MODERNMISOGYNY

MODERNMISOGYNY:ANTI-FEMINISMINAPOST-FEMINISTERAKristinJ.Anderson

OxfordUniversityPressisadepartmentoftheUniversityofOxford.ItfurtherstheUniversity’sobjectiveofexcellenceinresearch,scholarship,andeducationbypublishingworldwide.

OxfordNewYorkAucklandCapeTownDaresSalaamHongKongKarachiKualaLumpurMadridMelbourneMexicoCityNairobiNewDelhiShanghaiTaipeiToronto

WithofficesinArgentinaAustriaBrazilChileCzechRepublicFranceGreeceGuatemalaHungaryItalyJapanPolandPortugalSingaporeSouthKoreaSwitzerlandThailandTurkeyUkraineVietnam

OxfordisaregisteredtrademarkofOxfordUniversityPressintheUKandcertainothercountries.

PublishedintheUnitedStatesofAmericabyOxfordUniversityPress198MadisonAvenue,NewYork,NY10016

©KristinJ.Anderson2015

Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthispublicationmaybereproduced,storedinaretrievalsystem,ortransmitted,inanyformorbyanymeans,withoutthepriorpermissioninwritingofOxfordUniversityPress,orasexpresslypermittedbylaw,bylicense,orundertermsagreedwiththeappropriatereproductionrightsorganization.InquiriesconcerningreproductionoutsidethescopeoftheaboveshouldbesenttotheRightsDepartment,OxfordUniversityPress,attheaddressabove.

Youmustnotcirculatethisworkinanyotherformandyoumustimposethissameconditiononanyacquirer.

LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationDataAnderson,KristinJ.,1967–Modernmisogyny:anti-feminisminapost-feministera/KristinJ.Anderson. pagescmIncludesindex.ISBN978–0–19–932817–8eISBN:978–0–19–932819–21.Misogyny.2.Feminism.I.Title.HQ1233.A6862015305.42—dc23  2014012169

ForAlanaandAlyssa

CONTENTS

AcknowledgmentsIntroduction:The(Lackof)SignificanceofFeminism

1.Consumerism,Individualism,andAnti-Activism

2.Post-feminismPost-9/11

3.ManufacturingMan-HatingFeminism

4.TheEndofMenandtheBoyCrisis

5.WomenareWonderful,butMostAreDisliked

6.IsFeminismGoodforWomen?Conclusion

Index

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful tomany individualswhose generositymade this work possible.First,IaminestimablyindebtedtoChristinaAccomandoforherfriendshipandherpoliticalandintellectualguidanceoverthepasttwoandahalfdecades.Iamabetterteacher,writer,andactivistbecauseofherpatienceandpersistence(andnumerousalliterativesuggestions).Overthepast twoyears, itwasaconsistentpleasure toworkwith SeanK.O’Hare, who read the entiremanuscript in itsmany versions and provided assistance with organization, editing, substantivesuggestions,andsuperblysnarkycomments in themargins.Over thecourseofthis research and writing, many colleagues provided invaluable feedback ondrafts of chapters: Christina Accomando, Bonnie Field, Melinda Kanner,Campbell Leaper, Rachael Robnett, Larissa Smith, and Tammis Thomas, allhelped make this a better book. I thank my students at the University ofHouston-Downtownwhosemeticulousworkonthisprojectwasvital:SagrarioBaca, Kevin Farren, Eynar Hernandez, Lisa Ludtke, ChristinaMatthews, andAliciaYoung.Finally,Iamgratefultothefollowingpeoplefortheirfriendshipandsupport:TravisCrone,ShaunaCurtis,BonnieField,AlexRossman,LarissaSmith, Cindy Stewart, Fran and Kim Watson, and, most especially, TammisThomas.

INTRODUCTIONTHE(LACKOF)SIGNIFICANCEOFFEMINISM

Astrangephenomenonhasaccompaniedtheunprecedentedgrowthoffeministactivismaroundtheglobe:therecurrentpronouncementoffeminism’sdeath.Fromthe1970sthroughthenewmillennium,journalists,academics,andevensomefeministscholarshavedeclaredthedemiseoffeminismandhailedtheadventofthepost-feministage...Giventhevibrancyandthevarietyofproliferatingformsoffeministtheoryandpractice,whytheprematureburialoffeminism?

–MARYHAWKESWORTH,20041

Pundits,politicians,and thepresshavebeendeclaring thedemiseof feminismsincethebirthofthewomen’smovement.Thefeministpostmortemhasbecomeso predictable that it even has been dubbed by one feminist critic as FalseFeministDeathSyndrome.“Thisperniciousmedia-bornevirus...haspoppedupinprintandovertheairwavesonandofffordecades,poisoningpublicopinionagainstthe‘F-word’(feminism)2andcontaminatingourcollectiveunderstandingof the history, ideology and goals of the women’s movement.”3 Somecommentators describe the state of feminism as “post-feminist,” that womenhave come a long way in recent decades and there really is no need for acontinued feminist movement. We see “post-feminist” alongside equallyquestionableclaimsofBarackObama’selectionasU.S.presidentassignalinga“postracial”America.Thenotionhereseemstobethatbecausethecountryhasmadesomuchprogressonracialequality, theelectionofanAfricanAmericanpresident signals our arrival into a society that no longer needs antiracistactivismorstructuralchange.AsRinkuSenargues,“Postracialismgrowsoutofthetropeofcolorblindness,butisevenmoreaggressiveinresistingracialjusticestandards. Like post-feminist, it implies not just a destination—a society thatdoesn’t use race to judge people—but asserts that we have arrived at thatplace.”4 American women have made so much progress, the post-feministargument continues, as evidenced by their numbers in the workforce and incollegegraduation,surelywehaveachievedgenderequality.ModernMisogyny examines contemporary sexism and anti-feminismduring

what has been described as a post-feminist era in theUnited States and otherWestern countries. This book critically analyzes the notion that the feministmovementisunnecessarybecausetheworkoffeminismiscomplete.Fromthispointofview,women,regardlessoftheirrace,socialclass,sexualorientation,orgeography, have achieved equality in most meaningful respects. Feminism isnowmerelyahistory lesson. In fact, theargumentgoes,womenhavebeen sosuccessful in achieving equality, it is now men who are victims of genderdiscrimination. These sentiments make up modern misogyny. Contrary to theclaims of the post-feminist punditry, equality has not been achieved. Instead,sexism is now packaged in a more palatable but stealthy form. This bookaddresses the nature, function, and implications ofmodernmisogyny but alsoassertsthebenefitsofacontinuedfeministmovement.My academic training is in social psychology, and that lens informs the

approachtocritiquingthemythsofmodernmisogyny.Myareaofspecializationexaminessubtle,contemporaryformsofprejudiceanddiscrimination,andsocialpsychologyisparticularlywellequippedtoexaminethissortofbias.Ontheonehand, overt, explicit, and extreme forms of prejudice and discrimination stillexist. In fact, the number of hate groups in the United States has increasedsteadilysincetheelectionofPresidentBarackObama.5Atthesametime,muchcontemporaryprejudiceanddiscriminationissubtle,covert, implicit,andoftennonconscious.Subtleprejudice,orwhatIhavecalled“benign”bigotry,6entailseveryday,seemingly innocent slights, comments, overgeneralizations, othering,anddenigrationofmarginalizedgroups.Subtleprejudiceisinsidiousbecause(1)itcanbenonconsciousandunintentional,sotheperpetratormaynotbeawareofengaging in it, (2)due to its subtlety, the targetorvictimmaynotnotice it asprejudice,and(3)itcanhavetheveneerofa“positive”stereotype.Stereotypesaboutsubordinategroupscanappearcomplimentary(e.g.,womenarenurturing,Latinosarefamily-oriented),butevenpositivestereotypesareharmfulbecausetheyrobthepersonofindividuality,theyboxpeopleintocertainbehaviors(and,sometimes, lower-paid jobs), and the person being judged is not seen inindividual termsbut incategorical, less accurate, andmoreexaggerated terms.At thecultural level, subtleprejudicepermeatesallcornersofsociety; like theairwebreathe,itiseverywhereandweareoftenunawarethatweinhaleit.7 Instudying subtle prejudice directed toward ethnic, religious, and sexualminorities, I have examined its devastating consequences in employment,education, and the criminal justice system. In this book, I examinemisogynyfrom the perspective of the theories and research on subtle prejudice. Manypeoplebelievethatwomenasagrouparedoingjustfine,thatfeminismhasrun

its course, and that the new victims of sexism are men. This book willdemonstrateotherwisebyilluminatingmanifestationsofmodernmisogynythatarehardertoseethanovertsexism.Personal anecdotes of discrimination are important in terms of honoring

people’slivedexperiences,andtheycanprovidevividandmemorableaccountsofdiscrimination.However,personalreportsofdiscriminationcanbedismissedbyskeptics:Maybeyouweren’tqualifiedforthejob,maybeyourinterviewdidn’tgowell—whywouldyouassumesexismplayedarole?Maybeyourbosstreatseveryonebadly?Theexperimentalmethodisapowerfulwaytostudyanddetectsubtle yet pervasive forms of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination.Controlled experiments recreate real-life situations in which discrimination isevidencedoftenwithout theperpetrator’sawareness.For instance, ifwecreatefictitious résumés with standardized qualifications such as education andexperience,attachawoman’snametosomeandaman’snametoothers,andaskpeopletoevaluatethequalificationsofotherwisecomparablejobcandidates,wecandemonstrategenderdiscriminationiftheparticipantsevaluatetherésumésofone gender less favorably than the other gender. If the only difference in therésuméisthenameatthetop,wemustconcludethatgenderdiscriminationhasoccurred, even if the evaluator has not overtly and consciously articulatedsexism.Inthisbook,Irelyonthevastexperimentaldatainsocialandcognitivepsychology to uncover prejudice and discrimination. At the same time, I usequalitative data in the form of surveys, focus groups, and interviews frompsychology, education, and the humanities, which allow individuals to sharetheirexperiences,feelings,andattitudesintheirownvoices.As a field, psychology focuses on individual thinking and behavior—the

micro elements of human phenomena. Psychologists study how people makesense of their surroundings, how they think, feel, process information, andbehave.Butindividualsliveinasocietyinwhichinstitutionsandlargerculturaltrendsandtropesshapetheirthinkingandbehavior.Thereareseveralimportantbooks thataddresscontemporaryanti-feminismandsexismthat focuson theselarger macro issues such as politics, prisons, schools, and popular culture. Iutilizesomeoftheseworkshere.Oneaspectofcontemporarymisogynythathasbeenmissingfromsomeoftherecentworkinthisareaisthelinkbetweenthecultural and socialwith the individual.For instance,neoliberal political trendsbecamepopularintheUnitedStatesandtheUnitedKingdominthe1980sandemphasizeindividualism,consumerism,andpersonalresponsibility.Weseethissamerhetoricinindividuals’descriptionsofthemselvesastheydescribehavingmyriad choices and as being ultimately responsible for their successes andfailures,eventhosefacedwithgrindingpoverty.Thisbookaimstobridgeboth

the“micro”and“macro” foramorecompletepictureofcontemporarysexismandanti-feminism.In its six chapters,Modern Misogyny addresses the nature of sexism and

modernanti-feminism.Thefirsttwochaptersexplorethepolitical,cultural,andpsychological landscape of post-feminist anti-feminism. Post-feminism ismarkedbythedepoliticizationoffeministgoalsandanoppositiontocollectivefeministaction.InChapter1,Consumerism, Individualism,andAnti-Activism,weexaminethenotionofpost-feminismanditsattendantcharacteristics.Tothisparticular incarnation of anti-feminism-fronting-as-feminism, empowerment inthe marketplace and in lifestyle choice has replaced the earlier political andintellectualworkoffeminism.Appropriatingwordssuchas“empowerment”and“choice,”theseelementsarethenconvertedintoanindividualisticdiscourseanddeployedinanewguiseasasubstituteforfeminism.Chapter1examinesthesetrends in popular culture and politics. Chapter 1 also examines recentpsychological research on the ways in which individuals’ attitudes aboutfeminism mirror this anticollectivist, individualist trend. For example, youngadultsarelesslikelythanpreviousgenerationstobelievethatcollectiveactionisnecessarytoimprovewomen’sstatusinsociety.The terror attacks of September 11, 2001, affected nearly every aspect of

American culture. Chapter 2, Post-feminism Post-9/11, explores the retreat togender traditionalism that has occurred over the past decade. Susan Faludi8describes the many ways in which feminism was rolled back after 9/11. Forexample, in theweeks andmonths after 9/11many commentators observed areturn to “traditional” values, with articles about single women who hadpreviouslyplacedcareersaheadofmatrimonybutnowweresaidtobehurriedlylooking for husbands. The widows of 9/11 were shown in the media, whilewidowed men were invisible. Those women directly affected by 9/11 werecelebratedasgrievingwivesandmothersbutonlysolongastheyadheredtothatprescribedpassiveroleofvictim.Whenagroupof9/11widowsknownas the“JerseyGirls” began to question the script by asking questions critical of theBushAdministrationanditshandlingoftheaftermathoftheattacks,theyweremarginalizedinthepressinfavorofmoreeasilydigestibletraditionalwomen.Chapter2exploresthewaysthesepost-9/11trendsreflecttheswiftnesswith

whichprogresstowardcivilrightsandequalityrevertstotraditionalpatriarchalpatternsofmenasbreadwinners/protectorsandwomenashomemakers/mothers.Whenthecountryisundersiegeandatwar,progressivepoliticsandcivilrightsarerenderedcapriciousluxuriesthatdistractfromtheconstructedcorevaluesofmaleprotectorandfemalevictim. In thischapter,socialpsychological theoriessuchasterrormanagementtheoryjoinpoliticalandmediaanalysisinaneffortto

explaintheseeventsandtrends.Akeyfeatureofmodernanti-feminismisthecornerstonebeliefthatthework

ofthefeministmovementisdoneandthatfeminismitselfhasbecomeobsolete—an antique piece of 20th-century ideology. Women have, more or less,achieved equality through legislative changes in sexual harassment andantidiscriminationlaws,andthroughchangesinnormsthatnowacceptwomeninthemilitary,intheuniversity,andintheworkplace.Thus,womendonothaveanyreasonstocomplainaboutbeingoppressed.Thosewomenwhodoinsistonbeing feminists and favor a continued feminist movement must want to getahead ofmenor believe that they are superior tomen.Modern anti-feminismtellsusthatthosewhostillcomplainaboutinequalityjustdon’tlikemen.Thus,there is a belief that feminism has gone too far and has become too extreme;there is a sort of feminism gone wild perception of feminists and feministactivism.Chapter3,ManufacturingMan-HatingFeminism,addresses themythof the antimale feminist. Anti-feminist columnists argue that discriminationagainst women is largely in the past and feminism in the present day isunnecessaryanddangerous.Only isolatedcasesofovertgenderdiscriminationagainst women are recognized. Today’s feminists who talk about genderinequalityasasystem faceallegationsofman-hating. In fact,according to thisview,therealvictimsofgenderdiscriminationtodayareboysandmen.Chapter3alsoexplorestheempiricalresearchonfeminists’andnonfeminists’

attitudestowardmen.Contrarytopopularopinion,systematicresearchfindsthatfeministsactuallyholdmorepositiveattitudestowardmenthandononfeminists.Nonfeminists tend to subscribe to traditional gender roles of male power andprivilege, yet at the same time they resentmen for their power and privilegerelative to women. Chapter 3 explores the function and implications of thefeminist-man-hatermyth.Another expression of the perception of feminism gone wild is seen in the

contemporary construction of the “war against boys” and “the end of men.”Chapter4,TheBoyCrisisandtheEndofMen,respondstoargumentsmadeinrecentbooksincluding,AreMenNecessary?,SavetheMales,IsThereAnythingGoodAboutMen?,andTheWarAgainstBoys.Thesebooksfuelwhathasalmostbecomeacontemporarymoralpanic.Thewar-against-boysrhetoricclaimsthatfeminismbroughtattentiontogirls’needsineducationbutindoingsofeministssubordinated boys’ needs to the point that girls got ahead of boys. Chapter 4examinesmassmediaandeducationandrespondstotheallegationthatsocietyand schools have become “feminized,” antimale, and “toxic” to boys. Theanalysis in this chapter demonstrates that rather than schools being anti-male,boysaresocializedtovieweducationasincompatiblewithmasculinity.Instead

of blaming too-much-feminism, this chapter examines the psychologyofmaleprivilege and entitlement as contributions to boys’ and young men’sdisengagementfromschool.The final two chapters of the book consider the role that feminismplays in

today’s post-feminist era and in real women’s lives. Chapter 5, Women AreWonderful, But Most Are Disliked, explores the research on attitudes (bothwomen’sandmen’s)towardwomen.Thecategory“women”elicitsmorewarmfeelingsthanthecategory“men.”Thisphenomenonhasbeendescribedbysocialpsychologists as the women-are-wonderful effect. Many individual womenembrace and find protection in the warm feelings people tend to have forwomen. On further examination, however, we find that most women do notbenefit from this dynamic because thewomen-are-wonderful effect is relevantonly to the most traditional women who adhere to strict gender roles (e.g.,housewives).Mostwomen todayarenontraditional—theyareworkingwomen,electedofficials,athletes,feminists,prostitutes,soldiers,lesbians—andpeople’sviews of nontraditional women are quite negative. Chapter 5 explores theexperimental research on nontraditional women, exposing and explaining themodernmisogynyofparadoxicalattitudestowardwomen.Is a feminist identity good for women’s well-being? This question is

addressed in thefinalchapter,Chapter6, IsFeminismGood forWomen?Thischapter considers psychological theory and research on the role that feminismplaysinwomen’slivesintermsofself-efficacy,mentalhealth,bodyimage,andromantic relationships.Dowomen differ in these areas depending onwhetherthey hold traditional gender role attitudes or identify as feminists? Does afeministidentityoperateasaprotectiveidentity?Inaddition,Chapter6exploresthe roleof gender studies coursesonwomen’s andmen’s attitudes.There is agrowingbodyofresearchonthebenefitsofwomen’sandgenderstudiescoursesranging from increases in critical thinking skills to open mindedness to self-efficacy. Gaining an understanding of the role these courses play in students’intellectualandpoliticaldevelopmentwillinformlargercurricularquestions,aswellasaidtheinstructorswhoteachthesecourses.Ifwelookatgenderinequalityonlyintermsuniversitygraduationstatisticsor

thepresenceofwomen in full-timeemployment,weconclude thatwomenaredoing better than forty years ago. However, sexism no longer manifests inshutting women out of the ivory tower or categorically excluding them fromcertain professions. Modern misogyny in this post-feminist era is subtle butsneaky.Itturnsthetoolsandprinciplesfromearlierfeministmovementsagainstwomen.Itofferswomenequalityinnamebutthenprovidesonlynarrowchoicesthatkeepmaledominanceinplaceunderaveneerofequality.ModernMisogyny

callsforarevitalizationoffeminismandamobilizationofafeministmovement.

Notes1.Hawkesworth,M.(2004).Thesemioticsofprematureburial:Feminisminapost-feministage.Signs:JournalofWomeninCultureandSociety,29,961–985.

2. There are a variety of definitions of a feminist, but common to most definitions is the idea that afeminist recognizes that discrimination againstwomen exists, she experiences a sense of shared fatewithwomenasagroup,andwantstoworkwithotherstoimprovewomen’sstatus.

3.Page31:Pozner,J.L.(2003).The“biglie”:FalseFeministDeathSyndrome,profit,andthemedia.InR.Dicker,&A.Piepmeier(Eds.),Catchingawave:Reclaimingfeminismforthe21stcentury(pp.31–56).Boston,MA:NortheasternUniversityPress.

4. Sen, R. (2009, Fall). Taking on postracialism. On the Issues. Retrieved fromhttp://www.ontheissuesmagazine.com/2009fall/2009fall_sen.php

5.Potok,M.(2012,Spring).The‘Patriot’movementexplodes.SouthernPovertyLawCenter.Retrievedfrom http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/intelligence-report/browse-all-issues/2012/spring/the-year-in-hate-and-extremism

6. Anderson, K. J. (2010). Benign bigotry: The psychology of subtle prejudice. Cambridge, UK:CambridgeUniversityPress.

7.Seepage6inTatum,B.D.(1997).“WhyarealltheBlackkidssittingtogetherinthecafeteria?”Andotherconversationsaboutrace.NewYork,NY:BasicBooks.

8. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

MODERNMISOGYNY

1 CONSUMERISM,INDIVIDUALISM,ANDANTI-ACTIVISM

Thewarbetweenthesexesisover.Wewonokay?Wewonthesecondwomenstarteddoingpoledancingforexercise.

—JACOB(playedbyRyanGosling)inCrazy,Stupid,Love1

IntroducingPost-feministAnti-feminismThe era of “post-feminism” emerged in the 1990s and continues today. Post-feminism is distinguished by the depoliticization of feminist goals and anoppositiontocollectivefeministaction.Apost-feministperspectiveisgroundedintheassumptionthatwomen’smaterialneedshavemostlybeenmetandthatafeminist movement is no longer necessary. Post-feminist rhetoric oftenacknowledges the positive effects of feminism and incorporates some of thelanguage of the feminist movement such as “empowerment” and “choice.”Ostensible empowerment in the marketplace through consumerism and inlifestyle choice has replaced the earlier political and intellectual work offeminism.Whereasfeminismusedtofocusonwomenwantingtohavecontrolovertheirbodies,forinstanceintheareaofreproductivechoice,post-feminismutilizes“choice”topickproductsforpurchase.Whereasfeminismusedtofocusonpayequalityanddiscriminationintheworkplace,post-feminismencourageswomen to focus on their private lives and consumer capacities as ameans ofself-expressionandagency.2Themediahelpundermine feministobjectivesbyplacing the focusofwomen’s empowermenton self-transformation rather thansocial transformation. Post-feminism is assimilationist in that white,heterosexual, andmiddle-classwomen’s issues are generalized to allwomen.3Theassumption thatwomen’smaterialneedshavebeenmetandtheycannowdemonstrate empowerment through consumer choices illustrates the Western,middle-,andupper-middleclassassumptionsofpost-feminism.Post-feminismisespeciallysuited to theneoliberalpoliticspopularized in theUnitedStatesandUnited Kingdom in the 1980s. Neoliberalism is a system that attempts todismantle thesocialwelfareprograms(e.g.,governmentworkprograms,aidtofarmers)thathavebeeninplacesincetheNewDealintheUnitedStates,andit

ischaracterizedbyapro-businesscapitalism that supports the redistributionofresources upward without regard for the widening inequalities such a systemproduces.Theeraofpost-feminismcorrespondstowhathasbeenreferredtoasthethird

waveoffeminism(thefirstwavebeingroughlyfromthe1840stothe1920sandthe secondwave roughly from the 1960s to the 1980s, peaking in the 1970s).Somefeministwritersseeacleardistinctionbetweenthird-wavefeminismandpost-feminism,whereasothersseethemas thesame—bothasversionsofanti-feminism. Thosewho distinguish the two describe third-wave feminism as anextensionofthehistoricaltrajectoryoffirst-andsecond-wavefeminismtobetteraccommodate contemporary political culture and the logic of women asconsumer citizens. Two of the most well-known of the third-wave feminists,Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards, articulated third-wave feminism intheirpopular2000book,Manifesta:YoungWomen,Feminism,andtheFuture.4Their stated goal was to widen the borders of feminism to include morecontemporary manifestations.5 They argue that third-wave feminism isstructuredasamorediverse, inclusive,andintegratedmovementwiththegoalofdiversifyingitsapproachtoactivismandsocialchangethroughsocialmediaandzinesanddifferentfeministsubculturessuchasriotgrrrlculturepopularinthe1990s.Oneimportantstatedgoalofthird-wavefeminismistobeexplicitlyinclusive in terms of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, and disability,relativetothefeminismofthe1960sand1970s(i.e.,secondwave).6Third-wavefeminists, conscious of thewhite- and heterosexual-centered limitations of thesecond-wave movement, seek to include women who had been previouslymarginalized.Still other feminist scholars donot findutility in classifying thefeministmovementintothreewaves,especiallyforLatinaandAfricanAmericanfeminism. For example, the 1980swas a vibrant period for feminists of colorwiththepublicationofnowclassicworkssuchasAngelaDavis’s1981Women,Race&Class,7bellhooks’sFeministTheory:FromMargintoCenterin1984,8

Audre Lorde’s Sister Outsider in 1984,9 and Cherríe Moraga and GloriaAnzaldúa’sThisBridgeCalledMyBackin1981.10This chapter explores the landscape of popular culture, politics, and

psychology,emphasizingrelativelyrecentmovesawayfromfeministactivismtoindividualismandconsumerismwhere“self-empowerment”representswomen’sprogress.First,post-feminismborrowstherhetoricoffeminismwithreferencesto“choice”and“empowerment.”Butthepost-feministversionofthesetermsisverydifferent fromwhat actual feministsmean.Second, post-feminismmovesawayfromcollectiveaction,protest,andresistance—thecornerstoneofallcivil

rights movements—to an individualism and consumerism ethic. Third, ahypersexualization of girls andwomen is key to post-feminism—nowwomencan “choose” to be sexual objects. Finally, in addition to examining popularculture and political illustrations of post-feminism, we examine recentpsychologicalresearchonthewaysinwhichwomen’sattitudesaboutfeminismmirror this anticollectivist, individualist trend. Psychology studies find thatyoungadultsarelesslikelythanpreviousgenerationstobelievethatactivismisnecessarytoimprovewomen’sstatusinsociety.

Empowerment,Choice,andPersonalResponsibilityInherbookTheAftermathofFeminism:Gender,Culture,andSocialChange,AngelaMcRobbie11describesaprocessinwhichfeminismisacknowledgedandthendismissed in thepost-feminist eraof the early21st century.Post-feministrhetoric recognizes the principles and accomplishments of feminism andincorporates them into a post-feminist discourse. Employing terms such as“empowerment” and “choice,” these elements are refigured into anindividualistic discourse, then deployed in a new guise, by media, popularculture,andpolitics,asasubstituteforfeminism.Feminismisutilizedtoexplainand promote individual choice, and the success of feminism is cited as anargument for why further social change is unnecessary, and any negativeoutcomeforwomenistheirownfault.PopularfilmssuchasBridgetJones’sDiary(2001)andthepopulartelevision

series and films in the Sex and the City franchise reflect this deployment ofcertain palatable elements of women’s liberation, such as sexual freedom andeconomicindependence.But theelementsoffeminismthatwouldquestiontheobsession with beauty and cosmetics, rampant consumerism, andhyperfemininity are ignored. McRobbie describes Sex and the City’s CarrieBradshaw as displaying a “cloying girlie infantilism”12 that undercuts anyauthorityshemighthaveasawriterforareputablenewspaper.U.S.filmssuchasTheUglyTruth(2009)andTheProposal(2009)reflectadditionalelementsofpost-feminism. In The Ugly Truth Katherine Heigl plays a controlling, high-poweredmorningnewsTVproducerwhoisforcedtoworkwithGerardButler,who plays a lewd and rude sexist tell-it-like-it-is relationship expert. In TheProposal, Sandra Bullock plays the controlling high-powered über-bitchexecutivewhoforcesherearnestunderlingplayedbyRyanReynolds tomarryhersoshecanavoiddeportation.Inbothfilms,wefindthatthemaincharactersare independent career women—acknowledging the economic progress of

women, thanks in part to the second wave of feminism. However, theseprofessionally successful characters are portrayed as self-loathing, bossy,uptight,andutterlywithoutpersonallives.Whattheyneedisaman.Beforetheycangetaman,theymustexperiencea“mortifyingcomeuppance”13—adebasingpunishment for their independent relationship-less lives.Under post-feminism,thesemodern shrewsmustbe tamed. InTheUglyTruth, the vulgar chauvinistGerard Butler tames Katherine Heigl. In The Proposal, the decent RyanReynolds sweetens his boss, Sandra Bullock. Both women inevitably fall fortheir previouslymismatchedmale leads. This form of backlashmotivates notthroughfearbutthepromiseoflove.Bymakingtherightmanthesolutiontothedilemmas of gender discrimination, these filmsmake feminism old, tired, andlaughable in the present, implying that even in the past feminism must haveexaggerated problems or been amistake altogether.14 These films convey thatlovebetweenawomanandamanisreal,natural,andunchanging—despitetheacceptanceofwomenin theworkplace.Thebacklashagainst1960sand1970sfeminismattemptedtofrightenwomenbackintothehome,acceptingtraditionalgenderroles,andidentifyingsuchrolesastheonlysourceofpersonalhappiness.Thesefilmsreflectapost-feministbacklash.Post-feminismrecognizesthatitisunlikelythatwomenall togetherwillbepushedoutoftheworkplaceandbackinto thehome,yet these films function todistancewomen from feminismandconvince them that their lives should revolve around the heterosexual family,evenifgreaterindependenceandworkoutsidethehomeareexpected.15Whilethe women of Sex and the City experiment with transgressive sexuality,including same-sex relations, drag, and dominance/submission, they tooeventuallyreturntofamiliarandsafeheterosexuality.16What is absent in post-feminism is the feminist requirement that men be

preparedtorelinquishsomeoftheirprivilegesandadvantagesinworkandinthehomeinordertoachieveequalityinthedomesticsphere.17Sopost-feminismisrepresented by a popular culture marked by an undoing or dismantling offeminismbutthatisnotinfavorofatotalre-traditionalization.Instead,aspectsoffeminismarenowcommonsenseand,assuch,acohesivefeministmovementis something women no longer need.18 Also absent in post-feminism is anunderstanding of dominant-group privilege and structural inequality. Post-feminism reduces women to white, middle- and upper-class, heterosexualwomen.Thatis,inpost-feminismthetypicalwomanhasajobwithasalarythatallowshertopurchaseconsumergoods,shehasahusbandandfamily,andshedoesnotexperiencediscrimination.Post-feminismerasesstructuralinequalityinthat any discrimination against women that does still exist is viewed as a

singularcaseofmistreatmentagainst individualwomen,and it isprobably thewomen’sownfault.Post-feminist choice and empowerment rhetoric is found not only in pop

culture and politics but also in individual women’s thinking about their ownlives. The internalization of the post-feminist rhetoric of personal choice isdisplayed in two interview studies with women. Joanne Baker19 interviewedAustralianwomenfromdiverseethnicandclassbackgrounds,andEmmaRich20interviewed white women from the United Kingdom about their perceivedopportunities and their relationship to feminism. Participants in these studiesassertthatanythingispossible,thatthereareendlessoptionsforwomentoday,andthatstrivingforself-improvementwillberewardedinameritocraticsystem.The young women Baker interviewed were optimistic that they could doanything, even those facing terribleoddsdue to earlymotherhoodand lackofformaleducation.21Althoughthisoptimismallowstheimaginationofadifferentfutureinwhichthingscanbebetter,itputstheonussolelyontheshouldersoftheindividual—thestate,politics,andanykindofcollectiveactionisirrelevantto improving people’s lives. These narratives are indicative of post-feminismthat draws on a notion of rational actors who can free themselves fromrestrictionsiftheysimplyhavethemotivation.Thisrationalizationdepoliticizestheinequitablesocialstructuresthathaveanimpactontheirlives.Theseyoungwomenareinperfectsyncwiththerhetoricofneoliberalismin

which opportunity is something of one’s own making and failure one’s ownfault.Indrawingonthelanguageofindividualism,thesewomenarereluctanttoassociatewith agroup thatwouldbe seen asvictims, sincevictimhoodwouldundermine their carefully constructed sense of agency that is vital to theiridentity narratives. According to Rich’s analysis, to view their circumstancesthroughafeministlenswastobeassociatedwithdisadvantage,ortodrawuponapositionofvictim,apatheticfemale.Victimhoodisstrenuouslyavoidedasitisassociatedwith insufficientpersonaldrive,a lackofpersonalresponsibilityforone’sownlife,andself-pity.22During the interviews, conversations about gender inequality are either

absent23ordismissedbythewomeninterviewedasathingofthepast,andthosewho complain about inequality are stigmatized by the interviewees asunfeminine.24A feminist analysis would rupture an imagined sense of self-determination so intimately tied to the discourse of individualism. Bakerobserves that neoliberal and post-feminist discourses have foreclosed anyarticulation of inequality or oppression in social relations, so instead theparticipantsemphasizetheirsenseofagencyandself-determination.Bothgroups

ofwomen articulate success in terms of individual responsibility.Opportunityandfailurearesomethingofone’sownmaking.However,theemphasisonpersonalresponsibilitymeansthatchallengestend

to be understood as psychological (as opposed to structural) and asmanifestationsofpersonal failingsor inadequacies.Mostnotably,Baker foundthat among the young women, it was the least advantaged who distancedthemselvesfromthespecterofdisadvantage.Evendomesticviolenceislookedatinthecontextofapersonalexperienceratherthanasaphenomenonthatis,tosomedegree,explainedbystructuralcircumstancesandunequalpowerrelationsbetween women and men. The tendency to use individualizing discourse notonlyfacilitatesamisunderstandingofpeople’sownactualcircumstances,butitalso forgoes empathy for others; sexism, racism, and other forms ofdiscriminationaresimplyindividualproblemsorarenotproblemsatall.Thus,harm from men’s violence against women and the difficulties of singleparenthood have been individualized, thus effectively privatizing personalexperiencethatis,inpart,structurallyproducedandprofoundlygendered.25Despite thesupposedaccess tounprecedentedchoice, the findingsemerging

from these interviews suggest that the new possibilities for youngwomen arestill grounded in traditionally gendered and classed boundaries. The womeninterviewed seek stereotypical careers in altruistic and people-orientedoccupations rather than male-dominated jobs.26 They position themselves asautonomous individuals free to choose whatever occupation they desire, yetultimatelytheyprioritizedtheroleofwomenaswivesandmothers.27Theyoungwomen’saspirationsreflectculturalandhistoricallimits,butlikethewomeninpopularculture,theseyoungwomenaccountfortheirrestrictedvisioninapost-feministframeworkofpresumedequalityandpersonalchoice.Ratherthanbeingconfined by gender inequality and pressure to play out traditional roles, thesewomensimply“choose”tobetraditional.The personal choice and empowerment discourse goes beyond women’s

career choices and takes a disturbing form in Katy Day and Tammy Keys’28analysisof“pro-eating-disorder”websites.Thesewebsitesoffertipsforgirlsandwomen for maintaining and hiding an eating disorder. Their analysis of thematerial fromwebsites revealed that the practice of self-starvation or bingingwasoftenreframedasanempoweringlifestylechoiceasopposedtoapathologyor the result of a beauty industry that creates, and thenprofits from,women’sinsecurities.Starvingandbingingisframedasanattempttoreclaimcontroloverthefemalebodyandasnonconformityinwhatisdescribedasafat,gluttonousworld. The women who post on these websites describe themselves as

enlightened,evenpartofanelitegroup.Forinstance,onewomanposts,“Thisisaplacefortheelitewho,throughpersonaldeterminationintheirongoingquestfor perfection, demonstrate daily that Ana [anorexia] is the ONLY way tolive.”29DayandKeys’ researchdemonstrates thatdestructivehealthbehaviorssuchasanorexiaarerecodedbythegirlsandwomenassignalingempowermentand control. In this case, empowerment takes the form of unhealthy behaviorratherthanafeministresistancetoimpossiblebeautynorms.

Consumerism,Individualism,butNotActivismFrom the preceding discussion, we see that individualism and consumerismmake collective action appear unnecessary, irrelevant, and obsolete. In thisregard,post-feminismisconsistentwith theneoliberalcorporatist30doctrineofMiltonFriedmanandtheChicagoSchooltheoryofeconomics.Thiscorporatistagenda was embraced by Ronald Reagan and, to varying degrees, by everysubsequentU.S.president.Thecorporatistdoctrine seeks toprivatize anythingandeverything.Thegoalisforatinygovernmentwithhugetransfersofwealthfrom public into private, for-profit, hands. In her book The Shock Doctrine,NaomiKlein31 describeshowU.S.presidential administrationsbeginningwithReaganinthe1980sbegantosellofforoutsourcelarge,publiclyownedentitiessuch as water, electricity, highway management, and garbage collection toprivatecompanies.Likewise,inBritainunderPrimeMinisterMargaretThatcher,thegovernmentprivatizedBritishTelecom,BritishGas,BritishAirways,BritishAirportAuthority, andBritishSteel.By the timeGeorgeW.Bushwas namedpresident in 2000, many public schools began to be replaced by voucheredprivatecharterschools.ManyU.S.prisonsbecameprivatizedandfor-profit,nowfinanciallydependentonaconstantstreamofnewinmates tokeepbedsfilled.AndbythetimetheU.S.invadedIraqandAfghanistanin2001and2003,evenwarwasoutsourcedwitharecordnumberoffor-hiremercenariesemployedbycompaniessuchasBlackwater.32Howdoesthemovefrompublicholdingstoprivaterelate toanti-feminism?

Post-feminism is part of a corporatist and neoliberal political economy thatencourageswomen to focus on their private lives and consumer capacities forself-expressionandagency.33Acentralfeatureofneoliberalismistheimplantingofmarketculturesacrosseverydaylife,therelentlesspursuitofwelfare“reform”(reducing help for the poor), and the encouragement of forms of consumercitizenshipthatarebeneficialonlytothosewhoarealreadyprivileged.Undoingthe antihierarchical struggles of socialmovements is also a prioritywithin the

discourse of neoliberalism. In a neoliberal context, there is no room forcollective action. An attack on disadvantaged social groups is masked by theostensiblynonracist andnonsexist languageof self-esteem,empowerment, andpersonal responsibility. The post-feminist emphasis on consumerism divideswomen by class and by region. If empowerment for women is measured bypurchasingpower,thosewhocanaffordtoconsumeandthosewhocannotwillfindlittlecommongroundandsolidarity.Globally,thereislittleopportunityforbuildingcoalitionsbetweentheWesternwomenwhoconsumeproductsmadeindeveloping countries and the girls and women who make the products thatWesternwomenpurchase.The emphasis on individualism and consumerism says a woman can be

whatever shewants to be:who she becomes is up to her and is disconnectedfrom history and uninfluenced by social movements or the struggles of pastgenerations.Withwomen’sprogressintheworkplaceandmarketplacethereisanarrativeofthesuccessfulwoman.Womenhaveasmuchormoreeducationasmen34and,aswewillseeinChapter4,employerscanpay themless.35At thesame time there isanemphasisongirls andwomenasconsumers.Companiesdrawonthelanguageof“girlpower”asiftobestowontheirproductsasenseofdynamism, modernity, and innovation. As a consequence, girls are gender-differentiatedandmarketedtoasconsumersatyoungerandyoungerages.36Magazines targeting girls such asCosmoGIRL! and Teen Vogue emphasize

this individual-empowerment-through-consumption“feminism.”Inheranalysisof teen girl magazines, Jessalynn Keller37 finds a defanged feminism wherefeminismisfun,andisacelebrationofindividualagency.Thiskindoffeminismcomeswiththepromisethathardworkanddedicationwill leadtosuccessandan empowered life. The individualized version of feminism offered by thesemainstream teen magazines may be more easily accepted by corporate,mainstreampublicationsbecausethemessagecoincideswiththelargerculturalnarrativesabouthardwork,success,andthe“AmericanDream.”Thisversionoffeminismavoidsanycriticismofcapitalismand,asaresult,failstoincorporateimportantanalysisthatwasthecornerstoneoffeministcritique,suchascriticismofthebeautyindustry,infavorofpresentingtopicsinafun,playfultone.This“fun-feminism” is problematic becausemale dominance, power, and privilegearenotaddressed,andthefeminismpresentedismerelystylisticandnotdirectedtowardsocialchange.Kellerargues thatwhile the individualisticexpressionoffeminismisnotinherentlyproblematic,byitself,itoffersgirlsagrosslylimitedunderstandingofcontemporarypower relations. Itoverlooksstructuralbarrierssuch as sexism, racism, classism, and heterosexism—factors that continue to

impact girls’ lives. Social change is rendered irrelevant, and personal changethroughconsumerismiscodedasempowerment.A popular U.S. reality television show, Undercover Boss, captures this

individualistworldview.TheshowdepictscorporateCEOswhogoundercoverin disguise and work within their own organization. Each episode follows aspecific format. The CEO, introduced as a new employee, gets to know ahandfulofworkers in theorganization,and learnsof theirstruggles tobalancework and family obligations, pay their way through part-time college, and beloyaltothecompany.Thiswitnessingoftheworkers’tribulationsinmanycasesbringstearstotheeyesoftheCEOandeachepisodeculminatesintherevelationthatthenewemployeeisactuallytheboss.TheCEOprovidesgiftsmostlyintheformofmoneytotheneedyworkers.Forinstance,oneemployeereportsearlierin the episode that she hasn’t been able to take a vacationwith her family inyears, andso theCEOpays fora familyvacation.Anotheremployeehaskidsbutcannotaffordcollegeforthem,sotheCEOcontributes$20,000foracollegefundfor thisemployee’schildren.Thereareafewinstancesofmorestructuralchanges to accommodate workers, such as giving back a 10% wage cut theworkersacceptedwhentwocompaniesmerged,oraddingsmokingcessationtothe employee medical plan so anyone in the company who wants to quitsmoking will get help. By and large, however, the changes in the form ofgenerous offerings made by the newly raised consciousness of the CEO arespecifictothreeorfourindividualworkers,keepingthestrugglesofalltheotherworkersinthecompany(andincorporatizedAmerica)unchanged.Eventhemostobviousstructuralracialinequalitygetsanindividualizedspin

in this individualist era.KeffrelynBrown andAnthonyBrown38 analyzed thedepictions of slavery in ten popular fifth and eighth grade social studiestextbooks.Theyfoundthatevensomethingundeniablysystemicandstructural—U.S.slavery—wasframedinindividualizedterms.Thetextsfailedtoshowhowracial violence operated systematically to oppress African Americans’opportunities and social mobility in the United States. The textbooks do notpresenttheslavetradeandslaveryasbasedinourfundamentalinstitutionssuchaslawandreligion.Rather,theperpetratorsofviolenceagainstenslavedAfricanAmericans are falsely portrayed as individual actors, or “badmen”whoweredeviant and not necessarily a reflection of the larger social, economic, andpolitical structures. When discussing resistance to racial violence, storiesfocused again on individual, isolated efforts that concealed the organized andsystematic ways that enslaved Americans and free blacks acted against theirsocialcondition.Theseindividualized(andinaccurate)depictionsofslaveryandresistance prevent students from understanding the structural and institutional

nature of racism.39 Instead, students may come to view racial violence asisolated events in the past thatwere done by a few bad people and that onlyaffectedtheindividualsdirectlyinvolved.Studentsareledtobelievethatpresentday treatment of blacks couldn’t have anything to do with the legacy ofstructuralracismrootedinslaverycenturiesago.We see a trend toward individualism in the psychological literature on

narcissism—characterized by self-absorption, inflated ego, entitlement, anddisregard for others. In herwork on cultural and historic trends in narcissism,Jean Twenge finds generational differences, arguing that narcissism hasincreased over the last 30 years.40 Younger people are more narcissistic thanolder people and young people score higher on individual traits and lower oncommunal and expressive traits. Interestingly, women have become moreinstrumental (individualistic and agentic), making them adaptive to theworkplaceandeducation,althoughmenhavenotbecomemorecommunalandexpressive.41 Even lyrics to popular songs demonstrate a change towardindividualism.Ananalysisofpopular songs in theUnitedStates from1980 to2007foundanincreaseinwordsrelatedtoafocusontheself.Specifically,songsshowed changes towardmore first-person singular pronouns (I,me,mine)andfewerfirstpersonpluralpronouns(we,us,our)overtime.42

ShellyBudgeon43 finds thishighly individualist focus inher interviewswithyoungwomen.Sheinterviewed33youngwomenintheUnitedKingdomaboutthewomen’smovementandgenderinequality.Thesuggestionthattheirchoicesand opportunitiesmight be limited by external factors wasmet with a strongexpressionofindividualism.JoanneBaker’s44interviewswithyoungAustralianwomendescribedearlieralsofindyoungwomenarticulatingtheirlivesthroughanindividualistlens.Theideologyofneoliberalismintensifiesthisentrenchmentofaselfhoodthatisindividuatedandthattheeconomicandsocialworldcanbebestunderstoodasconstitutedofself-directed,self-sufficientindividualbehaviorthat is informedby rational choice in thepursuit of self-interest.Theseyoungwomen’s emphasis on individual improvement is unlikely to facilitate anopenness to feminism or an orientation toward collective action for socialchange. Even more troubling, in addition to the tendency to deny one’s owndifficulties,this“can-do”neoliberaldiscoursealsoappearstoforeclosevoicingcompassionforothersexperiencingoppressionorchallengingcircumstancesandtherecognitionofhowsocialstructuresactonindividuals.Complementingtheseinterviews,arecentmeta-analysisof72studiesonempathyfoundadecreaseinempathyandperspective-takingamongAmericancollegestudentsfrom1979to2009.45 Therefore, the obligation to demonstrate plucky individualism has

consequencesthatextendbeyondindividualpsychologicalprocesses,impactingbroadersocialconsequenceswiththelackofregardforothers’plights.Amain featureofpost-feminism is the acknowledgment that choicesyoung

women have today are due in large part to thewomen’s liberationmovementbeforethem.However,thelegacyoffeminismisnotrecognizedbysomeoftheverywomenwhobenefitfromittodayandwhobelievetheyhavechoices.Thattheydonotrecognizetheroleoffeminismintheirfreedomsisanindicationofthe extent to which feminism in the early 21st century is not a marginalizeddiscoursebuthasbecomean integralpartofyoungwomen’s lives. Inorder todemonstrate the empowerment and success expected of them, women in thispost-feministindividualistcultureseeminglyneedtodissociatethemselvesfromfeminism:preciselybecause youngwomen feel empowered, they believe theynolongerneedfeminism.46Unlike the feminist movement of the 1960s and 1970s, there is little

movement in post-feminism. A key theme of this chapter is the post-feministfocus on self-transformation rather than structural transformation, the coreassumption being that any kind of collective action is unnecessary, repellent,and,asdemonstratedintheprevioussection,showsweakness.47Post-feminismoffersadefangedfeminism,offeringlifestyleandanassertivecan-doattitudeinplaceofthehardpoliticalandintellectualworkthatfeministshavedone.AngelaMcRobbie48describesaprocessshecallsdisarticulation,theforcethatdevalues,negates,andmakesunthinkablethepossibilityofcomingtogether,onthewidelypromoted assumption that there is no longer any need for such actions.Disarticulation operates through the widespread dissemination of values thattypecast feminismashavingbeenfueledbyangerandhostility towardmen(atopicweaddressinChapter3).Feministactivistsareconstructedasembittered,unfeminine, and repugnant. Young women are discouraged from gettinginvolved in controversial or confrontational political areas (particularly issuessuchassexworkorpornography)forfearofoffendingmenandbeingbrandedafeminist.Thisreluctanceresultsinthestiflingofdissent,debate,andsolidarityamongwomen.49

AstudybyNigelEdley andMargaretWetherell50 dissects the stereotypeofthe unattractive feminist activist. Edley and Wetherell examined men’sconstructions of feminists and feminism in their interviews with U.K. menrangingfromage17to64fromavarietyofclassandethnicbackgrounds.Theyfound twocompetingversionsof feministsand feminism.The first, the liberalfeminist, was frequently presented as a woman simply wanting equality. Thesecondversionof feministwas a hyperbolic theatrical representation,with the

men providing information about her physical appearance, sexual orientation,andattitudestowardmen.Thetwoversionsoffeministsworkedina“JekyllandHyde” fashion.Like Jekyll, feminists and feminism in the first versionhave anonthreatening, sane, and rational character. Feminist aspirations for genderequalitywerereportedassimple,ordinary,reasonablemattersoffact.Dr.Jekyllistheordinarywomanwhosimplywantsequality.Instarkcontrast,thereisMs.Hyde,theunfemininefeministandextremepoliticalactivist.Apersonshouldbeinfavorofequality(Jekyll)butnotbefanaticalaboutit(Hyde).Weshouldallwant equality, but not too ardently.Themenbelieved that change is slowandrequirespatience.Extremiststhereforearetryingtochangethecourseofhistory.They are too pushy. Themen interviewed by Edley andWetherell seemed tobelieve that the improvement of women’s position in Western society hasoccurredregardlessoftheeffortsoffeminists.Theirbeliefisthatwearegettingthere, slowly but surely, andwomen should be patient and tolerant of currentinequalities. The most readily available ways of talking (and thinking) aboutfeministsencouragesmen(andperhapswomen)toidentifywithadefinitionoffeminismthatispatient,moderate,andstrippedofanyradicalpotential.51Maledominanceisalsopartlyachievedthroughattemptstoobscurewomen’s

resistance by characterizing collective female resistance as negative andunfeminine, implying that feminists are unattractive to men. Once such anegative category is in place, feminism can be used as an accusation, and ameans of silencing assertive women.52 No reasonable woman would want toidentifyasafeministaslongastheextremistcaricatureexists.Indeed, recent empirical work on attitudes about feminism finds further

evidenceforthisanticollectivisttrend.Youngadultsinthe21stcenturyarelesslikelythanpreviousgenerationstobelievethatcollectiveactionisnecessarytoimprovewomen’sstatusinsociety.Also,youngwomenarereluctanttoidentifyasfeministsiftheybelievefeministsareactivists.53InChapter6,weaddressthequestion ofwhether or not a feminist identity is good forwomen in terms ofpsychological and social health.Wewill see that there are distinct differencesbetweenwomenwho call themselves feminists and thosewho agreewith theprinciples of feminism but do not label themselves as feminists.Womenwhoself-label as feminists, as opposed to women who merely believe in theprinciplesof feminism,aremore likely tobelieve thatgender inequalityexistsand that women (and men) must work together to end sexism. Self-labeledfeminists are more likely to see beyond the individualist rhetoric of post-feminismandrecognizetheneedforsocietalchange.54Consequently,feministsneed to remain focused on raising women’s awareness of continued gender

inequityinordertomotivateyoungwomentounderstandthatworkstillneedstobedone.

