Le

villain

jaloux,

preserved

in

a Sistine

Chapel

manuscript;

a

mass

by Compere

...

in the

fourth mode, very probablyhis Missa L'hommearme,

likewise

surviving

n

the Sistine

collection;

and another

[mass]

called La Castagnia.

These

works

form

part

of a

retrospective

collection

that,

as Richard

Sherr

has

observed,

seems

strange

.. because the

music for the

chapel

at

this time should

have

been selected

according

to

the

standards

aid down

by

the Council

of

Trent,

standards

presumably

not

met

by

these

pre-Tridentine

pieces.

In

addition,

Capella

Sistina

MS

22,

apparently

opied

circa

1565,

contained

not

only

the

quintessential

Tridentinereform

work

of the

subsequent

Palestrina

egend,

the

64.

Giuseppe

Baini,

Memorie

torico-critiche

ella vita

e

delle

opere

di Giovanni

Pierluigi

da

Palestrina

(Rome:

Societa

tipografica,

1828);

Franz

Xavier

Haberle,

Die

Cardinalskommision

von 1564

und PalestrinasMissa

Papae

Marcelli,

KirchenmusikalischesJahrbuch

(1892):

82-97;

and numerous studies

by

Lewis

Lockwood,

particularly

The


where

the

quotation

from the

chapel

diary

appears

on

p.

87.

65. Lewis Lockwood and

Noel

O'Regan,

Animuccia,

Giovanni,

in The

New

Grove

Dictionaryof

Musicand

Musicians,

d ed.

(2001),

1:687.



The

Council

of

Trent

Revisited 25

Missa

Papae

Marcelli,

but also a

MissaEn

doleuret tristesse

nd

a

Missa

Ultimi

mei

sospiri.66

he

persistence

n

the

Cappella

Giulia of

these masses based

on

secularmodelspatentlyviolatesTrent'smost dearlyarticulatedmusicalprohi-

bition,

usefully

llustrating

he

ad

hoc,

inconsistent nature of

post-Tridentine

reform,

even at the

very

center of

the

CaputMundi.

More

significantly,

ven before the

Commission

of

Cardinals'

meetings

on

music,

Carlo Borromeo had

begun

work on

musical

reform

along

similar

ines

for his own

diocese of Milan.

On 20

January

1565 he

had written to

Nicolo

Ormaneto,

his

vicar,

I

would like

you

to

speak

with the

chapel

master

there

[Vincenzo

Ruffo]

and

tell

him

to reform

the

singing

so

that the words

may

be

as

intelligible

as

possible,

as

you

know

is

ordered

by

the

Council

(emphasis

added).67

As Gabriele

Paleotti

had

done in

his

Acts,

Borromeo

thus

af-

forded

the issue of

textual

comprehensibility

kind

of

quasi-official

onciliar

sanction

that,

while not

quite

in

accord

with

historical

events,

subsequently

caught

on.

Rome was

the

model for

the Catholic

world,

which

must

quickly

have

gotten

wind of

changes

being

explored

and

affected

by

the

Commission of

Cardinals,

nd

by

Borromeo

in

particular,

ncluding

this

amplification

f

what

the

Council

had

commanded on

music.

A

fascinating

etter

from

Giovanni

Animuccia'sbrother,PaoloAnimuccia,writingfromPesaro n January1566,

clearly

witnesses

to the

apparent

spread

of

this

expanded

interpretation

of

official

Tridentine

doctrine on

music.

Paolo

Animuccia

boldly

offers

to reform

the

music of Paul

Vs

chapel

so

that the

words

can be

understood and

be

accompaniedby

the

devout

music

necessary

or

ecclesiastical

unctions. 68

One

example

of

reform

at the

local level

appears

o

draw a

distinction be-

tween

what

Trent

had

actually

decreed

regarding

music

and the

broadened n-

terpretation.

The

Constitutiones

lmae

domus or

the

Holy

House

of

Loreto,

promulgatedby CardinalGiulio dellaRoverein 1576, included the following

stipulations

egarding

he

maestrodi

cappella:

A

chapel

master

hould

be

appointed,moreover,

who

would

obey

the

laws

aid

down

by

the

Council f

Trent

or

church

musicians,

amely,

ot to

mix n

any-

thing

ndecent r

impure

n

their

ongs;

but

let him

rememberis

presence

n

the

church,

where

angelic

harmonies

cho the

praises

f

Christhe

Lord

andof

his

Virgin

Mother.

Therefore,

henevert

canbe

done

smoothly,

e

shouldbe

a

man

most

skillfuln

the art

of

music,and

he

shouldadorn

he

divine

praises

66.

Richard

Sherr,

From

the

Diary

of a

Sixteenth-CenturyPapal

Singer,

Current

Musi-

cology

5

(1978):

83-98;

the

quotation

appears

on

p.

94;

the

masseson

secular

models

appear

n

entriesfrom

CapellaSistina,

MS

651,

translatedon

pp.

91-93.

My

thanks to

Professor

Sherr

for

providing

he

information

about the

contents of

CapellaSistina,

MS 22.

67.

Lockwood,

The


2.

68.

Richard

Sherr,

A

Letter

from

Paolo

Animuccia:A

Composer's

Response

to

the

Council

of

Trent,

Early

Music 12

(1984):

75-78.



26

Journalof

the

American

Musicological

Society

with

rhythm

nd

vocal

harmony

n sucha

way

hat he words

do

not

get

entan-

gled

or

confused,

ut let thembe uttered

distinctly,

o

that

heymay

be

clearly

understood yeveryone.69

Here

the Council's

edict on music is

quite

clearlyseparated

rom

the

addi-

tional issue of

comprehension,

so

commonly

reintroduced

by

ecclesiastical

authorities

n

the

post-Tridentine

period.

One

suspects

that few musicians

actually

read the official Tridentine

pro-

nouncements.

Their

perception

of the Council's decrees on music was

more

likely

influenced

by

orders from ecclesiastical

patrons (as

in the

case of

GiovanniAnimuccia n Rome or

Vmcenzo Ruffo

in

Milan),

by published

re-

forms of provincialsynods that interpretedthe Tridentine decrees (as hap-

pened

relativelyquickly

n

Milan

and

Bologna), by

what

they

may

have

heard

informally (as

in

the case of

Paolo Animuccia

in

Pesaro,

presumably kept

abreastof

papal

goings-on by

his

brother Giovanni

n

Rome),

or

by

what

they

read on title

pages

or

in

dedicationsof musical

publications

claiming

to

have

been

composed

according

to the

form of the Council of Trent or in

compliance

with the decree of the

Most

Holy

Council

of

Trent

(as

is the case

with Ruffo's

mass

collections).

Within a few

years

of the

Council's

conclusion,

the issue of

textual

ntelligibility

n

sacred

music had thus come to be taken

for

grantedaspartof its reforms.Ironically,t appears hat CarloBorromeo,who

in

1562-63

worked

energetically

behind

the

scenes,

from

Rome,

to control

the course of

the Council

on behalf of

Pius

IV,

may

thus

have continued to

control its

outcome in the

small

matter

of

music even

after the Council

had

adjourned.

Thus,

when it came

to

music,the Council

of Trent chose

ultimately

o

say

as little as

possible-indeed,

less than

commonly suggested

by

some

promi-

nent

Catholicreformers

uch asPaleotti

and

Borromeo,

not to

mention

many

modem music historians.And after he Council,those involvedwith its imple-

mentation seem

rarely

o

have

been askedto

say

more. It

is

significant

hat

the

index

for the first

sixty

years'

deliberationsof the

Sacra

Congregazione

del

Concilio,

established

shortly

after

the

Council to

arbitrate

and enforce

the

Council's

decrees,

contains

only

one

request

for

advice

on

a musical

matter

(see

Appendix

2

below).

The

Congregation's

response

was

thoroughly

characteris-

tic:

citing

the

twenty-fourth

session,

canon

12,

the

cardinals n

Rome

referred

the matter

right

back to

the local

bishop

in

Barcelona.

69. Sia

nominato inoltre

un

maestro di

cappella

l

quale

non

solo

ottemperi

alle

leggi pre-

scrittedal

concilio

tridentinoa i

musici

di

chiesa,

cioe

di

non

mischiare

alcunch6

di lascivoo d'im-

puro

nei

loro

canti,

ma

pensi

di

trovarsinella

chiesa dove le

angeliche

armonie risuonarono

delle

lodi di

Cristo

Signore,

e della sua

Vergine

Madre.

Pero,

qualora

o si

possa agevolmente,

sia

egli

uomo

valentissimonell'arte

musicale,e

col

ritmo e colla

Modulazione

delle voci

adomi

le

divine

laudi

n

guisa

che le

parole

non

s'intreccinone si

confondino,

ma

nettamente

sian

profferite,

accio

possano

da tutti esser

chiaramente

comprese.

See Floriano

Grimaldi,

La

Cappella

Musicale

di

Loretonel

Cinquecento Loreto:

Ente

Rassegne Musicali,

1981),

106. I wish to thank

Richard

Sherr or

bringing

this

reference o

my

attention.



The

Council

of Trent Revisited

27

This Tridentine decision

from

the

twenty-fourth

session-to

leave

such

issues to

be

settled

at the

local

level-proved

just

as

important

for

the

subse-

quent developmentof Catholicchurch music.The historyof post-Tridentine

sacred

music

is therefore

ocal

history,

characterized ot

by uniformity

but

by

fascinating diversity,

and sometimes

involving

restrictive

practices

that

had

been

rejected

at Trent.

This

may

be

briefly

llustrated

by

the varied attitudes

toward

the

implementation

of

Tridentine

egislationregarding

emale monas-

teries.

In

Milan,

for

example,

Carlo

Borromeo

actually

disseminated

copies

of

the

preliminary,

ejected

roposals

on monastic reform from

Trent

and

gradu-

ally

moved

from

a less restrictive ttitudetoward nuns' music

to a

more

severe

position

in the

1570s,

revoking

the

privilege

for outside music teachers and

attempting

to remove

polyphony

from

the

external churches

of

convents

governed

by regularreligious

orders.