Post-feministSexualizationInherbook,EnlightenedSexism:TheSeductiveMessageThatFeminism’sWorkIs Done, media critic Susan Douglas55 defines and distinguishes embeddedfeminism and enlightened sexism.Embedded feminism is the assumption thatwomen’sachievementsarenowsimplypartofthemedialandscape.Feminismisno longer marginal, outside of the media, as it was in, say, the 1960s. Forinstance,weseewomenon televisionaspolicecaptains,doctors,and lawyers.Enlightenedsexism takes the gains of thewomen’smovement as a given, andthen uses those gains to resurrect retrograde images of girls and women assexual objects still defined by their appearance. Now that women have it all,they should focus their energy on their true power—their bodies, attire, andsexuality—power that is fun, power that will not alienate men. Embeddedfeminism and enlightened sexism serve to reinforce each other: they bothexaggerate women’s gains and accomplishments and render feminismobsolete.56Post-feministempowermentandchoicerhetoricdiscussedearliertellswomen

they can now choose to be sexualized and objectified, and they can disregardtheirsecond-wavefeministgrandmotherswhowouldcringeindisapproval.Thistrendisseenintheincreasedpromotionandpopularityofpole-dancingamongsuburbanmiddle classwomen as exercise and at-home entertainment for theirmalepartners.ThepopularityintheUnitedStatesofthePussyCatDollsintheearly2000s, the franchisedance troupewitha rotatingcastmadeupofyoungwomenwithsexuallyexplicitdanceroutines,alsoreflectsthisdiversionfromthepoliticsoffeminism.Feminismisevokedandclaimedregardingsexualfreedom,but then isquicklydismissedwith relief—nomore feministnaggingabout thesexualobjectificationofwomen.Inpost-feminismitispermissibleonceagaintoenjoy the scantily clad bodies of women.57 Angela McRobbie also notes theexpansionofweddingculture.Theprominenceofweddingculture, apart fromcontributing to the expansion of consumer culture, rides on this tidalwave ofcelebratorypost-feminism,as though to say, thankgoodness,girlscanbegirlsagain,thefeministDebbieDownersofthe1960sand1970sarelonggone.58Animplicitassumptionofpost-feminismisthatwomen’sstatushasimproved.

Progresshasbeenslowperhaps,butportrayalsofwomeninpopularcultureandreal-world opportunities for women have progressed over the last several

decades. To be sure, in some domains things have gotten better for girls andwomen.However, there isonearea thathasgottenstartlinglyworse in the lasttwodecades: the sexualizationandobjectificationofgirls andwomen inmassmedia. John Mager and James Helgeson59 examined 50 years of advertisingimages ofwomen andmen inmajormagazines.Common sensemight predictthatportrayalsofwomeninprintadshavegottenbetter.Insomewaystheyhave.For instance, early ads depicted women in the home happy to be passivelydomestic. More recent ads do not show such traditional images. Ads today,however, still show women as dependent on men and still in need of men’sprotection,suchasthoseinpreviousdecades.Mentodayarestillmorelikelytobeshowninauthoritative,superior,andmorepowerfulpositionsandwomenareinmoredeferentialpositionstomen.60Comparedtomen,womenarealsomorelikely to be positioned in weakened psychological states, looking away,disoriented, and even looking dead or passed out—and these depictions haveactually increasedover the50-yearperiodanalyzedbyMagerandHelgeson.61OpenafashionmagazineandyoucanfindprintadsdepictingdeadwomenfromMarcJacobs,Gucci,Lanvin,JimmyChoo,andLouisVuitton,andadsdepictinggangrapebyCalvinKlein,Dolce&Gabbana,andTomFord.Thesedepictionsare more prevalent today. Shock value in ads is used to break through thecommercial clutter of competing ads and comes in many forms. One majorstrategyistofeaturewomen’ssexualobjectification.Sadly,whencontemporarywomen’sownattitudesaboutsexualobjectificationinadvertisementshavebeenanalyzedwe findwomenaremore acceptingof and lessoffendedby sexuallyobjectified images of women than they were 10 or 20 years ago. We havebecomehabituatedtotheseimages.Theyhavebecomenormalized.Furthermore,womenreport thatanad thatdemeanswomenwouldnot influencewhetherornottheypurchasedtheparticularproduct.62Thus,advertisinghasfullyembracedthispost-feministpermissiontoobjectifywomenandtosomeextentwomenintheearly21stcenturyhaveembracedthistoo.Feministsinthe1960sand1970sfoughtfor,amongotherthings,controlover

theirbodies—theright tocontrol theirreproduction, theright to lovewhotheywant,therighttoextricatethemselvesfromabusiverelationships.Thewomen’sliberation movement fought for the release of women from conventionalmoralityaroundsex,whichhadconfinedthemtoeitheridealizedchastityontheone hand or contemptible promiscuity on the other. Feminism allowed for thepossibilityofwomenengaginginsexfortheirownpleasureratherthanforthetwopreviouslyallowedreasonsforsex:toreproduceortopleaseahusband.Inthecontextofpost-feminism,anerainwhichfeminismistakenintoaccountbut

thenswiftlydismissedanddebased,women’ssexualfreedommanifestsinporncultureand thehypersexualizationofwomenandgirls.Thesexuallyaffirmingwomanofthe1960sand1970shasturnedintoasexuallyobjectifiedwomanofpost-feminism. Embedded feminism, enlightened sexism, and the lack of acollective and cohesive women’s liberation movement all contribute to thisclimate.

Post-feminismandtheDomesticationofPornographyA major hallmark of post-feminism is the post-feminist “permission” tosexualize and objectify women—often by women themselves. In her book,Living Dolls: The Return of Sexism, Natasha Walters63 studies the rise ofhypersexual culture. Far from giving a full range of women’s freedom andpotential, the new hypersexual culture redefines women’s success through anarrow framework of sexual allure:Hotness. Once on themargins of society,pole dancing is articulated as liberating for women. Free yourself and feelempowered.Andwhowouldn’twant towearhighheelsas theyexercise?Thenarrowingofwhatitmeanstobesexyarisesfromthewaythatthesexindustryhasbecomemorepervasiveandmoregenerallyacceptable.Inherbook,FemaleChauvinistPigs:WomenandtheRiseofRaunchCulture,ArielLevy64describeswomen’sembraceofpornculture,wheretheemphasis isonhotnessandbeingsexy but not necessarily on being sexual. The distinction between sexy andsexualisimportantbecauseit’sthedifferencebetweenwomenbeingthesubjectof their sexuality versuswomen beingobjects of someone else’s desire. Levywritesthattheintertwiningofwomenembracingtheirownsexualobjectificationand thepost-feminist cultureof consumptionputs sexualdesire andarousal inthebackground,andlookinghotandlookingsexyintheforeground.Therefore,post-feministhypersexualityhas little todowithwomenfeelingempoweredtobe in charge of their sexual desire, to explore passion, to expect sexualfulfillment, and more to do with looking like porn stars. Consistent with theprinciples of post-feminism, all this happens in the context of supposed freechoice.Let’s consider just a few recent and current trends that mark the

mainstreamingofpornographyandthehypersexualizationofwomeninpopularculture. Once a widespread but sequestered industry, pornography is nowabundantandpermeatestheculturalspace.65Thischangeisdueinlargeparttotheincreasedaccesstoonlinepornography.Thatonecanaccessalimitlessrangeofpornographywithjustafewmousetapsmeansthatit’saccessibletoanyonewithacomputerorphone.Apersonusedtoslinkintoaseedytheater,bookstore,

orclub—nowanyonecanaccesshardcorepornographyathomeorworkorevenwhile commuting. Easy accessibility goes a long way to mainstreamingpornography, but the mainstreaming of pornography isn’t the only effect ofInternet access to porn. A recent study found that newer pornographic mediafeature more violence against women than do older ones. Internet-basedpornographyismorelikelytoshowsexualviolenceasnonconsensualwithmenvictimizing women compared to magazine and video pornography.66 ThatInternetporncontainsmoreviolenceagainstwomenissignificantbecauseit isviolentpornography,notpornographyingeneral,thathasbeenlinkedtomen’saggression against women. In a classic experiment, Edward Donnerstein67showedmenaneutral,erotic,oraggressive-erotic film.Compared to theotherfilms, exposure to the aggressive-erotic film ledmen to be aggressive towardbothwomenandmen,andespeciallymoreaggressivetowardwomen.Workinginthesexindustryusedtosignal thedeathofamainstreamcareer,

butwork inpornography isnowseenasa stepping-stone toamore legitimatecareerinHollywood.Themainstreamingofporncanbeseenintheintertwiningofpornographyandmusicvideos.Pornographicfilmdirectorsnowcanbefounddirectingmainstreammusicvideosandformerpornstarscanbefoundstarringinthem.68GirlsNextDoor—arealityTVshowthatdebutedin2005ontheE!networkaboutPlayboyfounderHughHefner’sthreePlayboybunnygirlfriends—was a mainstream hit that spawned spinoff shows for two of the bunnies,Holly’s World and Kendra. Sixteen-year-old teen actor-singer Miley Cyrusperformedapoledanceatthe2009TeenChoiceAwards.69Ona2012episodeofMTV’sPaulyDProjectBritneySpearsperformsa lapdance forJerseyShorereality star Paul “Pauly D” DelVecchio.70 These examples illustrate theconventionalizationofthepreviouslymarginalandseamypornindustry.Another noted consequence of the mainstreaming of pornography is the

increaseinwomenwhowaxorshavetheirpubichair.Thecompleteremovalofall pubic hair—not just waxing the “bikini line”—has become normalized inrecentyears.FeministwriterCaitlinMoranarguesthattheincreaseinpubichairremovalcoincideswiththesametrendinpornography.Shewrites,“Hollywoodwaxingisnowtotalindustrystandard.Watchanypornmadeaftersay,1988,andit’sallhairlessdown there:close-upsare likewatchingDaddyWarbucks,withno eyes, eating a very large, fidgety sausage.”71Moran believes pubic hair isremovedinhardcorepornographytoenableviewerstoseemoreinpenetrativeshotsofintercourse.Howdoespubichairremovalbecomeaninternalizedvalueforyoungwomentoday?Moranarguesthat“hard-corepornographyisnowtheprimaryformofsexeducationintheWesternworld.Thisiswhereteenageboys

andgirlsare‘learning’whattodotoeachother,andwhattoexpectwhentheytake each other’s clothes off.”72 This phenomenon is problematic for severalreasons.First,thepubicregionhasbecomeyetanotherpartofawoman’snaturalbody—inadditiontoherlegsandunderarms—thatneedstobealteredinordertobeviewedasattractiveandsexuallydesirable.Second,womenseemtotimetheirwaxing,shaving,andpluckingaccording towhentheymayhavesexandvice versa, rather than timing sex according to when they are least likely tobecomepregnant,oraccordingtowhentheyactuallydesiretohaveintercourse.Third, pubicwaxing is another consumer product/service theymust purchase,adding to the bloated consumer beauty industry. Fourth, shaving pubic areasincreasesthelikelihoodofinfections,includingsexually-transmitteddiseases.73Finally,thatgrownwomen’spubicareaismodifiedtolooklikeaprepubescentgirls’ area juvenilizeswomen, sexualizes young girls, and blurs the differencebetweenthetwo.

ConfusingSexualObjectificationwithEmpowermentThe feministmovement of the 1960s and 1970s emphasizedwomen’s controlover theirownbodiesand theirownsexuality,while simultaneouslycritiquingthe culture’s sexual objectification of women in the form of Miss AmericapageantsorPenthousePets.Drawingontheemphasisonsexualempowermentof the1960sand1970s, the third-wavefeminismof themid-1990ssupposedlyusheredinanonjudgmentalapproachtosexuality.Giventheforcesofneoliberalconsumerism and individualism, however, women’s liberation seems to havebeenreducedtosexualliberationandinthiscontextsexualliberationhascometomeansexualself-objectification.Inotherwords,thepost-feministmessageisthatbeingasexualobject isnowasourceofpower.74Theresult is thatyoungwomen in the United States are encouraged by marketers, filmmakers,pornographers, and magazine publishers to participate in their ownobjectification.Insteadofdemandingtherighttobeseenashumanbeings,manyof today’s girls and women are cooperating with the old-fashioned notion ofbeing seen as sex objects. It’s the one kind of power that is sanctioned forwomen:thepowertolookhotandtodrawattentiontoyourhotness;thekindofpowerthatdoesn’tthreatenrealpower—political,economic,andculturalpower.Theuseofthewordempowermentisastrangedistortionofwhatthetermoncemeanttofeminists.Whenfeministstalkedaboutempowermentinthepastitwasnotinreferencetoayoungwomaninathongtwirlingaroundapole,75wearingT-shirts that say “unbelievable knockers,”76 or wearing sweat pants with theword “juicy” on the butt. The clothing brand Juicy Couture prints bags and

laptop sleeves that say “Fun is back.”77 Culturally, and assisted by suchaccouterments, girls and women can present themselves as fun and hip anddistancethemselvesfromtheiroutdated,uptight,feministgrandmothers.Thehypersexualizedmarketplaceisreinforcingcertainbehavior(i.e.,thehot

young woman) and punishing other behavior (i.e., a woman perceived as anuptight feminist),making ithard formanyyoungwomen to find thespace foralternative views of female sexuality and other ways for women to feelempowered. The smoke-and-mirrors language of choice and empowermentpreventspeople fromseeing justhowlimitingsuchso-calledchoicescanbe.78It’s their choice and we shouldn’t judge. So, it’s stodgy old second-wavefeministswhoarejudgingthesewomen.Feministsareuptightandoldfashioned,orworse,feministsaretheoppressorsinapost-feministhypersexualcontext.Oneofthemostironicdomainsdisplayingthehypersexualization,oratleast

hyper-feminization, of women may be one of the more paradoxical ones—women’ssports.Toacquiresponsorsandappearinsportsmagazines,whilenotscaring off fans (particularly men), women athletes are pressured to presentthemselves as objects of femininity and obedience to traditional gender roles.Although the fact ofwomen in sports challenges the historical and traditionalassociation between masculinity and sport, media representations of womenathletessadlyemphasizegenderdifferencethroughafocusonthefemininityofthe athlete rather than her athletic strengths. This process of feminizationconstructs differences between women and men athletes and undermineschallengestothegenderorder.79Women’sathleticismisrenderedunthreateningandfemininewhereasmen’sathleticismistherealdeal—masculineandstrong.Somewomenprofessionalathleteswearfullmakeupduringcompetition,bowsintheirhair,longfingernails,andothermarkersoffemininitywhentheyengagein themasculine activity of sports. Indeedmanywell-known professional andOlympic athletes have posed forPlayboy magazine, including Amanda Beard(swimming), Gabrielle Reece (volleyball), Mia St. John (taekwondo/boxing),andChyna(WorldWrestlingEntertainment).Theprocessoffeminizingtheprofessionalwomanathlete tendstooccurfor

white women athletes more readily than black women. Because AfricanAmericanwomenhavebeenhistoricallydeniedaccesstofull-timehomemakingand deprived of sexual protection, blackwomanhood has not been tied in thesamewayaswhitewomanhoodtoactivitiesandattributesdefinedasdistinctiveand different from masculine attributes. Therefore, African American womenhistorically have been located outside dominant culture’s definition ofconventional (white) femininity. Victoria Carty argues that African American

women athletes are seen asmore conventionally athletic (i.e.,masculine) thanwhite women because black women’s strength does not threaten traditionalnotions of beauty and femininity (coded aswhite) in the sameway thatwhitewomen’s strengthdoes.Therefore,mediacoverageofblackwomenathletes ismore about their athletic accomplishments compared to coverage of whitewomen. For instance, Serena and Venus Williams have been described as“huge,” “heavyweight fighter,” “pummeling,” and “masculine.” AfricanAmericanwomen athletes are portrayed as lacking those features attributed tothenormofwhiteheterosexualfemininity.CartyarguesthatAfricanAmericanwomen athletes “may enjoy a greater expansion of gender roles and trespassmorefreelyacrosstheboundariesoftraditionalstandardsoffemininity,becausethey have never been fully included in the stringent ideals of femininity andheterosexualitytobeginwith.”80The hypersexualization of women in post-feminism is indeed raced and

classed. Themainstreaming of the sex industrymade popular “Pimp andHo”partiesinthepasttwodecades,aswellasthedomesticationoftheterm“pimp”asanounandverb.Theactualpimpandprostituterelationship,afundamentallyexploitative relationship involving aman profiting from the use and abuse ofwomen’s bodies, is lost when we pretend these terms and roles are simplyplayful (and supposedly sexy). “Pimp”and“ho”are also racialized images, incontemporarymediarepresentationsandwithhistoricalrootsintheconstructionof African American men as hypersexual predators and African Americanwomenastemptresseswithpoorsexualmorals.81Whenwhitemenandwomenperform these roles, whether or not they literally don blackface or afro wigs,theyareplay-acting race alongwithgender and sexuality. In addition,playingwith the “pimp and ho” dynamic has historical reverberations for AfricanAmericans about which white people can be oblivious. It’s one thing for aneconomicallyprivilegedwhitewomantodressscantilyandperformtheroleof“ho”foraparty,it’sanotherforwomenofcolororworkingclasswomentobeculturally cast as whores.82 African American women’s bodies have beensexualized and sexually abused since slavery.The imageofAfricanAmericanwomen as inherently sexual and immoral functioned to justify their sexualassaultbyslaveholders,makingtherapeofablackwomannocrime,literally.A19th-centurylegaltreatise,forexample,explicitlyblamesinterracialsexon“thewant of chastity in the female slaves, and a corresponding immorality in thewhitemales.”83 An 1859Mississippi ruling declared that “[t]he crime of rapedoesnotexistinthisStatebetweenAfricanslaves,”because“theirintercourseispromiscuous.”84Thelegaciesofsuchpoliciesandpracticescontinuetocirculate

incontemporarylawandculture.Inthiscontext,forAfricanAmericanwomen,wearing revealing clothing, engaging in public displays of affection, and evenwearingmakeup canbe seen as a confirmationof blackwomen’s promiscuityandlewdness.85Themainstreamingof thesex industryhascoincidedwithapoint inhistory

wherethereislesssocialandeconomicmobilitythaninpreviousgenerations.86Nowondertheniftheidealthatthesexindustrypushes—thatstatuscanbewonby any woman if she is prepared to flaunt her body—is now finding fertilegroundamongmanyyoungwomenwhowouldnever imagineacareer in,say,politics.Finally,theuseofsexualattractivenesstogainstatustranslatesfeminisminto

anactofusingone’sbodyasanobjecttoobtainaspecifictypeofattention,asopposedtoapoliticalmovementthatseeksgenderequalityandsocialjusticeatthestructuralandinstitutionallevel.Someindividualwomenmightthinkthese“choices”workforthem,buttheyarenotnecessarilygoodforwomeningeneral(and they might not, in fact, “work” for them, even as individuals). Post-feminists have overlooked the fact that men do not have to rely on suchstrategies because institutions such as education, mass media, and politics—historicallyandcurrently—privilegemenandmarginalizewomen,aswewillseethroughout this book. Thus, in post-feminism the structural arrangements thatcreateandmaintainsexismtendtogounacknowledged.

ConclusionThischapterhasexploredpost-feminismmarkedbytheshiftfromfeminismasacollectivemovementforwomen’sliberationtosuperficialempowermentoftheindividual and her choices. In post-feminism, feminist goals are depoliticizedandcollective action is rendered irrelevant andunnecessary. Inpost-feminism,feminismistakenintoaccountandisincorporatedintopoliticalandinstitutionallife but only as much as it allows a narrow self-empowerment. As AngelaMcRobbie87argues,thereisakindofexchange,andaprocessofdisplacementand substitution: Young women are offered equality in name, concretized ineducation and employment, and throughmembership in consumer culture andthepublicsphere—inplaceofwhatareinventedfeministpoliticsmighthavetooffer.88Inthisneoliberalcorporatistcontext,sexualpowerandpurchasingpowerarepresentedasmoregratifyingandempoweringthaninstitutional,politicaloreconomic power.89 Post-feminism is about the individual woman—personalchoice,individualexpression,andindividualcareersuccess—andnorecognition

of theneed for a united and collective socialmovement to liberate allwomenand enact structural change.90 The language of individualism, choice, andempowermentinthisconsumeristcontextfunctionstotellwomenthatafeministmovement is unnecessary, passé, and unattractive. Certainly women havechoices but these choices occur in a limited context. Women are beingdisempowered through the rhetoric of empowerment they are offered assubstitutesforfeminism.91Post-feminism is integral to a neoliberal framework because it undercuts

feminism and doesn’t threaten what neoliberals hold dear—profitability,privatization, and individualism. These strategies masquerade as commonsense.92 Post-feminism is a politics not of resistance or transformation, but ofcapitulation:topatriarchy,toneoliberalism,andtocorporatecontroloverpublicissuesthataffectusall.93Neoliberalismprivilegesprivate,corporatesolutionstosocial problems and tends to marginalize critiques of oppression (racism andclassism,aswellassexism)assubordinatingpractices—thosewhocritiquethesystemofinequality,wearetold,focustoomuchonvictimhoodratherthanonindividualeffort.94The depoliticized notion that feminism is anything a woman says it is

refigures the Women’s Liberation Movement into a milder “women’smovement”minus“liberation”(andevenminus“movement”).Abandoningtheanalysis of structural inequality, post-feminismmasks the systemic forces thatcontinue to oppress women and undercuts the possible strategic weight ofpoliticizedfeministcollectivities.95This post-feminist environment makes unlikely the forging of alliances

betweenWesternandnon-Westernwomen.ThesexualandconsumerfreedomsofsomeintheWestnowactivelypitchesthemagainstthegenderarrangementsof other cultures.96 Women in the West are encouraged to demonstrate theirempowerment through rampant consumerism. Who is likely to make theproducts that thesewomenpurchase?Womenin thedevelopingworldwork insweatshopsforever lowerpaywitheachpassingdecade. InNovember2012afire at a garment factory inBangladesh killedmore than 100workers,mostlyyoungwomen.ThesweatshopmadeclothingforWal-Mart,Disney,Sears,andother retailers.97 Only fivemonths later on April 24, 2013 another factory inBangladesh that made clothing for U.S. and European companies collapsed,killingmorethan1,000sweatshopworkers.ApparelcompaniesareattractedtocountriessuchasChinaandBangladeshbecausetheyoungwomenworkerscanbepaidaslowas14centsanhourandcanbeforcedtowork14hourdaysoften

7daysaweek.98 If,aspost-feminismdictates,empowerment is individual,notcollective, the linksbetweenwomenglobally isobscuredand thepotential forsolidarityamongwomenisforeclosed.Thetrendsofpost-feminismemerginginthelasttwodecades,inconjunction

withmorerecenteventssuchastheterrorattacksofSeptember11,2001,workin concert to limit and confine the range of possible identities and roles forwomen.Thenextchapteraddressestheeffectof9/11ongenderroles,andalaterchapteraddresseswomenwhoresist therestrictedrolesofwomenprovidedbypost-feminismand9/11.

Notes1.Carell,S. (Producer),DiNovi,D. (Producer),Ficarra,G. (Director),&Requa, J. (Director). (2011).Crazy,stupid,love[Motionpicture].UnitedStates:WarnerBros.Studios.

2. Genz, S. (2006). Third way/ve: The politics of post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7, 333–353.doi:10.1177/1464700106069040

3.Vavrus,M.D.(2012).Post-feministredux?TheReviewofCommunication,12,224–236.4.Baumgardner,J.,&Richards,A.(2000).Manifesta:Youngwomen,feminism,andthefuture.NewYork,NY:Farrar,Straus,andGiroux.

5.Banet-Weiser,S.(2007).What’syourflava?Raceandpost-feminisminmediaculture.InY.Tasker&D.Negra(Eds.)Interrogatingpost-feminism:Genderandthepoliticsofpopularculture(pp.201–226).Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress.

6.Seely,M.(2007).Fightlikeagirl:Howtobeafearlessfeminist.NewYork,NY:NewYorkUniversityPress.

7.Davis,A.Y.(1981).Women,race,&class.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.8.hooks,b.(1984).Feministtheory:Frommargintocenter.Cambridge,MA:SouthEndPress.9.Lorde,A.(1984)Sisteroutsider.NewYork,NY:CrossingPress.10.Moraga,C.,&Anzaldúa,G.(1981).Thisbridgecalledmyback:Writingsbyradicalwomenofcolor.

Watertown,MA:PersephonePress.11.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London,UK:

Sage.12. Page 541: McRobbie, A. (2008). Young women and consumer culture: An intervention. Cultural

Studies,22,531–550.doi:10.1080/0950238080224580313. Powers, J. (2009, July 31).OnHollywood’s strong, self-hatingwomen/Interviewer:DavidBianculli.

Retrievedfromhttp://www.npr.org/templates/transcript/transcript.php?storyId=11141948114.Vint,S.(2007).Thenewbacklash:Popularculture’s“marriage”withfeminism,orloveisallyouneed.

JournalofPopularFilmandTelevision,34,160–169.15.Vint,S.(2007).Thenewbacklash:Popularculture’s“marriage”withfeminism,orloveisallyouneed.

JournalofPopularFilmandTelevision,34,160–169.16.McRobbie,A.(2008).Youngwomenandconsumerculture:Anintervention.CulturalStudies,22,531–

550.doi:10.1080/0950238080224580317.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:

Sage.18.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:

Sage.19.Baker, J. (2010).Great expectations andpost-feminist accountability:Youngwomen livingup to the

‘successfulgirls’discourse.GenderandEducation,22(1),1–15.20.Rich,E. (2005).Youngwomen, feminist identitiesandneo-liberalism.Women’sStudies International

Forum,28,495–508.doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2005.09.00621.Baker, J. (2010).Great expectations andpost-feminist accountability:Youngwomen livingup to the

‘successfulgirls’discourse.GenderandEducation,22(1),1–15.22. Baker, J. (2010). Claiming volition and evading victimhood: Post-feminist obligations for young

women.Feminism&Psychology,20(2),186–204.doi:10.1177/095935350935914223. Jacques, H. A. K., & Radtke, H. L. (2012). Constrained by choice: Young women negotiate the

discourses of marriage and motherhood. Feminism & Psychology, 22, 443–461.doi:10.1177/0959353512442929

24.Rich,E. (2005).Youngwomen, feminist identitiesandneo-liberalism.Women’sStudies InternationalForum,28,495–508.doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2005.09.006

25. Baker, J. (2010). Claiming volition and evading victimhood: Post-feminist obligations for youngwomen.Feminism&Psychology,20(2),186–204.doi:10.1177/0959353509359142

26.Baker, J. (2010).Great expectations andpost-feminist accountability:Youngwomen livingup to the‘successfulgirls’discourse.GenderandEducation,22(1),1–15.

27. Jacques, H. A. K., & Radtke, H. L. (2012). Constrained by choice: Young women negotiate thediscourses of marriage and motherhood. Feminism & Psychology, 22, 443–461.doi:10.1177/0959353512442929

28. Day, K., & Keys, T. (2008). Starving in cyberspace: A discourse analysis of pro-eating-disorderwebsites.JournalofGenderStudies,17(1),1–15.doi:10.1080/09589230701838321

29. Page 11: Day, K., & Keys, T. (2008). Starving in cyberspace: A discourse analysis of pro-eating-disorderwebsites.JournalofGenderStudies,17(1),1–15.doi:10.1080/09589230701838321

30.HereIuseNaomiKlein’sdefinitionanddescriptionofcorporatist:“Itsmaincharacteristicsarehugetransfers of publicwealth to private hands, often accompanied by exploding debt, an ever-wideningchasmbetween thedazzling richand thedisposablepoorandanaggressivenationalism that justifiesbottomless spending on security” (p. 18).Klein,N. (2007).The shock doctrine: The rise of disastercapitalism.NewYork,NY:Picador.

31.Klein,N.(2007).Theshockdoctrine:Theriseofdisastercapitalism.NewYork,NY:Picador.32.Klein,N.(2007).Theshockdoctrine:Theriseofdisastercapitalism.NewYork,NY:Picador.

Becauseofitstarnishedreputation,BlackwaterchangeditsnametoXeServices,andthenchangeditsnameagaintoAcademi.

33. Genz, S. (2006). Third way/ve: The politics of post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7, 333–353.doi:10.1177/1464700106069040

34.Knapp,L.G.,Kelly-Reid,J.E.,&Ginder,S.A.(2012).Enrollmentinpostsecondaryinstitutions,fall2010; financial statistics, fiscal year 2010; and graduation rates, selected cohorts, 2002-07 (NCES2012-280).U.S.DepartmentofEducation.Washington,DC:NationalCenter forEducationStatistics.Retrievedfromhttp://nces.ed.gov/pubs2012/2012280.pdf

35.Williams,M. J.,Paluck,E.L.,&Spencer-Rodgers, J. (2010).Themasculinityofmoney:Automaticstereotypespredictgenderdifferencesinestimatedsalaries.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,34(1),7–20.

36.McRobbie,A.(2008).Youngwomenandconsumerculture:Anintervention.CulturalStudies,22,531–550.doi:10.1080/09502380802245803

37.Keller,J.(2011).Feministeditorsandthenewgirlglossies:Fashionablefeminismorjustanothersexistrag?Women’sStudiesInternationalForum,34(1),1–12.doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2010.07.004

38. Brown, K. D., & Brown, A. L. (2010). Silenced memories: A examination of the socioculturalknowledgeonraceandracialviolenceinofficialschoolcurriculum.Equity&ExcellenceinEducation,43,139–154.doi:10.1080/10665681003719590

39. Brown, K. D., & Brown, A. L. (2010). Silenced memories: A examination of the socioculturalknowledgeonraceandracialviolenceinofficialschoolcurriculum.Equity&ExcellenceinEducation,43,139–154.doi:10.1080/10665681003719590

40.Twenge, J.M.,&Foster, J.D. (2010).Birth cohort increases in narcissistic personality traits amongAmerican college students, 1982–2009. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 1, 99–106.doi:10.1177/1948550609355719

41.Twenge,J.M.(2009).Statusandgender:Theparadoxofprogressinanageofnarcissism.SexRoles,61(5–6),338–340.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9617-5

42.DeWall,C.,Pond,R.S.,Campbell,W.K.,&Twenge,J.M.(2011).Tuningintopsychologicalchange:Linguistic markers of psychological traits and emotions over time in popular U.S. song lyrics.PsychologyofAesthetics,Creativity,andtheArts,5(3),200–207.doi:10.1037/a0023195

43.Budgeon,S. (2001).Emergentfeminist(?) identities:Youngwomenandthepracticeofmicropolitics.TheEuropeanJournalofWomen’sStudies,8(1),7–28.doi:10.1177/135050680100800102

44. Baker, J. (2010). Claiming volition and evading victimhood: Post-feminist obligations for youngwomen.Feminism&Psychology,20(2),186–204.doi:10.1177/0959353509359142

45.Konrath, S.H.,O’Brien,E.H.,&Hsing,C. (2011).Changes in dispositional empathy inAmericancollege students over time:Ameta-analysis.Personality and SocialPsychologyReview,15(2), 180–198.doi:10.1177/1088868310377395

46.Redfern,C.,&Aune,K.(2010).ReclaimingtheFword:Thenewfeministmovement.NewYork,NY:ZedBooks.

47. Southard, B.A.S. (2008). Beyond the backlash: Sex and the City and three feminist struggles.CommunicationQuarterly,56(2),149–167.doi:10.1080/01463370802026943

48.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:Sage.

49.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:Sage.

50.Edley,N.,&Wetherell,M. (2001).JekyllandHyde:Men’sconstructionsof feminismandfeminists.Feminism&Psychology,11,439–457.

51.Edley,N.,&Wetherell,M. (2001).JekyllandHyde:Men’sconstructionsof feminismandfeminists.Feminism&Psychology,11,439–457.

52.Griffin,C. (1989). “I’mnot awomen’s libber, but. . .”: Feminism, consciousness and identity. In S.Skevington&D.Baker(Eds.),Thesocialidentityofwomen(pp.173–193).London,UK:Sage.

53. Houvouras, S., & Carter, J. S. (2008). The F word: College students’ definitions of a feminist.SociologicalForum,23,234–256.doi:10.1111/j.1573-7861.2008.00072.x

54.Liss,M.,&Erchull,M. J. (2010).Everyone feels empowered:Understanding feminist self-labeling.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,34,85–96.

55.Douglas,S.J.(2010).Enlightenedsexism:Theseductivemessage that feminism’swork isdone.NewYork,NY:TimesBooks.

56.Douglas,S.J.(2010).Enlightenedsexism:Theseductivemessage that feminism’swork isdone.NewYork,NY:TimesBooks.

57.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:Sage.

58.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:Sage.

59.Mager,J.,&Helgeson,J.G.(2011).Fiftyyearsofadvertisingimages:Somechangingperspectivesonroleportrayalsalongwithenduringconsistencies.SexRoles,64,238–252.

60.Mager,J.,&Helgeson,J.G.(2011).Fiftyyearsofadvertisingimages:Somechangingperspectivesonroleportrayalsalongwithenduringconsistencies.SexRoles,64,238–252.This description reflects Goffman’s advertisement category called, “Ritualization of Subordination.”See:Goffman,E.(1976).Genderadvertisements.NewYork,NY:HarperTorchbooks.

61.Mager,J.,&Helgeson,J.G.(2011).Fiftyyearsofadvertisingimages:Somechangingperspectivesonrole portrayals along with enduring consistencies. SexRoles, 64, 238–252. doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9782-6I’mdescribingGoffman’s “LicensedWithdrawal.” See:Goffman, E. (1976).Gender advertisements.NewYork,NY:HarperTorchbooks.

62. For a review, see: Zimmerman, A., &Dahlberg, J. (2008). The sexual objectification of women inadvertising: A contemporary cultural perspective. Journal of Advertising Research, 48(1), 71–79.

doi:10.2501/S002184990808009463.Walter,N.(2010).Livingdolls:Thereturnofsexism.London,UK:Virago.64.Levy,A.(2005).Femalechauvinistpigs:Womenandtheriseofraunchculture.NewYork,NY:Free

Press.65.Citedin:Heldman,C.,&Wade,L.(2011).SexualizingSarahPalin:Thesocialandpoliticalcontextof

thesexualobjectificationoffemalecandidates.SexRoles,65,156–164.doi:10.1007/s11199-011-9984-666.Barron,M.,&Kimmel,M.(2000).Sexualviolenceinthreepornographicmedia:Towardasociological

explanation.TheJournalofSexResearch,37,161–168.67.Donnerstein,E. (1980).Aggressive erotica and violence againstwomen. Journal ofPersonality and

SocialPsychology,39,269–277.68. Jhally, S. (Writer, Narrator, & Editor). (2007). Dreamworlds 3 [Documentary film]. United States.

MediaEducationFoundation.69. Cady, J. (2009, August 10). Miley Cyrus pole dances at the Teen Choice Awards. Retrieved from

http://www.eonline.com/news/miley_cyrus_pole_dances_teen_choice/13859170. Schwartz, A. (2011, August 12). Britney Spears gives DJ Pauly D a lap dance. Retrieved from

http://www.people.com/people/article/0,20517936,00.html71.Pages46–47in:Moran,C.(2011).Howtobeawoman.NewYork,NY:HarperPerennial.72.Pages47–48in:Moran,C.(2011).Howtobeawoman.NewYork,NY:HarperPerennial.73.DeCosta,A. (2013,May22).5unintendedconsequencesofAmerica’swaronpubichair.Retrieved

from http://www.alternet.org/print/sex-amp-relationships/5-unintended-consequences-americas-war-pubic-hair

74.Foradiscussion,see:Heldman,C.,&Wade,L.(2011).SexualizingSarahPalin:Thesocialandpoliticalcontextofthesexualobjectificationoffemalecandidates.SexRoles,65,156–164.

75.Walter,N.(2010).Livingdolls:Thereturnofsexism.London,UK:Virago.76.McRobbie,A.(2008).Youngwomenandconsumerculture:Anintervention.CulturalStudies,22,531–

550.doi:10.1080/0950238080224580377.Seeforexample:http://www.juicycouture.com/accessories/little-luxuries/

JuicyButthttp://itcantallbedior.blogspot.com/2011_08_01_archive.html7/25/2012http://www.hollywoodgrind.com/tag/juicy-couture/7/25/2012http://buttercuppunch.wordpress.com/category/fashion/page/3/7/25/2012Funisback.http://www.juicycouture.com/designer-handbags/canvas-bags/fun-is-back-tote-bag/098689292540,default,pd.html07/25/2012

78.Walter,N.(2010).Livingdolls:Thereturnofsexism.London,UK:Virago.79. Page 152: Carty, V. (2005). Textual portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuanced forms of

patriarchy?Frontiers,26(2),132–155.80.Carty, V. (2005). Textual portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuanced forms of patriarchy?

Frontiers,26(2),132–155.81.ForareviewofhistoricandcontemporarystereotypesofAfricanAmericanwomen,see:Harris-Perry,

M.V.(2011).Sistercitizen:Shame,stereotypes,andblackwomeninAmerica.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.

82.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:Sage.

83.Emphasisadded.ThomasCobb,AnInquiryintotheLawofNegroSlavery,1858.Citedonpage157inAccomando,C.(2001).Theregulationsofrobbers:Legalfictionsofslaveryandresistance.Columbus,OH:TheOhioStateUniversityPress.

84.George v. State,Mississippi 1859. Cited on page 158 inAccomando,C. (2001).The regulations ofrobbers:Legalfictionsofslaveryandresistance.Columbus,OH:TheOhioStateUniversityPress.

85. Harris-Perry, M. V. (2011). Sister citizen: Shame, stereotypes, and black women in America. NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.

86.Smiley,T.,&West,C.(2012).Therichandtherestofus:Apovertymanifesto.NewYork,NY:Smiley

Books.87.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:

Sage.88.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:

Sage.89.Douglas,S.J.(2010).Enlightenedsexism:Theseductivemessage that feminism’swork isdone.New

York,NY:TimesBooks.90. Hanisch, C. (2011, Winter). Women’s liberation: Looking back, looking forward. Retrieved from

www.ontheissuesmagazine.com/2011/winter/2011_winter_Hanisch.php91.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:

Sage.92.Vavrus,M.D.(2012).Post-feministredux?TheReviewofCommunication,12,224–236.93.Vavrus,M.D.(2012).Post-feministredux?TheReviewofCommunication,12,224–236.94.Vavrus,M.D.(2012).Post-feministredux?TheReviewofCommunication,12,224–236.95. Genz, S. (2006). Third way/ve: The politics of post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7, 333–353.

doi:10.1177/146470010606904096.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London, UK:

Sage.97.Alam,J.(2012,November28).Bangladeshfactoryfire:Disney,Searsusedfactoryinblazethatkilled

more than 100 workers. Retrieved from: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/28/bangladesh-factory-fire_n_2203614.html

98.Over200killedinBangladeshfactorycollapseafterworkersforcedtoignorebuilding’sdangers.(2013,April 25). Retrieved fromhttp://www.democracynow.org/2013/4/25/over_200_killed_in_bangladesh_factory

2 POST-FEMINISMPOST-9/11

Ireallybelievethatthepagans,andtheabortionists,andthefeminists,andthegaysandthelesbianswhoareactivelytryingtomakethatanalternativelifestyle,theACLU,PeoplefortheAmericanWay—allofthemwhohavetriedtosecularizeAmerica—Ipointthefingerintheirfaceandsay“youhelped[9/11]happen.”

—REVERENDJERRYFALWELL,September12,20011

It is difficult to exaggerate the effect that the terror attacks of September 11,2001 had on nearly every aspect of American culture. Just as baby boomersrecallwhere theywerewhenPresidentKennedywas assassinated, the presentgenerationwillrememberwheretheywerewhentheyheardofthe9/11attacks.The short- andmedium-term impact of these attacks on the American peoplewasmore than thewars inIraqandAfghanistan.Therewasawaronprogressthatacceleratedsoonafterthetowersfell.Thischapterexploresonesetofconsequencesofthe9/11terroristattacks:the

rollingbackofprogressoncivilandhumanrightsandtheretreat totraditionalgender roles. We explore the post-9/11 trends that reflect the swiftness withwhichprogresstowardcivilrightsandequalityrevertstotraditionalpatriarchalpatternsofmenasbreadwinners/protectorsandwomenashomemakers/victimsduring timesof crisis.Thedust hadnot even settled after the fall of theTwinTowers when many specific gains and the general progress of the women’smovement were swept away, leaving reinstitutionalized “old-fashioned”patriarchalvalues.This chapter is divided into two parts. First we look at the immediate

aftermath of the 9/11 attacks and the emergence of a gendered dominantnarrativeinthemedia.Socialpsychologicaltheoriessuchasterrormanagementjoinpoliticalandmediaanalysisinanefforttoexplainthereactionstothe9/11attacksandthecorrespondingretreattotraditionalgenderroles.Next,thepost-9/11 retro trends such as themedia-reported “nesting” trend and popularity of“comfort food,” the popularity of television shows that capture elements of aromanticpatriarchalpast,andeventheemergenceofthepurityballasawaytocontrolyoungwomen’ssexualityareexamined.Finally,weexploretheseeventsandtrendsandtheirrelationshiptoanti-feministpost-feminism.

September11andtheRetreattoTraditionalGenderRoles

It’s probably a good thing they have blindfolds over the justice ladywith thescales because if she could see what’s going on she’d probably be prettydisgusted.

—DAVEGAUKROGER,20132

Aftertheterrorattackson9/11,PresidentGeorgeW.Bushaddressedthenation,and the joint session of Congress,1 and characterized the attacks as “a worldwhere freedom itself is under attack.” PresidentBush specified that “Americawas targeted for attack because we’re the brightest beacon for freedom andopportunityintheworld.”Thosewhocommittedtheterroristactwere“enemiesof freedom.” Bush insisted that “they hate our freedoms—our freedom ofreligion,ourfreedomofspeech,ourfreedomtovoteandassembleanddisagreewitheachother.” Inclosing,PresidentBushdeclared“freedomand fearareatwar.”3Apparently fear won because shortly after these declarations from the

president, freedom, American or otherwise, was under attack. Not from AlQaedaorIraqbutfromwithin.ByJanuaryof2002,onlyfourmonthsaftertheattacks, a detention camp under U.S. military control at Guantánamo Bay inCubaopenedtoimprisonboysandmenwhowerecapturedinAfghanistan—theplanning center of the 9/11 attacks. Those detained were labeled “enemycombatants”—avaguemilitarytermthatallowedthedetaineestonotbetreatedasprisonersofwar,and thuswithout therightsguaranteed to thoseaccusedofcrimes.Detaineeswerenotaffordeddueprocessrights,therighttoaspeedytrial(orany trial),or theright todefendthemselves; theywerenotevenallowedtosee the evidence against them. Only 8% of the boys and men imprisoned atGuantánamo were captured on a battlefield. Instead, they were captured inmarkets,takenfromtheirhomes,oftenturnedinbyneighborsoracquaintanceswho were enticed by flyers distributed by the U.S. military that advertisedgenerous bounties for turning over people who might be “associated” withterrorists.4ManyofthedetaineeswereessentiallykidnappedandturnedovertotheU.S.military.Thehundredsofdetaineesatthedetentioncampwereallowednovisitswithfamilymembers,5nocontactwiththeRedCross,6heardnoformalchargesagainst them,wereaffordednoopportunity toanswer tocharges,7andofferednohopeofeverleaving.

The Guantánamo disaster continued under President Obama, despite hispromise toclose theprison.Bymid2013,apparentlyhavinggivenuphopeofeverbeing releaseddespitebeingclearedofany terrorismchargesby theU.S.Government,most of the remainingprisoners engaged in a prisonwidehungerstrike. The U.S. military response was to push a tube through the detainees’nosesanddowntheirthroatsandforce-feedthemaliquiddiet.8Thisprotractedinternationaldisappointmentrepresentsoneofmanyvictories

offearoverfreedom.AdditionalongoingvictoriesforfearareembodiedintheformoftheUSAPATRIOTAct.9HastilypassedbyanervousCongressonly45daysafter9/11,thePATRIOTActimpliedthroughitsnamethatifyoudidnotsupportandwillinglycomplywith therepressive lawsmakinguptheAct,youdidnotloveyourcountry.TheactwasthefirstofmanychangestosurveillancelawsthatmadeiteasierforthegovernmenttospyonanyAmericancitizenwithnewly expanded authority tomonitor phone calls and emailmessages, collectbankandcreditrecords,trackAmericans’usageoftheInternet,obtainindividualborrower library records,evensearchhomeswithout telling theoccupants.OnMay 26, 2011, the US Congress passed a four-year extension of the act andPresidentObamasignedit.How didwe get here?How did optimism turn to fear, relative harmony in

international relations to multiple wars, and relatively high regard by theinternationalcommunitytodistrust?InherbookTheShockDoctrine:TheRiseofDisasterCapitalism,NaomiKlein10describesaprocesswherebyanation issotraumatizedbyadisaster—war,earthquake,marketmeltdown,terroristattack—that the entire population finds itself in a state of collective shock.Government is increasingly influenced by corporatists—those who favor thetransfer of public wealth to private companies—who seek to profit from thecollective trauma of catastrophes and use the events to engage in radicaleconomicandsocialengineering.11Kleinarguesthatcatastrophesinanypartofthe world constitute an “opportunity” for corporatists to enter the region forrebuilding and cleanuponly toprivatizenearly every aspect of the rebuilding:demolishing public schools for private, sometimes for-profit charter schools;creatingprivate,for-profitprisons;evenprivatizingsecuritybyhiringfirmssuchas Blackwater12 to “keep order” in places like New Orleans after HurricaneKatrina.Peacekeepingandlawenforcementthatusedtobecarriedoutbylocalauthorities has become contracted to privatemercenary armies operating bothwithin and outside of theUnited States. The “opportunity” here is for a hugetransfer of public wealth into corporate hands. These trends representingmovementfrompubliclyownedentitiestotheprivate,for-profitsectorisinline

withtheneoliberalcorporatisttrendsdescribedinChapter1.Klein’s description of the trauma after a catastrophe is useful to help us

understandthestateofcollectiveshockexperiencedbyAmericansimmediatelyafter9/11.People inashockedstatebecomeweakenedandbeleaguered,Kleinargues,andsubsequentlyreceptivetoallkindsoftricksandtakeoverstheymightotherwise resist. “The falling bombs, the bursts of terror, the poundingwindsserve tosoftenupwholesocietiesmuchas theblaringmusicandblows in thetorturecells softenupprisoners.Like the terrorizedprisonerwhogivesup thenames of comrades and renounces his faith, shocked societies often give upthings theywould otherwise fiercely protect.”13 This is what happened to theUnitedStatesafter9/11.With thehelpofanewsmedia thathardlyquestionedthe justification to invade Iraq in2003,14 or the rashpassageof thePATRIOTAct,15 we find that in the weeks and months after 9/11 Americans foundthemselvesinastateinwhichthefearofanotherterroristattackwasgreaterthanthefearoflivinginasocietywithrestrictedrights,hyper-surveillance,indefiniteimprisonment,anddronekillingsofAmericancitizens.Americanstraditionallyexpect and cherish a right to privacy, freedom of speech, and freedom fromintrusionsfromthefederalgovernmentintoprivatelives.Inhismanypost-9/11declarations, President George W. Bush linked these freedoms to Americanvulnerability to terrorist attack and in the name of the ongoing war on terrorthesefreedomswereswiftlyabridged.ANewYorkTimes/CBSNewspoll16 inDecemberof2001,threemonthsaftertheattacks,foundthat80%ofAmericanssupported indefinite detention for noncitizens who were deemed a threat tonationalsecurity;70%favoredgovernmentmonitoringofconversationsbetweensuspected terrorists and their lawyers; 64% favored allowing the president theauthority to change rights guaranteed by the Constitution—tactics that manyAmericans would likely have opposed before 9/11. Tragically, indefinitedetention,evenofAmericans,wascodifiedintoAmericanlaw,notbyPresidentBush but by President Obama when he signed the National DefenseAuthorizationActinJanuary2012.