In

Bologna,

on the other

hand,

one of

GabrielePaleotti's

first

episcopal

decrees

regarding

convent

music,

issued

in

March

1569,

returned

to

the

rigors

of the

initial,

rejected

draft from Trent

that

forbadeall

vocal

music but

plainchant

and

any singing

to the

organ,

a ban

that

proved

very

difficult

to

enforce.

Significantly,

when the cardinal's

oadju-

tor,

Alfonso

Paleotti,

wrote to

Rome

twenty-five

years

ater,

requesting

a ban

on musiche solenni

similar

to one

recently

issued

against

the nuns

of

Naples, CardinalAlessandrino,MicheleBonelli,responded, asto the reform

in

Naples,

it was

local, [issued]

for

particular

easons,

wherefore

t

should not

be extended into universal circumstances. Alessandrino thus

clearly

reaf-

firmed the

important principle

of local

variation

laid down

in

the

twenty-

fourth session of the Council. His remark

also

aptly

characterizeswhatwould

become the

wider

reality

of

convent music

generally,

where the

severities

of

Bologna

and Milan contrast

frequently

with much less contested and more

encouraging

attitudes oward convent music

in

open

cities

suchas

Siena.70

It is

equallycharacteristic f the historyof earlymodern Catholic church

music

that,

although

convent

music had

been

saved

by

the removal

of all

musical

references rom the

monastic reform of

the

twenty-fifth

session,

the

recordsof

the Sacra

Congregazione

dei Vescovi

e

Regolari,

established o deal

with

monastic

discipline

n the

aftermathof

Trent,

by

contrastwith records

of the Sacra

Congregazione

del

Concilio,

are

filled with

literally

hundredsof

70. On the

Milanese reform of

female monasteries under Carlo

Borromeo,

see Kendrick,

CelestialSirens,58-71. On Bologna, see CraigMonson, DisembodiedVoices:Musicand Culture

in an

Early

ModernItalian

Convent

(Berkeley

and

Los

Angeles:

University

of California

Press,

1995), esp.

36-48;

and

idem,

Disembodied Voices:

Music

in the Nunneries of

Bologna

in the

Midst of the


n

The

Crannied

Wall:

Women,

Religion,

and

the Arts in

Early

Modern

Europe,

d.

Craig

Monson

(Ann

Arbor:

University

of

Michigan

Press,

1992),

191-

209.

Cardinal

Alessandrino's

remark,

quanto

alla riforma

di

Napoli

fu locale

p[er]

ragioni

part[icola]ri

nde non deve tirarsi n

conseguenza

generale,

appears

n Archivio

Segreto

Vaticano,

Sacra

Congregazione

dei Vescovi e

Regolari,

Reg.

Episcoporum

24

(1592-93),

fol.

107. For

the

contrasting

history

of nuns' music in

Siena,

see Colleen

Reardon,

Holy

Concord

Within Sacred

Walls:Nuns and

Music n

Siena,

1575-1700

(New

York:

Oxford

University

Press,

2001).



28

Journalof the

American

Musicological

Society

rulings

on convent

music.

These

myriad,

often inconsistent

efforts

to

control

this

apparently dangerous

art reflect

just

one side of the

richly

varied

practice

that would characterize post-Tridentine music in the Catholic world.

Appendix

1 Earlier

Pronouncementson

Musical

Reform,

from

Before

the

Work

for

the

Twenty-second

Session

of the

Council

of

Trent7l

A. Friedrich

Nausea

von

Waischenfeld,

Episcopus

Viennensis,

De

praecipuisquibus-

dam clericorumet

laicorum abusibus

pro

ecclesia

reformanda

tollendis,

Liber

quintus

(June 1543)

(Summary:Regardingsingers'abuses.... Somewhowouldhold

singers'places

nownoth-

ing of

music

or

only

one

aspectof

it,

and

become

aughingstocks y

needing

to

be

taught

by

their

deputies.

No

care

is taken

concerning

corrector incorrect

music

books;

missalsand

breviaries

n

particular

ought

to be

corrected.

ingers

ive

no

thought

o

singing loudly

or

amorously,

nd

they

omit

or shorten

iturgical

texts

to accommodate

music.

Singers

how

little concern

or

the

moderate,

everent

manner

of

reading

or

singing

appropriate

o

di-

vine

service.

They

ometimesntroduce

music

that arouses

wantonness,

hat includes

exts

not

derived

rom

Scripture,

r that is

in the

vernacular....

Only

corrected

ooks houldbe

used n

the

choir,

and

only

songs

aken

rom

Scripture

r in

accord

with

it.

Things

hat are

inappropriatelyrderedor inappropriately lacedshouldberemoved.... Let nothingbe

sung

except

hat

which

pertains

to the

eucharist r

Lord's

assion,

uchas

Pange

ingua,

Lauda

Sion,

0

sacrum

convivium,

Homo

quidam ecit,

Discubuit

esus, Patris

sapientia. f

a

petition

or

peace,

a

fruitful

harvest,

etc. need be

sung,

it

is

appropriate

o

do

so

before

r

after

Mass.... Let

nothing

be

read or

sung

in

church hat

is

notfrom,

or

in

agreement

with,

Scripture.

Whatever its

language,

it

should be

serious and

not

laughable.)72

De

cantorum

abusibus.

... Inter quos quidemprelatos,diversisgradibusdistinctos,cuiusmodisunt prepositi,

decani,

archidiaconi,cholastici,

de

quibus

paulo

ante

diximus,

sibi

quoque

locum

ven-

dicant n

aliquibus

ecclesiis

cantores,

ta

vocati,

quod

eorum

sit,

habere

curamde

canti-

cis

ecclesiasticis,

qui

alibi

chori

episcopi

nominantur.

Quam

recte sibi id

nominis

usurpent,

argumento

sunt

abusus

eorum.

Primus

quidem

eorum

est

abusus,

quod

plerique psorum,

ne

unius

quidem

vel

al-

terius

note,

quam

vocant,

scientiam

habeant,

sileo,

quod

aliquam

musices

partem

cal-

leant,

docendi

demum

per

eorum

succentores

ubstitutosnon

citraderisionem

nec sine

magno apud

omnes

ludibrio.

Secundus

abusus

ex

prioredescendensest, quod nullaest ipsiscura,quam sint vel

emendate vel

inemendate

scripti

libri,

quorum

est

usus in

templo, quum

tamen

vel

unicum

iota,

perperam

exaratum,

acere

possit

perversum

et

hereticum

sensum in

ver-

71. These

appendices

ffer

either

ummaries

in

parentheses

nd

talics)

f

the

longer

docu-

ments,

translating

nly

their

most

important

points,

or

my

own,

full

translations f the

less

exten-

sive

documents.

72. A

partial,

alternative

translation

of

some

of the

passages

appears

in

Hayburn,

Papal

Legislation,

5-27.



The

Council

of

Trent

Revisited

29

bis

et

orationibus,

d

quod

in

primis

usuvenire

solet

in

ipsis, que

vocant,

missalibus

et

breviariis,

ue oportuit

esse

perquam

emendatissime

cripta

et

excusa.

Tertius est eorum abusus,quod nil pensi habeant, an in cantando sit clamorvel

amor,

quum permittant

epe

non

nullos

in

choro

reboare

potius quam

canere;

nec ani-

madvertunt,

quod

non

recte

sepenumero

ob vel

cantorum vel

organorum

concen-

tuum

omittanturaut decurtentur

ea,

quae

sunt in

divinis

officiis

precipua.

Cuius

sane

generis

sunt

lectiones

prophetarum,

epistole

apostolorum,

symbola

fidei,

prefationes

et

gratiarum

actiones

et

precationes

et id

genus

alia,

quorum

isti

magnam

debent

habere

rationem.

Quartus

est eorum

cantorum

abusus,

quod

minime

advertunt,

quomodo

vel

legatur

vel

canatur

n

choro,

quandoquidem

cantus

pse

esse

debet

equalis,

non

precipi-

tatus,

sed

clarus,

distinctus,

modicus,

devotus,

et

ita

quidem

temperatus

ad

omnia,

ut

queque

divinaoffitia

reverenter

peragantur.

Denique

cantorum

abusus

est,

quod

aliquoties

n

cantibuset

organis

n

templo per-

mittunt,

que

magis

asciviam

quam

devotionem

excitant,

sinantque

aliquando

cani,

que

non

modo non ex

divinissunt

desumpta

scripturis,

ed

que

sunt ab eis

omnino diversa

vel

certe

minus

spiritualia,

maxime

cum

in

lingua

non

consueta,

utpote vernacula,

egi

soleant contra

catholice

ecclesie

morem et

consuetudinem.73

Idem,

de

modo

ollendorum

el

moderandorum

busuum,

Liber

sextus

Cantores.

Studeant

quoscunque

n

choro

libros

habere bene

correctos,

et

non

alios

permittant

cantus,

quam

qui

vel ex

scriptura

desumpti

sint

vel illi

non

adversentur.

nde

per

viros

eruditos

abiciendi,

qui

non

fiant suo

ordine et

tempore,

quos

Deo

decet

esse

dignos

et

devotionis

incensivos.74

Idem,

de

tollendis irca

apices

christiane

eliqionis

busibus t

moderandis

ebus

absolute

pietatis

haud

existentibus,

iber

septimus

... Ac tum nihilcanatur,quam quod ad venerabile acramentumaltarisvel passionem

dominicam

attinet,

ut

est

Pange lingua,

Lauda

Sion,

O sacrum

convivium,

Homo

quidam

fecit,

Discubuit

lesus,

Patris

sapientia,

aut si

quid

hoc

est

genus

aliud. Si

quid

vel

pro pace

vel

pro

fecunditate

terre vel

pro

hoc

genus

re

aliacantari

debet,

commodius

cantari

potest

vel ante vel

post

missam....