TraditionalGenderRoles:TheNewOldNormalAstheenormityoftheattackswasunfolding,anarrativeemergedinthemediacoverageoftheeventandaftermaththatholdsmanyyearslater.Thatnarrativeincludes the heroic rescuer—men,mostlywhite, and heterosexual—whowerepolice officers, firefighters, EMTs, and other first responders. The necessarycontrasttotheheroicrescuerwerethevictims—women—mostlyintheformof

widowedwives of themenwho perished in the attacks.Of course, in reality,manyfirstresponderswerewomenandmanymenwerewidowedasaresultofthe attacks. However, in the days after the attacks, the master narrative thatemerged in themediawasofwomenasdamsels-in-distressandmenasheroicprotectors.17Andnow,yearsaftertheattacks,theiconicimagesof9/11providedbymediafitthissameframe.Inthistraditionalnarrativeofthemasculinizationoffirstrespondersandthe

ignoringof thewomen firefighters, police officers, andmedical personnel,wewitnessed the revitalization of the gendered “firemen” rather than theprofessionalterm,“firefighters.”18Usingtheseoutdatedtermsreflectedthemassmedia gender narrative and at the same time reinforces and perpetuates thisgendered arrangement. The graphic cartoonOur ToweringHeroes likened theimagesofthetwintowersoftheWorldTradeCentertothebodiesoftwomen—afirefighterandapoliceofficer.19Inherbook,TheTerrorDream:MythandMisogynyinanInsecureAmerica,

SusanFaludidescribesthenewgenderroleconfinesforwomenandmenpost-9/11.20Aswomenwere relegated to the role of victims, thewidowedwomenbecame repositories of grief. The post-9/11 United States was a defensivecountryeagertodemonstrateitstoughnessandmasculinity.BarbaraBergwritesof the “rush to defend and bolster an American manhood compromised andbelittledbytheattacks.”21Inthewakeoftheattacks,NewYorkMayorRudolphGuiliani,SecretaryofDefenseDonaldRumsfeld,andPresidentGeorgeW.Bushwererepresentedas tough-guysuperheroes,aswereNewYorkfirefighters,orrather,firemen.22Thediscourseofgrieffollowingtheattackssuggeststhatitwasmostlywhite,

heterosexual familieswho had been torn apart by the attacks.23Hidden in thenewsreportsofthehijackingswasthestoryofagaymanwhohadleftbehind“friends”(andnot“family”)inSanFrancisco.Themediadidnotshowimagesof thesefriends;ratherwesawonlyhisgrievingmother.Alsoforgottenin thispictureofheroesandvictimswerethenonwhite,workingclasswomenandmen—cooks, dishwashers, mail handlers, janitors, and immigrant workers—whodiedat thePentagonandWorldTradeCenter thatday.Theseimageswouldbeincongruent with the image of the “real” American, an image of whitemasculinitythatwaseasyforAmericanstorallyaround.Soonaftertheattacks,thewidowsof9/11couldbeseenontheeveningnews

and talk shows,whereaswidowedmenwere, for themost part, invisible.Thewomen survivors were celebrated as grieving wives and mothers, with thecountryprojectingtheirfears,sadness,andsympathiesontothesewomen.Butas

Susan Faludi argues, the 9/11widowswere shown sympathetically as long astheydidnotdeviatefromtheconstructeddamsel-in-distressscriptprovidedforthemby themedia.Whenagroupof9/11widowswhobecameknownas the“JerseyGirls”began toquestion thescript—byaskingquestionscriticalof theBushAdministrationanditshandlingoftheaftermathoftheattacks—theyweremarginalized in thepress in favorofmoreeasilydigestible traditionalwomen.Likewise, the documentary Women at Ground Zero, about women rescueworkers,wascriticizedasanti-maleandanti-Americanbecauseitdidnotfollowthe scriptofmenas rescuers/womenasvictimsanddared toputwomen first-respondersatthecenterforamoment.24Womenfirefightersandpoliceofficersnotonlybattledthe9/11attacksbutalsowereunderattackfromasocietythatviewsthemastrespassingmen’sdomain.Thesewomenwereunderattackfromsome of their male coworkers who sabotaged them by draining their oxygentanks and making death threats.25 An article on the CNN website about itsdocumentary, “Beyond Bravery: The Women of 9/11,” generated hostilecomments from readers on the CNN website. One reader writes, “I find thisarticlealmostoffensive,really.Fightingforrecognition‘aswomen?’Seriously?Whyisthisaboutmenandwomen?”Anotherreadersays,“Areyoukiddingme?Come on, this is ridiculous, women always think they have it worse then[sic]men.”26Thesecommentsreflectthenotionofthecenter-stageproblem27wewillexamine in Chapter 4.When attention is turned away from themajority (andthuslegitimate)group,howeverbriefly,theattentionisinterpretedasatakeoverof the majority group by the encroaching minority group. These readercomments also reflect the fiction of a level playing field; a fiction that theplaying field is equal and only becomes destabilized when women andminoritiesattempttogainsomeostensiblyundeservedandunearnedadvantage.

DealingwithDissentDissent was one of the first casualties of the war on terror. Shortly after theattackscommentatorsandcelebritieswhowerecriticalofU.S.policies towardArabandMuslimcountrieswereshunnedinthenationalpress.BillMaherlosthis television showPolitically Incorrect in 2002 after he questioned the scriptthat prescribed the9/11 terrorists as cowards.Like the treatment of the JerseyGirls—those 9/11widows that questioned the gendered script—women criticsseemed tohavegotten theworstof it.According toSusanFaludi, aparticularkind of furywas directed at womenwriters and commentators such as SusanSontag,KathaPollitt,andFranLebowitz,whodaredquestionU.S.policy.They

werelabeledtraitorous,idiotic,andhaughty.BothFaludiandBarbaraBergnotethat the presence of women op-ed writers and broadcast pundits decreasedshortly after September 11. Women who did appear were anti-feministcommentatorssuchasKateO’Beirne,ChristinaHoffSommers,PeggyNoonan,andCamillePaglia.28ThecrushingofdissentcontinuedthroughtheinvasionofIraq.Whencountry

music stars the Dixie Chicks criticized President Bush in 2003, they facedboycottsfromradiostationsandevendeaththreatsinthisnewenvironmentthatwasintolerantofdissent.29IntheweeksbeforetheU.S.invasionofIraq—atimewhenourcountryshouldhavebeenvigorouslydebatingthemeritsofinvadingacountry that had nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks—conservative pro-warvoiceswerealmostexclusivelyheardonTV.Fairness&AccuracyinReporting(FAIR) conducted a study of nightly news stories about Iraq on ABC, CBS,NBC,andPBS in theweeksbefore theU.S. invasionof Iraq in2003.30FAIRfoundthat76%percentofallsourcesontheseprogramswerecurrentorformergovernmentofficials—nopoliticalscientists,historians,Iraqis,anti-waractivists,religious leaders, or veterans not working for the government.31 On the fourmajor networks combined, just one of 267 U.S. sources was affiliated withantiwar activism—less than half a percent. This coverage occurred at a timewhen61%ofU.S.respondentsweretellingpollstersthataninvasionofIraqwaspremature and more time was needed for diplomacy with Iraq. Overall, only17%of the totalon-camerasources representedskepticalpositionson theU.S.warpolicy.32 Thus, evenwhen amajority ofAmericanswere skeptical of theinvasion of Iraq, themedia presented the invasion as justified and inevitable.Therewasvirtuallynospaceforalternativepointsofview.OncetheU.S.invasionofAfghanistanandIraqbegan,themediahadanother

type of woman to grapple with—one who did not fit the damsel-in-distressscript: the woman soldier. How did the media fit women GIs into a masternarrativeof retrograde roles forwomen?To theextent thatwomen fighting inAfghanistan and Iraq were covered by news media, their role as wives andmothers was emphasized.33 Like the Jersey Girls, women who disturbed thescript, when they weren’t vilified or invisible, were reconceived andreconstructed into a traditional gender narrative: primarilywives andmothers.Like women firefighters, women in the military were fighting battles on twofronts:thewarsinIraqandAfghanistanandthewaragainstthembymeninthemilitary who saw women not as comrades but as targets for sexual assault.Enlistedwomen face higher levels of sexual assault than non-enlistedwomenandmostoftheassaultsareperpetratedbythementheyworkwith.Rapeoccurs

inthemilitarynearlytwiceasoftenasinthecivilianworld,andratesofsexualassault are even higher during war. A 2013 Pentagon report estimated that26,000activedutysoldiers(bothwomenandmen)weresexuallyassaultedthepreviousyear—anaverageofabout70assaultseachday.34Womenwhoreportedsuch violence to their commanding officers were often forced to take a liedetector test and continue toworkwith the perpetratorswhen nothing furtherwas done about the crime. The post 9/11 veneration of the American malesoldiermakescriticismofthemilitaryunacceptable.35In thepost-9/11context, feministdiscussionsweredeniedandmarginalized,

placedonindeterminatehold,asotherdiscussionssuchaskillingterroristsweredeemedmore serious andofgreater importance.36 In this context, bringing upgender issues is seen as a sign of disloyalty.37 Civil rights become anextravagance that the country cannot afford during wartime. These post-9/11trends illustrate the quickness with which progress toward civil rights andequality became subverted as the country returned to traditional patriarchalpatternsofmenasbreadwinners/heroesandwomenashomemakers/moms.ItisalmostasifintheamountoftimeittooktheTwinTowerstofall,muchoftheprogressfromthewomen’smovementwaspushedasideforthesafety,comfort,andreassuringveneerof“old-fashioned”patriarchalvalues.Whenthecountryisundersiegeandatwar,progressivepoliticsandcivilrightsareeasilydismissedas capricious luxuries that distract from constructed core values of masculineprotectorandfemalevictim.38One constituencyofwomen thatwas toleratedwas the “securitymom.”By

2004 when President GeorgeW. Bush ran for reelection, “security moms”—womenidentifiedasmothersconcernedaboutthesafetyoftheirchildrenandthecountry—were constructed by the media as a serious constituency forpresidential candidates to court.39 And then by 2008, the “Mama Grizzly,”inspired by Sarah Palin’s vice-presidential run, served the same purpose.40Tough,fiercelyprotectivewomen,buttoughinamommyway.The atmosphere of war shapes voters’ attitudes about women and men as

candidatesforpoliticaloffice.Militaryandforeignpolicyissueshadnotplayedmuchofacentral role in recentU.S.politicalcampaignsprior to2001.41Thatchanged after 9/11. In one sample, 80% of respondents reported that foreignpolicywas an “important” or “very important” issue determining vote choice.Thisviewwasthenormregardlessofthegender,race,orpoliticalaffiliationoftherespondent.Inpeacetime,womenareaboutaslikelyasmentowinelections,but not during war. People tend to believe that men candidates are better atdealingwithmilitaryissuesthanarewomen.Inthetimeafter9/11peopletended

tobelievethatmenwouldbemorecompetentatpunishingthoseresponsiblefor9/11andwouldbemoreabletoprotectthenationfromfutureattacks.42Since 1937 national random samples have answered the question, “If your

politicalpartynominatedawomanforpresident,wouldyoubewilling tovotefor her if she were qualified for the job?” The majority of Americans wereunwilling to vote for a woman in the 1930s and 1940s, but levels of supportincreasedthroughoutthenextseveraldecades.Bythelate1990s,about95%ofthose surveyed expressed willingness to vote for a woman candidate. In fact,because the question produced such a high percentage of agreement, it wasdroppedbythepollstersin2000.Adifferentsurveyin2002,however,foundthatonly65%ofrespondentswouldbewillingtovoteforawomanforpresident.Apolitical climatedominatedby foreignpolicyandmilitaryconcernsappears toaccountforpartofthereasonthatoverallwillingnesstoelectawomanpresidentin2002wasaslowasitwasintheearly1970s.43Recognitionof thewomenheroesof9/11and itsaftermathby feministsdid

little toshakeupthepervasiveimageryofmasculinemeninuniformstormingupthestairsoftheWorldTradeCenterandconstructioncrews(madeupentirelyofmen)diggingthroughdustyrubbleinsearchofbodies.Therewasaparallelimagery of sorrowful widows, but that too turned out to be a false image ofhelplessness when the women became an aggressive activist group. Anotheractivistgroupwasthelesbianandgaypartnersofthosewhodiedon9/11.Theysued to be recognized as familymembers by the federalSeptember 11VictimCompensation Fund.44 The conventional categories and familiar roles conveystabilityintimesofcrisis,soit looksasthough“menfightandwomenweep.”But thereality is that in thisdisaster,as inmanyothers,womencanbeon thefrontlines,andmencry—eveniftheirtearsareoffcamera.

ManagingMortalityduringTerrorAttacksIn the aftermath of 9/11 political attitudes shifted to the rightwithAmericansbecoming significantly more conservative following the attacks. This shiftoccurredamongself-identifiedliberals,moderates,andconservatives.ThemostpronouncedshiftswereseenwhenpeoplewereaskedtheiropinionofGeorgeW.Bush and themilitary.45Terror management theory is based on the idea thatindividuals grapple with two human characteristics—the instinct for self-preservationandtheknowledgethatone’sdeathisinevitable.Humansdealwiththis existential terror by developing cultural institutions and worldviews thatprovidethemmeaningandexplanationofthisconflict.Cultureandinstitutions,

such as the family, religion, and nation, provide security and the sense thatmembership in those institutions can transcend death. People aremotivated todefend their culture, their values, and their worldview—against real andimaginedchallengesalike.Hundredsofstudiesonterrormanagementfindthatwhen people are made aware of the inevitability of their own deaths, that is,whentheirmortalityismadesalient,theyexperienceaneedtoreinforcestrongattachment to faith in their beliefs.46 Terror management theory then predictsthatwhenpeoplearefacedwithactualorsymbolicmortalitytheyclingtightlytotheir worldviews; they derogate those who are perceived to threaten theirworldview;andinaleapfrominternalthoughtprocesstolarge-scalesocialandpolitical practice, they support leaders that make them feel safe. The mereexistence of differing points of view or diverse opinions raises the possibilitythat one’s own views could be misguided or wrong. To avoid consciouslyrecognizingthattheirownopinionscouldbewrong,peopledisparagetheviewsof theothersbyquestioningothers’values,motives, integrity,andintelligence.Intimesofcrisis,dissentisdealtwithharshly.47The terror attacks of 9/11 serve as a giganticmortality salience experience.

The deaths, the destruction of buildings, and the obliteration of perceived andactual cherished symbols (World Trade Center, AmericanAirlines andUnitedAirlinesplanesusedintheattacks)severelydestabilizedthefunctionalintegrityofthepsychologicalprotectionthatusuallyenablesustofeelprotectedandsafeinaworldwheretheonlyrealcertaintyinlifeisdeath.Ifwelookattheeventsinthedays,weeks,andmonthsafter9/11inthecontextofterrormanagement,weseealotofclingingtothefamiliaranddisparagingoftheunfamiliar.Terrormanagement theory explains inpartwhymen,butnotwomen,whowere firstresponderswereelevatedasheroesandwhywomen,butnotmen,werepicturedinneedof rescue. In timesofcrisis, this constructedgenderarrangement feelscomfortable and consistent with many individuals’ values and worldviews.Terrormanagement theoryalsoexplainswhydissenterswereharshlypunishedinmedia, andwhy thosewho criticizedU.S. policywere quashed. Especiallywomen dissenters. The post-9/11 conservative climate alongside traditionalgender roles that call for women to be not too opinionated produced anintoleranceofwomencriticaloftheU.S.government.Intimesofterror,peoplelook for strong (male) leaders tohelp them feel safe.A2005 study found thatwhen thoughts of death were primed, support for President George W. Bushincreasedandsupportforthe2004presidentialcandidateJohnKerrydecreased;inthecontrolcondition—whendeaththoughtswerenotprimed—attitudesweretheopposite.48 Trust in the federal government (and state and local) increased

immediately after the attacks. This change was especially likely for whitewomenandmenbutitdidoccurtoalesserextentforAfricanAmericanwomenandmen(otherethnicitieswerenotexamined).Afteraboutsixmonths,attitudesreturnedtopre-9/11opinions.49Theretreattotraditionalgenderrolesisconsistentwithanationremindedof

its symbolic and literalmortality.Onewaypeoplemanage their anxiety aboutmortalityisbyidentifyingwithandsupportingthoseinpowerwhomakethemfeel like they are a valued part of something larger than themselves. Whenmortality ismadesalient,peopleadhere tovalues thatgive themcomfort.Oneexperiment50 on the evaluation of leaders found thatwhenmenweremade tothinkofdeath(compared tosomething less threatening), theypreferredamaleleaderwhowasassertive,decisive,andindependent,whereaswomenpreferredaleader of either gender with those characteristics. Another study51 found thatmortality salience increased adherence to cultural gender stereotypes such thatpeoplefavoredwomenjobcandidateswhowereapplyingtobeafashionwriterand men candidates who were applying for a sports writer position overapplicants applying for the counterstereotype positions. When people arereminded of theirmortality, they seek to confirm the validity of their culturalworldviews.Correspondingly,mortalitysalienceproducesespeciallypunitivereactions to

perceived moral transgressions. For example, one study found that municipalcourtjudgesassignedfargreaterpenaltiestoprostitutesafterabriefreminderoftheir own deaths, compared to judges not reminded of death.52 And whenmortality salience is induced, men report more negative feelings toward a“seductive”womanversusa“wholesome”woman(samewoman,justpresenteddifferently)andtheyrecommendedamorelenientsentenceforaperpetratorofmale to femaleviolence compared tomale-maleviolence.53Thus, in thepost-9/11 context, women in the military, women firefighters, feisty widows, and“unwholesome” women present a problem for people. As we will explore inChapter5,nontraditionalwomenarealwaysaproblemforpeople,butespeciallyin times of crisis and uncertainty. Terror management theory allows us tounderstandwhydissentwaspunishedsoharshlyandwhysomanyAmericans,though certainly not all, seemed to tolerate the incursion on civil and humanrightspost-9/11.Terrormanagementwouldalsopredictthepost-9/11increasesinhatecrimes

againstMuslims,orthosethoughttobeMuslim(orAraborMiddleEastern).54Peoplewhoaredifferentfrom“us”arealsodealtwithharshlybythemajorityasaresultofheightenedconcernsaboutdeath.Mortalitysalienceleadstoincreased

prejudiceandstereotyping.Themereexistenceofthosewhoaredifferentfromus is threatening in that the validity of our own death-transcending culturalworldviewisorcanbequestioned.Whenpeopleneedprotectionfromanxiety,which is the casewhen they have been reminded of theirmortality, there is atendency to stereotype and reject those who are different from themselves.55Interestingly,whereas the endorsement of violence in general did not increaseafter9/11,theendorsementofviolencethroughwar,aswellasendorsementofviolence toward people who break the law, did increase after 9/11.56 Theseattitudes began to return to the original baseline rates within a year after theattacks.DidthesechangesinattitudesmakeiteasiertoaccepttheinvasionsofAfghanistanandIraq?OrperhapstheinvasionofAfghanistaninfluencedthesepro-warattitudes.

Post-9/11RetroTrendsIn the weeks and months after 9/11 reporters and pundits commented on thereturntotraditionalvalues.Therewerearticles,forinstance,aboutsinglewomenwhohadplacedcareersaheadofmatrimonybutnowweresaidtobelookingforhusbands.57Regardlessofwhetherthesereportsreflectedactualtrendsorsimplyanecdotes that resonated with the post-9/11 traditional gender frame, thesereports circulated nonetheless. In support of these trends, women in the late2000s were actually found to be more likely to change their names to theirhusband’slastnameaftermarriagethanwomeninthe1990s.58Mediareportedon the post-9/11 “nesting” trend by which people stayed home and avoidedtravel59—taking“staycations”ratherthanvacations.Therewereevenreportsofa post-9/11 trend in American cooking: “comfort food”—traditional foodcharacteristicofthe1950ssuchasmeatloaf,macaroniandcheese,andmashedpotatoes.60Ofcourse,comfortfoodinthiscontextisnotuniversalbutisracedandclassed;itreferstotheoldtimeyfoodcharacteristicsofmiddle-classwhites.Collardgreens,tamales,andporkbunsarenotincludedonthepost-9/11comfortfood menu. Although there appeared to be no actual link between sales ofmeatloafandmashedpotatoesand9/11,61manyinthemediamadeexplicitthelinkbetweencomfortfoodand9/11,evenifitwasnotreal.62Thesereportsareconsistent with the prediction from a terror management perspective that inuncertain timesAmericansgravitate toward thefamiliar,aharkeningback toa(supposedly)simplertime.63Evenifthesimplertimesofthe“goodolddays”ofthe 1950s didn’t actually exist, and certainly did not exist for communities of

color in the pre-civil-rights-movement era,64 comfort food symbolizes thisostensiblysimpler,familiar,morepredictabletime.In theseveralyearsafter9/11youstillseeretro trends.A2009article titled

“Comfortably Yum: In Times of Uncertainty, Comfort Food Makes aComeback”65 still refers to 9/11 but also references job loss and recession asfactorsintheattractionofcomfortfood.Beginningwiththe2005revivaloftheFordMustang,therehasbeenaresurgenceof1960s-eraAmerican-mademusclecars such as the Camaro, Challenger, GTO, and Charger. These vehiclesrepresent an earlier time, a stronger andmoremasculine time, and an era thatwasalsomoreprofitablefortheU.S.autoindustryandtheU.S.moregenerally.It is ironic that these low-gas-mileagemusclecars resurfacedwhile thedebateabout peak oil and global warming was occurring. Retro television showsbecamepopularbytheendofthefirstdecadeofthe21stcentury.In2007,thetelevisionshowMadMen,aboutthewhite,heterosexual,male-dominatedworldofMadisonAvenue“admen”inthe1960s,becameahit.Ridingtheretrowaveclothing company Banana Republic introduced their Mad Men collection in2011. Inspired by the television show, the collection offered consumerssophisticated dressing from the early 1960s. The women’s collection offered“ladylike pieces” such as “feminine lace shell blouses and chic coral croppedcapris”66andtightdressesthataccentuatethesexysecretarystylesocommonin1960sfilm(ifnotinreallife).Thestylesforprofessionalwomenstandinstarkcontrasttothemoretailoredmen’sstyledbusinessattirewomenworein,say,the1980s.Backbypopulardemand,BananaRepublicdebuteditssecondcollectionofMadMenstylesintimeforthe2012seasonpremiereofthetelevisionshow.The attire inspired byMad Men has different implications for feminism andwomen than the actual television show. The TV show offered the viewer acritiqueof thesexism,racism,andhomophobiaof theadvertisingindustryandthecultureof the1960sdealingwith issues suchas segregation, abortion, andrape.The ladylikepieces fromBananaRepublicoffer thehyperfeminine looksofthetimewithoutthecritiqueofhowwomenweretreatedintheworkplaceandhowwomenwerelimitedintheirchoicesbetweentheboredhousewifeofMadMen’sBettyDraperorthevixenworkingwomanJoanHolloway.For the2011 televisionseasonnetworks introducedretroshowssuchasThe

PlayboyClubabouttheearlydaysofHughHefner’smen’sclubsinthe1960s,andPanAm,aretrolookatflightattendants(“stewardesses”)intheearlydaysofPanAmericanAirlines.TheactualPlayboyclubs thatwerescatteredabout theUnitedStates in the1960s that showcasedbunny-eared,cotton-tailed, corsetedyoungwomenashostsandserverscloseditsremainingclubin1986whenthe

tenor of the times changed.However, by 2006, a Playboy club opened inLasVegas, followed by openings in London and other cities. By 2011 therewereplans to reopen the club in Chicago close to the original Playboy Club.67Apparently, in the post-9/11 world, the time was ripe to relaunch this genderthrowbackrepletewithitsstylizedretrotrappings.On the Lifetime television network, the program Army Wives premiered in

2007.Itssixthseasonbeganin2012.Thispresent-daydramafollowsthelivesoffour army wives and one army husband. It is different fromMad Men, ThePlayboyClub, andPanAm, in that it is based on the present, not on the past,whengenderrolesweremorerigidandwomen’soptionsweremorelimitedthanthey are today.However, at a timewhen theUnited Stateswas active in twowars and enlisted women’s military service was relatively normalized, it is arevealingchoicetocreateashowfocusedonthewivesandfamiliesofenlistedmen.Inheranalysisof“chick-flick”filmsthatcameoutafter9/11,DianeNegra68

finds that women characters in these films are encouraged to find love overcareer, or to the extent that the main character keeps her career, it becomesprivatized—she begins towork at home, for instance.Negra argues that thesepost-feminist qualities in chick flicks were already in play in the yearsimmediately before 9/11; however, they were given new traction after 9/11becausetheywereconsistentwiththediscoursethatadvocatedtraditionalismasthe appropriate response to the new conservative national climate. Negracontends, “the post-9/11 cultural climate emphasized the re-essentialization ofgender as a panacea for the doubt, confusion, sadness, and anger thatmarkednationallife.”69Another curious phenomenon of the post-9/11 era is the purity ball. Purity

ballscorrespondtothepopularityofabstinence-onlyeducationoftheGeorgeW.Bush era.The first purity ballwas held in 1998, but the phenomenonbecamepopularizedandprevalentintheUnitedStatesintheearlyandmid2000s.Onesourcereportsthat4,000purityeventstookplaceintheUnitedStatesin2007.70Thepurityballcentersonmaintainingthepurityofgirlsandyoungwomenuntilmarriage.Daughters pledge their virginity to their fathers at these ceremonies,which resemble something of a wedding, a prom, and a debutante ball. Thewebsitepurityball.comsponsoredbyTheChristianCenterenthuses,“Godthinkstheprotectionofawoman’spurityshouldbeextravagantandsodowe!”71Theseevents usually include a formal dinner, dance, pictures with father anddaughter(s),andsomekindofceremonyduringwhichthefatherpledgestohisdaughter,“Iwillbepureinmyownlifeasaman,husband,andfather.”“Iwill

be a man of integrity and accountability as I lead, guide and pray over mydaughter andmy family as theHigh Priest inmy home.”72 Daughters in turnpledgetheirmoral,physical,andsexualpuritytotheirfathersuntiltheyareableto transfer thecommitment from their fathers to theman theywillmarry.Theball usually culminates in prayer and the signing of a purity pledge or thepresentationofapurityringgivenbyfathertodaughter(thatshewearsonherlefthand).Manycritics’reportsoftheseeventsdescribethemas“creepy”—anarticleinMaclean’sistitled,“Dad’syourpromdate.”73Thatthegirlsandyoungwomen wear prom-like attire—spaghetti straps and heels—and their fatherswear suitsor tuxedos is a confusingpositioningofgirlswearing feminineandevenrevealingattire—designedtoattractsuitors—ataneventduringwhichshepledgestoherfatherhercommitmenttovirginityuntilmarriage.There ismuch to criticize about purity events such as the reification of the

fatherbeinginchargeofadaughter’spurityuntilhegivesherawaytoanotherman.Thefathergivespermissiontothenewmantohavesexwithher:womenare first thepropertyof fathers and then thepropertyofhusbands, and femalehonorrestswithmaleprotectors.Thereisalsotheextremegenderessentialismandabsurdsexualdoublestandardthatsaysayoungwoman’s“purity”ismoreimportantthanayoungman’s.Whataboutboys’andyoungmen’spurity?Whatare theyup towhile their same-aged female peers are pledging their purity totheirfathersandGod?Ofcoursetheassumptionofheterosexualityas theonlynormal typeof relationshipoption is implicit in theseevents.Wheredoyounglesbiansfitintotheseeventsandthisdiscourse?Thewebsitesshowcasingtheseeventsappeartobeeventsexclusivelyforwhitegirlsandtheirfathers.Doyoungwomen of color have a chance at purity as well? Probably not because, asdiscussed in Chapter 1, stereotypes about African American women, forexample, have branded them as hypersexual and therefore their purity isimpossibleorirrelevant.74On a more practical note, the message preached at these events is sexual

abstinence.Asweknowafter considerable studyof abstinence-only educationprogramsinschools,preachingabstinencehassignificantnegativeoutcomesforits pupils. Analyses of abstinence-only programs demonstrate a profounddisconnect between intention and practice on the part of young people.Abstinence-only education programs are associated with higher than averageteenage pregnancy and birth rates in theUnitedStates. In contrast, the lowestteenpregnancy rates are from thoseprograms that provide comprehensive sexeducation,coveringabstinencealongsidepropercontraception,condomuse,andHIVprevention.75Whatabouttheyoungwomenwhotakepuritypledges?Ina

five-year longitudinal study of U.S. adolescents comparing those who took avirginitypledgeandteenswhodidnot,thosewhopledgedvirginitywerejustaslikely to engage in premarital sex and had just as many sexually transmitteddiseases as those teens who did not make a virginity pledge. However, thoseteenswho took pledgeswere significantly less likely to use birth control andcondoms than those who did not take a virginity pledge.76 Unfortunately, thefunctionofavirginitypledgeseemstobetocreateanenvironmentofignoranceandcomplacencythatresultsinrecklessbehavior.Andpurityballsarecertainlyconsistentwithotherretrotrendsthatfunctiontobringwomenbacktoanearlierandcontrolledtime.

ConclusionTheprevious chapter explored the featuresof anti-feminism in apost-feministera.This chapter explores the roleof9/11 ina retreat togender traditionalismthat has occurred in the decade since 9/11, influenced by the reaction to theterrorattacksof9/11.Theeventsof9/11didnot introduceabrandnewsetofnorms and agendas. Rather, 9/11 enhanced and accelerated a conservativeagendaalreadyinplaceintheUnitedStates.Theattacksaffordedanopportunitytomake thispost-feministagendapalatable tomoreAmericans.Like thepost-feministtrendsdescribedinChapter1,thisprocessbeganintheearly1980s,notonSeptember12,2001.TheneoliberalagendausheredinbyRonaldReaganwasallowedtoflourishafter the traumaof9/11.Giventhegravityof theevent,nogoodAmericanwouldquestionthisnewreality,orwhatBarbaraBergcalls,thenewoldnormal.77Thecollective shockexperiencedbyanationduringacrisismakespossible

largemovements of privatizing public institutions and curtailing constitutionalrights—inthepost-9/11contexttheseareseenassharedsacrificesforthegoodofwinningthewaronterror.Progressivepoliticsbecomeviewedascapriciousextravagancesthatdistractfromkillingterrorists.Butthesacrificeisnotsharedequally.Women are relegated to the home and are punished for speaking out.Partofthecorporatistagendaistocutbackandderegulate.Thefirstrespondersof9/11wereconstructedasheroesinthenewsmedia.ButwhentheygotsickittookCongressnearly10yearsforthegovernmenttoformallyrecognizethatthetoxinsatGroundZerooftheWorldTradeCentercausedillnessanddeathintheworkersandtopassalawthatwouldcoverhealthcarecostsforfirstresponders.Whenthebillfinallycametoavotein2010,41of42RepublicanSenatorsvotedagainst it. So politicians were quick to use 9/11 responders and their bravery

when they were constructing a rationale to invade Iraq and Afghanistan androllingbackcivilrights,buttheythenabandonedthosesameheroeswhentheybecamevulnerable and ill.This shamefulparadoxpromptedTheDaily Show’sJonStewarttosay,“YouknowwhatRepublicans?Youuse9/11somuch,ifyoudon’towe9/11firstrespondershealthcare,atleastyouowethemroyalties.”78In Chapter 1, we explored some key aspects of post-feminism such as

consumerism, neoliberalism, privatization, and hypersexualization under theauspices of choice and empowerment for women. The mainstreaming ofpornographyandthehypersexualizationofgirlsandwomenmightatfirstglanceseem incongruouswith the retrograde trends described in this chapter. In fact,bothpressuresonandconstructionsofwomenrepresentedinthesetwochaptersworkinconcerttomarginalizewomenandtorelegatethemtotraditionalgenderroles. In the case of “empowerment” through self-objectification described inChapter 1, women are offered “choices” through their ability to purchaseconsumer goods with their own incomes (middle-class women, at least).However, the rangeof their choices is confined tobeing sexuallyappealing toothers.Thereislittleroomforactualsexualpleasureandagency,unlessagencyismeasuredbyyourabilitytomakeyourselflookhot.Oneofthecontributionsof the feminist movement of the 1970s was women’s control over their ownbodies—to have sexual intercourse without coercion, without the fear ofpregnancy,andforpleasure,tobeabletoterminateapregnancy,andtobeableto have children by choice. In post-feminism, women are encouraged to besexuallyappealing,but there is littlediscourseofwomen’sownsexualagencyandpleasure.Beingsexyisnotthesameasbeingsexual.Andspinningonapoleforothers’pleasure isnot thesameaschoosingsexualpartners forawoman’sownsexualpleasure,onherownterms.Thepost-9/11retreattotraditionalismissimilarlyconfiningandretrograde.A

crisis like 9/11 demonstrates how tenuous civil rights and progressive genderpoliticsareandhowtheycanbepushedback.Theresultistheclaimthatwomenarebestsuitedforplayingtheroleof thehelplessvictimandwhentheyresist,whentheygetmouthy,theyarepunishedpublicly—evenmoresothanmouthymen. Sassy women violate traditional gender roles that prescribe women assmiling and supportive and in the background.The focus onwomen aswivesandmothersconfineswomenintonarrow,old-fashionedroleswhereagencyandempowerment take the form of cooking comfort food and being a “mamagrizzly.”Theconstructionsofwomeninbothchaptersareretrogradeandobjectifying,

just indifferentways.Therearealways tensions incultural tropes—seeminglycontradictory stereotypes and roles, but they are roles that work together and

help define each other: virgin/whore, mammy/jezebel, lotus blossom/dragonlady. These dimensions often undergird each other. They are two sides of thesamesexistcoin.Ratherthanwomenbeingdividedintothesetwocontradictoryrolesthatwehaveseenhistorically,today’spost-feministwomanislikelytofeelpressuretobeboth.Thepost-feministwomantakespole-dancingclassesatthegymandgetshomeintimetomakemacaroniandcheeseforherhusband.Thatmight seemdoublyoppressive,butpost-feminism tellswomen that these rolesreflectfreedom—sheis“free”toputonanapronandcookmashpotatoesandis“free”totakeoffthatapronandtwirlaroundapole.

Notes1. Falwell apologizes to gays, feminists, lesbians (2001, September 14). CNN.com Retrieved fromhttp://articles.cnn.com/2001-09-14/us/Falwell.apology_1_thomas-road-baptist-church-jerry-falwell-feminists?_s=PM:US

2.Gaukroger,D.,& Sear, J. (2013,April 25). The austerity of hope.SomethingWonky [podcast]. Seehttp://somethingwonky.com

3. Bush, G. W. (2001, September 20). Address to joint session of congress following 9/11 attacks.Retrieved at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/specials/attacked/transcripts/bushaddress_092001.html

4. For a more extensive discussion, see Chapter 1 in: Anderson, K. J. (2010). Benign bigotry: thepsychologyofsubtleprejudice.Cambridge,UK:CambridgeUniversityPress.

5.Margulies, J. (2006).Guantánamo and the abuse of presidential power. New York, NY: Simon &Schuster.

6. Glaberson,W. (2007, November 16). Red Crossmonitors barred fromGuantánamo.The New YorkTimes.Retrieved fromhttp://www.nytimes.comSee also: Soldz, S.,&Assange, J. (2007,November17). Guantanamo document confirms psychological torture. Wikileaks. Retrieved fromwww.wikileaks.org/wiki/Guantanamo_document_confirms_psychological_torture

7.Margulies, J. (2006).Guantánamo and the abuse of presidential power. New York, NY: Simon &Schuster.

8.Harris,P.,McVeigh,T.,&Townsend,M.(2013,May4).HowGuantánamo’shorrorforcedinmatestohungerstrike.Retrievedfromhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/may/04/guantanamo-hunger-strike

9.Whitehead, J.W.,&Aden,S.H. (2002).Forfeiting “enduring freedom” for “homeland security”:Aconstitutional analysis of theUSAPatriotAct and the JusticeDepartment’s anti-terrorism initiatives.AmericanUniversityLawReview,51,1081–1133.

10.Klein,N.(2007).Theshockdoctrine:Theriseofdisastercapitalism.NewYork,NY:Picador.11.HereIuseNaomiKlein’sdefinitionanddescriptionofcorporatist:“Itsmaincharacteristicsarehuge

transfers of publicwealth to private hands, often accompanied by exploding debt, an ever-wideningchasmbetween thedazzling richand thedisposablepoorandanaggressivenationalism that justifiesbottomless spending on security” (p. 18).Klein,N. (2007).The shock doctrine: The rise of disastercapitalism.NewYork,NY:Picador.

12.Becauseofitstarnishedreputation,BlackwaterchangeditsnametoXeServices,andthenchangeditsnameagaintoAcademi.

13.Page20:Klein,N.(2007).Theshockdoctrine:Theriseofdisastercapitalism.NewYork,NY:Picador.14.Rendall,S.(2003,April).Inpreludetowar,TVservedasofficialmegaphone.Fairness&Accuracyin

Reporting.Retrievedfrom:http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=429215.Mutedresponse toAschcroft’ssneakattackon liberties. (2003,February2).Fairness&Accuracy in

Reporting. Retrieved from http://fair.org/press-release/muted-response-to-ashcrofts-sneak-attack-on-liberties/

16. Toner, R., & Elder, J. (2001, December 12). A nation challenged: Attitudes; public is wary butsupportiveonrightscurbs.TheNewYorkTimes.Retrievedfrom:http://www.nytimes.com

17. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

18.Dowler,L.(2002).Womenonthefrontlines:Rethinkingwarnarrativespost9/11.GeoJournal,58,159–165.

19.Dowler,L.(2002).Womenonthefrontlines:Rethinkingwarnarrativespost9/11.GeoJournal,58,159–165.

20. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

21. Page 103: Berg, B. J. (2009).Sexism in America: Alive, well, and ruining our future. Chicago, IL:LawrenceHillBooks.

22. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

23.Grewal,I.(2003).TransnationalAmerica:Race,genderandcitizenshipafter9/11.SocialIdentities,9,535–561.doi:10.1080/1350463032000174669

24. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

25.Dowler,L.(2002).Womenonthefrontlines:Rethinkingwarnarrativespost9/11.GeoJournal,58,159–165.

26.O’Brien,S. (2011,September 7).Reporter’s notebook:Womenof 9/11 still fighting for recognition,respect. CNN.com. Retrieved fromhttp://www.cnn.com/2011/US/09/05/beyond.bravery.soledad.notebook/index.html?iref=allsearch

27.Grillo,T.,&Wildman, S.M. (1997).Obscuring the importance of race:The implication ofmakingcomparisonsbetweenracismandsexism(orotherisms).InA.K.Wing(Ed.)Criticalracefeminism:Areader(pp44–50).NewYork,NY:NewYorkUniversityPress.

28.Berg,B.J.(2009).SexisminAmerica:Alive,well,andruiningourfuture.Chicago,IL:LawrenceHillBooks.Faludi,S. (2007).The terrordream:Mythandmisogyny inan insecureAmerica.NewYork,NY:Picador.

29. Dixie Chicks recall death threat. (2006, May 11). NBCNews.com Retrieved from:http://www.today.com/id/12745436/ns/today-entertainment/t/dixie-chicks-recall-death-threat/

30.Rendall,S.(2003,March18).InIraqcrisis,networksaremegaphonesforofficialviews.Fairness&AccuracyinReporting.Retrievedfromhttp://www.fair.org/index.php?page=3158

31.Rendall,S.(2003,April).Inpreludetowar,TVservedasofficialmegaphone.Fairness&AccuracyinReporting.Retrievedfromhttp://www.fair.org/index.php?page=4292

32.Rendall,S.(2003,March18).InIraqcrisis,networksaremegaphonesforofficialviews.Fairness&AccuracyinReporting.Retrievedfromhttp://www.fair.org/index.php?page=3158

33.Dowler,L.(2002).Womenonthefrontlines:Rethinkingwarnarrativespost9/11.GeoJournal,58,159–165.

34.DepartmentofDefense.(2013,May3).DepartmentofDefenseannualreportonsexualassaultinthemilitary (Vol. 1): Fiscal year 2012. Retrieved fromhttp://www.sapr.mil/media/pdf/reports/FY12_DoD_SAPRO_Annual_Report_on_Sexual_Assault-VOLUME_ONE.pdf

35.Wilson,N.(2010,Spring).Cultureofrape.Ms.Magazine,20(2),32–35.36.Dowler,L.(2002).Womenonthefrontlines:Rethinkingwarnarrativespost9/11.GeoJournal,58,159–

165.37.Dowler,L.(2002).Womenonthefrontlines:Rethinkingwarnarrativespost9/11.GeoJournal,58,159–

165.38. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:

Picador.

39.Elder,L.,&Greene,S.(2007).Themythof the“securitymoms”and“NASCARdads”:Parenthood,politicalstereotypes,andthe2004election.SocialScienceQuarterly,88,1–19.

40.McCabe,J.(2012).Statesofconfusion:SarahPalinandthepoliticsofUSmothering.FeministMediaStudies,12,149–153.

41.Lawless,J.L.(2004).Women,war,andwinningelections:Genderstereotypinginthepost-September11era.PoliticalResearchQuarterly,57,479–490.

42.Lawless,J.L.(2004).Women,war,andwinningelections:Genderstereotypinginthepost-September11era.PoliticalResearchQuarterly,57,479–490.

43.Lawless,J.L.(2004).Women,war,andwinningelections:Genderstereotypinginthepost-September11era.PoliticalResearchQuarterly,57,479–490.

44.Knauer,N.J.(2005).TheSeptember11reliefeffortsandsurvivingsame-sexpartners:Reflectionsonrelationshipsintheabsenceofuniformlegalrecognition.Women’sRightsLawReporter,26,101–116.

45.Nail, P. R., &McGregor, I. (2009). Conservative shift among liberals and conservatives following9/11/01.SocialJusticeResearch,22,231–240.doi:10.1007/s11211-009-0098-z

46.Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,&Greenberg,J. (2003).In thewakeof9/11:Thepsychologyof terror.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.

47.Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,&Greenberg,J. (2003).In thewakeof9/11:Thepsychologyof terror.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.

48.Cohen,F.,Ogilvie,D.M.,Solomon,S.,Greenberg, J.,&Pyszczynski,T. (2005).American roulette:The effect of reminders of death on support for GeorgeW. Bush in the 2004 presidential election.AnalysesofSocialIssuesandPublicPolicy,5(1),177–187.

49.Perrin,A.J.,&Smolek,S.J.(2009).Whotrusts?Race,genderandtheSeptember11rallyeffectamongyoungadults.SocialScienceResearch,38,134–145.doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2008.09.001

50.Hoyt, C. L., Simon, S., & Reid, L. (2009). Choosing the best (wo)man for the job: The effects ofmortality salience, sex, and gender stereotypes on leader evaluations.TheLeadershipQuarterly, 20,233–246.doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2009.01.016

51.Schimel,J.,Simon,L.,Greenberg,J.,Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,Waxmonsky,J.,&Arndt,J.(1999).Stereotypesandterrormanagement:Evidencethatmortalitysalienceenhancesstereotypicthinkingandpreferences. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 905–926. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.77.5.905

52.Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,&Greenberg,J. (2003).In thewakeof9/11:Thepsychologyof terror.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.

53. Landau, M. J., Goldenberg, J., Greenberg, J., Gillath, O., Solomon, S., Cox, C.,...Pyszczynski, T.(2006).Thesiren’scall:Terrormanagementandthethreatofmen’ssexualattractiontowomen.JournalofPersonalityandSocialPsychology,90(1),129–146.doi:10.1037/0022-3514.90.1.129

54.Singh,A.(2002,November).“Wearenottheenemy”:HatecrimesagainstArabs,Muslims,andthoseperceived to be Arab or Muslim after September 11.Human Rights Watch, 14(6). Retrieved fromhttp://www.hrw.org

55.Pyszczynski,T.,Solomon,S.,&Greenberg,J. (2003).In thewakeof9/11:Thepsychologyof terror.Washington,DC:AmericanPsychologicalAssociation.

56. Carnagey, N. L., & Anderson, C. A. (2007). Changes in attitudes toward war and violence afterSeptember11,2001.AggressiveBehavior,33,118–129.doi:10.1002/ab

57. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

58.Bindley,K.(2011,August16).Shouldwomenchangetheirlastnamesaftermarriage?TheHuffingtonPost. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/08/15/women-changing-name-after-marriage_n_927707.html

59. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

60. Faludi, S. (2007). The terror dream: Myth and misogyny in an insecure America. New York, NY:Picador.

61.Reyes,S.,&Sperber,B.(2002,September9).Comforteatingversuscomfortfood.Brandweek,43(32),

6.62.Balon,R.(2002,September16).Dine-outcustomersinpost-9/11worldvalueaffordablecomfortfood

inafamilysetting.NationsRestaurantNews.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nrn.com63.Wolf,B.(2005,October23).Dishingupcomfortfoodforhardtimes.NationalPublicRadio,Weekend

Edition.Retrievedfromhttp://www.wgbh.org/News/Articles/index2.cfm?ID=497045264.Coontz,S.(1992).Thewayweneverwere:Americanfamiliesandthenostalgiatrap.NewYork,NY:

BasicBooks.65. Mikles, N. (2009, March 18). Comfortably yum: In times of uncertainty, comfort food makes a

comeback.TulsaWorld.Retrievedfromhttp://www.tulsaworld.com/66.Ginsberg,M.(2012,February2).BananaRepublic’sMadMencollectionrenewedfornextseason.The

HollywoodReporter.Retrieved at http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/fash-track/banana-republic-mad-men-collection-amc-286713

67. Channick, R. (2011, August 29). Playboy Club to reopen in Chicago. Retrieved fromhttp://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-08-29/news/chi-playboy-club-to-reopen-in-chicago-20110829_1_playboy-clubs-chicago-club-new-club

68.Negra,D.(2008).Structuralintegrity,historicalreversion,andthepost-9/11chickflick.FeministMediaStudies,8(1),51–68.doi:10.1080/14680770701824902

69. Page 57: Negra, D. (2008). Structural integrity, historical reversion, and the post-9/11 chick flick.FeministMediaStudies,8(1),51–68.

70. Gibbs, N. (2008, July 17). The pursuit of teen girl purity. Time, 172, 36. Retrieved fromhttp://www.time/time/printout/8,8816,182393,00.html

71.Welcometothepurityball(2012).Retrievedfromhttp://www.purityball.com/72.Gillis,C.(2007,October8).Dad’syourpromdate:Wedding-likepurityballscelebratemenasfather-

protectors. Macleans, 120(39), 66–68. Retrieved fromhttp://www.macleans.ca/culture/lifestyle/article.jsp?content=20071008_110113_110113

73.Gillis,C.(2007,October8).Dad’syourpromdate:Wedding-likepurityballscelebratemenasfather-protectors. Macleans, 120(39), 66–68. Retrieved fromhttp://www.macleans.ca/culture/lifestyle/article.jsp?content=20071008_110113_110113

74.Davis,A. (2002, Spring). Joan Little: The dialectics of rape (1975).Ms.Magazine. Retrieved fromhttp://www.msmagazine.com/spring2002/davis.asp

75.Abstinence-onlyeducationdoesnotleadtoabstinentbehavior,researchersfind.(2011,November29).ScienceDaily.Retrievedfromhttp://www.sciencedaily.com

76.Rosenbaum,J.E.(2008).Patientteenagers?Acomparisonofthesexualbehaviorofvirginitypledgersandmatchednonpledgers.Pediatrics,123,110–120.doi:10.1542/peds.2008-0407

77. Page 102: Berg, B. J. (2009).Sexism in America: Alive, well, and ruining our future. Chicago, IL:LawrenceHillBooks.

78.[Noauthor].December15,2010.Railingagainstfailureof9/11healthbill,FoxNewsanalystdoesn’tmention Republicans. The Raw Story. Retrieved from http://www.rawstory.com/rs/2010/12/15/fox-news-analyst-omits-gop-opposition-911-rescue-workers-bill/

3 MANUFACTURINGMAN-HATINGFEMINISM

Oneswimsagainstthefeministtideatone’speril.

—KathleenParker1

Akeyfeatureofmodernanti-feminismisthecornerstonebeliefthattheworkofthefeministmovementisdoneandthatfeminismitselfhasbecomeobsolete—anantiquepieceof20th-centuryideology.Thebeliefisthatwomenhave,moreorless,achievedequalitythroughlegislativechangesinsexualharassmentandantidiscrimination laws,Title IX in education, and changes in norms that nowacceptwomeninthemilitaryandintheworkplace.Thus,womenhavelittletocomplain about. Those women who do insist on being feminists and favor acontinuedfeministmovementmustwanttogetaheadofmen,orbelievetheyaresuperior to men.Modern anti-feminism tells us that those who still complainaboutinequalityjustdon’tlikemen.This chapter explores a pervasive and surprisingly durable belief about

feminists—thattheydislikemen.The“man-hatingfeminist”isnotanewtrope.Feministshavebeenaccusedofman-hatingatleastasfarbackasthefirstwaveofthewomen’smovementintheUnitedStatesandEuropeinthelate1800s.Theman-hating allegationworks in the post-feminist era of the early 21st centurybecause, assuming the goals of feminism have been met, those women whocontinue to call themselves feminists, or insist on a feminist movement, areeitherinnocuouslypasséorsimplytryingtogaintheupperhand.Onlyisolatedindividual casesofovertgenderdiscriminationagainstwomenare recognized.Consequently, today’s feminists who talk about gender inequality as a systemfaceallegationsofman-hating.Infact,accordingtothisview,therealvictimsofgenderdiscrimination todayareboysandmen.Weaddress the“boycrisis”ofrecentyearsinthenextchapter.Thischapterbeginsbydescribingbeliefsaboutfeminists—both media representations and beliefs of respondents in researchstudies.Next,weexaminetheempiricalresearchonfeminists’andnonfeminists’actualattitudes towardmen.Do feministshavemorenegativeattitudes towardmen compared to nonfeminists? Finally, we explore the functions andimplicationsoftheman-hating-feministmyth.Whataretheimplicationsofthis

myth for gender roles, lesbians and lesbian-baiting, and heterosexualrelationships, and what further implications are there for marginalizing andsilencingwomen’sprogressandthewomen’smovement?

ViewsofFeministsAmajor theme in politics and popular culture is the belief that feminism hasachieved itsgoalsanda feministmovement isno longernecessary.There’sanassumptionthatthegoalsofthesecond-wavefeministmovement,fromthelate1960s through the 1970s, have largely been achieved.2 The claim of thisargument is that therehasbeensufficientprogress towardequalitymanifestinginimprovementstoaccesstoeducation,paidemployment,andafewlegislativeremedies. Some commentators insist that feminism was a failure—it onlybroughtwomenchildlessness,aman-shortage,burnout,andloneliness.3Manyofthemorehigh-profiledanti-feminists,however,arguethatfeminismdidwhatitwassupposedtodoandthosewhonowhangontoafeministmovementareonlytrying to surpassmen.ChristinaHoffSommers, oneof themainpurveyors ofthispointofview,valorizesfirst-wavefeministssuchasElizabethCadyStantonandSusanB.Anthony but regards present-day “gender feminists”4 as chroniccomplainersandmalebashers.Sommersinsiststhatthereisnoneedformodernfeminism because discrimination against women is largely in the past; thosewomen who are left complaining about gender discrimination just don’t likemen.RoyBaumeister,authorofthebook,IsThereAnythingGoodAboutMen?,characterizestheevolutionofthefeministmovementinasimilarway:

Theearlyfeministswantedequality,anditservedtheirgoal todenythat therewereanyrealgenderdifferences.Butfemalechauvinistswereamongthem,thosewhoresentedanddislikedmen,andtheygraduallytookcontrolofthefeministmovement.Hence,theyembracedanyfindingsofwomenbeingbetterthanmen,evenifitwentagainsttheequalitytheme.Graduallythefeministsingenderstudiesabandonedtheideaofequality.Whysettleforatiewhenyoucanbesureofwinning?5

Baumeister’sargumentisthatearlyfeministsfavoredgenderequalitybuttoday'sfeministsfavorsuperiorityofwomenovermen—feminismhasbeenhijackedbyman-haters. Baumeister never mentions a single feminist by name whorepresentsthisviewpoint,yetheisconfidenttheyexist.Notethatitisfeministswho are against equality in thisworldview, notmen and not patriarchy. FromBaumeister’sperspective,ifitweren'tforfeministstryingtogetaheadofmen,theplayingfieldwouldbelevelandtherewouldbeequalitybetweenthesexes.Feminism,asamovementtoendsexism,sexistexploitation,andoppression,6

has always faced resistance. Feminists of the late 1800s and early 1900swho

foughtforwomen’srighttovoteweredescribedas“drabs,”“hangdogdowdies,”and“monsters inbloomers.”7Womenwho step out of their traditional role asquiet caregivers or hyperorganized über-moms face significant hostility andresistance.WediscussbacklashagainstnontraditionalwomeninChapter5.Anti-feminists blame feminists for a variety of social problems: for young

menenteringcollegeatalowerratethanthatofyoungwomen;8forthedeclinein “manliness” in American culture;9 for gangs10 and even for the terroristattacks of September 11, 2001.11 Anti-feminist Kate O’Beirne describesfeminists as “humorless” and “prickly”; they are “angry women,”12 with“persecution fantasies,”13 who are “chronically dissatisfied.”14 In his book,Manliness,HarveyMansfielddescribesfeministsas“anti-male.”15In2005,thePentagonestablished theOfficeof theVictimAdvocate tohandlehundredsofsexual assault claims made by women soldiers against men soldiers. ElaineDonnelly,thepresidentoftheCenterforMilitaryReadiness,ananti-feministandantigay lobbying group,16 described the effort as establishing an “Office ofMale-Bashing.”17 The office, designed to investigate rape and harassment, aswell as to support victims, was predicted by Donnelly to “create a new jobmarket for ‘women’s studies’ graduates schooled in man-hating ideology.”18Withcharacterizationslikethese,it’sunderstandablewhyrelativelyfewwomen(andfewermen)callthemselvesfeminists.Forinstance,insurveysofuniversitywomen, the percentage who identify as feminists range from 8%19 to 44%,20dependingonthedemographicmakeupofthestudents.Whataccountsfortheselowrates?Onefactorisrace/ethnicity.Somewomenofcolorhavefeltordofeelalienatedbythemainstreamfeministmovementbecausefeminisminthe1960sand 1970s was dominated by a white middle-class woman’s perspective. Forinstance, in the 1960s and 1970s abortion rights were at the center of theAmericanwomen’srightsmovements,butforcedsterilizationwasaconcernforpoorwomen.21Likewise,AfricanAmericanwomenandmenaremorelikelytodescribethemselvesas“blackfeminists,”“womanists,”or“Africanawomanists”than“feminists.”22Manywomenwhoholdfeministbeliefsreportbeinghesitanttodescribethemselvesasfeministsbecausetheyknowthatfeminismisviewednegatively.23Butdescriptionsoffeministsaren’tallbad.Whencollegestudents,asopposedtoanti-feministpoliticalpundits,areaskedaboutfeminism,wefindthat feminists are described in neutral-to-positive ways.24 Surveys of collegestudentsfindthatfeministsareseenasconfidentand“willingtotakeastand;”25they are perceived as logical, knowledgeable, realistic, intelligent, caring,

flexible,andcomforting;26feministsarealsoviewedasproductive,responsible,and secure.27 On the other hand, feminists are described as aggressive and“manly,”28alsoas“goingoverboard,”29stubborn, tense,andegotistical.30Mentendtoviewwomenwhoidentifyasfeministsmorenegativelythanwomenwhodonot.31And,ingeneral,feministsareevaluatedlessfavorablythantheaveragewoman.32

Recall the interviews conducted by Nigel Edley and Margaret Wetherell33described inChapter1.EdleyandWetherell interviewedmen from theUnitedKingdomabout theirviewsof feminismand feminists.The interviewsprovidesome insight into the ambivalence people feel toward feminists. From theinterviews,twoversionsoffeministsemerged.Oneversionmightbedescribedas a “liberal feminist,” who simply desires equality. The second version offeministismorecomplicatedandthreatening.Thismoreelaboratedfeministisahighly theatrical character who neglects her appearance, dislikes men, and isprobablyalesbian.EdleyandWetherelldescribethesetwoversionsoffeministsasworking ina“JekyllandHyde” fashion.Like fictionalDr. Jekyll, feministsandfeminismintheliberalversionhavearationalandsanecharacter.Feministdesiresforgenderequalitywerereportedassimple,ordinary,reasonablemattersoffact.YetwhenfeministsbecomeHyde,shebecomesmonstrous.Thus,there’sa polarization of discourse about feminism and feminists set up between “theextremist” and the more palatable liberal feminist. Dr. Jekyll is the ordinarywoman who simply desires equality while Ms. Hyde is the extreme politicalactivist,uglyandunfeminine.Ms.Hydeisimpatientanddemandsthatequalitybe achievedmore quickly thanwhat society has inmind. As an activist,Ms.Hydefightsforequality,anddislikesmen.Correspondingly,surveysfindmoresupportfortherelativelyneutraltermssuchas“women’smovement”andeventhe “women’s liberation movement” compared to the more loaded terms,“feminism”and“feminists.”34One factor that separates feminists from those who believe in equality but

don’tdescribethemselvesasfeministsisactivism.Feminists,morethanwomenwhosimplybelieveinequality,believethatthereareproblemsfacingwomeninsocietyandthatwomenneedtoworktogethertofixthem.35Butmanypeopledonotlikeagitators.36Agitatorsdisruptthestatusquo.AndaswesawinChapter2,women agitators are particularly disliked because activist women are actingoutsidetheirgenderrole.Activistsarecomplainers.Theyarenoncompliantandinconvenient.And feminists tend to be activists.One study looked atwhethercomplaintsaboutdiscriminationare takenmoreor lessseriouslydependingon

whetherafeministornonfeministmakestheclaim.AnexperimentconductedbyRobinRoyandhercolleagues37providesawindow intopeople’shostilityandsuspicion of feminists. Roy presented white women college students with ascenarioinwhichawomannamed“Jill”allegesthatgenderdiscriminationwasthereasonshewaspassedoverforapromotion.Inoneversionofthescenario,Jillwasdescribedasa feministand inanotherversionshewasnot.Otherwisethedetailsoftheeventwereidentical.Didpeopleinterprettheeventsdifferentlydepending on whether or not they believed that Jill was a feminist? Indeed.FeministJillwasviewedasmoreofacomplainerandlesscredibleasareporterof discrimination than nonfeminist Jill. Feminists are stereotyped as beinghypersensitive to gender discrimination—even by women college students.Peoplemaynotknowwhetherafeminist’sclaimofdiscriminationresultsfromactual discrimination or from a predisposition to interpret events asdiscrimination. Interestingly,although feminist Jillwasperceivedasmoreofacomplainer than thenonfeminist Jill,neitherwomanwas ratedverypositively.Women who challenge the status quo, as well as those who complain aboutdiscrimination, tend to be disliked and derogated, but especially if they areidentifiedasfeminist.There are important implications of the Edley andWetherell study and the

Roy study. First, people tend to believe that feminists are not rational andobjectivebutnonfeministsare.Second,thosewhocalloutdiscriminationforcepeople to look at their own mistreatment or their own complicity indiscrimination. If people admit that discrimination exists they should feelobligatedtodosomethingaboutit;however,thatrecognitioncanbethreateningandoverwhelming,making it easier to deny credibility to themessenger.Andfeministsarejustsuchamessenger.

AreFeministsMan-Haters?WhatIstheEvidence?In the context of the belief that feminism’s work is done and the goals offeminism have been met, those women who continue to call themselvesfeminists or insist on a feministmovement are judged as trying to prove theirsuperiority and thus as antimale.38Because there is nothing left forwomen tocomplainabout,theremainingfeministsmustdislikemen.Inherbook,SavetheMales:WhyMenMatterandWhyWomenShouldCare,KathleenParkerstates,“The same feminist movement that encouraged women to use their criticalfaculties also gave them the green light to be hostile and demeaning towardmen.”39

Itissurprisingthatthestrengthoftheman-hatingfeministstereotypeisnotindirectproportiontotheevidencethatfeministsdislikemen.Thereisaminisculenumberofempiricalstudiesonthesubject.AnthonyIazzo’s401983studyisanearlystudythatlinksfeministswithpositiveandnegativeattitudestowardmen.Iazzo’s Attitudes Toward Men Scale measured the degree to which womenagreed with 32 statements about Marriage/Parenthood (e.g. “Men considermarriageatrap.”);Sexuality(e.g.,“Amancannotgetenoughsex.”);Work(e.g.,“Aman’sjobisthemostimportantthinginhislife.”);andPhysical/PersonalityAttributes (e.g., “An athleticman is to be admired.”).Women expressed theiragreementona1to4scalerangingfromAgreeStrongly(mostnegativeattitude)toDisagree Strongly (most positive attitude). A score of 80 would indicate aneutralattitudetowardmen.The“controlgroup”inIazzo’ssamplewas104mostlywhitewomenrecruited

from a university, department stores, and other places of business. Theywerecompared with battered wives, rape victims, lesbians, and feminists recruitedfromalocalchapteroftheNationalOrganizationforWomen.Thecontrolgroupmeanscorewas89.93,abovetheneutralmidpointof80.00,suggestingslightlypositive attitudes toward men. The average score of feminists was 79.54,statistically indistinguishable from the 80.00 midpoint, indicating neutralattitudestowardmen.Sofeministsdidnotholdnegativeattitudestowardmen.Whataboutlesbians,agroupoftenstereotypedasdislikingmenandanidentityoften conflated with feminists?41 Lesbians scored, on average, 70.97, sosomewhat lowerthanneutralbuthardlyascoreindicativeofman-hating.Whywere lesbians’ scores somewhat lower than the“controlgroup”ofwomenandthanfeminists?Further inspectionof thestatements thatmakeuptheAttitudesTowardMensurveymayaccountfortheseslightnegativeattitudes.Someofthestatementsmaynotberelevant tolesbians.Forinstance,someoftheitemsare“Malesexorgansareattractive,”“Themalebodyisvisuallyunappealing,”and“The sight of a penis is repulsive.” These are questions from the Sexualitysubscale.Itwouldhavebeenmoreinformativetohaveanalyzedhowfeministsandlesbiansscoredoneachseparatesubscale.Forinstance,perhapslesbianshadrelatively “antimale” attitudes on the seven items that made up the Sexualityscale because they do not find men’s body parts attractive. Conversely, theirscores on the other subscales could have been neutral or even positive. Asignificant limitation of surveys used tomeasure attitudes towardmen is thatstatementsmightbeirrelevanttolesbiansasthestatementsassumethatwomenhavehad,ordesiretohave,romanticandsexualrelationshipswithmen.JohnMaltbyandLizaDay42 examinedvariouspsychological characteristics

that correlate with attitudes toward women and men among British collegestudents. For women, a feminine-stereotyped gender role orientation—thedegree towhich individualssee themselves in termsof femininestereotypes—was correlated with negative attitudes toward men. In other words, the morefeminineawomanis, the lessshe likesmen.MaltbyandDaydidnotmeasurefeminists’attitudestowardmen,buttheirresultsmayshedlightonthequestion.Theirfindingsimplythatperhapsitisnonfeministswhodonotlikemenbecausefeminists tend to have relativelymoremasculine-stereotyped and androgynousgender role orientations than nonfeminists. Put another way, women withtraditional gender role orientations (who tend to be nonfeminists) had morenegativeattitudes towardmen thandidwomenwithnontraditionalgender roleorientations(whoaremorelikelytobefeminists).Another study,43 with an ethnically diverse sample of women university

students, found that women who perceived large value and belief differencesbetween women and men tended to like men less than women who did notperceive large value and belief differences.Again, this study did not examinefeminists’ attitudes specifically; however, we can extrapolate from the data.Otherstudiesfindthatfeministstendtothinkwomenandmenaremoresimilarthandifferent,44whereasnonfeministsaremorelikelytothinkthatwomenandmenare fundamentallydifferent (e.g., thatmenare fromMarsandwomenarefromVenus).45 These data suggest that nonfeminists viewwomen andmen asfundamentallydifferentandalsohavemorenegativeattitudestowardmenthandofeminists.SusanCondor’s46 interviews with women reveal the apparent paradox that

womenwithtraditionalviewsaboutgendermighthavemorenegativeattitudesaboutmen thanwouldfeminists.Her interviewswithFrench-Canadianwomenwith traditional gender role attitudes revealed some intriguing patterns. First,traditionalwomenwerenotonlymorelikelytoviewwomenandmenintermsofadichotomybutalsointermsofcomplementarityandinterdependencethanwere nontraditional women. In other words, traditional women believed thatwomen andmen have different roles to play but those roles complement oneanother. Second, whereas feminist womenmight find the traditional world ofwomen in the domestic sphere as oppressive and narrow, traditional womenreportedthattheirdomesticrolewaspreferable(evensuperior)torolesavailabletomen. In fact traditionalwomenviewedmen’s rolesas restrictive.Third,andmostrelevantforthisdiscussion,thetraditionalwomentendedtoviewwomenas superior (e.g.,more civilized,more responsible) tomen.Thesewomenhadpositiveattitudes toward femininecharacteristicsandnegativeattitudes toward

masculinecharacteristics. In fact, traditionalwomenarticulatedahigh levelofantipathy towardsmenandmalecharacteristics.Sowhereas traditionalwomenare predictably anti-feminist, they also were pro-woman in that they heldtraditional feminine characteristics in high regard. These same women alsotended to hold men and masculine characteristics in low regard. Condor’sinterviews,alongwiththeotherstudiespresentedinthissection,demonstratethelackofsupportthefeminist-man-haternotionhasinempiricalresearch.

AmbivalenceTowardMen:ExplainingTraditionalandNontraditionalWomen’sAttitudesTowardMenAmorerecentmethodofmeasuringpeople’sattitudestowardmenisPeterGlickandSusanFiske’sAmbivalence towardMen Inventory.47GlickandFiske findthat thereare twoaspectsofwomen’s(andtoasomewhat lesserextentmen’s)attitudestowardmen.Thefirstaspect,HostilityTowardMen,representsovertlynegativeattitudestowardmen.Hostilitytowardmentapsintoresentmentaboutmen’s power relative to women, men’s aggressiveness, cultural attitudes thatdictate men as superior, and the way men exert control within heterosexualintimate relationships. It characterizesmen as inferior inways that are safe tocriticize,suchasthatmenarebabieswhentheyaresick.Individualswithhighlevelsofhostilitytowardmentendtoagreewithstatementssuchas,“Whenmenactto‘help’women,theyareoftentryingtoprovetheyarebetterthanwomen,”and“Mostmenpaylipservicetoequalityforwomen,butcan’thandlehavingawomanasanequal.”ThesecondaspectofattitudestowardmenisBenevolenceTowardMen.Benevolencetowardmenrepresentsovertlypositiveoraffectionateattitudes toward men. Similar to the traditional women in Susan Condor’sinterviews,benevolencetowardmencomprisesasetofbeliefsthatincludestheidea that just aswomen are dependent onmen, so too aremen dependent onwomen.Benevolencetowardmensuggeststhatawoman’sroleistotakecareofa man in the domestic context. Experiencing subjectively positive feelings ofadmiration, affectionate protectiveness, and connection with men in intimateheterosexualrelationshipsrepresentsbenevolencetowardmen.Thosewhoscorehigh on benevolence towardmen agreewith statements such as, “Women areincomplete without men,” and “Even if both members of a couple work, thewomanoughttobemoreattentivetotakingcareofhermanathome.”Hostility and benevolence toward men are distinct concepts, although they

tendtobecorrelated.Thatis,womenwhohavehighscoresonhostilitytowardmen tend to also have high scores on benevolence toward men. They

simultaneously hold beliefs that actively support and justify male dominance(benevolencetowardmen)atthesametimetheyresenttheconsequencesofthisdominance(hostilitytowardmen).Thus,womenmayresentmen’spowerevenastheysubscribetobeliefsthatbolsterit.Soaquestionrelevanttothischapteris, If some women resent men, which women are resentful? Feminists ornonfeminists?GlickandFiskespeculatethatthemoreawomanisdependentonmen,themoresheislikelytoholdbothbenevolentandhostileattitudestowardmen; the former because of her recognition of her investment inmen and thelatterbecauseofresentmentoverherdependence.GlickandFiskedonotdirectlyanswerthequestionofwherefeministsfallin

termsoftheirbenevolentorhostileattitudestowardmen,buttheydoexploretherelationship between gender inequality and hostility toward men andbenevolence toward men. This, in turn, has implications for feminism andattitudestowardmen.Inamassivestudyof16nations,GlickandFiske,48alongwith several colleagues around theworld, gathered individual responses to theAmbivalence toward Men Inventory. In addition, they utilized two UnitedNationsindicesofgenderinequality:theGenderEmpowermentMeasure,whichis a measure of women’s representation in powerful occupational roles andgovernment;andtheGenderDevelopmentIndex,whichmeasureshowwomenfareondevelopmentmeasuressuchaslifeexpectancy,literacyrates,schooling,and standard of living. Glick and Fiske found that in most nations, hostilitytowardmenwas higher amongwomen than amongmen. In addition, hostilitytowardmen scores correlatedwith the nationalmeasures of gender inequality.Specifically, hostility towardmenwas higher in traditional than in egalitariannations. At the same time, benevolence toward men was also higher intraditional than in egalitarian nations. Glick and Fiske reason that women intraditional nations may be more resentful toward men for what they view asabuses of power, but because this resentment coexistswith benevolent beliefsaboutmen’srolesasprotectorsandproviders,itisnotnecessarilyachallengetothegenderhierarchy.Themorehostilemenaretowardwomen,themorewomenresentandshowhostilitytowardmen.Heightenedresentmentofmen’shostilitymay explain why women’s hostility toward men scores increasingly exceedmen’sinmoretraditionalcultures.It is worth noting that there were many more gender similarities than

differences across nations—women andmen in the 16 nations tended to havesimilar attitudes towardwomen andmen. In terms of addressing themyth offeminists and man-hating, Glick and Fiske’s study on attitudes toward mensuggeststhatman-hatingislinkedmoretoanti-feminismandgenderinequalitythanitistofeminismandgenderequality.

Glick and Fiske’s 16-nation study illuminates some relevant patterns aboutwhat underpins women’s hostility toward men, but it does not answer thequestion about feminists’ hostility toward men. Another study49 does directlyexamine feminists’ and nonfeminists’ attitudes toward men. An ethnicallydiverse sample of U.S. college students were asked to respond to statementsabout gender roles including the items from the Ambivalence toward MenInventorymeasuringbenevolenceandhostilitytowardsmen.Studentswerealsoasked whether or not they were feminists. Women overall did tend to havehigherlevelsofhostilitytowardmenthandidmen,butdidfeminists?Contraryto popular stereotypes, self-identified feminists had lower levels of hostilitytowardmen than nonfeminists. Feminists also tended to have lower levels ofbenevolencetowardmen.Lowlevelsofbenevolencetowardmendoesnotmeanone has malevolence toward men, it just means that the respondent does notagreewithtraditionalgenderroles—forinstancethatwomenshouldtakecareofmeninthehome,whilemenshouldbethemainwageearners.Thus,itappearsthatfeminists,comparedtononfeminists,donothavenegativeattitudestowardmen.Feministsdotendtorejecttraditionalgenderrolesthatputwomeninlesspowerful positions than men. Feminists also tend to reject the notion thatwomen’sandmen’sgenderrolesareinherentandcomplementary.Taken together, systematic empirical studies do not find evidence that

feminists dislikemen. In contrast, there is some suggestion thannonfeminists,thosewomenwho adhere to traditional gender stereotypes, dislike, or at least,resent,men.Wemustask then,whydoes themythof theman-hating feministpersist?

ThePersistenceoftheMan-HaterMythInChapter5we explore people’s attitudes towardnontraditionalwomen.Thatdiscussion merits an entire chapter because, in fact, most women arenontraditional but perhaps not always recognized as such. People respondnegatively to women who violate traditional gender roles. Feminists tend toreject traditionalgender rolesandaremore likely thannonfeminists tobelievethatwomenandmenaremorealikethandifferent.Thesuggestionthatwomencandomuchofwhatmendo (andviceversa) threatens the traditional genderorder prescribing certain specific characteristics and behaviors to women anddifferent specific characteristics and behaviors tomen. Ifwomen can dowhatmencando, then the justification for excludingwomen fromcertain activities(e.g.,fightingfires,combat)crumbles.

Lesbian-BaitingThefalse linkbetweenfeminismandlesbianismisagoodplacetoexplore thefunctionandimplicationsofthemythoftheman-hatingfeminist.Understandingthe link between perceptions of feminism and lesbianism reveals some of thefundamental sources of the discomfort and antagonism toward feminism wehaveexploredthusfar.Indeed,incasualcontextsandinmassmedia,lesbian isoften erroneously portrayed as interchangeable with feminist, with thepresumptionthatlesbiansareprobablyfeminists,andfeministsarepresumedtobelesbians.50Bothlesbiansandfeministsareunderstoodaswomenwhodisruptand threaten gender, and both terms describe nontraditional women. Likefeminists, lesbians are viewed as unladylike, assertive, and outspoken, andwomenlikethisthreatenthegenderstatusquo.51Homophobia,inadditiontoanti-feminismandsexism,createsasetoftactical

opportunities to discredit and marginalize feminism’s efforts to achievecomprehensive equality for women. Like the accusation of male-bashing, theframing of lesbianism as the inevitable result of feminism or as a necessarydimensionoffeminismisascare tacticdesignedtofrightenpeopleawayfromassociating with feminism and feminist activism. The very positioning oflesbianismasasourceofdiscredit reveals theunderlying layerofhomophobiathat often joins sexism to maintain systems of oppression and privilege. Forexample,womenwhohaveworkedactivelyagainstsexualassaultandrapeareoftenthetargetsoflesbian-baiting.Accusationsoflesbianism,framedasinsultsanddebasement,workalongsidedescriptionsoffeministsasangry,unladylike,and unfeminine to make feminists, and by extension, the goals of feminism,unattractive and repellent. Ali Grant,52 who studied community responses toantiviolenceactivists,observesthattheseinsultsaretheresultofpeoplefeelingas thoughwomenareactingoutof theirplacebycomplaining toomuchaboutmen’sviolenceagainstwomen. It’s as though it isokay tobelieve that rape iswrong,butthatwomenshouldnotcomplain—oratleastiftheycomplain,theyshould be ladylike about it. Batteredwomen’s shelters and rape crisis centershavebeenvandalizedwithgraffitisuchas“NoMeansDyke,”or“NoMeansTieHerUp.”53 Rape crisis centers have been charged with “turning women intolesbians” or “beingman-hating.”54 Aswe have seen in this chapter,women’sactivismthreatensmaledominance.Inaddition,focusingon“male-bashing”bywomenobscures the fact thatvictimsofmen’sviolencecanbeothermenandboys.55Lesbian functions as a regulatory term asmuch as it does an expression of

sexual identity.56 In addition to its definition ofwomenwho are romanticallyaffiliatedwithwomen,lesbianreferstowomenwhoareindependentfrommen.Thatiswhyitcanbeusedagainstawomanwhorefusessexualadvancesfromaman.Sincelesbian isoftenconflatedwith feminist,andbecauseofwidespreadheterosexismandhomophobia,feministsareoftenrequiredtoprovetheyarenotlesbians.It’snowonderthatmanywomendonotidentifyasfeministsbecausetheyareafraidofapotentialallegationoflesbianism.57Lesbian-baiting can also be a form of sexual extortion, especially in the

military. Kelly Corbett, a staff attorney at Servicemembers Legal DefenseNetwork, haswritten about lesbian-baitingduring the timewhenhomosexualswere banned from military service in the U.S.58 According to Corbett,accusationsoflesbianismareathreattoallmilitarywomen,regardlessoftheirsexualorientation.Themilitary’santigaypolicygaveharassersandrapiststoolsofsexualextortion,asallegationsoflesbianismcouldruinawoman’scareer.Itdidn’t matter whether or not the allegations were true. Women soldiers whorefused sexual advances from men could be accused of being lesbians andsubjected to investigation for homosexual conduct. Thus, the ban againsthomosexualsinthemilitarywasusedasaweaponofretaliationagainstwomenwhoreportsexualharassmentorrape,againstthosewhorebuffsexualadvances,or against thosewho succeed in their careers.Now that lesbians andgaymencan serve openly in the military, lesbian-baiting should be a somewhat lesseffectiveweaponagainstwomenservicemembers.Althoughlesbians,likefeminists,areseenasman-haters,thereisnoempirical

evidence suggesting they are. JudyMarkey begins an article in themagazine,Redbook, “Male Bashing,” with, “I used to be a rather accomplished male-basher.Afterall,Iwasmarriedtoaman...”59Magazinesfromthepopularpressindicate that “male-bashers” are actually heterosexual women writing abouttraditional gender roles: women complain about men’s infidelity,60 inepthusbands,61andmenwhoarenot“domesticable.”62Inherbook,SavetheMales,anti-feministKathleen Parker epitomizes the heterosexualwife’s andmother’sfrustrationwith“men”:

Despitemy admiration for the other sex, I confess to occasional ambivalence.As I researched thisbook,Ioftenthoughttomyself:WhatamIdoing?Ihatemen!Itoldmybestmalefriendsthis.Theylaughed. That’s becausemen hate women, too. Sort of. But not really. Every few days, I toldmyhusbandand sometimesmy sons: ‘Youhave to shapeupor I can’twrite this book.’Asusual, theylaughedatme.Asusual,Iwasfurious.Itmaybetheparticulardilemmaofmenandwomenthattheyaredoomedtosufferalove/haterelationship—andwhynot?It ishardnottodespisesomethingthathassuchaholdonyourheart,evenifyougivethatheartfreely.63

Lesbiansarelikelytohavedifferentrelationshipswithmenandthereforedonothave the complaints, disappointments, and frustrations that some heterosexualwomenhave.AliGrantinterviewedlesbianfeministactivistswhoreportedthat,ratherthandislikingmen,theyfeltthatmenwereeitherneutralindividuals(e.g.,malerelatives)orjustnotrelevanttotheirlives.Perhapsitisthatmenplayalesssignificant role in some lesbians’ (and feminists’) lives thatmake lesbiansandfeministssothreatening.Womenwhodonotputmenatthecenteroftheirlivesmaybethethreat.Whenyoucombinewomenwitharatherneutralapproachtomen with women who are activists fighting against patriarchy and maleprivilege,itcanmakepeoplewhosupportthestatusquouncomfortable.

FightingPatriarchyorParticularMen?Feministsareaccusedofman-hatingwhentheyobjecttogenderdiscriminationbecause some interpret the complaint as being anti-man (whether aboutparticular,individualmen,orevenallmen)ratherthanasaprotestagainst thepatriarchal system thatgrantsunearnedpower andprivilege tomen relative towomen.Other peoplemay bemore deliberate and cynical in their attempts todemonize feminists and feminism, and they may seek to use those efforts todriveawedgebetweenfeministandnonfeministwomen.Feministsseesexismas part of a system of inequality.64 In his book,Manliness, HarveyMansfielddescribes feminism aswomen being “none too pleasedwithmen and not shyaboutlettingthemknowit.”65Thosewhodonotunderstandthesystemicnatureof gender inequality translate feminists’ activism as complaints directed atparticularmenoratmenasacategory, as if feministsdislikeeachmanorallmen. In fact, a recent empirical study demonstrates the distinction betweenhatinggender inequalityandhatingmen.WhenAfricanAmerican,Latina,andwhite women were asked about their attitudes toward men and toward maledominance, those women who identified as feminists were shown to resentstructural-level gender inequality more than nonfeminists, but not individualmen.66One manifestation of the focus on individual men versus the focus on

systemicgenderdiscriminationandmaleprivilegeisthe“battle-of-the-sexes”67rhetoricthatisprevalentinpopularculture.KathleenParker’sstatement,quotedearlier, represents this battle-of-the-sexes dynamic. Heterosexual romanticrelationshipsareoftenpitchedinahe-said-she-saidframethatproducesafalseparallelism implying that women and men are equally advantaged anddisadvantaged—just in different ways.68 For instance, in a Time magazinearticle,“Men,AreTheyReallyThatBad?,”LanceMorrow69 takesonwhathe

describesasthe“overtmanbashingofrecentyears.”70Hesays,“bothmenandwomen have been oppressed by the other sex, in different ways,”71 and,“American men and women should face the fact that they are hopelessly atodds.”72 Judy Markey73 says in a Redbook article entitled, “Male-Bashing,”“How can we gripe that they put us down as a group, if we do the same tothem?”74 and, “We‘ll wind up sounding like squabbling children crying, ‘Hestarted it!’ ‘No,shedid!’”75 Inhisbook, IsThereAnythingGoodAboutMen?Roy Baumeister blames feminism for this dynamic: “From reading feministaccountsofgenderpoliticsonegets the impression thatmenandwomenhavebeen collective enemies throughout history (and still are).”76 Baumeisterprovides no citations of these unnamed feminists, so the reader doesn’t knowwhat“feministaccounts”he is referring to,buthispersonalopinion isatoddswith theempirical research studieswehaveexaminedhere.Thisbattle-of-the-sexespopulardiscoursesuggeststhatwomen’sandmen’scomplaintsareparalleland equal. The “sex wars”77 rhetoric trivializes genuine critiques aboutpatriarchy andmale privilege and reduces discrimination to a he-said-she-saiddynamic in which there are no real winners and no real losers, but merelymiscommunicationbetween the sexes.This rhetoric also conveys the idea thatcomplaints about sexism are about individual women and men fighting witheachother.However, likeother“isms”(e.g., racism,heterosexism)sexismisasystemofinequalitybasedonthebeliefthatmenaresuperiortowomen.Thisviewofindividual-basedgenderdebatescanreducethingssuchassexual

harassment and even sexual assault to simple miscommunication betweenwomen andmen, but the supposedmiscommunication can actually leavemenvictims. For instance, in his bookTheMyth ofMale Power,Warren Farrell78writes, “Feminism has taught women to sue men for creating a ‘hostileenvironment’ordaterapewhenmeninitiatewiththewrongpersonorwiththewrongtiming.”79Similarly,LanceMorrowclaimsthatasuccessfulapproachtoawomanisromanceandcourtship.Sexualharassment,accordingtoMorrow,issimply an unsuccessful approach, and, in his view, is unfairly treated as acrime.80Followingthisargumenttoit’sillogicalconclusion,wecouldfindthattherealvictimsofsexualharassmentandrapearenotwomenbutmenwhoarevictimizedbywomen’sflirtationsandmixedmessages.Womenareteaseswho“elaboratelymanipulateandexploitmen’snaturalsexualattractiontothefemalebody,and thendeny themanipulationandprosecutemenfor theattraction—iftheattractiondraws in thewrongman.”81So theproblem layswith individualwomen who cannot take a joke or who tease men. Or the problem lies with

individualmenwhomisreadwomen’ssignals,ratherthanconsideringasystemthatsexualizeswomenandgirlsandcreatesanenvironmentinwhichwomenaremeanttobesexualobjectsandsubordinatetomen.82Thesewritersimplythatmalechivalryshouldbehighlyvaluedinourculture,

but this kindly chivalry is misinterpreted by overly sensitive, humorlessfeminists.Thesewriterswouldhaveusregresstoatimeof“knightlysolicitudefor thesakeofwomen’ssafety. . .andmen’shonor”83because,“Malechivalryprotectedwomenfarbetterthanfeministlawsuitsovergirliecalendarsanddirtyjokes.”84Butismalechivalryreallybetterforwomenthanfeminism?Shouldawomanbeflatteredwhenamanopensadoorforher?WewillseeinChapter5that attitudes of male chivalry entail patronizing and condescending attitudestowardwomen that imply thatwomenare suitedonly for thedomestic roleofwife and mother. We will see that chivalrous attitudes toward women arecorrelatedwithhostilesexism,asocialdominanceorientation,andevenvictim-blame.

WhoIsBashingWhom?Kathleen Parker, author of Save the Males, thinks she has found concreteevidenceofthewidespreadmalebashinginourculture.“MalebashingisamongAmerica’sfavoritesportsandisapopularbondingagentamongwomen.IfyouGoogle‘malebashing,’yougeteleventimesmorehitsthanfor‘femalebashing.’The reason: Men are easy.”85 It's hard to tell which part of this Orwellianstatement is the most bizarre—the idea that “men” as a group are easilyvictimized?That“America”isactively“bashing”males?ThatcountingGooglehitsrepresentssomesortofempiricaltestofwomen’sattitudestowardmen?Themostimportantharmthatcomesoutofsuchrhetoricistheobfuscatingofactualviolence.Whatisthesignificanceofusingtheterm“bashing”inthisdiscourse?What is “male bashing” and why is that particular term deployed to stiflefeminism?SueCataldi86discussestheuglyironyoftheterm“malebashing.”Tobashmeanstoviolentlystrikewithaheavy,crushingblow.“Bash”connotesanindiscriminate, random, and violent lashing out. “Bashing” suggests that thestrikingoftheblowisextreme,unfair,andundeserved.Considerhowthetermgay-bashing is used todenoteviolentlybeatingor killing someonebecauseoftheirpresumedhomosexuality.Cataldi remindsus thatwomen (ingeneral) arenotbashers,theyarebashees.Take homicide. Men are nearly four times more likely than women to be

murdered but men are also seven times more likely than women to commitmurder.87 Sixty-eight percent of homicides occur among a male offender and

malevictim,21%amongmaleoffenderandfemalevictim,andonly9%amonga female offender andmale victim.88Women aremore likely thanmen to bevictimized by someone they know than by a stranger for allmeasured violentcrimesexceptrobbery.89Specifically,femalemurdervictimsarefarmorelikelytobekilledbyanintimatepartnerthanaremen.Forinstance,in2010,39%offemalehomicidevictimswerekilledby an intimatewhereas only3%ofmalehomicidevictimswerekilledbyanintimate.90IntheUnitedStates,onestudyofmore than 5,000 American women college students found that 28.5% hadexperienced an attempted or completed sexual assault either before or sinceentering college.91 Sexual assault of women is also common in alreadyphysically abusive relationships. Sixty-eight percent of physically-abusedwomen are also sexually assaulted by their intimate partners.92 And finally,womenaremorethantwiceaslikelytobestalkedasmen.93Oneoutofevery14Americanwomenwill be stalked at somepoint in their lives, and87%of thestalkerswillbemen.And,accordingtotheU.S.DepartmentofJustice,fouroutoffivestalkingvictimsarewomen.94Isn’titcuriousthatphysicalassaultsonwomenbymenarenotcharacterized

as“femalebashing?”SueCataldi95 argues that conjuringup imagesof abusedmen bashed by women and casting women in the role of bashers obviouslyreverseswhat actually happens. This reversal functions as ameans of victim-blame,minimizingwhat somemendo towomen and exaggerating anyverbalharmdone tomenbywomen.Another functionofco-opting the termbashingand its brutality is to lead us into thinking that the “male bashing” womensupposedlyengage in isequivalent towhatmendo towomen.Thosewhousetheexpressionmayalsobeattemptingtosiphonattentionandsupportawayfromwomenandfromthosewhoarephysicallyharmedbymen.Callingfeminists“male-bashers”shifts thefocusfromthesystemicproblem

ofmen’sliteralviolenceagainstwomentoafocusonmenwhohavegottentheirfeelingshurtbyfeministsandfeminism.Thefeministcritiqueofsexismmaybedisconcerting to some men and some women. It might hurt their feelings, itmightseemunfair,and itmightseemtodisregardmen’sgood intentions.Thismaymakemenfeeluncomfortable,butit’snotmalebashing.Feministsarenotcriticalofmensimplyforbeingmen.Thetargetoffeministcritiqueissexisminamale-dominatedsociety.When we reexamine Parker’s statement in the context of men’s violence

againstwomenwebegintounderstandwhyaGooglesearchof“malebashing”produceshigher results than“femalebashing”—andhow this contorts the truerealityofbashing.Perhapsthesmallernumberofreferencesto“femalebashing”

is due in part to theway that violent crimes are often reported. In newspaperaccountsofrape,thecrimetendstobewritteninthepassivevoice(e.g.,“OntheeveningofMarch6,awomanwasrapednear. . .”) rather thananactivevoice(e.g.,“OntheeveningofMarch6,amanrapedawomannear...”).Noticethatinthefirstversionoftheevent,thereisnoperpetrator.Thefocusofthecrimeisonthevictim.Researchfindsthatwhenreadersareexposedtoadescriptionofsexual violence constructed in the passive versus active voice, readers tend tobelittletheamountofharmsufferedbythevictimandtolessentheperpetrator’sresponsibilityfortheviolence.96There even seems to be a slight trend in newspaper coverage of domestic

violencetowardusingtheactivevoicetodescribewoman-against-manviolencebut the passive voice to describe man-against-woman violence.97 Researchparticipants tend to view male-to-female violence in the passive rather thanactivevoiceincomparisontofemale-to-maleviolence.Forinstance,AlexandraFrazerandMichelleMillersuppliedresearchparticipantswithinformationaboutdomesticviolencescenariosthatvariedaccordingtotheperpetrator,thevictim,weapon used, date of the incident, and so forth. Participants were asked tosummarize the incident in a 50 to 100word narrative description. Frazer andMillerfoundthatbothwomenandmenparticipantsproducedahighernumberofpassivevoicesentencestodescribemale-to-femaleviolencethanfemale-to-maleviolence. These different sentence constructions suggest that, perhapsunconsciously, people tend to highlight women’s responsibility for violence,perhaps due to the novelty of it, and deemphasize men’s responsibility forviolence. The reality of some men’s violence against women reveals howludicrousitistodescribefeministsasmale-bashers.

ConclusionThis chapter addressed a key piece of modern misogyny—the belief thatfeminism’swork is done and thosewomenwho continue to press for equalityjustdon’tlikemen.Thischapterandthenextaddresstheideathatfeminismisout of control, that it has become extreme.Women have attained equality, sotheyshouldstopwhining.Thefalsebeliefthatwomenhaveachievedequalityistroublingforatleasttworeasons.First,theindividualismdiscoursediscussedinChapter1encouragesyoungwomen tobelieve that theywereborn intoa freesociety,soiftheyexperiencediscrimination,itmustbetheirfault—theyhaven’tworked hard enough. Second, the claim that feminism has accomplished itsgoalsandnowwomencanfocusonchoicethroughconsumergoodsdeniesthe

realityofmanywomen’sandgirls’ lives—particularlypoorwomen,womenofcolor,andwomenwholiveindevelopingnations.98Wageshavegonedowninthepasttwodecadesandhouseholdsthatwerepreviouslymiddleclassarenowcloser to poverty, and working class and poor households are even worse offunderneoliberalcorporatistcapitalism.TheU.S.FederalReserve reported thatanAmericanfamilyin2010hasnomorewealththanintheearly1990s,erasingalmosttwodecadesofaccumulatedprosperity.99Thisfalsebutpersistentviewoffeministsasman-hatersissostrong,infact,

that it actually prevents people from correctly identifying themselves asfeminists. Individuals surveyed about feminism and feminists reveal that theyactually hold neutral-to-positive attitudes about both feminist ideals and thepeoplewho identifywith these ideals.Wehaveseen that there isnoempiricalevidencewhatsoever tosupport thenotion that feminists’attitudes towardmenaremorenegativethannonfeminists’.Infact,empiricalstudiesonthetopic,findthatfeministsreportlowerlevelsofhostilitytowardmenthannonfeminists.Anti-feministsaccusefeministsofgenderoppositionality,offightingagender

war.Butanti-feminists,notfeminists,aretheoneswhobelievethatwomenandmenarefundamentallydifferentandthattheirdifferenceisgroundedinnature—suggesting that this is normalor even ideal.Feminists tend to seewomenandmenasnotverydifferentfromeachother,andthisisthreateningtothegenderstatus quo. If, as feminism argues, women can do what previously only menwere thought to be able to do, then you can see how some would perceivemanhood as under assault and the perpetrator of the assault as feminism.Manhood is exclusionary and, to the extent that men’s activities can beperformedbywomen, it isno longeraspecial role,no longermale. Ifwomencanperformthemen’srole,itmustmeanneitherthequalitiesnortherolearesospecial after all.100 Tom Digby observes that the mutual hostility betweenwomen and men—rooted in exaggerated gender differences, often oppressivesocialandeconomicroles,andthesystematicdominationofwomenbymen—istheestablishedcontextthatpredatedandgaverisetofeminism,sofeminismcanhardly be responsible for it. In fact, many feminists argue that generalizedantimale sentiment is contrary to feminism precisely because it replicates thebipolargenderoppositionalitythathasbeencrucialtomaledomination.101The incorrect notion that feminists hatemen (rather than feminism being a

critique of patriarchy) doesmore thanmakewomen afraid to call themselvesfeminists. It alsomakes invisible the roles thatwomenplay in contributing togenderinequality.Ireviewhundredsofstudiesongenderdiscriminationinthisbook and most studies find that men and women participants discriminate

againstwomen.102Sexismandgenderdiscriminationisnotjustsomethingmendotowomen.Everyoneparticipatesinasexistsystem,unlessyouactivelyworkagainst it. It is certainly true that men benefit because of sexism through themale privilege inherent in a sexist system that has constructed maleness assuperior to femaleness. Ignoring the systemic nature of gender inequality alsoleadsmentofeelstuckinadefensiveresponseratherthanbeingabletoseethatmen, too, are confined and controlled by gender expectations. Jackson Katzarguesthatantisexistmen’svoicesarecrucialinthestruggleforgenderequality.They can change the conversation because men can say things about men’sviolencethatmostwomencannotsay.Mencannotkill themessengeraseasilywithothermen.Menwillnotaccuseothermenofmale-bashing.103Trivializingfeminists’resistancetoinequalityasangeratmeninsultsthewomen’sliberationmovementthatfightsfortherighttovote,forequalpay,foreducationalequity,and for reproductive freedom—efforts focusedonchanging the system,noton“bashing”anyone.

Notes1.Page72:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

2.Dube, K. (2004).What feminismmeans to today’s undergraduates.Chronicle of Higher Education,50(41),b5.

3.Forareviewofthesupposedfailuresoffeminism,see:Faludi,S.(1991,September/October).Blameitonfeminism.MotherJones,16,24–29.

4.Page16:Sommers,C.H.(1994).Whostolefeminism?Howwomenhavebetrayedwomen.NewYork,NY:Touchstone.

5. Page 28: Baumeister, R. F. (2010). Is there anything good about men? How cultures flourish byexploitingmen.NewYork,NY:OxfordUniversityPress.

6.Seepageviiiin:hooks,B.(2000).Feminismisforeverybody.Cambridge,MA:SouthEndPress.7.Wolf,N.(1992,March16).Feministfatale.TheNewRepublic,206(11),23–25.8.Sommers,C.H.(2000).Thewaragainstboys.NewYork,NY:Simon&Schuster.9.Mansfield,H.C.(2006).Manliness.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.10.Page39:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.11. Falwell apologizes to gays, feminists, lesbians (2001, September 14). CNN.com Retrieved from

http://articles.cnn.com/2001-09-14/us/Falwell.apology_1_thomas-road-baptist-church-jerry-falwell-feminists?_s=PM:US

12.Pagesxiv,xiv,andxviii,respectively,in:O’Beirne,K.(2006).Womenwhomaketheworldworse:Andhowtheirradicalfeministassaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.

13.Pagexviin:O’Beirne,K.(2006).Womenwhomaketheworldworse:Andhowtheirradical feministassaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.

14.Pagexv:in:O’Beirne,K.(2006).Womenwhomaketheworldworse:Andhowtheirradical feministassaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.

15.Page5:Mansfield,H.C.(2006).Manliness.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.16.Stone,A. (2011,September18).Center forMilitaryReadinesscriticized for laxoversight.Retrieved

fromhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/07/19/elaine-donnelly-lobbyist-_n_903494.html17.Page7:Donnelly,E. (2005,December5).Pentagondoesn’t need anofficeofmale-bashing.Human

Events,61,7.18.Page7:Donnelly,E.(2005,WeekofDecember5).Pentagondoesn’tneedanofficeofmale-bashing.

HumanEvents,61(41),7.19.Myaskovsky,L.,&Wittig,M.A.(1997).Predictorsoffeministsocialidentityamongcollegewomen.

SexRoles,37,861–883.20.Bullock,H.E.,&Fernald,J.L.(2003).“Feminismlite?”Feministidentification,speakerappearance,

andperceptionsof feminist and anti-feministmessengers.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,27, 291–299.

21. Kane, E. W. (2000). Racial and ethnic variations in gender-related attitudes. Annual Review ofSociology,26,419–439.

22. Harnois, C. E. (2009). Generational difference in feminist identities? Exploring gender consciousidentitiesamongAfricanAmericanwomenandmen.SociationToday,7(2),3.

23. For instance see: Alexander, S., & Megan, R. (1997). Social constructs of feminism: A study ofundergraduates at a women’s college.College Student Journal, 31, 555–567. And see: Aronson, P.(2003).Feministsor“post-feminists”?Youngwomen’sattitudestowardfeminismandgenderrelations.Gender&Society,17,903–922.doi:10.1177/0891243203257145andScharff,C.(2011).“Itisacolourthing and a status thing, rather than a gender thing”: Negotiating difference in talk about feminism.Feminism&Psychology,21,458–476.doi:10.1177/0959353511419816

24.Twenge,J.M.,&Zucker,A.N.(1999).Whatisafeminist?Evaluationsandstereotypesinclosed-andopen-endedresponses.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,23,591–605.

25.Alexander, S., & Ryan, M. (1997). Social constructs of feminism: A study of undergraduates at awomen’scollege.CollegeStudentJournal,31,555–567.

26.Berryman-Fink, C., & Verderber, K. S. (1985). Attributions of the term feminist: A factor analyticdevelopmentofameasuringinstrument.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,9,51–64.

27.Twenge,J.M.,&Zucker,A.N.(1999).Whatisafeminist?Evaluationsandstereotypesinclosed-andopen-endedresponses.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,23,591–605.

28. Scharff, C. (2011). “It is a colour thing and a status thing, rather than a gender thing”:Negotiatingdifference in talk about feminism. Feminism & Psychology, 21, 458–476.doi:10.1177/0959353511419816

29.Alexander, S., & Ryan, M. (1997). Social constructs of feminism: A study of undergraduates at awomen’scollege.CollegeStudentJournal,31,555–567.

30.Twenge,J.M.,&Zucker,A.N.(1999).Whatisafeminist?Evaluationsandstereotypesinclosed-andopen-endedresponses.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,23,591–605.

31.Anderson,V.N.(2009).What’sinalabel?Judgmentsoffeministmenandfeministwomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,33,206–215.

32.Twenge,J.M.,&Zucker,A.N.(1999).Whatisafeminist?Evaluationsandstereotypesinclosed-andopen-endedresponses.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,23,591–605.

33.Edley,N.,&Wetherell,M. (2001).JekyllandHyde:Men’sconstructionsof feminismandfeminists.Feminism&Psychology,11,439–457.

34.Hall,E.J.,&Rodriguez,M.S.(2003).Themythofpost-feminism.Gender&Society,17, 878–902.doi:10.1177/0891243203257639

Huddy,L.,Neely,F.K.,&Lafay,M.R. (2000).Thepolls—trends:Support for thewomen’smovement.PublicOpinionQuarterly,64,309–350.

Alexander,S.,&Ryan,M.(1997).Socialconstructsoffeminism:Astudyofundergraduatesatawomen’scollege.CollegeStudentJournal,31,555–568.

35.Yoder,J.D.,Tobias,A.,&Snell,A.F.(2011).Whendeclaring“Iamafeminist”matters:Labelingislinkedtoactivism.SexRoles,64,9–18.doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9890-3

36.Roy,R.E.,Weibust,K.S.,&Miller,C.T.(2009).Ifshe’safeministitmustnotbediscrimination:Thepower of the feminist label on observers’ attributions about a sexist event. SexRoles,60, 422–431.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9556-6

37.Roy,R.E.,Weibust,K.S.,&Miller,C.T.(2009).Ifshe’safeministitmustnotbediscrimination:Thepower of the feminist label on observers’ attributions about a sexist event. SexRoles,60, 422–431.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9556-6

38.Bloom,L.R.(1997).AfeministreadingofMen’sHealth:Or,whenPagliaspeaks, themedia listens.JournalofMedicalHumanities,18(1),59–73.

Vint,S. (2007).Thenewbacklash:Popular culture’s “marriage”with feminism,or love is all youneed.JournalofPopularFilm&Television,34,160–169.

39.Pagexi:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatterwhywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

40.Iazzo,A.N.(1983).TheconstructionandvalidationofAttitudesTowardMenScale.ThePsychologicalRecord,33,371–378.

41. Scharff, C. (2011). “It is a colour thing and a status thing, rather than a gender thing”:Negotiatingdifference in talk about feminism. Feminism & Psychology, 21, 458–476.doi:10.1177/0959353511419816

42. Maltby, J., & Day, L. (2001). Psychological correlates of attitudes toward men. The Journal ofPsychology,135,335–351.

43.Stephan,C.W.,Stephan,W.G.,Demitrakis,K.M.,Yamada,A.M.,&Clason,D.L.(2000).Women’sattitudestowardmen:Anintegratedthreat theoryapproach.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,24, 63–73.