Circa

ectiones

et

cantus

in

templo.

Nihil

nec

legatur

nec

canatur n

templo,

nisi

quod

ex

sacrissit

literis

depromptum

vel cum

illis

consonet

aut

certe

non

discrepet,

sed

gravitate

quadam

sine

ridiculo

poleat;

n

quocunque

tandem

idiomate

hoc

ipsum

legi

canique

soleat.75

B.

Council of

Poissy,

October

1561

(Summary:

The

Council

of

Basel's

decree,

How

divine service

should be

celebrated,

should be

observed

n

every

detail.

Services

hould

not be

performed

hastily,

but

slowly,

73.

CT

12:403.

74.

CT 12:416.

75.

CT

12:421.



30 Journalof the American

Musicological

Society

distinguishing

between

estal

and common

days. They

hould

not

be

performed

oo

loudly

or too

effeminately.

Polyphony

nown

as

discant,

which

obscures

he

words,

should

be

removed rimproved.During publicservices o oneshould avetime in reciting hecanon-

ical hours

whileMass

s

being

celebrated.

inging

should

ncite

the

aithful

to

piety.

Organs

should

play only

sacred

music,

and lasciviousor

impious

music

should

be

removed.

They

shall

be

silent

during

the

Creed,

which

everyone

must

hear,

and not obstruct he

Epistle,

Gospel,

he

Preface,

and theLord's

Prayer.Anything

sung

to the

organ

or other

nstruments

shouldbe

comprehensible.

he

various

service

books houldbe examined and

reformed

as

necessary.

Roman

annotation:

Any reference

o the Council

of

Basel

shouldbe

omitted.

Anything

in

the

Gallican

reform

hat bearsno

annotation is

left

to

be considered

reely by

the

Holy

See,

according

o the

ruling

of

the

papal legates

and

the

whole

Council.])

De

cultu.

... ut in omnibus observetur decretum

concilii Basiliensis:

Quomodo

celebrandum

it

officium

divinum....

Omnes et

singuli

clerici

convenienti modulatione

et consona debitum

Deo cultum

exhibeant

et

extrinsecusetiam ostendant cor

et carnem

exultare

n

Deum vivum

et

in

horis

canonicisdent

operam,

ut

quae

dicunt

attendentes llud

propheticum

de se non

merito

audiant:Labiis

quidem

me

honorant,

cor

autem eorum

longe

est a

me,

cum sit

maledictus,

qui opus

Dei

facit

negligenter.

Laudes

itaque

divinae non

festinanter,

ed

tractimservatis

ntervallis,

dierum tamen

festorum

a

profestis

distinguendorum

habita

ratione,

nec in altum sublata

voce

decantentur,

quin

etiam

molles omnes

fractique

can-

tus,

quos

discantus

vocant,

quorum

tumultus

et

strepituspotius

auditur

quam

pronun-

ciatio,

tollantur

vel

emendentur aut in

melius

reformentur.Sed nec

interea,

dum

canonicae

preces

in

templo

publice

cantantur

aut

leguntur,

quisquam

n

ecclesiaextra

chorum deambulando

privatim

aliquidlegat

nec

horas

canonicas

absolvat,

sed

simul

cum

fratribus anens

Deum honoret.

Porro

autem clerici

et sacerdotes

cantumsuum

ita

instituant,

ut

ad

pietatem

et

ad Deum

populi

animum

excitent,

et

organa

quidem,

quorum

usus est

in

templis,

nihil

praeter

hymnos

divinos et

spiritualia

antica

reprae-

sentent,

impudicas

autem

cantilenas

et christianis

auribus

indignas

modulando non

referant.Dum autem et symbolum,quod est ab omnibus audiendum,recitatur,con-

ticescant,

neque

evangelii

et

verborum

propheticorum

aut

apostolicorum,

quam

vocamus

epistolam,

et

praefationem,

quae gratiarum

actio

dicitur,

et

precationem

dominicam,

quominus

a

populo

audiantur,

impediant,

ut

episcopus

cum

consilio

seniorum

capitulipoterit

decernere.

Quae

autem de

organis

dicta

[sunt],

eadem

de

campanis

aut aliis

nstrumentis,

quae

ad

sacraofficia

adhibentur,

ntelligi

volumus.

Visitentur

breviaria,missalia,

manualia,

antiphonalia

t

legenda

sanctorum,

et

quae

fuerint

deprehensa

n

illis

superflua

aut non

satis

pro

ecclesiae

dignitate

convenientia,

ea

continuo

tollanturet

resecentur,

t

quae

visa fuerint

necessaria,

diiciantur um

consilio

seniorumcapituli.

[Adnotatio

Romana:

De

cultu

divino:

Ubicumque

it

mentio

concilii

Basiliensis,

eleatur

mentio

llius conciliiet

denuo

iat,

quicquid

expedit

ieri....