44. Liss, M., Hoffner, C., Crawford, M. (2000). What do feminists believe? Psychology of WomenQuarterly,24,279–284.

Liss,M., O’Connor, C.,Morosky, E., & Crawford,M. (2001).What makes a feminist? Predictors andcorrelatesoffeministsocialidentityincollegewomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,25,124–133.

45.Yoder,J.D.,Fischer,A.R.,Kahn,A.S.,&Groden,J. (2007).Changes instudents’explanationsforgenderdifferencesaftertakingapsychologyofwomenclass:Moreconstructionistandlessessentialist.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,31,415–425.

46.Condor,S.(1986).Sexrolebeliefsand‘traditional’women:Feministandintergroupperspectives.InS.Wilkinson (Ed.) Feminist social psychology: Developing theory and practice (pp. 97–118).Philadelphia,PA:OpenUniversityPress.

47.Glick,P.,&Fiske,S.T. (1999).TheAmbivalence towardMenInventory:Differentiatinghostileandbenevolentbeliefsaboutmen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,23,519–536.

48.Glick,P.,Lameiras,M.,Fiske,S.T.,Eckes,T.,Masser,B.,Volpato,C.,...Wells,R.(2004).Badbutbold:Ambivalentattitudes towardmenpredictgender inequality in16nations.Journal ofPersonality andSocialPsychology,86,713–728.

49.Anderson,K. J.,Kanner,M.,&Elsayegh,N. (2009).Are feministsman-haters?Feminists’ andnon-feminists’attitudestowardmen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,33,216–224.

50. Scharff, C. (2011). ‘It is a colour thing and a status thing, rather than a gender thing’: Negotiatingdifference in talk about feminism. Feminism & Psychology, 21, 458–476.doi:10.1177/0959353511419816

51.Alexander, S., &Megan, R. (1997). Social constructs of feminism: A study of undergraduates at awomen’scollege.CollegeStudentJournal,31,555–567.

52.AliGrantcritiquesthenotionthatfeministactivistsareaccusedofman-hating:Grant,A.(2000).Andstill,thelesbianthreat:Or,howtokeepagoodwomanawoman.JournalofLesbianStudies,4(1),61–80.

ElaineDonnelly’s article is an example ofwomen activists being calledman-haters:Donnelly, E. (2005,December5).Pentagondoesn’tneedanofficeofmale-bashing.HumanEvents,61(41),7.

53.Seepages67–68in:Grant,A.(2000).Andstill, thelesbianthreat:Or,howtokeepagoodwomanawoman.JournalofLesbianStudies,4(1),61–80.

54.Seepage66in:Grant,A.(2000).Andstill,thelesbianthreat:Or,howtokeepagoodwomanawoman.JournalofLesbianStudies,4(1),61–80.

55.Katz,J.(2006).Themachoparadox:Whysomemenhurtwomenandhowallmencanhelp.Naperville,IL:Sourcebooks.

56.Seepage71in:Grant,A.(2000).Andstill,thelesbianthreat:Or,howtokeepagoodwomanawoman.JournalofLesbianStudies,4(1),61–80.

57.Liss,M.,O’Connor,C.,Morosky,E.,&Crawford,M.(2001).Whatmakesafeminist?Predictorsandcorrelatesoffeministsocialidentityincollegewomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,25,124–133.

58.Corbett, K. M. (1997, November). Lesbian-baiting: A threat to all military women. Lesbian News,23(4),16–18.

59.Page104:Markey,J.(1993,May).Male-bashing.Redbook,181,104–107.60.Lego,S.(1999).Monicagateandmalebashing.PerspectivesinPsychiatricCare,35(1),3–4.61.Heckard, I. R. (1998, January/February).Male bashing: Is it trash talk or harmless humor?Today’s

ChristianWoman,20(1),46–48.62.Heard,A.(1989,August).Stopblamingmenforeverything!Mademoiselle,95,232–234.63.Pageviii:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.64. Kane, E. W. (2000). Racial and ethnic variations in gender-related attitudes. Annual Review of

Sociology,26,419–439.McCabe,J.(2005).What’sinalabel?Therelationshipbetweenfeministself-identificationand“feminist”

attitudes among U.S. women and men. Gender & Society, 19, 480–505.doi:10.1177/0891243204273498

65.Page4in:Mansfield,H.C.(2006).Manliness.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.66.Robnett, R. D., Anderson, K. J., & Hunter, L. E. (2012). Predicting feminist identity: Associations

between gender-traditional attitudes, feminist stereotyping, and ethnicity. Sex Roles, 67, 143–157.doi:10.1007/s11199-012-0170-2

67.Seeforinstance:Heard,A.(1989,August).Stopblamingmenforeverything!Mademoiselle,95,232–234.

68.Pagexi in:O’Beirne,K. (2006).Womenwhomake theworldworse:Andhow their radical feministassaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork:Sentinel.

69.Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.70.Page54in:Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.71.Page56in:Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.72.Page59in:Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.73.Markey,J.(1993,May).Male-bashing.Redbook,181,104–108.74.Page105in:Markey,J.(1993,May).Male-bashing.Redbook,181,104–107.75.Page105in:Markey,J.(1993,May).Male-bashing.Redbook,181,104–107.76.Page8:Baumeister,R.F.(2010).Isthereanythinggoodaboutmen?Howculturesflourishbyexploiting

men.NewYork,NY:OxfordUniversityPress.77.See,forinstance:Heard,A.(1989,August).Stopblamingmenforeverything!Mademoiselle,95,232–

234.78.Farrell,W.(1993).Themythofmalepower:Whymenarethedisposablesex.NewYork,NY:Berkley

Books.79.Page18in:Farrell,W.(1993).Themythofmalepower:Whymenarethedisposablesex.NewYork,

NY:BerkleyBooks.80.Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.81.Page57in:Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.82. For an examination of popular culture’s perpetuation of women-as-teases, see: Anderson, K. J., &

Accomando,C.(1999).Madcapmisogynyandromanticizedvictim-blaming:Discoursesofstalkingin“There’sSomethingAboutMary.”Women&Language,22,24–28.

83.Page58in:Morrow,L.(1994,February14).Men:Aretheyreallythatbad?Time,143,53–59.84.Pagexx in:O’Beirne,K.(2006).Womenwhomake theworldworse:Andhow their radical feminist

assaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.85.Page16:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.86.Cataldi,S.L.(1995).Reflectionson“malebashing.”NWSAJournal,7(2),76–85.

87. Cooper, A., & Smith, E. L. (2011, November). Homicide trends in the U.S., 1980–2008. U.S.DepartmentofJustice.Retrievedfromhttp://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/htus8008.pdf

88. Cooper, A., & Smith, E. L. (2011, November). Homicide trends in the U.S., 1980–2008. U.S.DepartmentofJustice.Retrievedfromhttp://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/htus8008.pdf

89.Truman, J.L. (2011,September).National crimevictimization survey:Criminal victimization, 2010.U.S.DepartmentofJustice.Retrievedfromhttp://bjs.ojp.usdojgov/content/pub/pdf/cv10.pdf.

90.Catalano,S. (2012).Stalkingvictims in theUnitedStates:Revised.TheU.S.Departmentof Justice.Retrievedfromhttp://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/svus_rev.pdf

91.Krebs,C. P., Lindquist,C.H.,Warner,T.D., Fisher,B. S.,&Martin, S.L. (2007,December).Thecampussexualassault(CSA)study:Finalreport.PreparedforNationalInstituteofJustice(NIJGrantNo.2004-WG-BX-0010).

92. McFarlane, J., & Malecha, A. (2005, October). Sexual assault among intimates: Frequency,consequences, and treatments. Prepared for National Institute of Justice (Award No. 2002-WG-BX-0003).RetrievedSeptember24,2008,fromwww.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/211678.pdf

93.Catalano,S. (2012).Stalkingvictims in theUnitedStates:Revised.TheU.S.Departmentof Justice.Retrievedfromhttp://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/svus_rev.pdf

94.U.S.Department of JusticeOfficeonViolenceAgainstWomen (2005–2006).Report to congressonstalking and domestic violence, 2005 through 2006. Retrieved September 24, 2008, fromhttp://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ovw/220827.pdf

95.Cataldi,S.L.(1995).Reflectionson“malebashing”.NWSAJournal,7(2),76–85.96.Henley,N.M.,Miller,M.,&Beazley,J.A.(1995).Syntaxsemantics,andsexualviolence:Agencyand

thepassivevoice.JournalofLanguageandSocialPsychology,14(1–2),60–84.97. Frazer, A. K., & Miller, M. D. (2009). Double standards in sentence structure: Passive voice in

narratives describing domestic violence. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 28(1), 62–71.doi:10.1177/0261927X08325883

98.Bloom,L.R.(1997).AfeministreadingofMen’sHealth:Or,whenPagliaspeaks, themedia listens.JournalofMedicalHumanities,18(1),59–73.

99.Appelbaum,B.(2012,June11).Familynetworthdropstolevelofearly‘90s,Fedsays.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/12/business/economy/family-net-worth-drops-to-level-of-early-90s-fed-says.html?_r=1

100. Digby, T. (1998). Do feminists hate men?: Feminism, anti-feminism, and gender oppositionality.JournalofSocialPhilosophy,29(2),15–31.

101. Digby, T. (1998). Do feminists hate men?: Feminism, anti-feminism, and gender oppositionality.JournalofSocialPhilosophy,29(2),15–31.

102. Rudman, L. A., & Phelan, J. E. (2008). Backlash effects for disconfirming gender stereotypes inorganizations.ResearchinOrganizationalBehavior,28,61–79.doi:10.1016/j.riob.2008.04.003

103.Katz,J.(2006).Themachoparadox:Whysomemenhurtwomenandhowallmencanhelp.Naperville,IL:Sourcebooks.

4 THEENDOFMENANDTHEBOYCRISIS

Thiswholesortofwaronwomenthing,I’mscratchingmyhead,becauseiftherewasawaronwomen,Ithinktheywon...Infact,Iworryaboutouryoungmensometimes,becauseIthinkthewomenreallyareoutcompetingmeninourworld.

—U.S.SenatorRandPaul,20141

In1982feministpsychologistCarolGilliganpublishedherlandmarkbookInaDifferentVoice:Psychological Theory andWomen’sDevelopment.2The1980sandearly1990sweremarkedbyasurgeofscholarshipandactivismrelatedtogirls’ andwomen’s development and educational opportunities.A 1992 reportfrom the American Association of University Women entitled How SchoolsShortchangeGirls,andMyraandDavidSadker’sFailingatFairness:HowOurSchools CheatGirls,3 critiqued the decades and centuries-long focus on boysand men in the educational domain. Mary Pipher’s 1994 Reviving Ophelia:Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls4 looked at the marginalization of girlsrelativetoboysinavarietyofdomains.Almostimmediatelythisbriefandstillintermittentattentionpaidtogirls’andwomen’sneedswasmetwithresistance.Theseworksongirlsandwomenwereandcontinuetobeviewedasatakeover,an emblem of feminism having gone too far. By the 1990s, the anti-feministresponseconstitutedamassiverecoveryefforttobringboysandmenbacktothecenter, and this effort has not relented since. These “boy crisis” books arerepresentedby,forinstance,thewell-intentionedRealBoys:RescuingOurSonsfromtheMythsofBoyhood,5byWilliamPollackin1998,andDanKindlonandMichael Thompson’s 1999 Raising Cain: Protecting the Emotional Life ofBoys.6Anti-feministMichaelGurianproducedbookafterbookon the subject,beginningwithTheWonderofBoys7in1996.Anti-feministboy-crisistrailblazerChristina Hoff Sommers helped solidify the industry with her 2000 TheWarAgainstBoys:HowMisguidedFeminismIsHarmingOurYoungMen.8Themainclaimoftheseworksis thatfeminismhasgonetoofarandnowboysandmenarepayingforit.In the last chapter, we addressed the anti-feminist fiction that feminists are

man-haters and male bashers. In this chapter, we examine another claimreflecting the belief that feminism has gone too far: that feminism has so

empoweredgirlsandwomenthattheyarenowtakingoverandgettingaheadofboys and men. Kathleen Parker is one of the anti-feminist conservativecolumnistsatthecenterofthismoralpaniclaunchingargumentsthatbeginwith,“America isadangerousplaceformales thesedays.”9 Inher2008book,SavetheMales:WhyMenMatter,WhyWomenShouldCare,Parkerwrites,“today’sworldishostiletowardmen,whoarenolongerconsiderednecessaryformuchofanything,”10andthefirstchapterofParker’sbookisentitled,“WomenGood,MenBad.”AndwhiletheUnitedStatesranksamiserable47thintheworldongender equality11—meaning there are 46 other countries in which men’sadvantage over women is less dramatic—we still see headlines claiming thatwomenaresurpassingmeninallareasofsociety.In this chapterwe first address the claim thatmassmedia and society have

become antimale. Next, we address the supposed “boy crisis” in Americanschools—thebeliefthatschoolshavebecomehostiletoboysandbiasedinfavorofgirls.Finally,weconsidertheissueofmaleprivilegeandentitlementasoneexplanation of why boys and men tend to earn lower grades and pursueuniversitystudiesinfewernumbersthangirlsandwomen.

MassMediaandtheMarginalizationofMen?IstheMediaMeantoMen?Mediascholarshavedocumented thenear invisibilityofwomenandpeopleofcolorintelevisionandfilmfordecades.Butthefeminism-gone-too-farwavehasimagined a mass media that marginalizes men and boys. For example, SteveBiddulph, authorofRaisingBoys:WhyBoysAreDifferent—andHow toHelpThem Become Happy and Well-Balanced Men, says “The media continuallyportraysmales as rapists,murderers,or inadequate fools.Soaboymayeasilyfeelquitebadabouthimselfasamasculinebeing.”12Theseclaimsstandinstarkcontrasttotheactualmediarepresentationsofmenthatchildrenencounter.Itistrue that men can be seen playing violent predators or incompetent buffoons.However, claims that there are uniformly negative representations ofmen areerroneous. In fact, there are many more representations of men and they aredepictedinawiderrangeofbehaviorthanarewomencharacters.13Andintermsofnegativeportrayalsofmen, there are just asmanymenwhoplayheroes asvillains.14 In other words, because there is such a diversity of positive andnegative roles, especially for white men, the negative portrayals of men aresimply one way in which they are portrayed. As researchers of one study

concluded:“malecharactersdidmoreofalmosteverything thandidthefemalecharacters,simplybecausetheyappearedmoreoften.”15Let’stakealookatvariousgenresofmassmediatoaddressthepanicoverthe

belief that women are taking over all the major institutions in society. Arewomentrulytakingovermassmedia?Inprime-timetelevisionwomenmakeup45%of the regular characters.16 Patterns aremore exaggerated in film.Majormale characters in top-grossing films outnumber female characters by a huge73% to 27%.17 When you consider the age of actors and characters, therepresentationsofwomenareevenbleaker.Inbothprime-timetelevision18andinpopularfilms19womenaremostfrequentlyseenintheagerangeof20to30,whereasmenaremorelikelytobeintheir30sand40s.Whenyougetintothe50sand60s,womenvirtuallydisappear.Thislatterfactisparticularlyinterestingbecausethelargestpercentageofwomeninthepopulationisinthe51+group.20Sothelargestagedemographicofwomeninreallifeistheleastlikelytobeseenin celluloid life. There is another reason that the erasure of older women intelevision and film is significant in addition to the mismatch betweenrepresentationinmediaandrepresentationinreallife.Typically,olderadultsonTVandinfilmhavemorepower,status,andleadership,butthisistrueformen,notwomen.For example, inTVand film,men in their 40s and 50s aremorelikelytoplayleadersthanyoungermen,andwomeninthesameagerange.Menintheir50shavegreateroccupationalpowerthanwomenintheir50s.21Soformen, as they get older they gain status and power; as women get older, theydisappear—womendisappearintermsofbeingshownonTVandfilmandtheydisappearintermsoftheirstatus,power,andsignificanceascharacters.In termsof importantand influentialgenresofTVandfilm there isa lotof

work that still needs to be done regardinggender equality.Roles formen andstoriesaboutmencontinuetobethenorm.Asevidence,considertheuseofthetermchick flicks—those films dominated bywomen characterswith storylinessupposedlyofinteresttowomenmorethanmen.Moviesdominatedbymen,ontheotherhand,withcharactersandplotstellingmen’sstories,areconsideredthenorm and thus are not gendermarked due to their supposed universal appeal.However, films that are thought to be of interest to women get the gendermarkingof“chickflick.”This issimilar towhenfilmsaboutheterosexualsaresimply called films—they should resonatewith everyone—but filmswith gaycharactersaremarked,describedas“gayfilms.”Disparity also exists in terms of occupational roles on television. Men are

morelikelythanwomentoplaycriminals,buttheyarealsomorelikelytobeinprofessional roles, law enforcement roles, and in blue collar jobs. In contrast,

womenaremorelikelytonotwork,ortheirworkisnotknown,22conveyingthemessagethatbeingprofessionalswithmeaningfulworkoutsidethehomeisnotasignificant aspect ofwomen’s identity.This samepattern holds for bothwhiteandAfricanAmericanwomen23(therearesofewotherpeopleofcoloronTV,calculationsarenotavailable).Womencharactersontelevisioncontinuetoenactinterpersonal roles involved with romance, family, and friends (emphasizingcommunal/expressive traits), whereasmen characters aremore likely to enactwork-related roles (emphasizing the instrumental/agentic traitsofambitionanddesireforsuccess).24Is the picture so positive for allmen, or only forwhitemen?Anti-feminist

writers and commentators who support this masculine recovery effort do notaddress race in their concerns about portrayals of men in the media. Theirconcernsliewiththedisruptionofthestatusquo,thesupposedlossofstatusandinfluenceofwhiteheterosexualmen.Infact,thereissomethingtobeconcernedabout when we do take into account how men of color are portrayed in themedia:AfricanAmericanmencontinuetobeportrayedasdangerousthugs.Forinstance, in television news African American men are overrepresented ascriminal suspects and underestimated as victims of crime compared to actualcrimestatistics.Theoppositeistrueofwhitemen:theyareunderrepresentedasperpetratorsandoverrepresentedasvictims.25Thus, in their eagerness to keepwhite, heterosexual men at the center of society, the end-of-men/boy-crisisauthorsmissanopportunitytoaddressagroupthatisactuallymarginalizedandactuallynegativelyportrayedinmediarepresentations—menofcolor.Inmusicvideoswomenareworse thanmarginal.Even thoughwomenhave

madeprogress in termsof theirnumbers aspop stars andmusicians, the rolestheyplayinmusicvideosareassexualobjectsusedbymen.26Menoutnumberwomen in music videos nearly three to one.27 Worse than the sheer lack ofrepresentation ofwomen is the role they playwhen they do appear in videos.Women’schiefroleinmusicvideosisassexualobjectsthataredenigratedanddebased. They are pushed, grabbed, and slapped by men in videos. AfricanAmericanwomen are evenmore sexualized and abused thanwhite women.28Whatexplains the lackofcreativityandrange in the roles thatwomenplay inmusicvideos?Oneansweristheintertwiningofpornographyandmusicvideos.Former pornographic film directors now can be found directingmusic videosandformerpornstarscanbefoundstarringinthem.29ThistrendcorrespondstotheincreasedmainstreamingofpornographyandhypersexualrepresentationsofgirlsandwomendescribedinChapter1.Therehavebeensomechanges in the representationsofwomenandmen in

advertisements.Intermsofroleportrayals,womenandmenaremoreequalthaninthe1960s.Onestudy30lookedat50yearsofadvertisementsinpopularU.S.magazines. The findings indicated that the traditional patterns of ads showingthatawoman’splaceisinthehome,andthatwomendonotdoimportantthingsormakeimportantdecisions,islesstruethaninpreviousdecades.However,adsstillshowmenasleadersandprotectors,whereaswomenareshowninrolesthataredependentonmen.Andin theareaofsexualobjectification,portrayalsareactually worse than they were in the 1960s. Women are more likely to beportrayed as sexual objects than they were previously. The female body andwomen’sdismemberedbodypartsareusedmuchmoreoftenthanthemalebodyasavisualelementinads.Inthisway,onecanseehowadvertisinghasco-optedthefeministdesireforsexualfreedomdescribedinChapter1.Inprintadstodaymen are still more likely to be shown in authoritative, superior, and morepowerful positions than women, and women are depicted in more deferentialpositions to men.31 Even more puzzling and alarming, women are also morelikely to be positioned in weakened psychological states, looking away,disoriented, and even looking dead or passed out—and these depictions haveactuallyincreasedoverthe50-yearperiod.32MagazinesshowadsdepictingdeadwomenfromMarcJacobs,Gucci,Lanvin,JimmyChoo,andLouisVuittonandadsdepictinggangrapebyCalvinKlein,Dolce&Gabbana,andTomFord.Itisdifficult to imaginewhat theend-of-men/boy-crisisauthorshaveinmindwhenyouseehowwomenaredepictedinadvertisements.Intermsoftelevisioncommercialsmencomprise39%ofthemaincharacters

in prime-time ads, whereas women make up 30% (about 1/3 contain bothwomen and men). Roles played by women and men in U.S. televisioncommercialsarestillhighlygender-stereotyped.Forexample,32%ofwomen’srolesareashomemaker,butonly1%ofmen’srolesareashomemaker;14%ofthe men in commercials are professionals (doctor, lawyer), but only 5% ofwomen play these roles.33 Television voiceovers are an important feature ofmany commercials, as a narrator conveys authority, gravity, and wisdom.Women’s voices make up only 27% of commercial voiceovers compared tomen’s 73%.34 Like most of the other media genres, television commercialsconvey themessage thatmenareout in theworlddoing important things,andtheyareexpertswhoshouldbelistenedto,whereaswomentendtoberelegatedtothedomesticsphere.In newspaper comics, 61% of the characters are male and 28% of the

characters are female (11% of the characters are animals, and male animalsoutnumberfemaleanimals6 to1).Womencharacters incomicsaremore than

twiceaslikelytoappearinthehomeandmencharactersaretwiceaslikelytoappearatwork.Womencharactersarelesslikelytobeidentifiedashavingajob,morelikelytobemarried,andmorelikelytobetakingcareofchildren.35Even in clipart—those graphics that enhance workplace PowerPoint

presentations—women characters are invisible or relegated to silly roles.Middle-agedwhitemenarethemostcommoncharactersinclipart.LikeTVandfilmroles,menaredepictedinawiderrangeofactivitiesthanwomen.Womenaremore likely to be portrayed as younger (e.g., teenagers) rather than older.Clipart images of men show them as more physically mobile and producingsomeproduct,whereasimagesdepictwomeninpassivepositionssuchassitting,reclining,or accompanyingaman.Whenwomenare engaged in activity, theyare more likely than men to be cleaning and taking care of children.36 Theanalysisofclipartimagesmight,atfirstglance,appeartobetrivialandoflittleconsequence.However,ifyouconsiderwhereandwhentheseimagesareused—inofficeandbusinesssettings—itbecomesclearthattheseimagesareimportant.Professionalwomenalreadyhavetobattlegenderdiscriminationintheformofpayinequality,sexualharassment,andtheglassceiling.Clipartimagesreinforcethe notion that men are the professional norm, whereas women do not quitebelongintheworkplacethewaythatmendo.Men even dominatemedia coverage of “women’s issues.” In an analysis of

2012electioncoverage,menweremorelikelytobequotedontheiropinionsinnewspapersandontelevision.Forexample,infrontpagearticlesaboutthe2012electionthatmentionabortion,menwere81%ofthosequoted;onbirthcontrol,theywere75%ofthosequoted;evenonwomen’srights,theywere52%ofthosequoted(womenwereonly31%ofthosequotedandorganizationswere17%).37Canyou imagine themedia seekingoutwomen as themain experts on issuespertainingtomen?As this review ofmassmedia portrayals ofwomen andmen demonstrates,

womenarehardlyinthepositionofthreateningthetraditionaldomainsofmen.Ineveryaspectofthemassmediatheyareunderrepresentedcomparedtotheiractualnumbersinthepopulation.Whenwomenareseen,theyaremorelikelytobeportrayedashomemakers,assexualobjects,andasyoung.Men,ontheotherhand,aremorelikelytobeportrayedinarangeofprofessionalfields;theyaremoreactive,andtheyareolderandportrayedwithmorepowerandinfluence.

IstheMediaMeantoBoys?Authors of end-of-men/boy-crisis books claim that the world is now gearedtowardgirls.Forinstance,ChristinaHoffSommers,authorofTheWarAgainst

Boys, writes that feminists see boys’ masculinity as “politically incorrect.”38Kathleen Parker, author of Save the Males, says “boys learn early that theybelong to the ‘bad’ sexand their female counterparts to the ‘good.’”39Parentsevenhavebeenaccusedofleapingontheantiboybandwagon,accordingtoTheAtlantic writer, Hannah Rosin. In her 2010 article “The End ofMen,” Rosinreports that American couples are now preferring girls to boys whencontemplatingpregnancy.40 The belief in a preference for girls resonateswiththose who believe that feminism has gone too far, but that belief is false.American couples still prefer sons over daughters. When presented with thequestion,“Supposeyoucouldonlyhaveonechild.Wouldyoupreferthatitbeaboyoragirl?”37%oftherespondentsexpressapreferenceforaboy,and28%foragirl.41Parents may still prefer boys, but does the mass media? Let’s begin with

children’s television cartoons. Consistent with empirical studies over severaldecades, male cartoon characters continue to outnumber female characters.42Some cartoon genres are extreme. For instance, in the traditional adventuregenre (e.g., Batman, Aladdin) male characters outnumber female charactersmore than 4 to 1. In comedy cartoons (e.g., Animaniacs), males outnumberfemales 2 to 1. In nontraditional adventure series (e.g.,SailorMoon,Reboot),there is equal representation.How are females and males represented in TVcartoons? Anti-feminists are concerned that boys are being feminized andgirlified,butthisisnotthecaseinTVcartoons.Malecharactersareportrayedinhighlymasculinizedways.Theyaremorelikelytoengageinphysicalaggressionand less likely to show fear than female characters.They are less likely to besupportive andpolite, and less likely tobe romantic, than female characters.43Overall,despiteChristinaHoffSommers’andKathleenParker’sconcernsabouttraditional male gender roles being undermined by feminism and feminizing,cartoonsarestillrigidlygenderstereotyped.Has the content of cartoons changed over time? One study44 examined

cartoons over a 60-year period. The representations of female and malecharacters have actually changed little. Females account for only 16% of allcharacters. Physical attractiveness was more important for female characters,whereasintelligencewasmoreimportantformales.Malecharacterswere50%more likely to engage in antisocial behaviors, femaleswere twice as likely asmales tobe considered“good.”Over time, cartoonshavecontained fewer andfewer African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, and Asians, relative totheir population numbers. Even in educational programs such asMr.Wizard’sWorld,Beakman’sWorld,BillNyetheScienceGuy,andNewton’sApple,twiceas

many adultmale scientists as female scientistswere shown. Fully 79%of thefemale characters that did appear were relegated to secondary roles such ashelpers.45When the content of children’s picture books has been examined, we find

nearlytwiceasmanymaleasfemalemaincharacters,andfemalecharactersaremore likely to be portrayed inside the home and without a paid occupation.Furthermore,theserepresentationshavenotchangedovertime.46Malesareevenmorecommoninchildren’scoloringbooks.Astudyof56coloringbooksfoundthat59%ofthecharactersweremaleand41%werefemale.Childrenweremorelikelytobefemales(58%)thanmales(42%),adultsweremorelikelytobemale(78%)thanfemale(22%).47Toy commercials on television reinforce these patterns. Although content

analysis48of455commercialsappearingonthenetworkNickelodeonfoundthatcommercials were more likely to be oriented toward girls (34%) than boys(27%),thishardlyrepresentsagirltakeover.Boysincommercialsareshowninawider rangeof interactions (e.g.,competitive,cooperative, independent) thangirls.Andlikeothermediagenresfeaturingbothadultsandchildren,girlswereonce again more likely to be located inside the home. That commercialsdepictingboysshowedtheminavarietyofsettingsimpliesthattheyhavemoreopportunities and are involved in more action. So boys are doing stuff. OnecommercialforSilly6Pinshasboysbowlingandgirlscheeringthemon,layingonthegroundwatching.49Canyouimaginetherolesinreverse?Girlsbowlingwhileboyslayonthegroundcheeringthemonthesidelines?Youevenseeunequalgenderrepresentationsoncerealboxes.Inananalysis50

of 217 cereal boxes,male characters outnumbered female characters bymorethan2to1.Similartoothergenres,animalcharactersaremorelikelytobemalethanfemale.Likechildren’scoloringbooks,authorityfigures(e.g.,adults)weremorelikelytobementhanwomenandchildrenweremorelikelytobegirlsthanboys, thus suggesting that females aremore dependent on others and are lesspowerful.Unlikeresearchinotherareasofmediarepresentation,therewerenogenderdifferencesinactivitylevelandpassivity.It is clear from this exhaustive (and exhausting) review of the literature on

media representation thatboysarenotmarginal,norare theydenigrated.Boysare portrayed as the gender that matters, that gets things done; boys are thedefault,thenorm.Thesepatternsfromempiricalresearchstudiescontradictwhattheboy-crisisauthorssayaboutsociety’sviewofboys.Let’stakealookatwhatSteveBiddulph,authorofthe1998bookRaisingBoys51says:

Inanerawhenmenareoftentargetsofridiculeinthemedia,it’simportanttoremember(andtoshowboys) thatmenbuilt theplanes, fought thewars, laid the railroad tracks, invented thecars,built thehospitals, invented the medicines and sailed the ships that made it all happen. There’s an Africansaying,‘Womenholduphalfthesky.’But,clearly,menholduptheotherhalf.

Thisstatementreflectstheupsidedownworldofmen-are-marginalizedrhetoricyou see from the boy-crisis authors. From Biddulph’s perspective, men havebeensoerasedfromhistoryandthepresentthatweactuallyneedtoremindboysof men’s accomplishments. His invented “era” of male erasure gives himpermissiontogratuitouslyreassertmaledominance(menaretheones,afterall,“whomadeitallhappen”)whilepretendingtoapplyamuch-neededremedytoaperceivedgirltakeover.

AreSchoolsAntiboy?Authorsandcommentatorswhoclaimaboycrisisarguethat,evenmorethanthemedia, schools are the main repositories of antiboy elements. Their focus oneducation is, in part, a response to the progress of Title IX—the 1972 statuteprohibiting gender discrimination in educational institutions—and to thedeliberateeffortsoffeministeducatorstomakeschoolshospitabletogirls.

ContentandCurricula:AreBoysInvisible?WilliamPollackinhisbookRealBoyswrites,“Ourschools,ingeneral,arenotsufficientlyhospitableenvironmentsforboysandarenotdoingwhattheycouldto address boys’ unique social, academic, and emotional needs”because “theyusecurricula,classroommaterials,andteachingmethodsthatdonotrespondtohowboyslearn.”52KathleenParker,authorofSave theMales,alsoclaims thatclasses and curricula “favor girl interests.”53 She says, “Elementary gradetextbooksandliteraturerarelyfeaturestrong,activemalerolesortalesofvalor,high adventure, or heaven forbid, gallantry,which feminists view as implyingthatmenandwomenaren’tequal.Biographiesofpresidentsandinventorshavebeen replaced by stories of brave and adventurous women.”54 Christina HoffSommerssaysthatboysareforcedtolearnaboutJaneEyre,wheninsteadtheyshouldlearnaboutSilasMarnerandthewarpoets.55Do classroommaterials privilege girls andmarginalize boys?Let’s take the

contentoftextbooks.Therearemoremale(54%)thanfemale(46%)charactersin firstand thirdgradechildren’sdevelopmental reading texts.Malesaremorelikely to be portrayed as aggressive, argumentative, and competitive. Femalesaremorelikelytobedescribedasaffectionate,emotionallyexpressive,passive,

and tender.56 These gender-stereotyped depictions should please Sommers andParker for their total lack of creativity and their strict adherence to traditionalgenderroles.Much has been made in the last two decades about getting girls more

interested in math and science. Unfortunately, school materials do little toencourage girls’ interest in these fields. Like most materials, life sciencetextbooksshowpicturesofmalesmoreoftenthanfemales,malesarepositionedinactiverolesmorefrequentlythanfemales,andtheaccomplishmentsofwomenarelesslikelytobefeatured.57Highschoolchemistrytextbooksalsoshowmorepicturesofmalesthanfemales.58Thesedepictionsofferfewrolemodelsforgirlsaspiring to be scientists.When early andmore recent editions of high schoolchemistry texts have been examined, we find that most maintain a genderimbalance favoring representations of boys and men compared to girls andwomen, and a few have even increased the imbalance in recent years.59 Thepatterns found in science textbooks send themessage to readers that boys andmenareengagedinthescientificendeavor,whereasgirlsandwomenareonthesidelines—theyarenotdoingsciencesomuchaswatchingandobservingthosewhoare.Even educational software favors boys and men. In a study of 43 popular

educational software programs, 20 programs contained only male maincharacters but only 5 programs contained only female characters.60 Thesenumbers also reveal the gender-segregated nature of these software programs,which sends the message to young people that male and female charactersinhabitdifferentlivesandgendercultures.Malecharactersweremorelikelytobeshownasaggressivebutalsomoreathletic,morelikelytorescue,andmorelikely to take risks than female characters.61Once again, educational softwaredepicts boys and men as active, involved, and mattering more than girls andwomen.Eventeachingmaterialsaregenderbiasedinfavorofboys.Inananalysisof

teacher education texts (texts used by those studying to become teachers), thecontentfocusesmostlyonmales,althoughunlikethefindingsfromotherstudiesreviewedinthischapter,photosdepictmorefemalesthanmales.Thepresenceoffemales compared to males might suggest progress but the photos tended toshowwomenas teachersandmenasprincipalsandadministratorswhichonlysolidifies traditional gender roles. If there is any field in which women havemade significant contributions, it would be education. Yet the pioneers ofeducationshowninthesetextsarenearlyallmale.62In this exhaustive review of educationalmaterials, the only literature found

with somegender balance or counter-stereotyped contentwas one studyof 15popular educational psychology textbooks.63 The study analyzed studentcharacters inclassroomscenariosdepictedin thetexts.Girlandboycharacterswere presented at roughly the same frequency. Surprisingly, there were nogenderdifferencesfoundinportrayalsofpositivemasculinetraits(e.g.,courage,confidence) or positive (e.g., nurturing, caring) or negative (submissiveness,emotionality) feminine traits. However, boys were portrayed as engaging inmorenegativemasculineactivities(e.g.,aggression,bullying).Incontrast totheconcernsofanti-feministauthors,anavalancheofresearch

studiesdemonstratesthatschoolmaterialsoverwhelminglypresentmalesasthetypical, normal student by portraying themmore frequently than females. Thecontent of materials caters to traditional boys’ interests; boys are the activecharactersinthesematerialsandgirlsprovidemarginal,largelysupportiveroles;andgenderrolesaretraditional.

AreTeachersMeantoBoys?Severalwritersexpressconcernabouttheoverinfluenceofwomeninboys’lives.InherbookWomenWhoMaketheWorldWorse,anti-feministKateO’Beirne64arguesthat“Classroomshavebeenturnedintofeministreeducationcamps. . .”Mostoftenwomenteachersarepresentedas theones toblameforboys losinginterest in school,boysnotdoingwell, andevenboys feelingmarginalizedasboys. InRaisingCain,DanKindlon andMichael Thompson lament: “a boy’sexperience of school is as a thorn among roses; he is a different, lesser, andsometimes frowned-upon presence, and he knows it,”65 and “Grade school islargely a feminine environment, populated predominantly by women teachersandauthorityfigures,thatseemsriggedagainstboys,againstthehigheractivitylevelandlowerlevelofimpulsecontrolthatisnormalforboys.”66InSave theMales,KathleenParkersays,“[Boys’]interestsaren’tvalued,andtheirbehaviorisn’ttolerated.”67Parkerdescribestheschooldayforboysasbeing“steepedinestrogen” during which boys are told of “how many ‘bad choices’ they’vemade.”68Itistruethatelementaryandmiddleschoolteachersaremuchmorelikelyto

bewomenthanmen.Remarkably,theboy-crisisauthorsdonotaccountforwhythere arenotmore teacherswhoaremenand, conversely,whymany talented,educated young women view teaching as one of the few careers available tothem. Elementary school teaching is a low-status job and is considered“women’s work.” The median salary for an elementary school teacher in theUnitedStatesin2012was$40,000.69Soeventhoughmenwhoareelementary

schoolteachersarepaidmorethanwomen,itisnotsurprisingthatonly13%ofthemaremen.70Thosemenwhodochoosewoman-dominatedfieldstendtobetreateddifferently,which in thiscase,meansbetter.Men inwoman-dominatedcareersbenefitfromwhatbeencalledthe“glassescalator”71—thephenomenonwherebymen,at leastwhitemen,72 inwoman-dominated jobssuchasnursingandelementaryteaching,aregivenpreferentialtreatmentintermsofhiringandpromotions.Theyarepromotedintoadministrativeandmanagerialpositionsatafasterratethanarewomen.What does actual research find on teachers’ treatment of girl and boy

students?Istheclassroomriggedagainstboys?Isboys’behaviornottoleratedastheboy-crisisauthorssuggest?Areboysthornsamonggirls,whoareroses?In1988 Alison Kelly published a comprehensive meta-analysis on teacher-pupilinteractions that examined the attention teachersgive togirl andboy students.Shecompiledthedatafrom81previouslyconductedstudies.Here’sasummaryofwhatKellyfound:

Itisnowbeyonddisputethatgirlsreceivelessoftheteacher’sattentioninclass,andthatthisistrueacrossawiderangeofdifferentconditions.Itappliestoallagegroups(althoughmoreinsomethaninothers), in several different countries, in various socio-economic and ethnic groupings, across allsubjectsinthecurriculum,andwithbothmaleandfemaleteachers(althoughmorewithmales).Boysget more of all kinds of classroom interaction. This discrepancy is most marked for behavioralcriticism,but thisdoesnotexplain theoverall imbalance.Boysalsogetmore instructionalcontacts,morehigh-levelquestions,moreacademiccriticismandslightlymorepraisethangirls.73

Kelly’sstudyiscomprehensivebutherworkisdated.Doesmorerecentresearchrevealdifferentpatternsofteachertreatmentofgirlsandboys?Onestudyfoundthat the attention to boyswasmore likely to be negative than positive.74 Andsome studies say that boys are given more attention because they take moreinitiative than do girls.75 However, most studies find that boys receive morenegative and more positive attention from teachers76 and that boys’ initiatinginteractiondoesnotaccountforthisdifferentialtreatment.Inotherwords,boysmayraisetheirhandsorcallouttotheteachermoreoftenthangirls,butaboveand beyond this difference, teachers attend to themmore than they attend togirls.Whatdoestheattentionlooklike?Onestudyfoundthatboysreceivemorecriticism of their behavior than girls, but they also receive more intellectualcriticismand intellectual acceptance thandogirls.77Thepositiveandnegativeintellectual-relatedinteractionsboyshavewithteachersrevealthatteacherstakeboysseriouslyasintellectualbeingsandencouragethemtothinkcritically.Thisdifferentialtreatmentalsorevealsthatmoreintellectualadvancesareexpectedofboysthangirls,andthatboysaremorevaluedthangirlsfortheirintellect.

Boysgetmoreofallkindsofclassroomattention.These interactionsdonotamount to a “toxic” environment for thewhitemiddle class boyswho are thefocusofboy-crisiswriters.Ausefulendeavorwouldbetoexaminethedegreetowhichschoolsmightbetoxictoethnicminoritystudents—bothboysandgirls.Forexample,intheirmeta-analysisonteachers’expectationsofstudents,HarrietTenenbaum and Martin Ruck78 found that teachers held more positiveexpectationsforwhiteandAsianAmericanstudentsthanAfricanAmericanandLatinostudents.Teachersalsomademorepositivecomments towhitestudentsthantoAfricanAmericanandLatinostudents.AfricanAmericanboysmightbeparticularly targeted by teachers because teachers rate their behavior as moreantisocial,andtheyhaveloweracademicexpectationsforthemthantheydoforAfricanAmerican girls.79 African American students, African American boysespecially,aremorelikelytoreceivedisciplinaryofficereferralsthanstudentsofother ethnicities.80 There is a warehouse of studies finding that AfricanAmericanmenareperceivedasmoredangerousandaggressivethanwhitemenwhoengageinthesamebehavior.81Forauthorswhoaresoconcernedwiththeplightofboys,itisunfortunatethatParker,Sommers,Pollack,Gurian,KindlonandThompson,andBiddulphdonotaddressthechallengesthatethnicminorityboysandmenhaveinschoolandinthemassmediarepresentationsofthem.

CenterStealingandPerceptionsofMaleMarginalizationHow can books, articles, pundits, and politicians over the past 15 to 20 yearshave such a warped view of the regard and treatment of girls and womencomparedwithboysandmen?TrinaGrilloandStephanieWildman82describethis blindness to inequality as the center stage problem.When those who areusedtobeingatthecenterofeverythingimportantinsocietyaremovedfromthecenter, however briefly, groupmembers experience a threat and therefore aremotivated to re-assert theirprivilege.Thecenterstageproblemoccursbecausedominant group members are already accustomed to being center stage; theyhave been treated that way by society; it feels natural, comfortable, and thenatural order of things. Members of dominant groups assume that theirperceptionsarethepertinentones,thattheirproblemsaretheonesthatneedtobe addressed, and that in discourse they should be the speaker rather than thelistener.Partofbeingamemberofaprivilegedgroupisbeingthecenterandthesubjectofallinquiryinwhichnonprivilegedgroupsaretheobjectsorpushedtothesidelines.Sostrongisthisexpectationofholdingcenterstagethatevenwhenatimeandplaceisspecificallydesignatedformembersofanonprivilegedgroup

tobecentral,membersofthedominantgroupwilloftenattempttotakebackthefocus. They are stealing the center—often with a complete lack of self-consciousness.AsGrilloandWildmanargue,whenpeoplewhoarenotregardedas entitled to the center move into it, even momentarily, they are viewed asusurpers. Inotherwords,membersof theprivilegedgroup experience a threatwhenattentioneven temporarilyandbriefly turnsawayfromthemand towardmembers of a marginalized group. Feelings of personal entitlement can leadmembers of dominant groups to be blind to seeing when they are unfairlyoverbenefiting, and their unearned and unjust privilege leads them to regardeffortsto“leveltheplayingfield”asfundamentallyunfair.83

EntitlementandthePrivilegetoUnderperformWedoagreatdisservicetoboysinhowweraisethem.Westiflethehumanityofboys.Wedefinemasculinityinaverynarrowway.Masculinitybecomesthishardsmallcageandweputboysinsidethecage.Weteachboystobeafraidoffear.Weteachboystobeafraidofweakness,ofvulnerability.

—CHIMAMANDANGOZIADICHIE,201284

So if boys aregettingplentyof teacher attention and the curriculum is gearedtowardthem,whydoboystendtoearnlowergradesandgotocollegeinfewernumbers thangirls?Theremaybe several reasonsbut twoarepresentedhere.First, school is considered a feminine environment, doing well in schools isinconsistent with masculinity. A second reason is the problem of maleentitlement.

SchoolIsforSissiesResearchongirls’andboys’interactionswithteachersandpeersfindsthatboysaremorelikelytobeinfluencedbyotherboys—notteachersandnotgirls.Ifaboypeerrespondspositivelytoabehavior,boysaremorelikelytocontinuethebehavior than if thepeer criticizes thebehavior.The reactionsof teachers andgirls to a boys’ behavior tend to be irrelevant.85 In her book Save theMales,KathleenParkerstatesthatboyspreferthecompanyofmen.“Thatisbecauseawomanisperceivedasjustanothermother,whileamanisaMan.”86Precisely.Just as our review of the literature indicates, womenmatter less thanmen insociety, and, not surprisingly, boys internalize this message. Women, evenwomenteacherswhoareinpositionsofauthority,areperceivedasjust“moms,”sowhocareswhattheythink?Menaremoreinteresting,arehigherinstatus,and

worthyofboys’attention.But thispatterngoesbeyondsimply findingwomenteachersboring.Forboysasyoungaselementaryschoolyears,defyingteachers’authority—andintheelementaryyearsmostteachersarewomen—isameansbywhichtogainpopularitywithotherboys.87Likeboys,girlsarealso influencedbysame-genderpeers,but incontrast to

boys,theyarealsoinfluencedbyteachers.88Boysaremoreconcernedthangirlsaboutlookingcooltotheirmainsocialgroup—otherboys.Schoolachievementis incompatiblewith this goal.89 The social dominance goals of having poweroverpeersarenegativelycorrelatedwithacademicachievement forboys.90Sotheextenttowhichastudentthinksthatbeingpowerfuloverothersandseemingtoughisimportant,thatstudentwillperformworseacademically.Researchfindsthat boys’ culture is less study-oriented than girls’ culture and that this studyculture influences achievement.91 In other words, one reason girls tend tooutperform boys is because boys are concerned about conforming to genderstereotypesthatsaythatschoolisforgirls.Boysareworriedaboutlookingweak(i.e.,feminine),92soboyswillavoidacademicachievementtotheextentthatitisviewed as feminine.93 Stereotypically masculine traits (for example,competitiveness, assertiveness) aremorevalued inU.S. andwesternEuropeancultures.94Infact,attributesarbitrarilylabeled“male”aremorevaluedthantheexact same characteristics that are labeled “female.”95 So to the extent thatschool achievement is seen as feminine, even when curricula and teacherbehavioraremale-centered,someboysandyoungmenwilldismissordiscountschool activities and academic achievement. Therefore, it’s not the schoolexperiencethatfeminizesboysbutrathertheideologyoftraditionalmasculinitythat keeps boys from wanting to succeed. Unfortunately, some boys seeacademicsuccessitselfasadisconfirmationoftheirmasculinity.96Intheirbook,RaisingCain,DanKindlonandMichaelThompsonsay,“Today

manyboysfaceasteadydietofshameandanxietythroughouttheirelementaryschoolyears.Fromittheylearnonlytofeelbadaboutthemselvesandtohatetheplace thatmakes them feel thatway.”97 Sinceboys are favoredby curriculumand teachers, it is difficult to imagine too many boys feeling bad aboutthemselvesafteradayatschool.Theend-of-men/boy-crisisauthorswouldhaveusbelieve that theworldhas

become too female-centered, and that schools in particular are too female-focused thanks to feminism. We have already established this argument asbaseless.Therefore,let’sconsideranalternativeview.Inadditiontotheissueofschoolsuccessasindicativeofgirliness,onewayto

help us understand and explain the data that boys are performing lesswell inschool is to examine the role of entitlement and privilege. Psychological orpersonalentitlementreferstoone’ssenseofdeservingness.Entitlementreflectsthebelief thatapersondeservesasetofoutcomesbecauseofwhotheyareorwhat they have done. Social psychologists tend to define entitlement asdeservingness based less on what someone has accomplished (an achievedcharacteristic) and more on who the person is (an ascribed characteristic).98Individualswithastrongsenseofentitlementbelievetheydeservegoodthingsto come to them.Not surprising, entitled people are fairly self-centered.Theyhave the tendency to take credit for positive events and to blame others fornegative ones.99 Entitled people tend to shy away from information thatcontradicts their worldview and avoid situations that do not reinforce theirpositiveself-image.100Studiesconsistentlyfind thatmenhaveastrongersenseof entitlement thandowomen. (Unfortunately,mostof the researchongenderandentitlementhasexaminedwhiterespondents,thereforeweknowlittleaboutthe interaction of gender and ethnicity.) Men also tend to score higher thanwomenontherelatedconceptofnarcissism.101Howdoesentitlementmanifest?Onewayisinoverconfidence.Mengivehigherestimatesoftheirabilitythandowomen, and men’s self-estimates tend to be independent of their actualability.102On cognitive tests, for instance,mengive themselves higher ratingsthan their actual performance merits, whereas women tend to have a morerealisticappraisaloftheirownperformance.103Entitlement isdifficult tomeasurebecause individualswhoareentitled tend

not to recognize their own sense of it, just as individualswho experience andbenefitfromprivilege(e.g.,whitepeople,men,heterosexuals)donotrecognizetheir unearned privilege. Social psychologists typically measure entitlementthrough pay expectations; they assign individuals to a task and ask themhowmuchtheywouldexpecttobepaid.Instudyafterstudy,wefindthatwomen’swage entitlement is lower than men’s.104 In a representative study, LisaBarron105conductedsimulatedjobinterviewswithMBAstudents.Men’sinitialsalaryrequestswerehigherthanwomen’s,eventhoughwomenandmendidnotdiffer in GPA, age, previous salary, and negotiation training.Menweremorelikelytohaveastrongsenseofwhattheyareworth,andtheyalsoexpectedthecompanytopaythemwhattheybelievedtheyareworth.Menweremorelikelyto believe that they could prove their value in the negotiation. In contrast,women were less likely to have a sense of what they are worth, and theyexpectedthecompanytodeterminetheirworth.Womenwerealsomorelikelytothinkthattheycouldprovetheirvalueonlyoncetheygotonthejob.Menalso

reported that theywere entitled to a higher salary than their similarly situatedpeers,whereaswomenweremorelikelytobelievethattheywereentitledtothesamesalaryastheirpeers.106Inanotherstudy,researchersgavecollegestudentsatasktocomplete,followedbyinstructionstopaythemselveswhattheythoughttheir work was worth. Although independent raters who judged the workperceived no differences in the quality of thework, self-ratings indicated thatwomenandmenevaluatedandpaidthemselvesdifferently.Menpaidthemselves18%morethandidwomenforthesameamountandqualityofwork.107Domenthinktheydeservemorebecausetheyactuallydobetterwork?They

mightthinktheydobetterwork,buttheydonotperformbetterinthesestudies.Andeveniftheyknowtheydidnotperformwell,theythinktheyshouldbepaidas much as if they had performed well. This is entitlement. In one classicexperiment,BrendaMajor108andhercolleagueshadcollegestudentscompleteatask.Whentheywerefinishedtheycouldpaythemselveswhattheyconsideredfairfortheworktheycompleted,andleaveanyremainingmoneybehind.Likemost studies, women paid themselves significantly less than what men paidthemselves.Inasecondexperiment,Majorandhercolleagues109paidstudentsafixedamountofmoneytoperformataskinwhichthestudentscouldworkforaslongastheythoughtwasfair.Whenwomenandmencannotchoosehowmuchthey deserve because the salary is fixed, do the usual gender differences inentitlement disappear? No, entitlement just takes a different form. Inexperimentsinwhichpayisfixed,women(1)workedlongerthanmendid,(2)completedmoreoftheworkthanmen,(3)didsomoreaccurately,and(4)evenworkedmoreefficientlythanmen.Afterthemainpartofthestudy,participantswere asked toprovide evaluationsof theirownperformances.Despite the factthatwomenworkedlonger thanmen,completedmorework,andworkedmoreaccurately and efficiently, women and men did not differ in their self-ratedperformance evaluations. These experiments suggest important differencesbetweenwomen’sandmen’ssenseofentitlement.Major’s findings of gender differences in entitlement tend to be framed in

termsofwomenhaving “depressed” entitlement,whereasmenhave a normal,healthysenseofentitlement.Itistruethatinthesekindsofstudies,womentendtopaythemselveslessthanmenforthesameorbetterqualitywork,andbelievethepayallocationtobefair.110However,amorerecentexperimentfindsthattheissuedoesnot seem tobe thatwomen’sentitlement isdeflated, but rather thatmen’s entitlement is inflated. Brett Pelham and JohnHetts111 askedAmericancollege students to solve easy, moderate, or difficult anagrams of scrambledwords.Participantswereaskedtoevaluatetheirownperformanceandthenpaid

themselves for their work. Youmight guess that thosewho performed poorlywouldpaythemselveslessthanthosewhoperformedwell.Thiswasthecaseforwomen, but not formen.Specifically,womenpaid themselves lesswhen theyhadperformedpoorly—when theyhad solved fewer anagrams.However,menpaid themselveswellevenwhen theyhadperformedpoorly.PelhamandHettsspeculate that men seem to think that their personal feelings of worth entitlethem to a certain level of payment, regardless of the quality of theirperformance.Thewomenin thesestudiesbased their levelofself-payon theirevaluations of theirwork (performance, an achieved status) rather than theirevaluationsoftheirworth(whotheyare,anascribedstatus).Perhaps it is not surprising that men believe they are worth more than do

women.Societyrewards themaccordingly. Inexperiments,participants tendtopaymenmorethanwomenforthesamejob.Forinstance,MelissaWilliams112and her colleagues presented Asian American and white participants with adescription of an employee and job andwere asked howmuch the employeeshould be paid. Participants allocated higher salaries to men than to women.Eveninexperimentswhenjobsaresimplylabeledas“male”theyareviewedashigher valued and thereforemeriting a higher salary than jobs with the exactsame characteristics labeled “female.”113 So people think that men should bepaidmorethanwomenfordoingthesameworkandthat“men’s”jobsdeservemorepaythan“women’s”jobs.Whenwomenandmenhavebeenaskedaboutwhat theydeserve,how they

compare to others, and what information should be used in hiring and salarydecisions, there are interesting differences there too. One study found thatwomen’s investment in work is not determined by the financial rewards theyreceive:theyinvestasmuchastheycaninworkregardlessofpay.Men,ontheotherhand,admit todoingmoreworkwhenpayishigherandlessworkwhenpayislower.114MaryHogue115andhercolleaguesasked individualsabout thecharacteristics important in determining pay. The following characteristics aretypically cited: work output (quality and quantity of work), specific statuscharacteristics(workereducation,jobexperience),jobattributes(responsibility,working conditions, impact of job, complexity), and ascribed statuscharacteristics (age, race, gender).When setting a salary, men placed greaterimportanceonascribedstatuscharacteristicsthanwomen.Womenplacedgreaterimportanceonworkoutput,specificstatuscharacteristics,andjobattributes.Intermsofdeterminantsofsalary,menfeelcomfortablerelyingonwhotheyare,whereaswomenrelyonwhattheyhavedone.Both women and men seem to go along with men’s overconfidence and

inflatedentitlement,consequentlymenareledtoseetheirlevelofdeservingnessas fair and equal evenwhen, objectively, it is not. For example, one study116askedpeopletoplayabargaininggameinwhichonepersonoffersanamountofmoneytoanotherandtheresponderdecideswhetherornottheofferedamountisacceptable.Ofcourseeachsideinthenegotiationismotivatedtoobtainthemostamountofmoney—theproposerismotivatedtogiveupaslittleaspossibleandtheresponder ismotivated toobtainasmuchaspossible.Womenmadehigheroffersoverall thandidmen.Menwereofferedmore thanwomenand lesswasdemandedfrommenthanwomen.Somorewasofferedtomenevenwhentheydidnotdemandmore. It isnotsurprising thatsomemenfeelentitled to thingstheyhavenotearned.Howcouldtheynot?Peoplerewardthemaccordingly.What are the repercussions of these gendered patterns of entitlement and

salaries?Obviously, ifwomenask for less and areoffered less, theywill earnlessthanmenwhoaskformoreandareofferedmore.Payraisesareoftenbasedon a percentage of the worker’s salary. If men start out earning more thanwomen,theywillgethigherandhigherraisesovertheircareers.Also,themererecognitionofapaydifferenceassociatedwithgroupmembershipisenoughtomakepeoplebelieve that thehigher-paidgroup ismorecompetentandworthythanalower-paidgroup.117Inotherwords,ifpeoplenoticethatmenmakemoremoney than women, they infer that men deserve more and are worth more;therefore,thepayinequityisperceivedasjustifiedwhenitisnot.