Cetera

vero

omnia in

sum-

mario

reformationis

Gallicanae

contenta,

uperquibus

nihil

est

annotatum,

S.tae S.

relin-

quit

liberrime

ractanda

et decernenda uxta

Ill.morum

DD.

legatorum

et

totius

concilii

placitum

et

sententiam,

quibus

omninose

remittit.]76

76.

CT

13:515 and n.

1. CT

13 takes

the

AdnotatioRomana

rom

Archivio

Segreto

Vaticano,

oncilio

Tridentino,

MS

103,

fol. lOOr.



The

Council of

Trent Revisited 31

C.

Religious

wars

in

France:

requestspresented

to Pius IV before 12 December

1562

It remainsto speakof the way to serve God. In this regard t has been observedthat

even as in the

early

church the

singing

of

psalms

and

public

prayer

n a

language

under-

stood

by everyone

encouraged

Christians o fear

God

and in

their devotion

frequently

to invoke him in

fraternal

brotherhood,

so

it

likewise

provoked

their enemies to

want

to

hear

what there

might

be about this

religion

that

made

men live better

and made

them

more

devout

toward

God.

So we

see

in

our time

that those who

are

separated

from

us

draw nto

their

company

all

those who hear them

singing

the

psalms

and

pray-

ing.

And

seeing

that

this

is

a

good

thing

and

praiseworthy,

nd

something

the church

has

employed

for

such

a

long

time,

it

would be a

good

thing

to

accept by

the

same

stratagem

into our church

the

singing

of

psalms

in the

vernacular

with

the

public

prayers;

nd

every

bishop

could order

just

this in his

diocese.

Resta a

parlare

della manieradi

servirea

Dio.

Sopra

di

questo

vengono

a notare ch'an-

cora che nella

primitiva

hiesa

il

canto de

i

salmi

et

preghiere

publiche

in

lingua

intesa

da ciascunoconteneva i

christiani

nel timor

di

Dio

et

nella devotione

d'invocarlo

pes-

so in

fraternale

micitia,

irava

i

nimici a

voler

intendere

quel

che fusse

di

questa

reli-

gione,

che faceva

gli

huomini di

migliorvita et

piu

devoti inverso

Dio,

cosi

noi vedi-

amo al nostro

tempo

che

coloro che

sono

separati

da noi tirano n

compagnia

oro

tutti

quelli,

che

li

odono cantare

de

i

salmi et

fare

preghiere.

Et atteso

che

questa

e una

cosa

buona et laudabile et la

quale

la chiesa ha si

lungamente

usata,

saria

buono col

medesmo

artificiodi

riceverenella

nostra

chiesa due

volte il

giorno

il

canto

de

i

salmi

in

lingua

volgare

con le

preghiere

publiche,

et

tali,

quali

ciascun

vescovo

potesse

ordinarenella sua

diocesi.77

D.

Francisco

Cordoba,

Order of

Observant

Friars

Minor,

Considerationes e

ecclesia

reformanda t de

concilio

(1562)

On feast

days

let

the

clergy

and the

people give

their

attention

to

the

doctrine

of

the

faith.

... For

they

suppose

him to

be

adequately

uitedto the

church's

ministry

who

can

sing

and

somehow or

other

read,

although

learning

should

always

be

preferred

o

those

qualities

(which

nevertheless

are

not

discountenanced).Whence,

whereas for this

rea-

son

there

is

no lack

of

singers,

there

would

assuredly

be

no

lack of

theologians,

if

on

them, too,

benefices were

conferred;

or

honor

nourishes the

arts.... Therefore

it

is

proper

that

the

pope

and

other

prelates

of

the

church,

who

distribute he

benefices

of

the

church,

first teach

them

and

make

them

capable

of

preaching,

for

singing

is the

meanest

office;

indeed,

it

is

not

even

the

property

of

ministersof the

church,

but of all

Christians.

In

diebus festis

clerus

populusque

fidei

doctrinae

det

operam.

...

Nam ad

ministerium

ecclesiae

putant

hi

satis

idoneum esse

eum,

qui

novit

cantare

et

utcunque

scit

legere,

cum

istis

(quae

tamen

non sunt

reprobanda)

doctrina

semper

sit

praeferenda.

Unde cum

hac

de

causa non

desint

cantores,

non

deessent

certe the-

ologi,

si et illis

beneficia

conferrent;

honor

enim

alit

artes....

Oportet

ergo,

ut

papa

et

77.

CT13:524.



32

Journal

of the American

Musicological

Society

ceteri ecclesiae

praelati,qui

ecclesiaebeneficia

distribuunt,

prius

doceant

eos

faciantque

idoneos

ad

praedicandum,quoniam

cantare nfimum

munus

est,

imo nec

est

proprium

ministrorumecclesiae,sed omnium christianorum.78

E.

Petitions

presentedby

the counselors

and

deputies

of the

Holy

Roman

Emperor

or

considerationat the Council

of

Trent

(20 May 1562)

(Summary:

Services

re

currently

erformed, rayers

re

said,

and

psalms

are

sung

laugh-

ably,

negligently,

rreverently,

nd so

ast

as to

be

unintelligible

ven

to

the

performers.

The

church

hierarchy ught herefore

o

consider owto correct

his,

so that

what

is said or

sung

will

be

pronouncedcorrectly,

istinctly, lowly,

and

with

respectful ravity.

Since

many

faults

have

crept

nto the churche's

ongs

and

prayers,

ervicebooks hould

be

reviewed

nd

corrected

o

that

nothing

s

read,

sung, offered

n

prayer,

or

presented

o

the

people

hat

does

not

appear

n

scripture

r is not

properaccording

o the Church

Fathers

or

accepted

hurch

histories.

f lengthy rayers

nd

songs

rovoke

nconsiderate

aste

n

performing

he

service,

that

tedious

ongwindedness

houldbe cut back.Better

ive

psalms

sung

in

peace

and

joy

than

the

entire

psalter

n

sadnessand

anxiety.

Since

many

less

knowledgeableeople

urge

the use

of

the

vernacular n

divine service

and the

administration

of

the

sacraments,

nd

since

t is

established

ut

of

ancient and modern

doctors nd writers

of

the church hat the

same custom

was

ollowed

n

the churchat one

time,

and

even now is the custom n some

places

uchas

Granada and

Croatia,

the

Councilshould ake

up

the

question

whether,

n

thepresent ircumstances,he church houldnot consider ermittingvernacularverseso be

interspersed

ith Latin

song,provided

t

encourages

evotion

and

doesnot

profane

he

holy

scriptures.)

11.

Gravisvidetur

abusus omnem divinumcultum

ridicule

et

negligenter

sine

de-

votione et

reverentia

peragi, tantaque praecipitationepreces

effimdi,

ut

orantes

seu

psallentes

ne

seipsos quidem intelligerequeant,

nedum

quam

pie

et devote

psallant

canantve

expendere, quando

id

curant

unice,

ut

quam

ocius

absolvant,

quidvispotius

libentiusque

acturi,

quam

hisce

divinisofficiis

studiose animum

adiicere.

Qui

abusus et

Deo ingratusest et multispraebetoccasionem,ut minus libentersacriscantionibus n-

tersint,

confestim ex

tali

contemptu

facti

ab

omnibus ritibus

ecclesiae

alieniores.

Cogitent

ergo

Rev.mi

patres

modum

quendam

eiuscemodi,

quo

haec vitia

corrigi

possint,

ne

videlicet,

quae

divina

sunt,

tam leviter

praecipitentur.

Adsit

devotio,

adsit

animus

divinis rebus

vacans,

et

quae

cantanturaut

leguntur,

pronuntientur

apte,

dis-

tincte, tractim,

quo

servetur

pia gravitas,

ne

plus

ore

quam

corde

Deus

coli

intelligatur

neque

illud

propheticum

nobis

exprobrariqueat:

Hic

populus

abiis

me

honorat,

cor

autem eorum

longe

est

a

me.

Quid

enim

prodest strepitus

verborum,

ubi

cor mutum

esse

apparet?

12. Cum negari nequeat temporum vitio multa inepta, apocrypha,parumquead

sincerum

cultum

pertinentia

n

cantiones et

preces

ecclesiae

irrepsisse,

acro concilio

enitendum

erit,

ut

libri

missales,

graduales,

antiphonarii,agendae

et

breviaria

eligiose

et

diligenter

recognoscantur

et

repurgentur,utque

nihil

in ecclesia

egendum,

canen-

dum,

orandum

seu

populo proponendum premittatur,

quod

non sit ex

divinis

itteris

desumptum,

aut hisce

omnino

consentaneum,

prout

vel ex

sanctis

patribus

vel

probatis

historiis

ecclesiasticis

emonstrari

possit,

prout

antiquis

conciliis

cautum

esse

cognosci-

tur? Et cum

isthaec

praecipitatio

maxime

per

preces

et

cantus

plus aequo prolixiores

78.

CT13:619-20.



The Council of Trent

Revisited 33

causetur,

quibus

ad fastidium

usque

clerus

gravatur,

xpediret utique

hanc

taediosam

prolixitatem

habito delectu

resecari,

cum melior sit

quinque

Psalmorum

decantatio

cum cordisserenitateet hilaritate pirituali,quamtotius modulatio Psalterii um cordis

anxietate

atque

tristitia.

13.

Denique

cum

imperita

utriusque

sexus

populi

multitudo

in

cultus divini ac

sacramentorumadministratione

inguae

vernaculaeusum

magnopere

urgeat,

cumque

e

multorum

tam

recentiorum

quam

veterum

ecclesiaedoctorum

et

scriptorum

monu-

mentis

utique

constet,

eundem

aliquando

morem in

usu ecclesiae

fuisse,

et

etiamnum

alicubi,

utpote

in

regno

Granatae t in

Croatia

esse,

posset

hic articulus

quoque

in

con-

cilio

proponi atque

deliberari,

an non

ecclesia

tanquam

piissima

mater

pro praesentis

temporis

conditione

permittendumexistimaret,

ut

liceret alicubi atinis

canticisvernac-

ulas pure omnino et fideliterversas ntermiscere,suo tamen loco et tempore, et eas

saltem,

quae

populi

devotioni

conveniant

nec

prophanent

divina

lia et

arcana acrorum

bibliorum

mysteria.79

Appendix

2

Sacra

Congregatione

del

Concilio,

Deliberations

of

1564-1626

A.