AcademicEntitlementMuch of this chapter has examined the “boy crisis” in education. How dofeelings of entitlement influence the school experience? Some research hasexamined the concept of academic entitlement. In their research on academicentitlement, Karolyn Chowning118 and her colleagues find that on somedimensions of academic entitlement women and men score similarly. Forinstance, women and men tend to agree with statements such as “Professorsmustbeentertainingtobegood”and“MyprofessorsshouldcurvemygradeifIam close to the next grade.” However, on a measure of externalizedresponsibility, men are more likely to agree with statements such as “It isunnecessary for me to participate in class when the professor is paid forteaching,notforaskingquestions”and“Forgroupassignments,itisacceptabletotakeabackseatandletothersdomostoftheworkifIambusy.”Menmorethanwomenarelikelytoagreewithstatementssuchas“Instructorsshouldbendthe rules for me” and “If I felt I deserved a higher grade, I would tell theinstructor.”119 The authors conclude that students who attribute their

performance to their courses or instructorsmay fail to self-correct or developadaptivestrategiesforsuccessincollege.As we mentioned earlier, men are more likely to be narcissists than are

women.Oneparticular typeofnarcissism,exploitativeness/entitlement ismorecommon among men than women. Individuals with high levels ofexploitativeness/entitlementnarcissismwouldagreewith statements suchas “Ifinditeasytomanipulatepeople”and“IwillneverbesatisfieduntilIgetallthatI deserve.” Interestingly, this particular aspect of narcissism is associatedwithacademicdisengagement,suchasnotattendingclass.120Theimplicationhereisthat inflated self-importance may lead to shirking academic obligations andloweracademicperformance.Unfortunately,parentscontributetosomeboys’overconfidence.Bothparents

of boys, aswell as boys themselves,overestimate their intelligence relative totheir actual intelligence. Parents of daughters, and girls themselves, tend tounderestimate their intelligence.121 Boys tend to view themselves as morecompetentthanhowteachersviewthem,whereasgirlstendtoviewthemselvesas less competent than how teachers view them.122 These differences, mostevidentinthelackofagreementbetweenboysandtheirteachersoncompetenceand thework cited previously indicating that boys aremore likely to listen tootherboys thantheyare to teachers,suggest thatboysmaybelessattentivetoexpectationsfromothersthangirls,andthereforetheyalsomaybeaffectedlessby evaluations from others.123 Boys’ inflated sense of entitlement and theirprivileged status asmales allows them tobe insensitive toothers’ evaluations.Boys’ andmen’s senseof entitlement, coupledwith theperception that schoolperformanceandacademiccommitment is incompatiblewithmasculinity,mayaccountforboysandmen’sdisengagementwithschool.

TheGenderGapinCollegeAttendanceAkey piece of the argument that there is awar against boys andmen is thatwomennowoutnumbermenincollegeanduniversityattendanceandgraduationrates.Womenmakeup57%of the studentsatU.S.universities.124So theydomakeup themajority of college students, but this number hardly represents afemale takeover and male demise. There are important caveats to even thesefairly modest numbers. First, men continue to outnumber women in theattendanceatmostelitecollegesanduniversities.Harvardhasa50/50 splitoftheirundergraduateenrollment,butPrincetonandYale’smenrepresent51%ofthe student body; theUniversity ofChicago has 56%men; Stanford has 52%men,Caltech has 65%men, andMIT has 63%men.125 Second,men are still

more likely to graduate with degrees that lead to higher-paying jobs. Forexample, in 2014 the average starting salary of a person with a degree inEducationwas$40,590,HumanitiesandSocialSciencesmajorsearned$38,045,but Math/Sciences and Engineering majors earned $42,596 and $62,564,respectively.126 Of course, women could choose to major in male-dominatedfields such asmath, sciences, and engineering, but theywill stillmake lowersalariesthanmenwiththesamemajors.127Third,menmakemoremoneythanwomen in every education category from high school dropouts to those withhighschooldiplomas tocollegegraduates.128 In termsof earningpower, then,menasawholedonotneedasmucheducationasdowomenforhigherpay—simplybecausetheyaremen.Surely,girlsandboysalikeshouldbeencouragedtoseekhighereducation,butend-of-men/boy-crisisauthorsfail toconsider thecauses other than a supposedly antimale climate that may account for theincreaseinyoungwomenattendingcollegerelativetomen.Anotherfrequentlycitedgenderdifferenceusedasevidence thatschoolsare

systematically harmful for boys is that girls generally excel at reading andwriting relative to boys.Concerns about boys’ reading andwriting difficultiesare valid; however, as noted earlier, the stereotypicallymale careers of math,science, and technology are much more prestigious and lucrative thanstereotypicallyfemalecareersinreadingandwriting.Supportforboys’successinthemorelucrativemathandtechnologyfieldscomesfromparents,teachers,and boys themselves. Teachers and parents reinforce gender-segregated careercategories.Forinstance,teachersoverratemalestudents’mathematicscapabilityand believe boys to be more interested, more confident, and to have higherachievementinscienceandmaththangirls.129Teachersalsocallonboysmoreofteninscienceclasses(althoughboysalsomoreoftenvolunteerquestionsandcomments).130 Parents perceive sons as more competent in science, and theyexpectbetterperformancefromthemcomparedtodaughters.131Again,pointingto boys’ deficits in reading andwriting as indicative of schools shortchangingboysdoesnottakeintoaccountboys’achievementsandthedifferentvalueandcompensation for those achievements.Parents encourage their children to takegender-stereotypedcourses:theyselectfewerforeignlanguagecoursesfortheirsons and fewer science courses for their daughters.132 Across all academicdomainsparents’underestimatedaughters’compared tosons’abilities,and thisunderestimation is reflected in their talk to theirchildren.Evenwhengirlsandboys earn equivalent grades,when parents talkwith daughters and sons aboutacademics, they usemore discouraging talkwith their daughters than sons.133Parentstendtooverestimatetheirsons’scienceabilityrelativetodaughters’and

believe that their sons like science more than their daughters. It’s hardly asurprise then that boys tend to bemore confident in their science ability thangirls—but thisgenderdifference isnot reflectiveof theiractual scienceabilitybecause there tends to be no gender difference in actual science grades ofkids.134

ConclusionTheend-of-men/boy-crisisrhetoricsaysthatfeminismbroughtattentiontogirls’andwomen’sneedsineducationbut, indoingso,feministssubordinatedboys’needstothepointthatgirlsandwomengotaheadofboysandmen.Contrarytotheinflamedrhetoricabouttheend-of-men,boysandmencontinuetobeatthecenter of popular culture and education.Male characters continue to dominatetelevision shows, television cartoons, children’s television shows, televisioncommercials, commercial voiceovers, films, music videos, magazineadvertisements,newspapercomics,andevencerealboxesandclipart.Boysandmen are portrayed as doing things—they take risks, they adventure, they areleaders, theywork,andtheytakecareofbusiness.Theymatter.Boysandmencontinuetobeportrayedastheregular,normal,naturalhuman.Girlsandwomenlargelyoperateinaservicecapacitytoboysandmen.Whatgirlsandwomendomattersless.Nonetheless, books continue to be written and sold that argue that the

education system is “rigged against boys.” A systematic review of schoolmaterials and teacher behavior demonstrates just the opposite. Just as massmedia in general put men at the center, so do teaching materials. Teacherscontinuetofocusmostoftheirattention—bothpositiveandnegative—onboys.Teachersandparentsexpectmoreintellectuallyfromboysthanfromgirls.Evenwhenteachersattempttobe“gender-blind”intheirinteractionswithstudents,aswellastheirchoicesincurriculaandlessonplans,theytendtousemale-centeredcurriculawithoutrealizingwhattheyaredoing.135However,teacherswhohavebeen trained in gender equity tend to distribute their attentionmore equitablybetween girls and boys than thosewhohave not.136 The problemof course isthatifteachersbelievethatitisboys,notgirlswhoareshort-changed,theyarenotpreparedtonoticetheirownbehaviorwhenitisdirectedtokeepboysatthecenter.The end-of-men/boy-crisis authors attack the relatively brief moment of

academic, educational, and popular focus on the inhospitable nature ofclassroomsandeducationalinstitutionsforgirlsandwomenanddemandafocus

not just broadened to include boys but redirected once again to exclude girls.WilliamPollack,authorofRealBoys,evendeclares,“Boys’poorperformanceisa global issue.”137He ignores the fact that inmany countries girls are deniedaccesstoformaleducationsimplybecausetheyaregirlsand,insomecultures,whenafamilyhasresourcesforonlyonechildtoattendschool,itistheboywhoisallowedtoattend.AccordingtoUNESCO,womenaccountfor two-thirdsoftheglobalilliteratepopulationandthatnumberhasremainedvirtuallythesameoverthepasttwentyyears.138Feelingsofpersonalentitlementcanleadmembersofdominantgroupstobe

blind to seeingwhen theyareunfairlyover-benefiting, and theirunearnedandunjust privilege leads them to regard efforts to “level the playing field” asfundamentallyunfairtothem.139GrilloandWildman’scenterstageproblem140

helps us understand how those who are accustomed to being at the center ofeverything important in society are threatenedwhen a spotlight is shone on amarginalizedgroupevenforabriefmoment.Whenpeoplewhoarenotregardedasentitledtothecentermoveintoit,theyareviewedasusurpers.Thereactionisabacklashandare-assertionofprivilege.Girls andwomen are usurpers. JeanTwenge141 notes that in recent decades

girls andwomen earn better grades and obtain college degrees because of anincreased emphasis on instrumentality (e.g., assertiveness, competitiveness—characteristicstraditionallyassociatedwithmen)forwomen.Twengearguesthatsociety has done a good job of encouraging girls to be instrumental, and nowgirls are prepared to compete with boys. Women regard achievement-relatedstatusenhancements(e.g.,education,experience)asmoreimportanttoemployeepay decisions thanmen do, whereas men suggest that ascribed status (who apersonis)shouldbeutilizedinpaydecisions.142Trendsinsocietysuggest thatwomen are taking the steps necessary to enhance their achievement-relatedstatus through education and training.143 For some men, their sense ofentitlement does not always match their actual achievement. Rather thanblamingfeminismforthesupposedendofmen,weshouldfocusonpatriarchyand male dominance as producing gender rules that dictate that school, andanything else coded as feminine, is viewed asweakness; thatwomen teachershavenothingusefultosaytoboysandmen;andthatsimplybeingamanshouldbegoodenoughforsuccesswithouthardwork,education,andtraining.

Notes1.Sledge,M.(2014,January26).RandPaul:“Iftherewasawaronwomen,Ithinktheywon.”Retrieved

fromhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/01/26/rand-paul-war-on-women_n_4669464.html2.Gilligan,C.(1982).Inadifferentvoice:Psychological theoryandwomen’sdevelopment.Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress.

3.Sadker,M.,&Sadker,D. (1994).Failing at fairness:Howour schools cheat girls.NewYork,NY:Touchstone.

4.Pipher,M.(1994).RevivingOphelia:Savingtheselvesofadolescentgirls.NewYork,NY:BallantineBooks.

5.Pollack,W.(1998).Realboys:Rescuingoursonsfromthemythsofboyhood.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

6.Kindlon,D.,&Thompson,M.(1999).RaisingCain:Protectingtheemotionallifeofboys.NewYork,NY:Ballantine.

7.Gurian,M.(1996).Thewonderofboys.NewYork,NY:Putnam.8.Sommers,C.H. (2000).Thewaragainstboys:Howmisguided feminismisharmingouryoungmen.NewYork,NY:Simon&Schuster.

9.Page4:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

10.Page71:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

11. Human Development Reports: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2011). GenderInequalityIndexandrelatedindicators.Retrievedfromhttp://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/gii/

12.Page106:Biddulph,S.(1998).Raisingboys:Whyboysaredifferent—andhowtohelp thembecomehappyandwell-balancedmen.Berkeley,CA:CelestialArts.

13.Signorielli,N. (2009).Raceand sex inprime time:A lookatoccupationsandoccupationalprestige.MassCommunicationandSociety,12,332–352.doi:10.1080/15205430802478693

14.Gerbner,G.(1998).CastingtheAmericanscene:Alookat thecharactersonprimetimeanddaytimetelevision from 1994–1997. Retrieved from http://www.asc.upenn.edu/gerbner/Asset.aspx?assetID=1614

15. Page 668, emphasis in original: Thompson, T. L.,&Zerbinos, E. (1995).Gender roles in animatedcartoons:Hasthepicturechangedin20years?SexRoles,32,651–673.

16. Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation. (2012, October 5). GLAAD study records highestpercentageeverofLGBTseriesregularsonbroadcasttelevision,cableLGBTcharactercountalsorises.Retrieved from http://www.glaad.org/releases/glaad-study-records-highest-percentage-ever-lgbt-series-regulars-broadcast-television-cable

17.Lauzen,M.M.,&Dozier,D.M.(2005).Maintainingthedoublestandard:Portrayalsofageandgenderinpopularfilms.SexRoles,52,437–446.doi:10.1007/s11199-005-3710-1

18.Lauzen,M.M.,&Dozier,D.M.(2005).Recognitionandrespectrevisited:Portrayalsofageandgenderinprime-timetelevision.MassCommunication&Society,8,241–256.

19.Lauzen,M.M.,&Dozier,D.M.(2005).Maintainingthedoublestandard:Portrayalsofageandgenderinpopularfilms.SexRoles,52,437–446.doi:10.1007/s11199-005-3710-1

20.Greenberg, B. S., & Worrell, T. R. (2007). New faces on television: A 12-season replication. TheHowardJournalofCommunications,18,277–290.doi:10.1080/10646170701653651

21.Lauzen,M.M.,&Dozier,D.M.(2005).Maintainingthedoublestandard:Portrayalsofageandgenderinpopularfilms.SexRoles,52,437–446.doi:10.1007/s11199-005-3710-1

Lauzen,M.M.,&Dozier,D.M.(2005).Recognitionandrespectrevisited:Portrayalsofageandgenderinprime-timetelevision.MassCommunication&Society,8,241–256.

22.Signorielli,N. (2009).Raceand sex inprime time:A lookatoccupationsandoccupationalprestige.MassCommunicationandSociety,12,332–352.doi:10.1080/15205430802478693

23.Signorielli,N. (2009).Raceand sex inprime time:A lookatoccupationsandoccupationalprestige.MassCommunicationandSociety,12,332–352.doi:10.1080/15205430802478693

24.Lauzen,M.M.,Dozier,D.M.,&Horan,N. (2008).Constructing gender stereotypes through socialroles in prime-time television. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 52, 200–214.doi:10.1080/08838150801991971

25. Oliver, M. B. (2003). African American men as “criminal and dangerous”: Implications of mediaportrayals of crimeon the “criminalization”ofAfricanAmericanmen.Journal ofAfricanAmericanStudies,7(2),3–18.

26.Jhally,Sut.(Writer).(2007).Dreamworlds3:Desire,sex,&powerinmusicvideos[DVD].Availablefromhttp://www.mediaed.org/cgi-bin/commerce.cgi?preadd=action&key=223

27.Turner,J.S.(2011).Sexandthespectacleofmusicvideos:Anexaminationoftheportrayalofraceandsexualityinmusicvideos.SexRoles,64,173–191.doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9766-6

28.Turner,J.S.(2011).Sexandthespectacleofmusicvideos:Anexaminationoftheportrayalofraceandsexualityinmusicvideos.SexRoles,64,173–191.doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9766-6

29.Jhally,Sut.(Writer).(2007).Dreamworlds3:Desire,sex,&powerinmusicvideos[DVD].Availablefromhttp://www.mediaed.org/cgi-bin/commerce.cgi?preadd=action&key=223

30.Mager,J.,&Helgeson,J.G.(2011).Fiftyyearsofadvertisingimages:Somechangingperspectivesonrole portrayals along with enduring consistencies. SexRoles, 64, 238–252. doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9782-6

31.Mager,J.,&Helgeson,J.G.(2011).Fiftyyearsofadvertisingimages:Somechangingperspectivesonrole portrayals along with enduring consistencies. SexRoles, 64, 238–252. doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9782-6This description reflects Goffman’s advertisement category called, “Ritualization of Subordination.”See:Goffman,E.(1976).Genderadvertisements.NewYork,NY:HarperTorchbooks.

32.Mager,J.,&Helgeson,J.G.(2011).Fiftyyearsofadvertisingimages:Somechangingperspectivesonrole portrayals along with enduring consistencies. SexRoles, 64, 238–252. doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9782-6

I’mdescribingGoffman’s“LicensedWithdrawal.”See:Goffman,E.(1976).Gender advertisements.NewYork,NY:HarperTorchbooks.

33.Paek,H.-J.,Nelson,M.R.,&Vilela,A.M.(2011).Examinationofgender-roleportrayalsintelevisionadvertisingacrosssevencountries.SexRoles,64,192–207.doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9850-y

34.Paek,H.-J.,Nelson,M.R.,&Vilela,A.M.(2011).Examinationofgender-roleportrayalsintelevisionadvertisingacrosssevencountries.SexRoles,64,192–207.doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9850-y

35.Glascock,J.,&Preston-Schreck,C.(2004).Genderandracialstereotypesindailynewspapercomics:Atime-honoredtradition?SexRoles,51,423–431.

36.Milburn,S.S.,Carney,D.R.,&Ramirez,A.M.(2001).Eveninmodernmedia,thepictureisstillthesame:Acontentanalysisofclipartimages.SexRoles,44,277–294.doi:10.1023/A:1010977515933.

37. Silenced: Gender gap in election coverage. (2012). 4thEstate.net. Retrieved fromhttp://www.4thEstate.net/female-voices-in-media-infographic/

38.Page21:Sommers,C.H.(2000).Victimsofandrogyny:Howfeministschoolingharmsboys.AmericanEnterprise,11,20–25.

39.Page3:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

40.Rosin,H.(2010,July/August).Theendofmen.TheAtlantic,306,56–62.41.Newport,F. (2007, July5).Americanscontinue toexpress slightpreference forboys:Littlechanged

since 1941. Gallup.com. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/28045/Americans-Continue-Express-Slight-Preference-Boys.aspx

42.Leaper, C., Breed, L., Hoffman, L., & Perlman, C. A. (2002). Variations in the gender-stereotypedcontentofchildren’stelevisioncartoonsacrossgenres.JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,32,1653–1662.

43.Leaper, C., Breed, L., Hoffman, L., & Perlman, C. A. (2002). Variations in the gender-stereotypedcontentofchildren’stelevisioncartoonsacrossgenres.JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,32,1653–1662.

44. Klein, H., & Shiffman, K. S. (2009). Underrepresentation and symbolic annihilation of sociallydisenfranchisedgroups(“outgroups”)inanimatedcartoons.TheHowardJournalofCommunications,20,55–72.doi:10.1080/10646170802665208

45. Steinke, J., and Long,M. (1996). A lab of her own? Portrayals of female characters on children’s

educationalscienceprograms.ScienceCommunication,18(2),91–115.46.Hamilton,M.C.,Anderson,D.,Broaddus,M.,&Young,K. (2006).Gender stereotypingandunder-

representation of female characters in 200 popular children’s picture books: A twenty-first centuryupdate.SexRoles,55,757–765.doi:10.1007/s11199-006-9128-6

47. Fitzpatrick, M. J., & McPherson, B. J. (2010). Coloring within the lines: Gender stereotypes incontemporarycoloringbooks.SexRoles,62,127–137.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9703-8

48.Kahlenberg,S.G.,&Hein,M.M.(2010).ProgressiononNickelodeon?Gender-rolestereotypesintoycommercials.SexRoles,62,830–847.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9653-1

49.Kahlenburg,S.G.,&Hein,M.M.(2010).ProgressiononNickelodeon?Gender-rolestereotypesintoycommercials.SexRoles,62,830–847.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9653-1

50.Black,K.A.,Marola,J.A.,Littman,A.I.,Chrisler,J.C.,&Neace,W.P.(2009).Genderandformofcerealboxcharacters:Differentmedium,samedisparity.SexRoles,60,882–889.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9579-z

51.Page70:Biddulph,S.(1998)RaisingBoys.Berkeley,CA:CelestialArts.52.Page231:Pollack,W.(1998)RealBoys:RescuingOurSonsfromtheMythsofBoyhood.NewYork,

NY:RandomHouse.53.Page13:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.54.Page15:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.55. Sommers, C. H. (2000). Victims of androgyny: How feminist schooling harms boys. American

Enterprise,11,20–25.56. Evans, L., & Davis, K. (2000). No sissy boys here: A content analysis of the representation of

masculinityinelementaryschoolreadingtextbooks.SexRoles,42,255–270.57.Potter,E.F.,&Rosser,S.V.(1992).Factors inlifesciencetextbooksthatmaydetergirls’ interest in

science.JournalofResearchinScienceTeaching,29,669–686.58.Bazler, J.A.,&Simonis,D.A. (1991).Arehighschoolchemistry textbooksgender fair?Journalof

ResearchinScienceTeaching,28,353–362.doi:10.1002/tea.366028040859.Bazler, J.A.,&Simonis,D.A. (1991).Are high school chemistry textbooks gender fair?Journal of

ResearchinScienceTeaching,28,353–362.doi:10.1002/tea.366028040860.Sheldon, J. P. (2004).Gender stereotypes in educational software for young children.SexRoles,51,

433–444.61.Sheldon, J. P. (2004).Gender stereotypes in educational software for young children.SexRoles,51,

433–444.62.Forareview,see:Zittleman,K.,&Sadker,D.(2002).Genderbiasinteachereducationtexts:New(and

old)lessons.JournalofTeacherEducation,53,168–180.63.Yanowitz,K.L.,&Weathers,K.J.(2004).Doboysandgirlsactdifferentlyintheclassroom?Acontent

analysisofstudentcharactersineducationalpsychologytextbooks.SexRoles,51,101–107.64.Page67:O’Beirne,K.(2006).Womenwhomaketheworldworseandhowtheirradicalfeministassault

isruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.65.Page24:Kindlon,D.,&Thompson,M. (1999).RaisingCain:Protecting theemotional lifeofboys.

NewYork,NY:Ballantine.66.Page23:Kindlon,D.,&Thompson,M. (1999).RaisingCain:Protecting theemotional lifeofboys.

NewYork,NY:Ballantine.67.Page15:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.68.Page12:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:

RandomHouse.69. PayScale. (2012, March 17). Salary for all K-12 teachers. Retrieved from

http://www.payscale.com/research/US/ALL_K-12_Teachers/Salary70. PayScale. (2012, October 5). Elementary school teacher salary. Retrieved from

http://www.payscale.com/research/US/Job=Elementary_School_Teacher/Salary

71.Williams,C.L. (1992).Theglassescalator:Hiddenadvantages formen in the“female”professions.SocialProblems,39,253–267.doi:10.1525/sp.1992.39.3.03x0034h

72.Wingfield finds that the“glassescalator”effect isnot relevant toAfricanAmericanmenworking inwomen-dominated fields:Wingfield,A. (2009).Racializing the glass escalator:Reconsideringmen’sexperienceswithwomen’swork.Gender&Society,23(1),5–26.doi:10.1177/0891243208323054

73. Page 20:Kelly,A. (1988).Gender differences in teacher-pupil interactions:Ameta-analytic review.ResearchinEducation,39,1–23.

74.Jones,S.M.,&Dindia,K.(2004).Ameta-analyticperspectiveonsexequityintheclassroom.ReviewofEducationalResearch,74,443–471.

75.Forinstance,see:Einarsson,C.,&Granström,K.(2002).Gender-biasedinteractionintheclassroom:Theinfluenceofgenderandageintherelationshipbetweenteacherandpupil.ScandinavianJournalofEducationalResearch,46,117–127.doi:10.1080/00313830220142155

76.Swinson,J.,&Harrop,L. (2009).Teacher talkdirected toboysandgirlsand its relationship to theirbehaviour.EducationalStudies,35,515–524.doi:10.1080/03055690902883913

Duffy,J.,Warren,K.,&Walsh,M.(2001).Classroominteractions:Genderof teacher,genderofstudent,andclassroomsubject.SexRoles,45,579–593.

Jones, M. G., & Wheatley, J. (1990). Gender differences in teacher-student interactions in scienceclassrooms.JournalofResearchinScienceTeaching,27,861–874.

Kelly, A. (1988). Gender differences in teacher-pupil interactions: A meta-analytic review,Research inEducation,39,1–23.

77. Jones, M. G., &Wheatley, J. (1990). Gender differences in teacher-student interactions in scienceclassrooms.JournalofResearchinScienceTeaching,27,861–874.

78.Tenenbaum,H.R.,&Ruck,M.D.(2007).Areteachers’expectationsdifferentforracialminoritythanforEuropeanAmerican students?Ameta-analysis.JournalofEducationalPsychology,99, 253–273.doi:10.1037/0022-0663.99.2.253

79. Ross, S. I., & Jackson, J. M. (1991). Teachers’ expectations for Black males’ and Black females’academic achievement. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17(1), 78–82.doi:10.1177/0146167291171012

80. Kaufman, J. S., Jaser, S. S., Vaughan, E. L., Reynolds, J. S., Di Donato, J., Bernard, S. N., &Hernandez-Brereton,M. (2010). Patterns in office referral data by grade, race/ethnicity, and gender.JournalofPositiveBehaviorInterventions,12(1),44–54.doi:10.1177/1098300708329710

81.Forareviewofstudiesonracialbiasinthecriminaljusticesystem,seeChapters1and2in:Anderson,K. J. (2010). Benign bigotry: The psychology of subtle prejudice. Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversityPress.

82.Grillo,T.,&Wildman, S.M. (1997).Obscuring the importance of race:The implication ofmakingcomparisonsbetweenracismandsexism(orotherisms).InA.K.Wing(Ed.)Criticalracefeminism:areader(pp44–50).NewYork,NY:NewYorkUniversityPress.

83.O’Brien, L. T.,&Major,B. (2009).Group status and feelings of personal entitlement: The roles ofsocialcomparisonandsystem-justifyingbeliefs.Socialandpsychologicalbasesofideologyandsystemjustification.(pp.427–443).OxfordUniversityPress.

84.Adichie,C.N.(2012,December1).Challengingconventionalwisdom.TEDxEuston.Retrievedfromhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=hg3umXU_qWc

85.Fagot,B. I. (1985).Beyond the reinforcementprinciple:Another step towardunderstanding sex roledevelopment.DevelopmentalPsychology,21,1097–1104.

86.Page11,emphasisinoriginal:Parker,K.(2008).Savethemales:Whymenmatter,whywomenshouldcare.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

87.Adler,P.A.,Kless,S.J.,&Adler,P.(1992).Socializationtogenderroles:Popularityamongelementaryschoolboysandgirls.SociologyofEducation,65,169–187.

88.Fagot,B. I. (1985).Beyond the reinforcementprinciple:Another step towardunderstanding sex roledevelopment.DevelopmentalPsychology,21,1097–1104.

89.Adler,P.A.,Kless,S.J.,&Adler,P.(1992).Socializationtogenderroles:Popularityamongelementaryschoolboysandgirls.SociologyofEducation,65,169–187.

90.ThisstudyincludedAfricanAmericanandwhiteboysbutthispatternholdsonlyforwhiteboys.Kiefer,S.M.,&Ryan,A.M.(2008).Strivingforsocialdominanceoverpeers:Theimplicationsforacademicadjustment during early adolescence. Journal of Educational Psychology, 100, 417–428.doi:10.1037/0022-0663.100.2.417

91.Houtte,M.V. (2004).Whyboysachieve lessat school thangirls:Thedifferencebetweenboys’andgirls’academicculture.EducationalStudies,30,159–173.doi:10/1080.0305569032000159804

92. Tyre, P. (2006, January 30). The trouble with boys. Newsweek. Retrieved from:http://www.newsweek.com/2006/01/29/the-trouble-with-boys.html

93.Adler,P.A.,Kless,S.J.,&Adler,P.(1992).Socializationtogenderroles:Popularityamongelementaryschoolboysandgirls.SociologyofEducation,65,169–187.

94.Leaper,C.(1995).Theuseofmasculineandfemininetodescribewomen’sandmen’sbehavior.JournalofSocialPsychology,135,359–369.

Twenge,J.M.(2009).Statusandgender:Theparadoxofprogressinanageofnarcissism.SexRoles,61,338–340.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9617-5

95.Alksnis,C.,Desmarais, S.,&Curtis, J. (2008).Workforce segregation and the genderwage gap: Is“women’s”workvaluedashighlyas“men’s”?JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,38,1416–1441.

96. Kimmel, M. (2006).Manhood in America: A cultural history (2nd Ed.) New York, NY: OxfordUniversityPress.

97.Page26:Kindlon,D.,&Thompson,M. (1999).RaisingCain:Protecting theemotional lifeofboys.NewYork,NY:Ballantine.

98.For a reviewof definitions of entitlement, see:Major,B. (1994). From social inequality to personalentitlement: the role of social comparisons, legitimacy appraisals, and group membership. In M. P.Zanna (Ed.),Advances in experimental social psychology (pp. 293–355). NewYork, NY: AcademicPress.

99. Harvey, P., & Martinko, M. J. (2009). An empirical examination of the role of attributions inpsychological entitlement and its outcomes. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 30, 459–476.doi:10.1002/job.549

100. Harvey, P., & Martinko, M. J. (2009). An empirical examination of the role of attributions inpsychological entitlement and its outcomes. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 30, 459–476.doi:10.1002/job.549

101.Lessard, J., Greenberger, E., Chen, C., & Farruggia, S. (2011). Are youths’ feelings of entitlementalways “bad”?: Evidence for a distinction between exploitive and non-exploitive dimensions ofentitlement.JournalofAdolescence,34,521–529.doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2010.05.014

102.Visser,B.A.,Ashton,M.C.,&Vernon,P.A.(2008).Whatmakesyouthinkyou’resosmart?Measuredabilities,personality,andsexdifferencesinrelationtoself-estimatesofmultipleintelligences.JournalofIndividualDifferences,29(1),35–44.doi:10.1027/1614-0001.29.1.35

103.Pallier,G.(2003).Genderdifferencesintheself-assessmentofaccuracyoncognitivetasks.SexRoles,48,265–276.

104.O’Brien,L.T.,Major,B.N.,&Gilbert,P.N. (2012).Genderdifferences inentitlement:The roleofsystem-justifying beliefs. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 34, 136–145.doi:10.1080/01973533.2012.655630

105. Barron, L. A. (2003). Ask and you shall receive? Gender differences in negotiators’ beliefs aboutrequestsforahighersalary.HumanRelations,56,635–662.doi:10.1177/00187267030566001

106. Barron, L. A. (2003). Ask and you shall receive? Gender differences in negotiators’ beliefs aboutrequestsforahighersalary.HumanRelations,56,635–662.doi:10.1177/00187267030566001

107. Jost, J. T. (1997). An experimental replication of the depressed-entitlement effect among women.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,21,387–393.

108.Major,B.,McFarlin,D.B.,&Gagnon,D.(1984).Overworkedandunderpaid:Onthenatureofgenderdifferencesinpersonalentitlement.JournalofPersonalityandSocialPsychology,47,1399–1412.

109.Experiment2:Major,B.,McFarlin,D.B.,&Gagnon,D.(1984).Overworkedandunderpaid:Onthenatureofgenderdifferencesinpersonalentitlement.JournalofPersonalityandSocialPsychology,47,1399–1412.

110.Hogue,M.,&Yoder,J.D.(2003).Theroleofstatusinproducingdepressedentitlementinwomen’sandmen’spayallocations.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,27,330–337.

111.Pelham,B.W.&Hetts,J.J.(2001).Underworkedandoverpaid:Elevatedentitlementinmen’sself-pay.JournalofExperimentalSocialPsychology,37,93–103.doi:10.1006/jesp.2000.1429

112.Williams,M. J.,Paluck,E.L.,&Spencer-Rodgers, J. (2010).Themasculinityofmoney:Automaticstereotypespredictgenderdifferencesinestimatedsalaries.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,34,7–20.

113.Alksnis,C.,Desmarais, S.,&Curtis, J. (2008).Workforce segregation and the genderwage gap: Is“women’s”workvaluedashighlyas“men’s”?JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,38,1416–1441.

114. Moore, D. (1991). Entitlement and justice evaluations: Who should get more, and why. SocialPsychologyQuarterly,54,208–223.doi:10.2307/2786651

115.Hogue,M.,Fox-Cardamone,L.,&DuBois,C.L.Z.(2011).Justifyingthepaysystemthroughstatus:Genderdifferencesinreportsofwhatshouldbeimportantinpaydecisions.JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,41,823–849.

116. Solnick, S. J., & Schweitzer,M. E. (1999). The influence of physical attractiveness and gender onultimatum game decisions.Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 79, 199–215.doi:10.1006/obhd.1999.2843

117. Ridgeway, 1991; 2001, cited in: O’Brien, L. T., &Major, B. (2009). Group status and feelings ofpersonalentitlement:Therolesofsocialcomparisonandsystem-justifyingbeliefs.InJ.T.Jost,A.C.Kay,&H.Thorisdottir(Eds.),Socialandpsychologicalbasesofideologyandsystemjustification(pp.427–443).OxfordUniversityPressOnline.

118. Chowning, K., & Campbell, N. (2009). Development and validation of a measure of academicentitlement: Individual differences in students’ externalized responsibility and entitled expectations.JournalofEducationalPsychology,101,982–997.doi:10.1037/a0016351

119.Ciani,K.D.,Summers,J.J.,&Easter,M.A.(2008).Genderdifferencesinacademicentitlementamongcollegestudents.TheJournalofGeneticPsychology,169,332–344.

120.Holtzman,N.S.,Vazire,S.,&Mehl,M.R.(2010).Soundslikeanarcissist:Behavioralmanifestationsof narcissism in everyday life. Journal of Research in Personality, 44, 478–484.doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2010.06.001

121.Steinmayr,R.,&Spinath,B.(2009).Whatexplainsboys’strongerconfidenceintheirintelligence?SexRoles,61,736–749.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9675-8

122.Nottelmann,E.D.(1987).Competenceandself-esteemduringtransitionfromchildhoodtoadolescence.DevelopmentalPsychology,23,441–450.

123.Nottelmann,E.D.(1987).Competenceandself-esteemduringtransitionfromchildhoodtoadolescence.DevelopmentalPsychology,23,441–450.

124. National Student Clearinghouse Research Center (2013) Current term enrollment report—Fall 2013[Webpage].Retrievedfromhttp://nscresearchcenter.org/currenttermenrollmentestimate-fall2013/

125.Thesenumberscomefromtheuniversities’websitefactsheets,2013-2014.126.NationalAssociationofCollegesandEmployers(2014,January).NACEsalarysurvey:Startingsalaries

for new college graduates. Retrieved from https://www.naceweb.org/uploadedFiles/Content/static-assetsdownloads/executive-summary/2014-january-salary-survey-executive-summary.pdf

127. Ewert, S. (2012, February). What it’s worth: Field of training and economic status in 2009. U.S.Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration, U.S. Census Bureau. Retrievedfromhttp://www.census.gov/prod/2012pubs/p70-129.pdf

128. United States Bureau of Labor Statistics (2013,October). Highlight of women’s earnings in 2012.Retrievedfromhttp://www.bls.gov/cps/cpswom2012.pdf

For a review of the gender pay gap, see:Lips, H. M. (2013). The gender pay gap: Challenging therationalizations.Perceivedequity,discrimination,andthelimitsofhumancapitalmodels.SexRoles,68,169–185.doi:10.1007/s11199-012-0165-z

129.Li,Q.(1999).Teachers’beliefsandgenderdifferencesinmathematics:Areview.EducationalResearch,41(1),63–76.

130.Altermatt,E.R.,Jovanovic,J.andPerry,M.(1998).Biasorresponsivity?Sexandachievement-leveleffectsonteachers’classroomquestioningpractices.JournalofEducationalPsychology,90,516–27.

131.Tenenbaum,H.R.,&Leaper,C.(2003).Parent-childconversationsaboutscience:Thesocializationofgenderinequities?DevelopmentalPsychology,39(1),34–47.doi:10.1037/0012-1649.39.1.34

Andre,T.,Whigham,M.,Hendrickson,A.andChambers,S.(1999).Competencybeliefs,positiveaffect,andgenderstereotypesofelementarystudentsandtheirparentsaboutscienceversusotherschoolsubjects.JournalofResearchinScienceTeaching,36,719–747.

132.Tenenbaum,H.R.(2009).“You’dbegoodatthat”:Genderpatternsinparent-childtalkaboutcourses.SocialDevelopment,18,447–463.doi:10.1111/j.1467-9507.2008.00487.x

133.Tenenbaum,H.R.(2009).“You’dbegoodatthat”:Genderpatternsinparent-childtalkaboutcourses.SocialDevelopment,18,447–463.doi:10.1111/j.1467-9507.2008.00487.x

134.Bhanot,R.T.,&Jovanovic,J.(2009).Thelinksbetweenparentbehaviorsandboys’andgirls’scienceachievementbeliefs.AppliedDevelopmentalScience,13,42–59.

135.Garrahy,D.A.(2001).Threethird-gradeteachers’gender-relatedbeliefsandbehavior.TheElementarySchoolJournal,102,81–94.

136. Page 20:Kelly, A. (1988). Gender differences in teacher-pupil interactions:Ameta-analytic review.ResearchinEducation,39,1–23.

137.Page235:Pollack,W.(1998)Realboys:Rescuingoursonsfromthemythsofboyhood.NewYork,NY:RandomHouse.

138.UNESCO:InstituteforStatistics(2010).Globaleducationdigest2010:Comparingeducationstatisticsacrosstheworld.Retrievedfromhttp://www.uis.unesco.org/Library/Documents/GED_2010_EN.pdf

139.O’Brien, L. T.,&Major,B. (2009).Group status and feelings of personal entitlement: The roles ofsocialcomparisonandsystem-justifyingbeliefs.Socialandpsychologicalbasesofideologyandsystemjustification.(pp.427–443).OxfordUniversityPress.

140.Grillo, T.,&Wildman, S.M. (1997).Obscuring the importance of race: The implication ofmakingcomparisonsbetweenracismandsexism(orotherisms).InA.K.Wing(Ed.)Criticalracefeminism:areader(pp44–50).NewYork,NY:NewYorkUniversityPress.

141.Twenge,J.M.(2009).Statusandgender:Theparadoxofprogressinanageofnarcissism.SexRoles,61,338–340.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9617-5

142.Hogue,M.,Fox-Cardamone,L.,&DuBois,C.L.Z.(2011).Justifyingthepaysystemthroughstatus:Genderdifferencesinreportsofwhatshouldbeimportantinpaydecisions.JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,41,823–849.

143.Hogue,M.,Fox-Cardamone,L.,&DuBois,C.L.Z.(2011).Justifyingthepaysystemthroughstatus:Genderdifferencesinreportsofwhatshouldbeimportantinpaydecisions.JournalofAppliedSocialPsychology,41,823–849.

5 WOMENAREWONDERFUL,BUTMOSTAREDISLIKED

Manis,orshouldbe,woman’sprotectoranddefender.Thenaturalandpropertimidityanddelicacywhichbelongstothefemalesexevidentlyunfitsitformanyoftheoccupationsofcivillife.Theconstitutionofthefamilyorganization,whichisfoundedinthedivineordinance,aswellasinthenatureofthings,indicatesthedomesticsphereasthatwhichproperlybelongstothedomainandfunctionsofwomanhood.

—BRADWELLV.ILLINOIS,1873,U.S.SupremeCourtdecisionupholdingthebanonwomenlawyers.

Menwanttolovewomen,notcompetewiththem.Theywanttoprovideforandprotecttheirfamilies—it’sintheirDNA.Butmodernwomenwon’tletthem.

—SUZANNEVENKER,2012,“TheWaronMen”1

Even though these twoquotationsare140yearsapart, they reflect thehistoricandcontemporaryattitudestowardwomenandtheirplaceinWesternsociety.InChapter 2 we explored the post-9/11 re-traditionalization of gender roles.Weexaminedmedia reactions to womenwho spoke out against U.S. governmentpoliciesinresponsetotheterrorattacksandtheoutspokenwomenwhoselovedoneshadbeenkilledintheattacks.Peopledon’tlikewomenwhowon’tbehave,especially in conservative climates. But negative attitudes toward assertivewomen didn’t begin with 9/11. Individuals, both women and men, holdambivalentattitudestowardwomen,nomatterthepoliticalclimate.Ontheonehand,surveysfindthatwomenasagroupelicitmorepositiveattitudesthandomen as a group. On the other hand, when we scratch the surface of theseattitudes we find that positive attitudes about women are directed toward anarrow subtype of women—traditional women—women who conform to thenarrowly prescribed roles of femininity (a category that few women actuallysatisfy). This chapter explores the attitudes toward most other women—nontraditionalwomen.Becausemostwomen,inonewayoranother,departfromthenarrowrequirementsofso-calledtradition,theyarevulnerabletothesocialpunishments meted out to women who break gender rules. We look at theresearchonattitudestowardnontraditionalwomen,exposingandexplainingthe

modernmisogynybehindattitudestowardthesewomen.

AmbivalenceTowardWomenAsmentionedpreviously,people’s attitudes towardwomenaregenerallymorepositivethantheirattitudestowardmen,asagroup.SocialpsychologistsAliceEagly and Antonio Mladinic2 coined the phrase women-are-wonderful toillustrate thefact that thegeneralcategory“woman”isviewedmorepositivelythanthegeneralcategory“man.”Thetypicalwomanisviewedaswarmerthanthe typicalman.3Many individualwomen embrace and find protection in thewarm feelings people tend to have for and attribute towomen in general.Butbeing liked and seemingwarm come at a cost for any group that elicits suchfeelings.Groupsthatare liked tendtobenotrespected. Inherworkongroupsthatfacediscrimination,SusanFiske4andhercolleaguesfindthatthesegroupsare judged along two dimensions, warmth and competence. Historically,psychologists have tended to assume that prejudice involves simultaneousdislikeanddisrespectofanoutgroup,butFiskefindsthatprejudiceresultsfromdislikeordisrespect,butnotnecessarilyboth.Therefore,thecontentofpeople’sstereotypesmaynotreflectsimpleevaluativeantipathybut,instead,mayreflectseparatedimensionsofwarmth (which includesperceptionsof trustworthiness,friendliness, and sociability) and competence (perceptions of capability andskill).For instance, in theUnitedStates, JewishAmericans,AsianAmericans,andthewealthyareviewedashighlycompetentbutlackinginwarmth—theyarerespected more but liked less than other groups. The elderly, people withdisabilities, andhomemakersareviewedaswarm,butnotascompetent—theyarelikedbutnotrespected.Men,relativetowomen,arelikedlessbutareviewedasmorecompetent.Thesepatternsofwarmth/competenceattributedtowomenreflectthegeneral

category of women. This chapter addresses subtypes of women. Modernmisogynyisexpressedinpeopleholdingdifferentattitudestowardwomenwhoareseenasfeminineandnonthreatening(i.e.,“traditional”)versuswomenwhoare not. For example, “feminist” tends to be evaluated more negatively than“housewife,”eventhoughfeministsandhomemakersarebothpartofthelargercategoryofwomen.5Feminists are seenaspossessingcompetencebut lackingwarmth.6

AmbivalentSexism

Howdoweunderstanddifferingviewsofwomen?SusanFiskeandPeterGlick7developed a theory of ambivalent sexism to explain both the punishing andpedestal-putting attitudes toward women. Glick and Fiske find that men’s (aswellasmanywomen’s)attitudes towardwomencanbebrokendown into twokinds of sexist attitudes that make up ambivalent sexism: hostile sexism andbenevolentsexism.Hostilesexismiswhatmostpeoplethinkofwhentheythinkof sexism. It consists of overtly hostile feelings towardwomen,with negativefeelingstoward,andstereotypingof,nontraditionalwomeninparticular.Hostilesexism seeks to justify male power, traditional gender roles, and men’sexploitationofwomenassexualobjectsthroughderogatorycharacterizationsofwomen. Hostile sexists would agree with statements such as, “Most womeninterpretinnocentremarksoractsasbeingsexist”and“Manywomengetakickout of teasing men by seeming sexually available and then refusing maleadvances.”Hostile sexism iscorrelatedwithotherpsychologicalattitudessuchas a social dominance orientation.8 Those with social dominance attitudesbelieveinmaintainingsocialhierarchiesandinpreventingtheredistributionofsocietal resources. When a group that is discriminated against, in this casewomen, attempts to gain access to societal resources, those with a socialdominanceorientationwillreactnegatively.Benevolentsexismisa thornierconceptbecause it involvesattitudes toward

women that seem positive on the surface but, in fact, are patronizing anddisempowering.Benevolent sexists characterizewomen as pure creatureswhoneedprotectionfrommen.Itreflectstheviewthatwomenshouldbeadoredbymenandwomenarenecessarytomakemencomplete.Benevolentsexismallowsmen to characterize their privileges aswell deserved, even as a responsibilitytheymust bear (akin to the “whiteman’s burden”).Men should bewilling tosacrifice their ownneeds (but not their power) to care for thewomen in theirlives.Benevolent sexists agreewith statements such as, “In adisaster,womenoughttoberescuedbeforemen”and“Agoodwomanshouldbesetonapedestalbyherman.”Forwomen,benevolentsexismundermineswomen’sresistancetomale dominance. Benevolent sexism is disarming because it is technicallyfavorable and also promises that men’s power will be used to women’sadvantage,as longas theycansecureahigh-statusmaleprotector.Benevolentsexism is a subtle form of sexism. People do not immediately recognizebenevolentsexismassexist,andmanywomenareevenflatteredbytheattitudesofbenevolentsexism,9justassomewomenareflatteredbyso-calledchivalry.Hostile and benevolent sexism are distinct concepts that tap two kinds of

sexism; however, people can and often do hold hostile and benevolent sexist

attitudes simultaneously. In fact, both typeswork in concert. People can haveloving and hating attitudes towardwomen. People tend to feel hostile sexismtoward women who violate traditional gender roles (e.g., feminists, sexuallyactive women, soldiers) and benevolent sexism toward conventional women(e.g.,homemakers,secretaries).Benevolentsexismcanresultinthewomen-are-wonderfuleffectinthattraditionalwomenareconsideredtobeappealingduetotheir supposed gentleness, nurturance, and purity (a purity unblemished byparticipationinthepublicsphere).GlickandFiskedescribebenevolentsexismas the “carrot,” the reward of positive feelings toward and the promise ofprotectiveness, towomenwhoembrace traditional roles; andhostile sexismasthe “stick,” the hostility directed at women who reject traditional roles.10Punishment (through hostile sexism) alone is not themost effectivemeans ofshaping behavior because thatmight result in only resentment and resistance.However, punishment forwomenwhodonot cooperateand reinforcement forwomenwhodo coooperate function together tomaintainmale dominance andthegenderstatusquo.11IfweconsiderthetreatmentoftheJerseyGirls—those9/11widowswhowerevilifiedwhentheyfailedtoconformtothe9/11masternarrativeofheroesandvictims—wecanunderstandhowbenevolentsexismcanquicklyturnintohostilesexismifawomandoesnotconformtogenderrules.GlickandFiskehaveanalyzedpatternsofhostileandbenevolentsexismin16

nationsinLatinAmerica,Europe,theMiddleEast,andAustralasia.12Ingeneral,men’shostilesexismishigherthanwomen’s,andwomenaremorelikelytobebenevolentsexists thanhostilesexists. Innationswherehostilesexismishigh,womenareespeciallylikelytoembracebenevolentsexism,insomecasesevenmore so than the men. Note the bind women face: they are forced to seekprotectionfrommembersoftheverygroupthatthreatensthem.Thegreaterthethreat, the stronger the incentive to accept benevolent sexism’s supposedprotective ideology.Thisdynamichelps to explain the tendency forwomen inthe most patriarchal societies to endorse benevolent sexism. Furthermore, thecountriesinwhichwomenrejectbothbenevolentandhostilesexismaretheonesin which men have low hostile sexism scores. As sexist hostility declines,women may feel able to reject benevolent sexism without fear of a hostilebacklash.Benevolent sexismhelpsexplain theappealof so-calledchivalry forsome women. Some women (specifically traditional women) are protected tosomeextentbychivalry,butatgreatcost.Inexcludingwomenfromtheoutsideworldofworkandfrompositionstraditionallyheldbymen,benevolentsexistsexcludewomen from roles that offermore status in society.Thus,women areprotectedbutpatronized,excluded,andoppressed.

Benevolentsexism,then,isinsidiousforseveralreasons.First,itdoesn’tseemlikeprejudicetothosewhoperpetrateitbecausemanypeopledonotviewitassomethingnegative.Second,womenmay find the allureofbenevolent sexismdifficulttoresist.13Becauseofitspositivevalence,womenareunlikelytonoticeitandunderstanditsharmfuleffects.14Third,praisingwomen’snurturingtraitsis part of a belief system that women are especially suited to domestic roles.However, stereotypes of women as nurturing and communal justify theirsubordinated status.15 Fourth, benevolent sexism can drive a wedge betweenwomen, preventing them from coming together as activists. Women (e.g.,feminists)who reject theovertlynegativeaspectsofhostile sexism,aswellasthecloakednegativeaspectsofbenevolentsexism,areatoddswith traditionalwomen,who are rewarded by benevolent sexism and reject feminismbecausetheywant to hold on to the little power they get as a result of subscribing totraditional attitudes. So while feminists and traditional women should beworking in solidarity to fightgenderdiscrimination, theyare splitbybeingonoppositesidesofbenevolentsexism.

TheSubtlebutSignificantImpactofBenevolentSexismWhatkindof impactdoesbenevolent sexismhaveonwomen?Imaginehowawoman in a job interview might feel when confronted with an interviewerexpressing either hostile or benevolent sexism. Muriel Dumont16 and hercolleagues conducted an experiment simulating such an experience. Womencollege students in France were told that they would receive training for jobinterviews. They were presented with a job description that contained eitherhostile sexism, benevolent sexism, or no sexism. So for instance, the jobdescriptioncontaininghostilesexismstatedthatwomenlookforspecialfavorsandexaggeratetheproblemstheyfacetogetpowerandcontrolovermen.Thejobdescriptionwithbenevolentsexismstatedthattheorganizationwouldbenefitfrom the morality and good taste of women. Later, the women were given acognitive test measuring their ability to distinguish grammatical fromungrammaticalsentences.Afterthecognitivetest,theparticipantswereaskedtoratehowmuchaspecificthoughthadcometomindduringthetest.Examplesofsomethoughtswere,“I feel incompetent”and“Imustdobetter.”Finally,eachparticipant was asked to recall a situation that made them feel silly orincompetent.Did the type of sexism the women were exposed to impact their intrusive

thoughts or the types of memories they recalled? And which type of sexismmade women feel worse in the context of job training? Dumont and her

colleagues found that women who were exposed to the benevolent sexistcomments experienced greater intrusive thoughts of being incompetent whileperforming a cognitive task thanwomen exposed to hostile sexism or neutralcomments.Inaddition,thewomenwhowereconfrontedwithbenevolentsexismgeneratedmorememories of their own incompetence thanwomen exposed tohostile or neutral comments. Benevolent sexism actually activated feelings ofincompetence in these women. By focusing on positive stereotypicalcharacteristicsofwomen,benevolentsexismimplicitlyconveystheideaoftheirincompetenceintheworkplace,andthatideainfluencedwomen’sthoughtsandmemoriesoftheirownincompetence.Dumontandhercolleaguesconcludethatbenevolentsexismmakeswomeninternalizeincompetence,whichcontributestotheiracceptingorlegitimizingtheirsubordinatestatus.Another study looked at how observers evaluate women who have been

subjected to hostile or benevolent sexism during a job interview. In thisexperiment,17 U.S. undergraduates (mostly white or Asian American) read atranscriptofaninterviewduringwhichamaleintervieweractedasabenevolentorahostilesexistorasneutral.Soforinstance,thebenevolentsexistconveyedaprotectivebutpatronizingattitudetowardtheinterviewee,andthehostilesexistconveyed resentment toward and competition with women. Participants thenevaluated the interviewer as well as the woman applicant’s competence,likeability, and hireability. As evidence for the insidiousness of benevolentsexism,benevolentsexistinterviewerswereviewedmorefavorablythanhostilesexist interviewers. Now, benevolent sexism might seem less harmful thanhostilesexism.However,thoseobserverswhoviewedthebenevolentorhostileinterviewers favorably tended to perceive the woman applicant to be lesscompetent and less hirable. So while benevolent sexism seems harmless andevenpositive, in termsofwomen’s legitimatebelonging in theworkplace, themoresubtle,benevolentsexismcanbemoredamagingthanevenovert,hostilesexism.Finally,what happenswhen awoman is confrontedwithbenevolent sexism

and either accepts it or reject it? One study18 looked at those perceptions ofwarmthandcompetenceoutlinedbyFiskeandhercolleagues,aswellastheroleof benevolent sexism in interpretingwomen’s behavior in theworkplace.Thisexperiment asked German college students to read and react to a workplacescenarioinwhichacolleagueofferspatronizingassistancetoanothercolleagueand the colleague either accepts the help or refuses the offer. The researcherswere interested inhowparticipants react topatronizing,gender-basedoffersofhelp.Notsurprising,bothwomenandmenwhoacceptedhelpwereperceivedas

less competent compared to thosewho refused thehelp.Howwere thosewhorefused the help perceived? Only women, not men, who refused help wereperceivedaslesswarmthanthosewhoacceptedhelp.Therewerealsogenderedperceptions of help offerers.Amanwhooffered patronizing help to awomanwasperceivedasbothwarmerandmorecompetentthanawomanwhoofferedthesameassistancetoaman.Tosummarize,womenbutnotmenfaceawarmthpenalty for confronting patronizing offers of assistance (the kind of assistanceoffered by a benevolent sexist).Women, but notmen, are seen as ungraciouswhen they reject help. Furthermore, relative to women,men are rewarded byfavorable perceptions if they offer patronizing help to a member of the othergender,womenarepenalized.Thesefindingsmirrormanywomen’sexperienceswhen they have resisted street harassment or sexual harassment in theworkplace, ormen running ahead of them to open a door for them. To rejectpatronizing or even aggressive gendered behavior risks being seen asungracious,unladylike,orabitch.The studieson the impactofbenevolent sexismdemonstratehowdamaging

these attitudes are towomen.Whereas benevolent sexism seemsharmless andeven positive, the way chivalry seems, it makes women feel incompetent, itmakes others think that women are incompetent, and when women resistbenevolentsexism,theyaredisliked.

DoubleStandards,Discrimination,andthe(Dis)LikeabilityofWomenInJulyof2012techgiantYahoorockedtheworld.TheyhiredapregnantCEO.The pregnancy of Marissa Mayer, formerly a vice president at Google wasdescribed as “a shock to many.”19 “Pregnant Yahoo CEO Ignites MaternityDebate,”20 “NewYahooCEOMarissaMayer Is Pregnant.Does ItMatter?,”21

“Pregnant at Work?,”22 and “The Pregnant CEO: Should you Hate MarissaMayer?”23weresomeoftheheadlines.The1873quotationbyaU.S.SupremeCourtJusticeatthebeginningofthis

chapterinvokesthe“domesticsphere”astheproperdomainofwomanhoodandthereforeasjustificationforbanningwomenfrompracticinglaw.Thequotationreflects the historic but also to some degree the current attitude thatwomen’splaceis ideally in thehome.Judgingbyreactions towomenwhodon’tstayinthehome, it seems that even today (perhapsonly implicitly)manypeople stillbelievethatwomenbelonginthedomesticsphere.Throughthelensofmodernmisogyny, nontraditional women put themselves in bad places; they don’t

receive the patronizing and condescending benefits of benevolent sexismbecause they violate gender rules about appropriate femininity and they arethereforetargetsofhostilesexism.Let’sexploresomeofthesubtypesofnontraditionalwomen.Asweseeabove,

people can and often do hold hostile and benevolent sexism simultaneously.However, people tend to express hostile sexism toward women who violatetraditional gender roles (e.g., sexually active women, lesbians, professionalwomen)andbenevolentsexismtowardconventionalwomen(e.g.,homemakers,secretaries).24 For instance, men’s hostile sexism scores predict negativeattitudes toward career women and their benevolent sexism scores predictpositiveattitudestowardhomemakers.25

ProfessionalWomen:CompetentbutContemptibleWorkingwomen,especiallywomeninnontraditionaljobssuchasmanagement,areonesubtypeofnontraditionalwomenwhosenumbersaregrowing.Muchhasbeenmadeinthemediaaboutwomen’splaceintheworkforceinrecentyears.Beginningin2008withtheonsetof“TheGreatRecession,”womenforthefirsttime in history outnumbered men in U.S. jobs.26 A 2010/2011 Pew ResearchCenter poll reports that American women placemore importance on a careerthandomen.27Theserecentchangesineconomicimperativesandinindividualprioritiesconflictwiththemoreprimitivebeliefsaboutgender,competence,andwarmth.Recallthattraditionalwomentendtobeviewedaswarmbutnotverycompetent. They are low-status, harmless, and nice, and not managementmaterial.28 Professional women elicit the opposite stereotype. They, likemostnontraditionalwomen (suchas feminists), are seenas relativelycompetentbutnotverywarm.29Extensiveresearchhasbeendoneonhowprofessionalwomenand women leaders are perceived. A key part of workplace competence isleadership ability.Obviously being a good leader can lead to promotions, payincreases,andmoreprestigiouspositions.Ifcompetenceandleadershipabilitiesare traits thatmenandnotwomenare thought topossess,dopeoplerecognizewhen women do possess competence and leadership abilities? Do peoplerecognizewhenmendonothavetheseabilities,ordotheyassumethatanymanispreparedforleadership?Studyafterstudyfindsthatcompetentwomenareconsistentlyratedaslacking

social skills compared to similarly competent men.30 A study by MadelineHeilman31andhercolleagues illustrateshowthe judgmentsaboutwomenwhoviolatethesegenderexpectationsplayout.Americancollegestudentsevaluated

aprofileofeitheraclearlysuccessfulorambiguouslysuccessfulwomanormaninamale-dominatedjob(assistantvicepresidentinmechanicsandaeronautics).All information about the employee was identical except for the employee’sgender.Studentswereaskedtoratethecandidateoncompetence,likeability,andinterpersonal hostility. When students rated the employee’s competence,successfulwomenandmenwereevaluatedequally—theywerebothgivencreditfor their successes.When information about the candidate’s performance wasambiguous,thewomanwasratedaslesscompetentthantheman.Soagain,menare assumed to be competent and are given credit for competence, evenwhenthereisnoevidencesupportingthatassumption.In addition to ratings of competence, ratings of likeability and hostility are

genderedaswell.Whentherewasambiguityabouttheemployee’sperformance,therewasnodifferencebetween the likeability ratingsof thewomanandmantargets.Butwhentherewasclearevidenceofsuccess,thewomanwaslikedlessthan the man. In fact, the clearly successful woman was liked less than thecandidates inallotherconditions: theclearly successfulman, theambiguouslysuccessful man, and the ambiguously successful woman. A similar patternemergedintermsofjudgmentsofhostility.Thewomancandidatewasratedaslesshostilethanthemanintheambiguousperformanceoutcomeconditionbutwasratedasmorehostilethanthemanintheclearlysuccessfulcondition.Theseresults suggest the double standard used when evaluating women in male-dominatedoccupations:Whenwomen’ssuccess isclear,womenareviewedasless likeable thanmen.Women,although rated lesscompetent thanmenwheninformation about them was ambiguous, are at least rated as less hostileinterpersonally.But the switchwhen success is clear is dramatic:womenwhoare acknowledged as successful are viewednotmerely as indifferent to othersbut as downright uncivil. And these patterns hold for both women and menevaluators; sowomenandmenareequally likely topenalizewomen.Heilmanfurther found that dislike was associated with not being recommended forpromotionsandsalary increases.Heilmanconcludes thatwhile therearemanythingsthatleadanindividualtobedislikedinthejobsetting,itisonlywomenwhoaredislikedforbeingsuccessful.What is it about competent women that puts them at risk for professional

rejection? Laurie Rudman has extensively studied the backlash againstprofessional women. In this context, backlash refers to social and economicpenalties for counterstereotypical behavior. Rudman finds that agenticcharacteristics (e.g., assertive, competitive, competent, individualist) areassociatedwithpeoplehighinstatusandwithmen.Peoplebelievemenshouldpossess agency butwomen should not—women should remainwarm and less

competent.Byexhibitingtraditionallymasculinecompetencies,agenticwomenundermine the presumed differences between the genders and discredit thesystem inwhichmenhavemore access to power and resources for ostensiblylegitimate reasons.32Dominant traits areviewedas extreme in agenticwomenbut merely normal in agentic men. Women face, what is referred to as adominance penalty. For instance, in one study33 Rudman and her colleaguescreatedfictitiousrecommendationlettersforprofessorseligibleforpromotionatYale University. The highly competent candidates were portrayed as eitheragentic (e.g., the agentic candidate was described as brutally honest towardcritics) or communal (e.g., overly polite toward critics) and either women ormen, resulting in four versions of the recommendation letter. Evaluatorswereasked to assess the candidate’s chances at promotion.Rudman foundevidenceforadominancepenalty for theagenticwomancandidate.Theagenticwomanwas judged to be less likeable and less hirable than the identically portrayedagenticman.Having outstanding achievements did not protect awoman fromthe dominance penalty when she displayed high-status behaviors typicallyreserved for men, even when such behaviors are necessary for effectiveleadership (i.e., frankassessment tomaintainhigh standards). In fact,Rudmanandher colleagues found thatparticipants engaged in sabotage against agenticwomen compared to agentic men.34 So while participants recognized theaccomplishments of agentic women, they don’t like them, don’t want to hirethem, and are willing to undermine them, relative to men with identicalcharacteristics.Thisistheproblemofnontraditionalwomen.Two sets of attitudes help fuel the backlash against agenticwomen.35 First,

those who endorse the gender status quo—those who hold traditional genderattitudesandbelievethatthecurrentgendersystemisjustandappropriate—areespecially likely to penalize agentic women relative to agentic men. Thesegender system justifiers dislike agentic women and are less likely to endorsetheirhiring compared to agenticmen.Second, reaction toperceived threats tothesystem fuel thebacklash towardagenticwomen.36Recall thediscussion inChapter2ofterrormanagementtheory.Terrormanagementtheorypredictsthatwhen people are facedwith actual or symbolicmortality, they cling tightly totheir worldviews, they denigrate those who are perceived to threaten theirworldview,andtheyadheretoattitudesandbeliefsthatmakethemfeelsafe.Forinstance, according to a study conducted by Laurie Rudman37 and hercolleagues,whenpeoplehavebeenexposedtoathreat,awomanjobcandidateisseenasmoredominant,lesslikeable,andlesshirable,comparedtothosenotexposedtoathreat.Menareequallyhirableregardlessofapresenceofathreat.

Backlash serves a system-justifying purpose. Rudman’s research finds thatdefending the gender hierarchy—keeping men in high-status, leadershippositionsandkeepingwomenoutofthosepositions—istheprimarymotivationforbacklashagainst competentwomen.Womenare inaCatch22.Becauseoftheir low gender status, they must enact agency to be viewed as fit forleadership,butwhentheydo,theyexperiencebacklash.InherresearchRudmandid find that when women leveled their status by behaving with extremediplomacyorlowagency,theyavoidedthebacklashandthedominancepenalty.Whenwomenleadby“notleading”theyaresparedbacklash.Butwhenwomenusethesetemperingstrategies,theircompetenceandstatusarejeopardized.38Duringthe2008U.S.presidentialcampaign,thereweremanystrongopinions

about Hillary RodhamClinton as awoman running for president. Few votersdoubtedhercompetence,butsomewereputoffbyit.Hercompetenceworkedagainstherinthatshewasviewedaslesswarmthan,forinstance,SarahPalin.In contrast, during her run forVice President, Sarah Palin generated differentattitudesfromthevoters.UnlikeClinton,Palinwasnotseenasverycompetentandwasseenasmorefeminine.39Palinwasdismissedbysomebecauseofherapparent lackofcompetence. Ifweconsider the roleofambivalent sexismwecanmakepredictionsaboutsupportforeachofthesepoliticiansbasedonvotersexismscores.BenevolentsexistswerelikelytovoteforPalinandhostilesexistswerenotlikelytovoteforClinton.40BecausePalinwasviewedaswarmer,morefeminine,andlesscompetentthanClinton,shefitamoretraditionalfemalerolethandidClinton.Therefore, benevolent sexistswere likely to rewardherwithsupport.BecauseClintonwas viewed as relatively nontraditional compared toPalin, hostile sexists—those individuals who seek to punish gendertransgressionsinwomen—werelikelytonotvoteforClinton.Votersareputoffby power-seeking, competent women—a scenario reflecting more of Clintonthan Palin. At the same time, as we saw in the studies just reviewed, peopleeasilydetectincompetenceinwomen—ascenarioreflectingmoreofPalinthanClinton—andtendtoignoreincompetenceinmenandinsteadgrantmenpointsfor competence even when it is undeserved. It is worth noting that the theseattitudes about Sarah Palin described here were prominent during the 2008election. Since that time, Palin has become a more complicated character—engenderingpraiseandhostilityfromavarietyofconstituents.Whatdoes itmean thatvoterswereputoff byClinton?Somevotershavea

visceral reaction to assertive and competentwomen.Consistentwith the otherstudies reviewed here, women who seek power pay a heavy political price.Power-seeking women are perceived to have a communality/warmth deficit.

Comparedtopower-seekingmen,power-seekingwomenareseenaslesscaringand sensitive. Power-seekingwomen actually elicit feelings ofmoral outrage,includingcontempt,anger,anddisgust.41Voterstendtothinkitinappropriateforawomantoseekpower,whereas it isnaturalandnormativeforamantoseekpower.42 Like professional women in general, women politicians have todemonstratecompetence,butinordertonotpayadominancepenaltytheymustalso convey warmth—but not too much warmth, as doing so will underminetheirperceivedcompetence.Employersusestrategiestokeepthesecompetentyetcontemptiblewomenout

oftheirworkplace.Onephenomenonthathappensinhiringisashiftingofthejobcriteria toemphasizeattributes thatassertivewomensupposedly lack.Thatis,ifprofessionalwomenarebelievedtolackwarmth,communalcharacteristicssuddenly become important for the job.43 Shifting job criteria is a convenientway to subtly edge out women from jobs. One study44 revealed that for thetraditionallymalejobofpolicechief,evaluatorsdefinedmeritinamannerthatfavored men over women applicants. When considering an educated, media-savvy family man, evaluators inflated the importance of those qualities forsuccessinthejob.Butwhenamaleapplicantlackedthosequalities,andinsteadwas “streetwise,” being streetwise was inflated in importance. No suchfavoritism was extended to the woman applicant. In other words, when theevaluators wanted to hire the man and not the woman, they used whatevercharacteristics themanhad as important to edgeout thewoman.An alarmingfindinginthisstudywasthatthemoreobjectiveevaluatorsbelievedtheywere,the more gender bias they engaged in. This pattern is dangerous because itallowsevaluatorstodiscriminateandfeelfalselyconfidentintheirobjectivity.A 2012 Gallup poll of American women found that mothers who are

employed outside the home are happier than stay-at-home mothers.45 Gallupsurveyedmorethan60,000womenandfoundthatemployedwomen(withandwithout children) worried less, felt less sadness, stress, anger, and depressionthandidstay-at-homemothers.Ifprofessionalwomenhaveaperceivedwarmthdeficit—they are viewed as colder than professional men and colder than the“typical” woman—what is the effect of a professional woman becoming amother?Doesbecomingamother“warmup” theprofessionalwoman,makinghermore appealing? It does, but at a price.AmyCuddy46 and her colleaguesasked respondents to rate fictitious consultants on traits reflectingwarmth andcompetence.Theconsultantswereeitherwomenormen,andintheirportfoliostherewaseithermentionof a childornot—so therewere fourversionsof theconsultant. How did the competence ratings relate to interest in hiring the

mothers? Participants expressed more interest in hiring, promoting, andeducatingthechildlesswomanandthemanwhowasorwasnotafather.Indeed,consultantswhoweremotherswereviewedaswarmer thanwomenwhowerenotmothers—butthatgaininperceivedwarmthresultedina lossofperceivedcompetence. The samewas not the case formenwith children.Workingmenwho were fathers gained perceived warmth and maintained their perceivedcompetence. When working women become mothers, they unwittingly tradeperceived competence for perceived warmth. This trade unjustly costs themprofessionalcredibilityandhinderstheirchancesofbeinghired,promoted,andgenerallysupported in theworkplace.Men,on theotherhand,arenot fated toloseperceivedcompetencewhen theygainachild,andbecoming fathersdoesnot diminish their professional opportunities. This study complements otherstudies47 and anecdotal evidence that indicates women workers who havechildrenareperceivedasabadrisk,whereasmenworkerswhohavechildrenareviewedaswell-balancedandgainsocialpointsforbeingresponsivedads.Likemanyofthestudiesonperceptionsofprofessionalwomenandmen,thegenderoftheevaluatorsdidnotmatter—bothwomenandmenrespondentshavethesebiases.48Theexperimentalresearchoncriterianecessaryforsuccessforwomeninthe

workplaceissolidlyconvincing.However,ithasanimportantlimitationbecausethestimulusmaterials—thefictitiouswomenandmenjobcandidatescreatedforthese studies—are either white or presumed to be white through the use ofwhite-sounding applicant names. Even when race or ethnicity is not madeexplicit, whites are presumed to be the target race because whites tend to beviewedasthedefault,“normal,”“regular”personintheUnitedStates.49Therearefewstudiesthatconsiderthepricethatnonwhitewomenpayforagencyandcompetence. The lack of studies examining the intersection of gender andrace/ethnicity isamajorgap in the researchongender rolesandrulesbecausespecificstereotypesaboutwomenofcolorwouldnodoubtaffecttheirperceivedwarmthandcompetence.For instance,AfricanAmericanwomen,compared towhitewomen,areperceivedtobeloud,tough,dominating,andlesseducated.50How then areAfricanAmericanwomen professionals likely to be perceived?AsianAmericans (bothwomenandmen)areperceived tobemorecompetent,but less warm and less dominating than whites.51 How do gender and racestereotypes interact in perceptions of professional Asian women? Whenexperimentsareconducted that take intoaccount the interactionofgenderandrace/ethnicitywedofinddifferentpatterns.Forinstance,U.S.LatinastendtobeviewedasmorewarmthanAnglo(white)womenandLatinomen.52Astudyon

students’ perceptions of professors found that Latina and Anglo women werepenalizedwhen theyviolatedgender roleprescriptionsby teachingwith strict,authoritarianteachingstyles,butAnglomenwhotaughtwiththesameteachingstyle were not similarly penalized.53 A similar study found that Latinas withauthoritarianteachingstyleswereviewedaslesswarmandlesscompetentthanAnglowomenwiththesameteachingstyle.54

WomenWhoAreAthletes

ThereisaculturalassumptionthatIthinkpersistseventothisday,thatbecauseofthedefinitionofmasculinityandsport,partofthebirthrightofbeingmaleinthis culture is owning sport. You own sport. As women move into this onceexclusive domain of male power and privilege and identity, there’s been atremendousbacklash,andadesiretopushback,andeithertopushwomenoutofsportaltogetherorcertainly tocontain theirpowerwithin it andkeep themonthemargins.

—MARYJOKANEinPlayingUnfair:TheMediaImageoftheFemaleAthlete55

Anothersubtypeofnontraditionalwomeniswomenwhoplaysports,especiallyprofessionalsports.Likeprofessionalwomen,womenathletesarethoughttobeinterlopers,trespassingadomaininwhichtheydonotbelongandtowhichtheyare not entitled. Media coverage of women’s sports reflects this assumption.Women’ssportscoverageis lessthan2%ofall thecoverageonESPNandthethreemajorU.S. televisionnetworks.56Whenwomenathletes are shown, theytend to be usedby sportscasters and commentators as the butt of sexual jokespresumablytoentertainyoungmaleheterosexualviewers.Ratherthancoveringactualsports,newscoveragefrequentlycontainsstoriesonscantily-cladwomenwrestlers,nudebungeejumpers,andcheerleaders.57Womenwhoarefeaturedinsports news and highlights are often wives, girlfriends, or mothers of maleathletes.58 This coverage conveys that real sports are men’s sports and thatwomenserveassupporttomen’ssportsorascomicrelief.Thereareotherwayswomenprofessionalathletesareportrayed thatconvey

their lack of belonging. In his analysis of television sports coverage,MichaelMessner59observesthatnewscastsleadwithmen’ssportsusingvideo,graphics,interviews,andhigherproductionvaluerelativetocoverageofwomen’ssports.The specific women’s sports that are covered tend to be more traditionally

feminine sports such as figure skating and tennis, rather than basketball orboxing.Sportssuchasfigureskatingandgymnasticsrequirestrength,flexibility,and discipline, but women in these sports tend to be very young with smallbodies, conveying a less powerful female athlete.Men’s gymnastics has adultmen whose athleticism focuses on their strength and power. Women’sgymnasticstendstonotinvolvewomenatall;itinvolvesgirlswithtinybodies.Whatwoulditmeanforwomen’sgymnaststobefullygrownadultwomenwithmusclesandpower?Messneralsonotesthatwomencompetitorsaremorelikelytobedescribedby

their first names, whereas men are more likely to be described by their lastnamesorfirstandlastnames.Namesandthetermsofaddressconveypowerandlegitimacy.Similar toworkplacedifferences inpower thatoccurswhenbossesarecalledMr.orMs.so-and-soandsecretariesarecalledbytheirfirstname,thisdistinction in sports coverage suggests an informality, unwarranted familiarity,andalackofrespectforwomenathletes.60One of themost vexing problems for women’s sports is lesbian-baiting. In

Chapter1weconsideredthesexualizationandhyperfeminizationofthewomanathlete. Because power, strength, and athletic aptitude are prescriptivestereotypesformen(whatmenshouldbe like)butproscriptive stereotypesforwomen (what women should not be like) women professional athletes arenontraditional women who excel in a masculine domain and therefore aresubject to questions about their sexuality. Lesbian-baiting—accusations ofhomosexuality—iscommoninprofessionalsports.Womenwhoaretoogoodintheirsportsorwhodonotreadilyappeartobeattachedtoamanareaccusedofbeinglesbians(ofcoursesomewomenathletesarelesbians).Lesbian-baitingisa useful strategy to contain women’s power and progress in sport. Considerwomen’ssportsthroughanambivalentsexismlens.Thosewomenwhopresentthemselves as objects of feminine beauty by posing in popular magazines,conveying heterosexuality, and presenting themselves as nonthreatening to themale-dominated sports establishment, are rewarded with and supposedlyprotected by benevolent sexism. Unfortunately, their power and strength isundermined,sotheyarenottakenseriouslyasathletes.Forthosewomenwhodonot adhere to feminine standardsofbeautyandheterosexuality,who showcasetheir strength or play in sports that threaten the sports establishment,we havehostilesexismtopunishthemwithlesbian-baiting.Although the presence of women in sports challenges the historical and

traditionalassociationbetweenmasculinityand sport,media representationsofwomen athletes sadly emphasize gender difference through a focus on thefemininityof theathlete rather thanathletic strengthandskill.Thisprocessof

feminization constructs differences between women and men athletes andreinforces the gender order.61 For instance, the magazine Sports Illustratedreinforcesmen’sownershipofsportsbypresentingwomenathleteswithafocuson their domestic status—featuring them as wives and mothers. Women aremore likely to be presented off the court and field, out of uniform, and indomesticsettings,whereasmenaremore likely tobefeaturedon the fieldandcourt—actually doing their sport.62 Of course, the annual Swimsuit issue ofSportsIllustratedistheonetimeayearthatwomendominatethemagazinebutthewomenintheSwimsuitissuearemodels,notathletes.Thegenderconstructionsbehindthepressuretoappearfeminineareinformed

byconstructionsofraceandsexuality.RecallfromChapter1ourdiscussionofVictoria Carty’s63 argument that because African American women werehistoricallydeniedaccess to full-timehomemakingandsexualprotection, theydid not tie womanhood to a specific, limited set of activities and attributesdefined as separate and opposite frommasculinity. African American womenhistorically have been situated outside dominant culture’s definition ofacceptable (white) femininity and tend to be seen asmore athletic thanwhitewomen.Theirstrengthislessthreateningtotraditionaldefinitionsoffemininityand beauty because they are disallowed from being there in the first place.Therefore, media coverage of black women is more about their athleticaccomplishments compared to coverage of white women. Carty says thatAfricanAmericanwomenathletesmayberepresentedinawiderrangeofrolesand traverse theboundariesof traditional standardsof femininitybecause theyhave never been fully included in the stringent ideals of femininity andheterosexuality tobeginwith.64ButAfricanAmericanwomenpay a price forbeing represented as crossing gendered boundaries, as evidenced in thediscussionslaterinthischapteronrape.

WomenintheMilitaryLikethedomainofsports,themilitaryishistoricallyandcurrentlyaninstitutioninextricably tied to masculinity. Military service, constructed as strength andaggression,isfundamentallyincompatiblewithfemininityandthereforewomenwho do enter the military are often viewed as interlopers. The impact ofstereotypicbeliefsinmilitarysettingsisproblematicforwomenbecauseofthediscrepancybetween the stereotyped attributes associatedwithwomenand theattributes required for effectivemilitaryperformance.Likeprofessional sports,the predominantly male institution of the military is also a hypermasculineculture, in which anything identified as feminine is devalued as “other” and

countertothemasculineideal,withnegativeconsequencesforwomen.JenniferBoldry65showsthestarkcontrastbetweentheperceptionsoffemale

andmalecadetsandtheiractualperformance.HercolleaguessurveyedmembersoftheTexasA&MCorpsofCadetsabouttheirevaluationsofwomenandmeninmilitarytraining.Cadetsratedthemselves,thetypicalwoman/mancadet,andeach individual cadet in theoutfit.The typicalmancadetwasperceived tobemoremotivated,dedicatedtophysicalfitness,anddiligent,withmoreleader-likequalities, andmore self-confidence. In contrast,womenwere rated as selfless,tactful,respectfulofauthority,lackinginarrogance,andhavingintegrity.Therewerenoratergenderdifferencesofthetypicalwomanandmancadet,meaningactualwomenandmencadetsagreedonthesedescriptions.66Whatisespeciallynoteworthy is thatwhileall thisstereotypingwashappeningaboutwomenandmen cadets, actual performance measures did not correspond to the genderdifferencesoftheevaluationsofwomenandmen.Infact,nogenderdifferencesemerged in any performancemeasure, thus indicating that actual performancedifferencesdonotaccountforthedifferencesinassumptionsaboutwomenandmencadets—stereotypesaccountforthedifferences.Soeventhoughtherewereno performance differences among the women and men, there’s a belief thatwomenaresomehowdifferentfromthemen.Womenmustbeseenasdifferentfrommen,otherwisethereisnojustificationforexcludingwomenfromcertainjobs.Thischapterbeganwithadiscussionofhostileandbenevolentsexism.Inthe

nextsection,weconsiderrapesurvivorsasyetanothercategoryofnontraditionalwomenwhoaredenigrated,marginalized,andareblamedforbeingvictimized.Onacontinuumofhostilitytowardwomen,rapeisataviolentextreme.Sexualassaultcanbeasystematicwaytohumiliate,andterrorize.Beforeweleavethetopicofwomeninthemilitary,adiscussionofrapeinthemilitaryisnecessary,as rape is a tactic used by some men in the military against women servicemembers.In2011thereweremorethan3,000reportedsexualassaultsinvolvingU.S. servicemembers.67 A 2012 report from theU.S.Department ofDefensefinds that incidents of reported rape and sexual assault of women in militaryacademies has increased every year since 2008.68 And a U.S. Department ofDefense study estimates that there were 26,000 sexual assaults in the armedservicesin2012.69

A CNN investigation70 of reported rapes in the military found disturbingpatterns in how cases were handled. The report profiles several women whowereforcedoutofthemilitaryaftertheyreportedasexualassault.Thewomenreportthattheirsuperiorofficersdismissedthechargesandpunishedthevictim.

Forexample, inonecase, thevictimandattackerwereorderedtocleanoutanattic on base together in order “to work out their differences.” (This shouldremindusofourdiscussioninChapter3ofsexualharassmentbeingdismissedassimply“miscommunication”betweenthesexes.)Inothercases, thesuperiorofficer was the perpetrator. According to CNN, rather than investigating theallegations, the investigators diagnosed the victims with personality disordersand discharged them from the military. Personality disorders are long-termpsychiatric disorders with symptoms beginning in adolescence and earlyadulthood. Experts say that a victim of sexual assault might experienceposttraumatic stress disorder after an assault but not, suddenly, a personalitydisorder. The women victims were apparently healthy and sane enough to bescreened by and join the military but after they reported a rape they weredischargedduetoahastilydiagnosedpsychiatricillness.Andiftherapeandthedischargefromthemilitaryweren’ttraumatizingenoughforthesewomen,CNNfound that themilitaryconsiders apersonalitydisorder apreexistingconditionandnotaservice-relateddisability,andthussexualassaultsurvivorswithsuchadiagnosis may not receive military health benefits like other veterans.71 It isdifficult to imagine a more callous response, a response that can only beunderstoodasattributingblamefortherapetovictims.

RapeSurvivors:HostileandBenevolentVictim-BlamingItmightseemoddthatwomenwhohavebeenrapedareconstructedintoanothersubtypeofnontraditionalwomen.Ofcourse,anywomanorgirlofanyage,ofany dress, in any circumstance can be raped—not just nontraditional women.Whatputs rapesurvivorsalongsideother typesofnontraditionalwomen isnotwhotheyarebutratherhowindividualsandthelegalsystemreacttothem.Itisbecauseofhowrapesurvivorsareblamedandstigmatizedafter thecrime thatthey become viewed as nontraditional women, as not having stayed in theirplace,and, tragically,asbeingviewedasresponsibleforwhathashappenedtothem.FoxNewscontributorLizTrottareflectssomepeople’sviewaboutwomenin

themilitaryand theperceived role theyplay in theirownvictimization. Inherresponse to news reports of increased sexual assaults againstmilitarywomen,Trotta72states,

Butwehavewomenoncemore, thefeminist,going,wantingtobewarriorsandvictimsat thesametime...And the sexual abuse report says that there has been, since 2006, a 64% increase in violentsexualassaults.Now,whatdidtheyexpect?Thesepeopleareinclosecontact,thewholeairingofthisissuehasneverbeendonebyCongress,it’sstrictlybeenaquestionofpressurefromthefeminist.Andthefeministshavealsodirectedthem,really,tospendalotofmoney.Theyhavesexualcounselorsall

overtheplace,victims’advocates,sexualresponsecoordinators....So,youhavethiswholebureaucracyuponbureaucracybeingbuiltupwithallkindsof levelsofpeople tosupportwomenin themilitarywhoarenowbeingrapedtoomuch.

ThereareanumberoftroublingaspectsofTrotta’sremarks.First,Trottastatesthatwomendesire tobebothwarriorsandvictimsat thesametime,andwhenthey put themselves in a nontraditional, inappropriate location, she implieswomenshouldbeexpectedtoberaped.Fortrouble-makingwomen,steppingoutof the domestic realm, they simply deserve to be raped. Second, the role thatfeministsappeartoplayiscurious.Trottaclaimsthatfeministsaretoblameforwomenwanting to be in themilitary and then being raped; and feminists areblamed for creating a bloated bureaucracy of support services for the rapevictims they themselves have created; and feminists are responsible for therapes;andfeministsarebadbecausetheyinsistonrapebeingtakenseriouslyasacrime.Third,Trotta’slastsentencesuggeststhatwomencomplainaboutbeingrapedwhentheyarerapedtoomuch—asifthereisanoptimumlevelofrapeandsometimes that number is exceeded. Finally, like many anti-feminist victim-blamers,Trottabelieves thatwhenwomenandmenareput in the sameplace,rape is inevitable, as if men cannot help themselves. How ironic it is thatfeminists are accused of man-hating, when it is anti-feminists like Liz Trottawho hold such demeaning and dehumanizing attitudes toward men, believingthey have no control over themselves and cannot be responsible for theirbehavior.LizTrotta’ssentimentsand the inadequate responsebymilitarypersonnel to

rape reflects the classic response to rape survivors: victim blaming. Victimblaming is perpetuated by rapemyths—attitudes about rape that are false butwidely held and serve to excuse and justify men’s sexual aggression againstwomen.Rapemyths include thebelief thatwomenasked tobe rapedby theirbehavior, dress, or location; that women lie about being raped;73 thatwomenenjoybeingraped;andthatonly“bad”womenareraped.Inshort, ifawomanhasbeenraped,sheprobablydidsomethingtodeserveit.Victim-blamingideologyisreflectedintherhetoricofmediacoverageofrape

cases.Forinstance,whenprofessionalbasketballplayerKobeBryantwasunderinvestigation for rape, news agencies tended to use the term “accuser” ratherthan“allegedvictim.”“Accuser”shiftstheattentionfromtheallegedperpetratorto the woman,74 suggesting that the woman may have played a role in hervictimization, or that theremay have been no victim at all, inwhich case thealleged perpetrator, the alleged rapist, is actually the victim of a misguided,reckless, or vindictive woman. Similarly describing rape in the passive voice

suchas,“OntheeveningofJune2,awomanwasrapednear...”ratherthantheactivevoicesuchas,“OntheeveningofJune2,amanrapedawomannear...”putsthefocusonthevictimratherthanthecriminalperpetrator.Passivesentenceconstructions imply that in a rape the characteristics of the victim are moreimportant than the characteristics of the perpetrator, or that there was noperpetratoratall—arapejusthappenedalmostbymagic.“Bad”women—thosewhodonotadheretogenderroleconventionssuchas

sexual purity, modesty, and chastity—aremore likely to be blamed for beingrapedthan“virtuous”women.Andagain,becausemostwomendonotadheretostrictgender-roleconventions,mostrapesurvivorscaneasilybeconstructedasbad for one reason or another. For instance, police officers are less likely tobelieveavictimwho reports a rape if she isnot avirginor if shehadapriorrelationshipwiththesuspect.75 Inrapecases, jurorsoftenbase their judgmentsnot on legal factors (e.g., that therewas no consent) but insteadonextralegalfactorssuchasthebehaviorofthevictimpriortotherape.Anappallingfindingis that jurors’ beliefs in rape myths have been found to be the single bestpredictorof theirdecisionsinrapecaseverdicts.Studieshavefoundthat thosewhosubscribetorapemythsarelesssympathetictovictims.76In addition to victim-blaming interpretations of survivor characteristics,

attitudes about gender roles predict attributions about guilt in rape casesinvolvingwomanvictims.Forexample,individualswithtraditionalgenderroleattitudes are more judgmental toward rape victims and more lenient towardrapists than are people with nontraditional attitudes. The more participantsendorsetraditionalattitudesaboutwomen’splaceinsocietythemorelikelytheyaretoblamerapeonthevictim.77Genderrolestereotypinghasalsobeenlinkedto self-reported propensity toward sexual coercion (i.e., rape proclivity).Menwhobelieveinmaledominationaremorelikelythanothermentohaveengagedin verbal sexual coercion and even rape.78 For instance, thosewith traditionalgenderroleattitudestendtobelieveawomanrapesurvivortobemoreculpablethandothosewithnontraditionalattitudes.Thispatternwasparticularlytrueifthe survivor is an African American woman compared to a white woman.79Recallfromtheearlierdiscussionofwomenathletes:AfricanAmericanwomentendnottobeaffordedthepaternalisticprotectionsofbenevolentsexismofferedto white women. Angela Davis and other feminists of color have writtenpowerfullyabouttheconstructionofwomenofcolorasnotrapeablehistoricallyandinthepresent.“Inconjunctionwiththesexualexploitationofblackwomen,thestereotypicalimageoftheblackwomanbrandedherasacreaturemotivatedbybase,animal-likesexualinstincts.Itwasthereforenosintorapeher.”80The

stereotypeofthepromiscuousAfricanAmericanwomanwecanseehistoricallygoingback to slavery,duringwhichwhitemencould justify the rapeofblackwomen. If blackwomenwere presumed highly sexual and animal-like,whichcontrasted with the presumed chaste and modest femininity of white women,raping black women was no crime at all. The stereotype of the promiscuousAfrican American woman we can see presently in how they are depicted inmusicvideos—aslustful“bitches”and“hos.”81Benevolentsexismpredictsvictimblamewhenthesurvivor’sbehaviorisseen

as inconsistentwith traditionalgender roles.82 For instance, benevolent sexistsattribute lessblameand recommendshorter sentences foraperpetratorofdaterape than do peoplewho do not hold benevolent sexist beliefs. Therewas nosuch difference for a stranger rape case.83 In other words, for those withtraditionalgenderattitudes,womenwhoarerapedbysomeonetheyknowwereprobably up to something unladylike and deserve what they get. Those whobelievewomenshouldbepureandtraditionalpunishwomenwhoviolatethoseassumptions. That benevolent sexists are more accepting of sexual violenceagainst certain types of women than those who are not benevolent sexists isimportant because benevolent sexism is seen on the surface as positive,harmless, and even chivalrous toward women. But benevolent sexism’sprotectionisnotavailabletoallwomen.Popularculturedoes itspart toperpetuate thepunishmentofsexuallyactive

women. In a content analysis of slasher/horror films, for example, AndrewWelsh84 analyzed the fate of women in these films and found that femalecharacterswhowereinvolvedinsexualactivityweredepictedmorenegativelyandwere punishedmore severely thanwomenwhowere not sexually active.Sexually activewomenweremore likely to bekilled andmurder sceneswereactuallylongerindurationforsexuallyactivewomenthanthemurderscenesforother women characters. This type of film genre teaches the viewer lessonsabout the fate ofwomenwho have sex.Other film genres and pop culture ingeneralarerifewiththepunishmentofwomenwhodaretobesexualagents(orevenjustsingleandindependent).85

TransWomenandLesbiansMisogyny and sexism intertwinewith heterosexism, homophobia, transphobia,andotherformsofprejudiceanddiscrimination.RichardMohr,inhisdiscussionof antigay stereotypes, argues that homophobic stereotypes are a means ofreinforcingtraditionalgenderrolesandmaintainingmen’shighstatusinsociety.Mohr contends, if “one is free to choose one’s social roles independently of

gender,manyguidingsocialdivisionsbothdomesticandcommercialmightbethreatened. The socially gender-linked distinctions would blur betweenbreadwinner and homemaker, protector and protected, boss and secretary...”Accusationssuchas“fag”and“dyke”areused to“keepwomen in theirplaceand to prevent men from breaking ranks and ceding away theirs.”86 Thisdynamiccantargetpeoplewhetherornottheyarethemselvesgayorlesbian.Transgender individualsare thosewho identifywithagender that isnot the

sex theywereassignedatbirthor thosewhodonotconform tooneparticulargender or another.87 Trans people face high rates of violence, from schoolbullying and family violence to street violence and sexual abuse.88 Transindividuals experience widespread discrimination in health care, education,housing,andemployment.89According to trans activist and author Julia Serano, discrimination against

transwomenisn’tsolelyaboutthesocietaldisruptionwhenindividualswhoareassigned asmales at birth give up their power and status asmales to becomefemales.Rather,Seranoarguesthatcontemptfortranswomenstemsfromakeyaspectofsexism:anti-femininity.Transwomenandtransmenthreatenthegenderstatusquo.ActivistLaverne

Cox(acclaimedforherportrayalofatranswomanintheNetflixseriesOrangeIstheNewBlack)attributesthehighratesofviolenceagainsttranspeopleinpartto the belief of some that transgender “identities are inherently deceptive, ouridentitiesare inherentlysortofsuspect.”90 Inaddition, transpeopledisrupt thecultural idea that gender is a binary, two-category system that is natural,unchanging,andfixedatbirth.Thepatriarchalsystemthat relegateswomen tosecond-class status is disrupted ifweno longer believe that there are two andonly two genders that are fundamentally different and based in nature.Furthermore, thefact that transwomenwereassignedthemalesexcategoryatbirth but have rejected that sex category may be particularly confusing andfrustrating to gender normative individuals because trans women have cededtheirpowerandstatusinthewayMohrdescribes.Seranosays:

Examining the society-wide disdain for trans women also brings to light an important yet oftenoverlookedaspectoftraditionalsexism:thatittargetspeoplenotonlyfortheirfemaleness,butalsofortheir expressions of femininity...The idea that masculinity is strong, tough, and natural whilefemininityisweak,vulnerable,andartificialcontinuestoproliferateevenamongpeoplewhobelievethatwomenandmenareequals...91Andnow,asanouttranssexualwoman,Ifindthatthosewhowishto ridiculeordismissmedonotsimply takeme to task for the fact that I fail toconform togendernorms—instead,moreoftenthannot,theymockmyfemininity.92

Partofthecomplexityofmisogynyisthatwomencanbepunishedforstepping

outsidetheboundsoffemininity,andforresidingwithinthoseboundaries.Whether they present as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or somewhere

else in thegendergalaxy,93 lesbiansviolategendernormsbyvirtueof thefactthat theyaffiliate romanticallyandsexuallywithwomenandnotmen,andaretherefore outside the traditional heterosexual family arrangement. Like othernontraditionalwomen, lesbians are viewed as lesswarm than thewomenwhoreside in the heteronormative domestic sphere.94 Like other categories ofnontraditional women, lesbians do not receive the patronizing protection ofbenevolent sexism, and like feminists, lesbians are targets of hostile sexism—punishment for not adhering to the stereotypes of the traditional woman asgentle,nurturing,unthreatening,andcompliantwithheterosexualnorms.Despite thenumerous advances in lesbian andgay rightsover the last three

decades, lesbians continue to face violence and discrimination.95 As a result,lesbian-baitingcontinuestobeapotentweaponintheattempttokeepallwomen—lesbianornot—inline.AswefoundinChapter3,lesbian-baitinghasservedasaformofsexualextortioninthemilitary,particularlypriortotheliftingoftheban on homosexuals in the military.96 The military’s antigay policy gaveharassers and rapists an additional tool of sexual extortion, as allegations oflesbianismcouldruinawoman’scareer.Itmatteredlittlewhethertheallegationswere true. Women soldiers who refused sexual advances from men could beaccused of being lesbians and subjected to investigation for homosexualconduct.Thus, thebanagainsthomosexuals in themilitarycouldbeusedasaweaponofretaliationagainstwomenwhoreportedsexualharassmentorrape,oragainstwomenwhorebuffedsexualadvances.Nowthat lesbiansandgaymencan serve openly in the military, lesbian-baiting ought to be a less effectiveweapon againstwomen servicemembers, although it still continues, just as itdoesinnonmilitarysociety,solongastherearenegativeconsequencesofbeingidentifiedasalesbian.Thosenegativeconsequencespersistbecause,evenintheabsence an overtly discriminatory policy (such as “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell”),lesbians are still perceived as stepping outside the sphere of traditionalwomanhood.Both lesbians and feminists are understood as women who disrupt and

threatengender.Bothlesbiansandfeministsareviewedasunladylike,assertive,and outspoken, and women like this threaten the gender status quo.97 WediscussedinChapter3 thefaultyassumptionthatfeministsareall lesbiansandlesbiansareallfeminists.Becauselesbianisoftenlinkedwithfeminist,feministssometimesfeelcompelledtoprovetheyarenotlesbians.Linkinglesbianismandfeminismservesanideologicalpurpose.Lesbian-baitingisaneffectiveformof

silencing women who may not be romantically interested in men (or in aparticular man), may not cooperate with gender roles, or who might callattentiontoinequality.98Accusationsoflesbianismworkalongsidedescriptionsof feminists as angry, unladylike, and unfeminine to make feminists, and byextension,thegoalsoffeminism,unattractiveandrepellent.Lesbian-baitingisascare tactic thatprovides adisincentive forwomen to takecollectiveaction tochallengegenderinequality.