Very

short

communications to

the Most

Holy Supreme

Pontiff

and our

Lord,

SixtusV

[1587-88]

(with

the

note,

To

Cardinal

Carafa,

hat he

may

consider

every-

thing

well and then

report

to our

Lord )

15.

Concerning

sounds and

organs,

and

other

musical

nstruments

It

seems

agreeable

o reason

and

to

the matter

then in hand

and the time: that in

Holy

Week no musical

nstrument

should be

heard

during

the

celebrationof

the

services n

churches,

or on

another

occasion;

but a

single

voice,

not

responding,

not

uncontrolled,

but

devout,

modest,

tearful;

and

would that

organ

music

then

might

cease.

Then it

does not seem

proper

that

anything

profane

be

played

on

either the

organ

or

another

instrument n

church,

especially

while divine

services

are

performed;

and wind

players

should not

play

in

churches,

n

chaste and

devout

places,

or in

front

of the

buildings

of

the

churches.

Brevissimae

insinuationes

ad

SS.mum

Sixtum V

Pontificem

Maximum,

et

D[omi]num

nostru[m].

Al

Car[dina]le

Carafa

he

veda bene

il

tutto,

et

poi

referisca

N S.r

15.

De

sonis et

organis,

alijsq[ue]

musicis

nst[rumentis

Rationi

quidem,

et

rei de

qua

tunc

agitur

et

tempori

videtur

consentaneum:

ut in

heb-

domada sancta

nullum

audiretur

n

templis

in

officioru[m]

celebratione

aut

alias,

mu-

sicum

instrume[n]tum;

sed

sola vox

non

rispons,

non

afferata

[efferata?],

sed

pia

humilis,

lachrimosa

atq[ue]

utinam

organicus

omnis tunc

cessaretcantus.

Deinde

non

videtur

decens:

ut in

templo,

maxime dum

aguntur

divina

officia,

vel

organo,

vel

alio

instrumento

sonet

quid

prophanum

neque

deberent sonare

tibicines in

ecclesijs,

in

locis

sanis

et

pijs,

vel

ante

templorum

aedes.80

79.

CT13:671.

80.

Archivio

egreto

Vaticano,

acra

Congregazione

el

Concilio,

osiz.

5

(1587-88),

fols.

178r-181v,

rom

he

bishop

f

Barcelona,

ho

offers

ighteen oints

oncerning ood

Christian

life nhisdiocese.TheSacredCongregationespondsointbypoint.



34

Journalof the

American


B. Sacred

Congregation'sresponse

As to [number]15, to be taken careof by the bishopin consultationwith two fromthe

chapter,

as

requiredby

the decree of the

council,

session

24,

canon

12.

Ad. 15

Ab

Ep'o providen'

adhibitus

adhibitis]

duobus de

cap.

iux. decr. conc.i

sess.

24

c. 12.81

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Paulo

III.

Julio

III. et

Pio

IV

ab

Angelo

Massarello

piscopo

helesino

jusdem

oncillii

secretario

conscripta.

Nunc

primum integra

edita ab

Augustino

Theiner

..

accedunt acta

ejusdem

Concilii sub

Pio

IV.

a

cardinale

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Piero,

and RichardTaruskin.Music in the Western

World:

A

History

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Docu-

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Abstract

Reexaminationof a

wide

range

of documents

surrounding

he

twenty-second,

twenty-fourth,

and

twenty-fifth

sessions of the

Council of Trent

reveals

that

delegates

strived

officially

o

say

as little as

possible

about music:

only

that sec-

ular

or

impure

elements

should be eliminated and

that

specific

ssues

should

be settled

locally,by

individual

bishops

and

provincial

ynods.

But,

beginning

with GustaveReese, severalscholarshavemisleadingly trungtogether a pre-

liminary

canon,

stressing

textual

intelligibility,

which

was never

approved

in

the

general

congregations,

and the few lines that

actually

supplanted

t,

con-

cerned

only

with the

elimination of

lasciviousness. On the

other

hand,

a

largely unrecognized

or

misunderstood attack on

church

polyphony

did

occur

at the less

familiar

wenty-fifthsession,

when

Gabriele

Paleotti

may

have at-

tempted

to

suppress

elaborate

music in female

monasteries.

Although

this

attempt

was

rejected

n

the

general

congregations,

ts

restrictionswere

subse-

quently

revived

by

local

authorities

such as Paleotti

and

Carlo

Borromeo in

their own

dioceses.

In

the

Council's

immediate

aftermath,

reformers

such as

Paleotti and

Borromeo once

again

focused on the issue

of

intelligibility,

affording

it a

quasi-official

tatus that seems to

have

quickly

become

widely

accepted

as

iuxta ormam

concilii.