ConclusionThis chapter examined severalways that sexismpersists even aswomen (as agroup) are perceived positively relative to men. Those positive feelings arenarrow in scope and are reserved for an ever-shrinking category—traditionalwoman—acategorymostwomendonotfitinto.Traditionalwomenareviewedaswarmbut not very competent.Thesepositive feelings turn intopunishmentforwomenwhoareperceivedasdepartingfromtradition.Nontraditionalwomensuch as professionals and feminists (and, as it turns out, most women) areviewedascompetentbutnotverywarm.Benevolentsexismisdirectedtowardtraditionalwomen,offeringthemthepromiseofpaternalisticprotectionbymen,whereas hostile sexism is directed toward nontraditional women—penalizingthemfornotknowingtheirplaceandforpotentiallycompetingwithmen.99 Inher 1988 book, Homophobia: A Weapon of Sexism, Suzanne Pharr aptlycritiquedthisprocessbypointingoutthatsexismstaysinplacewiththepromisetowomenthattheywillnotsufferviolenceaslongastheyattachthemselvestoamanforprotection.100Dividingwomen into good (traditional) and bad (nontraditional) allows for

reinforcementofthegoodandpunishmentforthebad.Thehomemakersubtypeanditscloseassociates(suchassecretariesorotherwomenintraditional jobs)epitomizepaternalisticstereotypes that portray them aswarm, nonthreatening,notcompetent,andneedingmaleprotection.Paternalisticstereotypescontributetojustifyingandmaintainingasocialsystemofgenderinequality.Thesegenderstereotypesarenotmerelydescriptivebutprescriptive,expressingexpectationsabout how women ought to be. The favorable traits attributed to traditionalwomen suit them to their low-status roles in society.101 Many women arecomforted by benevolent sexism because they view it as chivalrous behaviordesigned to protect women and tomake them feel special and different frommen.Manymenaretaughtthatchivalrousbehavioristhepoliteandproperwayto treat women. However, the research on benevolent sexism finds that its

consequences are less than benevolent. Because it assumes that women areweak,fragile,andincompetent,womenwhoaresubjectedtobenevolentsexismview themselves as less competent; suchwomen are viewed by others as lesscompetent; moreover, women who reject benevolent sexism are viewed asungraciousandcold.On the other hand, career women, feminists, and other nontraditional

subgroupsaretargetsofenviousstereotypesthatportraythemascompetentbutnot warm. Endowing nontraditional women with respected traits likecompetence,partofstereotypesfortypicalmen,maynonethelessservetojustifydiscriminationagainstthembecausetheyareviewedaspotentiallydangerousoras unfair competitors with men. Attributions of nontraditional women’ssupposed lack ofwarmth further serve to rationalize acts of discrimination.102Otherkindsofnontraditionalwomen—suchasathletes,sexuallyactivewomen,and women in the military—face discrimination because they are viewed asviolating traditional gender roles and needing to be put in their place. Anextremeformofpunishmentfornontraditionalwomenissexualviolence.Whenmenrapewomen,individualsjustifyandrationalizetheirabusebymaintainingrapemythsandvictim-blamingideology,assumingthevictimdidsomethingtobringiton.Anydeparturefromthe“proper”domainofwomanhood,includingindependence,sexualagency,andmilitaryservice,canbeinvokedtoblamethevictim.Manywomen,ofcourse,dosucceed innontraditional realms. In thecaseof

competent professionals, women who temper their agentic qualities with adeclaration that they are “team players” and are more interested in “helpingothers”than“gettingahead”canconveytheircompetenceandlessentheriskofbacklash.103Butthisisanadditionalburdenforwomenleadersthatmendonothave,anditisanothercostofmodernmisogyny.Animportantpsychologicalfunctionof thedivisionofwomenintosubtypes

is that itallowsbothbenevolentandhostilesexists tobelieve that theyarenotprejudicedagainstwomen—onlyagainstwomenwhochallengegendernorms.Subtypingwomensupportsthemaintenanceofthegenderhierarchybyallowingindividualstoholdsexistviewswithoutseeingthemselvesasprejudicedandbyhelping them manage their ambivalence toward women.104 This convolutedsystemkeeps sexism in place, blameswomen for any harm that befalls them,andinformseverythingfromjobinterviewsandsportspagestoslasherfilmsandcourtroomverdicts.

Notes1. Venker, S. (2012, November 26). The war on men. FoxNews.com. Retrieved fromhttp://www.foxnews.com/opinion/2012/11/24/war-on-men/

2.Eagly, A. H., & Mladinic, A. (1994). Are people prejudiced against women? Some answers fromresearchonattitudes,genderstereotypesandjudgmentsofcompetence.InW.Stroebe&M.Hewstone(Eds.),Europeanreviewofsocialpsychology(pp.1–35).NewYork,NY:Wiley.

3.Eckes,T.(2002).Paternalisticandenviousgenderstereotypes:Testingpredictionsfromthestereotypecontentmodel.SexRoles,47,99–114.

4.Fiske,S.T.,Cuddy,A.J.C.,Glick,P.,&Xu,J. (2002).Amodelof (oftenmixed)stereotypecontent:Competence and warmth respectively follow from perceived status and competition. Journal ofPersonalityandSocialPsychology,82,878–902.doi:10.1037//0022-3514.82.6.878

5.Haddock,G.,&Zanna,M.P. (1994).Preferring“housewives” to“feminists”:Categorizationand thefavorabilityofattitudestowardwomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,18,25–52.

6.Cuddy, A., Fiske, S. T., & Glick, P. (2007). The BIASmap: Behaviors from intergroup affect andstereotypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92, 631–648. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.92.4.631

7. Glick, P., & Fiske, S.T. (2001). An ambivalent alliance: Hostile and benevolent sexism ascomplementary justifications for gender inequality. American Psychologist, 56, 109–118.doi:10.1037//0003-066X.56.2.109

8.Christopher,A.N.,&Mull,M.S.(2006).Conservativeideologyandambivalentsexism.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,30,223–230.

9. Barreto, M., & Ellemers, N. (2005). The burden of benevolent sexism: How it contributes to themaintenance of gender inequalities. European Journal of Social Psychology, 35, 633–642.doi:10.1002/ejsp.270

10.Robnett, R. D., Anderson, K. J., & Hunter, L. E. (2012). Predicting feminist identity: Associationsbetween gender-traditional attitudes, feminist stereotyping, and ethnicity. Sex Roles, 67, 143–157.doi:10.1007/s11199-012-0170-2

11. Glick, P., & Fiske, S.T. (2001). An ambivalent alliance: Hostile and benevolent sexism ascomplementary justifications for gender inequality. American Psychologist, 56, 109–118.doi:10.1037//0003-066X.56.2.109

12.Glick,P.,Lameiras,M.,Fiske,S.T.,Eckes,T.,Masser,B.,Volpato,C.,...Wells,R.(2004).Badbutbold:Ambivalentattitudes towardmenpredictgender inequality in16nations.Journal ofPersonality andSocialPsychology,86,713–728.doi:10.1037/0022-3514.86.5.713

13.Page114–115:Glick,P.,&Fiske,S.T.(2001).Anambivalentalliance:Hostileandbenevolentsexismas complementary justifications for gender inequality. American Psychologist, 56, 109–118.doi:10.1037//0003-066X.56.2.109

14.Bosson, J. K., Pinel, E. C.,&Vandello, J. A. (2010). The emotional impact of ambivalent sexism:Forecastsversusrealexperiences.SexRoles,62,520–531.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9664-y

15.Jost,J.T.,&Kay,A.C.(2005).Exposuretobenevolentsexismandcomplementarygenderstereotypes:Consequencesforspecificanddiffuseformsofsystemjustification.JournalofPersonalityandSocialPsychology,88,498–509.doi:10.1037/0022-3514.88.3.498

16. Dumont, M., Sarlet, M., Dardenne, B. (2010). Be too kind to a woman, she’ll feel incompetent:Benevolent sexism shifts self-construal and autobiographical memories toward incompetence. SexRoles,62,545–553.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9582-4

17.Good,J.J.,&Rudman,L.A.(2010).Whenfemaleapplicantsmeetsexist interviewers:Thecostsofbeingatargetofbenevolentsexism.SexRoles,62,481–493.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9685-6

18.Becker, J. C., Glick, P., Ilic, M., Bohner, G. (2011). Damned if she does, damned if she doesn’t:Consequences of accepting versus confronting patronizing help for the female target andmale actor.EuropeanJournalofSocialPsychology,41,761–773.doi:10.1002/ejsp.823

19.Duerson,M.H.(2012,July17).PregnantGoogleexecnameYahooCEO.NYDailyNews.Retrievedfrom http://articles.nydailynews.com/2012-07-17/news/32717940_1_ceo-ross-levinsohn-zachary-

bogue-yahoo-board20.Petrecca,L.(2012,July19).PregnantYahooCEOignitesmaternitydebate.USAToday.Retrievedfrom

www.usatoday.com/money/workplace/story/2012-07-17/yahoo-ceo-pregnant-marissa-mayer/56323292/1

21.Goudreau, J. (2012, July17).NewYahooCEOMarissaMayer is pregnant.Does itmatter?Forbes.Retrievedfromhttp://www.forbes.com/sites/jennagoudreau/2012/07/17/new-yahoo-ceo-marissa-mayer-is-pregnant-does-it-matter/

22.Clark,D.(2012,July23).Pregnantatwork?FollowMarissaMayer’splaybook.Forbes.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nbcnews.com/id/48259962/ns/business-forbes_com/t/pregnant-work-follow-marissa-mayers-playbook/

23.Keyishian,A.(2012,July19).ThepregnantCEO:ShouldyouhateMarissaMayer?Forbes.Retrievedfrom http://www.forbes.com/sites/learnvest/2012/07/19/the-pregnant-ceo-should-you-hate-marissa-mayer/

24. Glick, P. & Fiske, S. T. (2001). An ambivalent alliance: Hostile and benevolent sexism ascomplementary justifications for gender inequality. American Psychologist, 56, 109–118.doi:10.1037//0003-066X.56.2.109

25.Glick,P.,Diebold,J.,Bailey-Werner,B.,&Zhu,L.(1997).ThetwofacesofAdam:Ambivalentsexismand polarized attitudes toward women.Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin,23, 1323–1334.doi:10.1177/01461672972312009

26.Rampell,C.(2010,February6).WomennowamajorityinAmericanworkplaces.TheNewYorkTimes.Retrievedfromhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/06/business/economy/06women.html

27.Patten,E.,&Parker,K.(2012,April19).Agenderreversaloncareeraspirations.PewResearchCenter.Retrievedfromhttp://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2012/04/19/a-gender-reversal-on-career-aspirations/

28.Fiske,S.T.(2012).Managingambivalentprejudices:Smart-but-coldandwarm-but-dumbstereotypes.The ANNALs of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 639, 33–48.doi:10.1177/002716211418444

29.Fiske,S.T.(2012).Managingambivalentprejudices:Smart-but-coldandwarm-but-dumbstereotypes.The ANNALs of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 639, 33–48.doi:10.1177/002716211418444

30.Rudman,L.A.,&Glick,P.(1999).Feminizedmanagementandbacklashtowardagenticwomen:Thehidden costs to women of a kinder, gentler image of middle managers. Journal of Personality andSocialPsychology,77,1004–1010.

31.Heilman,M.E.,Wallen,A.S.,Fuchs,D.,&Tamkins,M.M.(2004).Penaltiesforsuccess:Reactionstowomen who succeed at male gender-typed tasks. Journal of Applied Psychology, 89, 416–427.doi:10.1037/0021-9010.89.3.416

32.Rudman,L.A.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,Phelan,J.E.,&Nauts,S.(2012).Statusincongruityandbacklasheffects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders. Journal ofExperimentalSocialPsychology,48,165–179.

33.Study2:Rudman,L.A.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,Phelan,J.E.,&Nauts,S.(2012).Statusincongruityandbacklasheffects:Defendingthegenderhierarchymotivatesprejudiceagainstfemaleleaders.JournalofExperimentalSocialPsychology,48,165–179.

34.Study5:Rudman,L.A.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,Phelan,J.E.,&Nauts,S.(2012).Statusincongruityandbacklasheffects:Defendingthegenderhierarchymotivatesprejudiceagainstfemaleleaders.JournalofExperimentalSocialPsychology,48,165–179.

35.Study3:Rudman,L.A.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,Phelan,J.E.,&Nauts,S.(2012).Statusincongruityandbacklasheffects:Defendingthegenderhierarchymotivatesprejudiceagainstfemaleleaders.JournalofExperimentalSocialPsychology,48,165–179.

36.Study4:Phelan,J.E.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,&Rudman,L.A.(2008).Competentyetoutinthecold:Shiftingcriteriaforhiringreflectbacklashtowardagenticwomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,32,406–413.

37.Rudman,L.A.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,Phelan,J.E.,&Nauts,S.(2012).Statusincongruityandbacklasheffects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders. Journal of

ExperimentalSocialPsychology,48,165–179.38.Rudman,L.A.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,Phelan,J.E.,&Nauts,S.(2012).Statusincongruityandbacklash

effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders. Journal ofExperimentalSocialPsychology,48,165–179.

39.Gervais,S.J.,&Hillard,A.L.(2011).ArolecongruityperspectiveonprejudicetowardHillaryClintonand Sarah Palin. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 11, 221–240. doi:10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01263.x

40.Gervais,S.J.,&Hillard,A.L.(2011).ArolecongruityperspectiveonprejudicetowardHillaryClintonand Sarah Palin. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 11, 221–240. doi:10.1111/j.1530-2415.2011.01263.x

41.Okimoto, T.G.,&Brescoll,V. L. (2010). The price of power: Power seeking and backlash againstfemale politicians. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36, 923–936.doi:10.1177/0146167210371949

42.Okimoto, T.G.,&Brescoll,V. L. (2010). The price of power: Power seeking and backlash againstfemale politicians. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36, 923–936.doi:10.1177/0146167210371949

43.Phelan,J.E.,Moss-Racusin,C.A.,&Rudman,L.A.(2008).Competentyetoutinthecold:Shiftingcriteria forhiring reflectbacklash towardagenticwomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,32, 406–413.

44.Uhlmann,E.L.,&Cohen,G.L.(2005).Constructedcriteria:Redefiningmerittojustifydiscrimination.PsychologicalScience,16,474–480.

45.Rampell,C. (2012,May 18).At-home vs. employedmothers:Who’s happier.The New York Times.Retrieved from http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/05/18/at-home-vs-employed-mothers-whos-happier/

46.Cuddy,A.J.C.,Fiske,S.T.,&Glick,P.(2004).Whenprofessionalsbecomemothers,warmthdoesn’tcuttheice.JournalofSocialIssues,60,701–718.doi:10.1111/j.0022-4537.2004.00381.x

47.Forareview,see:Cuddy,A.J.C.,Fiske,S.T.,&Glick,P.(2004).Whenprofessionalsbecomemothers,warmth doesn’t cut the ice. Journal of Social Issues, 60, 701–718. doi:10.1111/j.0022-4537.2004.00381.x

48.Cuddy,A.J.C.,Fiske,S.T.,&Glick,P.(2004).Whenprofessionalsbecomemothers,warmthdoesn’tcuttheice.JournalofSocialIssues,60,701–718.doi:10.1111/j.0022-4537.2004.00381.x

49.Foralongerdiscussion,seeChapter5in:Anderson,K.J.(2010).Benignbigotry:Thepsychologyofsubtleprejudice.Cambridge,UK:CambridgeUniversityPress.

50.Donovan, R. A. (2011). Tough or tender: (Dis)similarities in white college student’s perceptions ofblack and white women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 35, 458–468.doi:10.1177/0361684311406874

51.Berdahl, J. L., &Min, J.-A. (2012). Prescriptive stereotypes and workplace consequences for EastAsians in North America. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 18, 141–152.doi:10.1037/a0027692

52.Anderson,K.J.(2010).Students’stereotypesofprofessors:Anexplorationofthedoubleviolationsofethnicityandgender.SocialPsychologyofEducation,13,459–472.doi:10.1007/s11218-010-9121-3

53.Anderson,K.J.(2010).Students’stereotypesofprofessors:Anexplorationofthedoubleviolationsofethnicityandgender.SocialPsychologyofEducation,13,459–472.doi:10.1007/s11218-010-9121-3

54.Anderson, K. J., & Smith, G. (2005). Students’ preconceptions of professors: Benefits and barriersaccording to ethnicity and gender. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 27, 184–201.doi:10.1177/0739986304273707

55.Jhally,S. (Producer)&Alpert,L. (Director). (2002).Playingunfair:Themedia imageof the femaleathlete[MotionPicture].USA:MediaEducationFoundation.

56.Messner,M.A.,&Cooky,C. (2010, June).Gender in televised sports:News andhighlights shows,1989–2009.Retrievedfromhttps://dornsifecms.usc.edu/assets/sites/80/docs/tvsports.pdf

57.Messner,M.A.,Duncan,M.C.,&Cooky,C.(2003).Silence,sportsbras,andwrestlingporn:Womenin televised sports news and highlights shows. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 27(1), 38–51.

doi:10.1177/019373250223958358.Messner,M.A.,&Cooky,C. (2010, June).Gender in televised sports:News andhighlights shows,

1989–2009.Retrievedfromhttps://dornsifecms.usc.edu/assets/sites/80/docs/tvsports.pdf59.Jhally,S. (Producer)&Alpert,L. (Director). (2002).Playingunfair:Themedia imageof the female

athlete[MotionPicture].USA:MediaEducationFoundation.60.Jhally,S. (Producer)&Alpert,L. (Director). (2002).Playingunfair:Themedia imageof the female

athlete[MotionPicture].USA:MediaEducationFoundation.61.Carty, V. (2005). Textual portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuanced forms of patriarchy?

Frontiers,26,132–155.62.Jhally,S. (Producer)&Alpert,L. (Director). (2002).Playingunfair:Themedia imageof the female

athlete[MotionPicture].USA:MediaEducationFoundation.63.Carty, V. (2005). Textual portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuanced forms of patriarchy?

Frontiers,26,132–155.64.Carty, V. (2005). Textual portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuanced forms of patriarchy?

Frontiers,26,132–155.65.Boldry,J.,Wood,W.,&Kashy,D.A.(2001).Genderstereotypesandtheevaluationofmenandwomen

inmilitarytraining.JournalofSocialIssues,57,689–705.66.Matthews,M.D.,&Ender,M.G. (2009). Role of group affiliation and gender on attitudes toward

womeninthemilitary.MilitaryPsychology,21,241–251.doi:10.1080/0899560090276875067. U.S. Department of Defense. (2012). DOD releases annual sexual assault response and prevention

report.Retrievedfromhttp://www.defense.gov/releases/release.aspx?releaseid=1518568.Roulo,C.(2012,December21).DOD:Sexualassaultreportingupatserviceacademies.Retrievedfrom

http://www.defense.gov/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=11886069.DepartmentofDefenseSexualAssaultPreventionandResponse.(2013).DepartmentofDefenseannual

report on sexual assault in the military, Vol. 1 (RefID: 5-9DB8000). Retrieved fromhttp://www.sapr.mil/index.php/annual-reports

70.Martin,D.S.(2012,April14).Rapevictimssaymilitarylabelsthem‘crazy.’CNNHealth.Retrievedfromhttp://www.cnn.com/2012/04/14/health/military-sexual-assaults-personality-disorder/index.html

71.Martin,D.S.(2012,April14).Rapevictimssaymilitarylabelsthem‘crazy.’CNNHealth.Retrievedfromhttp://www.cnn.com/2012/04/14/health/military-sexual-assaults-personality-disorder/index.html

72.Newbold,A.[AU:Correct?](2012,February12).Fox’sLizTrottaonsexualassaultinmilitary:“Whatdid they expect? These people are in close contact.” [Web log post]. Retrieved fromhttp://mediamatters.org/blog/2012/02/12/foxs-liz-trotta-on-sexual-assault-in-military-w/184046

73.Edwards,K.M.,Turchik, J.A.,&Dardis,C.M.,Reynolds,N.,Gidycz,C.A. (2011).Rapemyths:History, individual and institutional-level presence, and implications for change.SexRoles, 65, 761–773.doi:10.1007/s11199-011-9943-2

74.Katz,J.(2006).Themachoparadox:Whysomemenhurtwomenandhowallmencanhelp.Naperville,IL:Sourcebooks.

75.Forareview,see:Edwards,K.M.,Turchik,J.A.,&Dardis,C.M.,Reynolds,N.,Gidycz,C.A.(2011).Rapemyths:History,individualandinstitutional-levelpresence,andimplicationsforchange.SexRoles,65,761–773.doi:10.1007/s11199-011-9943-2

76.Forareview,see:Edwards,K.M.,Turchik,J.A.,&Dardis,C.M.,Reynolds,N.,Gidycz,C.A.(2011).Rapemyths:History,individualandinstitutional-levelpresence,andimplicationsforchange.SexRoles,65,761–773.doi:10.1007/s11199-011-9943-2

77.Grubb,A.,&Turner,E.(2012).Attributionofblameinrapecases:Areviewoftheimpactofrapemythacceptance, gender role conformity and substance use on victim blaming. Aggression and ViolentBehavior,17,443–452.doi:10.1016/j.avb.2012.06.002

78.Grubb,A.,&Turner,E.(2012).Attributionofblameinrapecases:Areviewoftheimpactofrapemythacceptance, gender role conformity and substance use on victim blaming. Aggression and ViolentBehavior,17,443–452.doi:10.1016/j.avb.2012.06.002

79.Esqueda,C.W.,&Harrison,L.A.(2005).Theinfluenceofgenderrolestereotypes,thewoman’srace,and level of provocation and resistance on domestic violence culpability attributions. SexRoles, 53,

821–834.doi:10.1007/11199s-005-8295-180.Davis, A. (2002, Spring). Joan Little: The dialectics of rape (1975).Ms.Magazine. Retrieved from

http://www.msmagazine.com/spring2002/davis.asp81. Harris-Perry, M. V. (2011). Sister citizen: Shame, stereotypes, and black women in America. New

Haven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.82.Duran,M.,Moya,M.,Megías,J.L.,&Viki,G.T.(2010).Socialperceptionofrapevictimsindating

andmarried relationships: The role of the perpetrator’s benevolent sexism. SexRoles,62, 505–519.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9676-7

83.Viki,G.T.,Abrams,D.,&Masser,B.(2004).Evaluatingstrangerandacquaintancerape:Theroleofbenevolentsexisminperpetratorblameandrecommendedsentencelength.LawandHumanBehavior,28,295–303.

84.Welsh,A.(2010).Ontheperilsoflivingdangerouslyintheslasherhorrorfilm:Genderdifferencesintheassociationbetweensexualactivityandsurvival.SexRoles,62,762–773.doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9762-x

85.Faludi,S.(1991).Backlash:TheundeclaredwaragainstAmericanwomen.NewYork,NY:Crown.86.Page587 in:Mohr,R.D. (2014/1988).Anti-gay stereotypes. InP. S.Rothenberg,&K.S.Mayhew

(Eds.)Race,class,andgenderintheUnitedStates(pp.585–591).NewYork,NY:WorthPublishers.87.Transgenderisabroadtermtoincludethosewhotransitionfromonegendertoanother(transsexuals),

and those who may not, including genderqueer people, cross-dressers, the androgynous, and thosewhosegendernonconformityisapartoftheiridentity.Thisdefinitioncomesfrom:Grant,J.M.,Mottet,L.A.,&Tanis, J. (2011, February 3). Injustice at every turn: A report of theNational TransgenderDiscriminationSurvey.Retrievedfromhttp://www.thetaskforce.org/reports_and_research/ntds

88.Bradford, J., Reisner, S. L.,Honnold, J.A.,&Zavier, J. (2013). Experiences of transgender-relateddiscrimination and implications for health: Results from the Virginia Transgender Health InitiativeStudy.AmericanJournalofPublicHealth,103,1820–1829.

89.Grant, J.M.,Mottet, L.A.,&Tanis, J. (2011, February 3). Injustice at every turn:A report of theNational Transgender Discrimination Survey. Retrieved fromhttp://www.thetaskforce.org/reports_and_research/ntds

90.Burk,M.,Feltz,R.,Maté,A.,Shaikh,N.,Guzder,D.,Alcoff,S.,...Littlefield,A. (Producers). (2014,February19). “Black transbodies areunder attack:”FreedactivistCeCeMcDonald, actressLaverneCox speak out. Retrieved fromhttp://www.democracynow.org/2014/2/19/black_trans_bodies_are_under_attack

91.Page5in:Serano,J.(2007).Whippinggirl:Atranssexualwomanonsexismandthescapegoatingoffemininity.Emeryville,CA:SealPress.

92.Page3in:Serano,J.(2007).Whippinggirl:Atranssexualwomanonsexismandthescapegoatingoffemininity.Emeryville,CA:SealPress.

93.Thegendergalaxyisathree-dimensionalnonlinearspaceinwhicheverygenderhasalocationthatmayormaynotbefixed.Vade,D.(2005).Expandinggenderandexpandingthelaw:Towardasocialandlegal conceptualization of gender that ismore inclusive of transgender people.Michigan Journal ofGenderandLaw,11,253.

94.Brambilla,M.,Carnaghi,A.,&Ravenna,M.(2011).Statusandcooperationshapelesbianstereotypes:Testing predictions from the stereotype content model. Social Psychology, 42, 101–110.doi:10.1027/1864-9335/a000054.

95.Guequierre,P.(2012,December10).FBI:Reportedhatecrimesbasedonsexualorientationontherise.Retrieved from https://www.hrc.org/blog/entry/fbi-reported-hate-crimes-based-on-sexual-orientation-on-the-rise

96.Corbett,K.M.(1997,November).Lesbian-baiting:Athreattoallmilitarywomen.LesbianNews,23,16–18.

97.Alexander, S., &Megan, R. (1997). Social constructs of feminism: A study of undergraduates at awomen’scollege.CollegeStudentJournal,31,555–567.

98.Pharr,S.(1988).Homophobia:Aweaponofsexism.Inverness,CA:ChardonPress.99.Eckes,T.(2002).Paternalisticandenviousgenderstereotypes:Testingpredictionsfromthestereotype

contentmodel.SexRoles,47,99–114.100.Pharr,S.(1988).Homophobia:aweaponofsexism.Inverness,CA:ChardonPress.101.Fora review,see:Eckes,T. (2002).Paternalisticandenviousgender stereotypes:Testingpredictions

fromthestereotypecontentmodel.SexRoles,47,99–114.102.Eckes,T.(2002).Paternalisticandenviousgenderstereotypes:Testingpredictionsfromthestereotype

contentmodel.SexRoles,47,99–114.103. Rudman, L. A., & Glick, P. (2001). Prescriptive gender stereotypes and backlash toward agentic

women.JournalofSocialIssues,57,732–762.104.Fowers,A.F.,&Fowers,B.J.(2010).Socialdominanceandsexualself-schemaasmoderatorsofsexist

reactionstofemalesubtypes.SexRoles,62,468–480.doi:10.1007/s11199-009-9607-7

6 ISFEMINISMGOODFORWOMEN?

Feminismhasfoughtnowars.Ithaskillednoopponents.Ithassetupnoconcentrationcamps,starvednoenemies,practicednocruelties.Itsbattleshavebeenforeducation,forthevote,forbetterworkingconditionsforwomenandchildren;forpropertyrightsforwomen,fordivorce,forcustodyrights,fortherighttosafetyonthestreets.Feministshavefoughtforchildcare,forsocialwelfare,forgreatervisibilityforpeoplewithdisabilities.

—DALESPENDER1

AlthoughmuchoftheU.S.mainstreamhasembracedfeministinitiativessuchasadvancesinwomen’spaidemployment,therecognitionofsexualharassmentinthe workplace, and Title IX for girls’ education, feminists find themselvesportrayed as objects of scorn and pity. In a variety of mass media contextsfeminists havebeendescribedvariously as “angrywomen”2with “persecutionfantasies,”3 who “shame themales”4 and are “chronically dissatisfied.”5Withdescriptionslikethese,onemightreasonablyassumethatfeministssufferfrommentaldisorders,psychologicaladjustmentproblems,andrelationshipmaladies.However, feminists themselves view feminism as a “life raft” protecting themagainst discrimination.6 Contrary to popular representations, feministpsychologistshavelongdemonstratedthatafeministidentityispsychologicallygoodforwomen.It is unlikely that women consciously and deliberately adopt a feminist

identityinordertoachievepsychologicalbenefit.Instead,researchsuggeststhatwomen adopt a feminist identity to help them understand,manage, and resistmale dominance and to achieve some solidaritywith otherwomen.While thecentralfocusoffeminismissocialchange,psychologicalhealthturnsouttobeaside benefit of feminist identification. There exists a body of literature thatexamines the role of feminism in general, and feminist identification inparticular,withvariousaspectsofpsychologicalhealth.Thischapterreviewstheempiricalresearchthatexaminesfeminismasaprotectiveidentity—asahealthyandempoweringidentity—forAmericanwomen.Afewstudieslookattheroleoffeminisminmen’slives,andthosearediscussedhereaswell.Doesfeminismprotect against ordinary psychological distress that befalls traditional women?First,weexaminepsychological theoryandresearchon the role that feminismplaysinwomen’spsychologicalwell-being.Issuessuchasself-efficacy,mental

health, body image, eating disorders, and heterosexual relationships are ofparticularinteresthere.Dowomendifferintermsofpsychologicalwell-beinginthese areas depending on whether or not they hold traditional gender roleattitudes?Dowomendifferintheseareasdependingonwhetherornottheylabelthemselvesasfeminists?Inadditiontothesequestions,weaddresstheempiricalresearch on the impact of women’s and gender studies courses onwomen. Agrowingbodyofresearchonthebenefitsofthesecoursesfindspositivechangesincriticalthinkingskills,openmindedness,participatorylearning,andincreasedself-efficacy.

FeministIdentity:TwoConstructsBeforewebegin,somedefinitionsareinorder.Thereareavarietyofdefinitionsof a feminist, but common to most definitions is the idea that a feministrecognizes that discrimination against women exists, experiences a sense ofsharedfatewithwomenasagroup,andwants toworkwithothers to improvewomen’sstatus.7Inthepsychologicalliteratureonfeminism,therearegenerallytwowaysofcategorizingfeministstatusinindividuals—first,determiningpro-feministattitudesviasurveyquestionsand,second,determiningfeministidentitybysimplyaskingtheindividualifsheisafeminist.Indeterminingpro-feministattitudes, researchers use surveys such as Betsy Morgan’s8 Liberal FeministAttitude and Ideology Scale, or Nancy Henley and her colleagues’9 FeministPerspectives Scale. These scales ask respondents about their degree ofagreement with statements such as, “A woman should have the same jobopportunitiesasaman,”“Womenhavebeentreatedunfairlyonthebasisoftheirgender throughoutmost of human history,” and “Pornography exploits femalesexualityanddegradesallwomen.”Themostcommonmethodofassessingpro-feministattitudesisbymeasuring

feministidentitydevelopmentwithNancyDowningandKristinRoush’s10stagemodel. Downing and Roush propose that feminist identity developmentprogresses through a series of five stages: passive acceptance, revelation,embeddedness-emanation, synthesis, and active commitment. Passiveacceptance describes women who are unaware of or deny the existence ofsexism.Movement into the second stage, revelation, is precipitatedby a crisisthat forces thewoman to recognize inequality.This crisismight be a personalexperience of discrimination. The embeddedness-emanation stage represents atime for discovery of sisterhood.Women in this stage look for support fromotherwomenandbegintoappreciatecreativeworkbywomen(e.g.,art,music,

drama). Stage four, synthesis, is achieved when women value the positiveaspects of beingwomen and integrate these qualities with their own personalattributes for a positive and realistic self-concept. Finally, active commitmentinvolves translating the newly consolidated feminist identity with action forsocial change. Various paper-and-pencil measures have been used to measureindividuals’stagesoffeministidentitydevelopment.Interestingly,thescalesthatassess pro-feminist attitudes and feminist identity development do not assessexplicitfeministself-identification(e.g.,“Iamafeminist”)andrarelyevenusethewordfeminist.The second way of measuring feminist status is by assessing feminist

identification. This typically involves simply asking the respondent, “Do youconsider yourself a feminist?” One limitation of this approach is that somecontemporaryyoungpeopledonotnecessarilyknowwhata feminist is (likelydue to misrepresentation or marginalization by the media). For instance, onestudy11foundthatwhenaskedtodefinefeminism,somerespondentsconfuseditwith“feminine”ordescribedfeminismas“Whenwomenthinktheyaresuperiortomen.” Thus, when assessing feminist identification it is important tomakesurerespondentshaveabasicdefinitionoffeminism.Pro-feminist attitudes, which assess one’s support of feminism’s goals, and

feministidentity,whichmeasuresone’sself-labelingasafeminist,arecorrelated,but they remain distinct constructs.12 Alyssa Zucker and Laina Bay-Cheng13distinguishself-identified feminists, nonlabelers, andnonfeminists. Nonlabelersare thosewhoholdpro-feminist attitudesbut reject the feminist label. In theirwork,manymorewomen identify as nonlabelers than as feminists. They findimportant similarities and differences among the three groups of women. Forinstance,theyhavefoundnodifferencesintheprioritizationofachievementandpower between the three groups ofwomen. Importantly, however, nonlabelerstend to have more in common with nonfeminists than with feminists. Forexample,nonlabelersareindistinguishablefromnonfeministsintermsofvaluingadherencetosocialconventionsandnorms,theirlowerconcernforsocialjusticeand equality, and their support for hierarchy and the myth of meritocracycompared to feminists. Nonlabelers are more aligned with the neoliberalprinciplesofindividualismdescribedinChapter1.Whereas most women do endorse feminist attitudes, relatively fewwomen

callthemselvesfeminists.Asweconsidertherelationshipbetweenfeminismandmentalhealth,thesetwomeasuresoffeminismshouldbekeptinmind,becauseoutcomes differ depending on whether a woman identifies as a feminist ormerelyholdspro-feministattitudes.

MentalHealthandWell-BeingPsychologicalWell-BeingandFeminismPsychologicalwell-being refers to people’s cognitive and affective evaluationsof their lives. Well-being is indicated by a wide variety of psychologicalconstructs, such as “happiness” and “life satisfaction,” and it is examined bymeasures of self-esteem, purpose in life, autonomy, and mastery of one’senvironment. Oksana Yakushko14 classified a sample of mostly white U.S.women as those with traditional values (nonfeminists), those with moderatevalues,andthosewithfeministvalues,basedontheirresponsesonameasureoffeminist identity development. She examined several aspects of psychologicalwell-being such as autonomy in life (the degree to which someone is self-determining, independent, able to resist social pressure); personal growth (thefeelingofcontinueddevelopment,opennesstonewexperiences);environmentalmastery (a sense of competence in managing one’s environment); self-acceptance(possessingapositiveattitudeabouttheself,acceptinggoodandbadqualities);purposeinlife(havinggoalsandasenseofdirectedness);andpositiverelationswithothers (havingwarm, trusting relationshipswithothers, concernabout the welfare of others). In general, scores on these measures ofpsychologicalwell-beingwerehigheramongwomenwithfeministvalues thanfor women with traditional values. Specifically, traditional women had lowerscoresonautonomyin lifeandpersonalgrowththandidmoderatewomenandwomen with feminist values. Women with traditional values also had lowerscoresonsenseofpurposeinlifethanfeminists.Thethreegroupsofwomendidnot differ on measures of environmental mastery, positive relationships withothers,self-acceptance,andgeneralsatisfactionwithlife.Thedifferencesbetweenthosewithtraditional,moderate,andfeministvalues

suggestthatwomenwhoholdtraditionalvaluesmayexperiencelowerlevelsofwell-being in life than women who ascribe partially or fully to the tenets offeminism. Specific aspects of these women’s identities that may especiallycontributetotheirlowersenseofwell-beingaretheirlowerscoresintheareasofautonomy,personalgrowth, andpurpose in life.Perhaps traditionalwomendonot view these aspects ofwell-being as significant to their lives. Instead, theymayseetheirroleinlifeasbeingsupportiveofothers,promotingthegrowthandwell-beingofothersaroundthem,ratherthanseeingthemselvesasautonomousindividuals.15 At the same time, other research finds a link between feministattitudes and a generativity identity—having a conscious concern for the nextgeneration and concern for the welfare of others—and higher self- and life

satisfaction.16Womenwithtraditionalgenderroleattitudesmightbemorelikelytofocusonthelivesoftheirimmediatefamily,whichcouldbeassociatedwithlower levels of some aspects of well-being. In contrast, women who areconcerned with others at the generational level, and have a feministconsciousness,reporthigherlevelsofsatisfaction.Another study17 explored the relationship between feminist identity

development, andpsychologicalwell-beingandgender-role self-concept, inanethnically and socioeconomically diverse sample of women.Gender-role self-conceptreferstopeople’sratingsofthemselvesintermsofagentic/instrumentalcharacteristics (stereotypically associatedwithmen) and communal/expressivecharacteristics (stereotypically associated with women). Higher levels offeministidentitydevelopmentwereassociatedwithpsychologicalwell-being.Inaddition, agentic/instrumental and androgynous (i.e., both female- and male-stereotyped)genderroleself-conceptswereassociatedwithpsychologicalwell-being.Thetwostudiesdescribedabovemeasuredpro-feministattitudesviameasures

of feminist identity development.Other studies also have found that having afeministorientationorbeingamemberofa feministorganization ispositivelyrelated to a more androgynous or stereotypically masculine gender role self-concept,thoughwell-beingisnotspecificallyexamined.18Furtherstudies19findthat feminist attitudes tend to be indirectly related to self-efficacy—theexpectationthatonehastheabilitytocarryoutchosenactions—whereasthelinkbetween feminist identity and self-efficacy is direct. That is, feminist attitudesalone,without explicit feminist identification, are onlyweakly related to self-efficacy.18

TheAngryFeminist?In addition to the feminist-as-manhater stereotype we address in Chapter 3,another pervasive stereotype about feminists is that they are bitter, angry, andhostile. Feminist consciousness provides a cognitive framework forwomen tounderstand the world, especially their experiences of prejudice anddiscrimination.Feministshavethetoolstoframesexistdiscriminationtheymayexperienceasunjustandasaresultoftheirstatusaswomen.Feministsaremorelikelytoattributesexismtosocietyandgenderoppressionandarelesslikelytoblame themselves for the sexist treatment theyexperience.Butdo theseviewspredict anger?Ann Fischer andGlennGood19 assessed United States, mostlywhite women’s feminist identity development and compared the stages ofdevelopment to anger measures. The respondents completed the State-Trait

Anger Expression Inventory, and the Symptoms Checklist, which measures arangeofproblemssuchasanxiety,phobias,andparanoia.Areanyofthestagesof feminist identity development linked to psychological distress and anger?Onlytherevelationstageshowedasubstantiallinktopsychologicaldistressandanger.Revelationisthesecondstageoffeministidentitydevelopmentanddoesnotrepresentafeministidentityorconsciousness;itisthestageatwhichwomenfirst begin to recognize gender inequality (perhaps because they haveexperienceddiscrimination).Revelation-likeexperiencesmaybeoverwhelmingandcouldcontribute toageneralizedstateofanger,particularlygiven that theawarenessofgenderinequalityisanewrecognitionforwomenatthisstage.Socontrary to theangry feminist stereotype, it isonlyearlyawarenessofsexism,not identifying as a feminist, that is associated with anger. The moresophisticatedstagesoffeministidentity—thosestagesthatarecompatiblewithafeministidentity—arenotassociatedwithanger.Itissurprisingthattherearenotmorestudiesontherelationship(orlackof)betweenfeministidentityandangergiventheprevalenceofthestereotypeoftheangryfeministinWesternculture.Likethefeminist-manhatermythdebunkedinChapter3, thosewhoperpetuatetheangry-feministstereotypehavelittleneedtoverifytheirbeliefwithempiricalsupport because the belief is consistent with their worldview. Also, like thefeminist-manhater myth—perpetuated in part because people confuse hatingmale dominance and patriarchal hegemony with actually hating men—peopletend tomistake the righteous anger directed toward injustice with individual-levelpersonalangerandresentment.

BodyImageThedamagingeffectsof impossiblebeautystandardsandthe internalizationofobjectifiedrepresentationsofwomeninculturehavebeenconcernsoffeministsfordecades.FeministpsychologistshavearguedthatafeministidentityprotectswomenfrominternalizingthedamagingeffectsoffemalebodyobjectificationsocommoninWesterncultures.Womentendtohavemorenegativeviewsoftheirbodies than do men; individuals (both women and men) with fewerinstrumental/agentictraits(thosestereotypicallyassociatedwithmen)havemorenegative evaluations of their appearance than those with manyinstrumental/agentic traits.20At thebeginningof this chapterwediscussed thedifference between feministattitudes,measured by surveys, and feminist self-identity.Self-identified feministsmaybemore likely thanwomenwho simplyhold feminist beliefs (nonlabelers—those who do not embrace the sociallystigmatizedlabel)toreapbenefitsassociatedwithrejectingtherestrictivenorms

of beauty and thinness.SarahMurnen andLindaSmolak21 conducted ameta-analysis compiling the results from 26 studies (most from North America)examining whether a feminist identity protects women from body imageproblems. They predicted that women who identify as feminists would havemorepositivebodyattitudesand lessdisorderedeating than thosewhosimplyagreed with feminist principles. Consistent with much of the work we havereviewed thus far, this association was strongest when feminist identity, asopposedtofeministattitudes,wasthemeasureoffeminism.Thosewomenwhocall themselves feminists aremore likely to havepositive attitudes about theirbodies compared to women who simply hold feminist attitudes andnonfeminists. Specifically, feminist identity was associated with a lowerpreoccupation with thinness and with lower scores on eating disorderinventories.Also,feministswerelesslikelytointernalizemediamessagesaboutthinnessthanwerenonfeminists.That is, feministwomenaremoreresistant tomediaimagesthatglorifythinness.Womenwhoreportbodyshamearebelievedto have internalized the cultural messages that they should be thin, that theyshouldbe able to control theirweight, and that they arenot valued aswomenotherwise. A feminist identity seems to provide some protection against thisinternalization.Itislikelythatfeminismhelpswomencriticallyevaluate,andperhapsavoid,

harmfulculturalmessages.Overall,MurnenandSmolak report that, comparedto other meta-analytic findings, the association between feminist identity and(lackof)bodyshameisoneofthestrongest“protective”effectstheyhavefound.ItshouldbenotedthatnoneofthestudiesMurnenandSmolakanalyzedlookedat adolescents or younger girls—and these younger years are often whenproblematiceatinghabitsbegin.Also,therewerenoidentifieddifferencesintherelationshipbetweenfeministidentityandbodyimagebyethnicity,althoughfewstudies actually included diverse samples of women. Research on bodydissatisfaction that has compared women by race has found that AfricanAmerican women have more satisfaction than do white women, and AsianAmericanwomen tend to have body dissatisfaction similar towhitewomen22althoughthisresearchdidnotexaminetheroleoffeminist identity.AdifferentstudyfoundthatracialcentralitymaybeabufferagainstbodydissatisfactionforAfricanAmericanwomen.ThismeansthatAfricanAmericanwomen,forwhomtheirraceisacentralaspectoftheiridentity,maybeprotectedagainstthebodydissatisfactionissuesmoretypicalofwhitewomen.23MurnenandSmolak’smeta-analysisdoesnotanalyzeresearchonlesbiansor

bisexual women, but a different study finds that women who are in the

commitmentstageoffeministidentitydevelopmentarelesslikelytoengageindisordered eating related to anorexia and bulimia than are women withtraditional gender roles. This pattern held for both lesbian and heterosexualwomen(bisexualwomenwerenotincludedinthestudy)andboth“older”(about38yearsold)andyounger(about20yearsold)women.24Overall, Murnen and Smolak’s meta-analysis indicates that feminism is a

protectivefactoragainstbodyimageissuesinthreeways:(1)Afeministidentityshould lead toanelevationofcritical thought, (2) encouragecollectiveaction,and(3)suchthoughtandactionmayempowerwomentoactmoreintheirownself-interest than to blindly follow the dictates of society that women shouldobsessovertheirbodies.25

RelationshipsIn addition to the angry-feminist stereotype, another set of stereotypes aboutfeministsisthattheydonothavesuccessfulrelationshipswithmen,mayevenbescornedwomen, and are lesbians.26 In his bookManliness, HarveyMansfielddescribes feminists as “none too pleased with men and not shy about lettingthemknowit.”27Anti-feministauthorKateO’Beirnesaid,“Ihavelongthoughtthat if high-school boys had invited homely girls to the promwemight havebeensparedthefeministmovement.”28Thesestereotypescanserveasabarriertofeministidentification,preventingyoungwomen(andmen)fromidentifyingasfeministsandworkingonbehalfofwomen’srights.

IsFeminismBadforRelationships?Women and men alike tend to think that feminism is incompatible withheterosexual romance. For instance, people tend to believe that unattractivewomenarelikelytobefeminists,justaspeopleassumelesbianstobefeminists(and vice versa). And women who rate themselves as attractive tend to havemore anti-feminist attitudes than women who do not rate themselves asattractive.29 Of course these findingsmay speakmore to the perceptions thatfeminists are unattractive than the reality that feminists are unattractive.Morelikely, feminists resist traditionalheterosexualbeautynormsandare less likelytodefine themselves in termsofphysicalattractiveness.Also,womenwhoarenot feminists may be more committed to romantic ideals and may reportthemselvestobemoreattractivetobeconsistentwiththeseideals.In terms of heterosexual relationships, those who believe that feminism is

threateningtoromancealsoshowlessenthusiasmforfeminismandforpoliciesthat support women.30 Indeed the belief that feminism is problematic forheterosexual relationships negatively predicts feminist identity, feministattitudes,andsupportforwomen’srights.31Inotherwords,thosewhothinkthatbeing a feminist will bring problems to heterosexual relationships will avoidfeminism.Ifintimaterelationshipconcernsunderminefeminism’sappeal,theseconcernswillalsounderminecollectiveactiononwomen’sbehalf.Isfeminismactuallyincompatiblewithheterosexualrelationships?Astudyonfeminists’andnonfeminists’ romantic relationships does not find support for such a belief.Laurie Rudman and Julie Phelan32 examined whether (mostly white)heterosexual feminists (or men paired with feminists) have troubled romanticrelationships,asispopularlyperceived.Contrarytostereotypes,feministsweremore likely to be in romantic relationships than nonfeministwomen. Feministwomendidnotreportdecreasedrelationshipqualityandstability,althoughtheytended to reportmore conflict regarding equality in the relationship comparedwithnonfeministwomen.Feminist men are important for heterosexual women’s relationship health.

Heterosexualwomen report greater relationship quality, equality, stability, andsexual satisfaction if their partner is a feminist.33 To the extent that feministwomen select feminist men as partners, feminism for women may have anindirectlypositiveinfluenceontheirrelationships.Whataboutmenwhoareinrelationships with women? Feminist men report greater agreement about theimportanceofequalityintheirrelationshipsthandononfeministmen.Menalsoreport greater relationship stability and sexual satisfaction if their partner is afeminist.Therefore,feminismmayalsobehealthyformen’srelationships.Thus,theoverallpatternsuggeststhatformen,feminism(forselfandpartners)maybebeneficialfortheirrelationships,ratherthanproblematic.

ExpectationsandInequalityFeminist attitudes and gender-role attitudes predict women’s (and men’s)expectationsaboutequalityinintimateheterosexualrelationships.Forinstance,womenwithtraditionalgender-roleattitudestendtohavelowerexpectationsforegalitarian romantic relationships than thosewith nontraditional attitudes.34 Infact,comparedtowomenwhoendorsefeministattitudes,womenwithtraditionalgender-role attitudes have lowered expectations for egalitarian long-termrelationships. This holds in general and across specific aspects of long-termrelationships,includingthebalanceofpowerintherelationship,thedivisionofhousehold labor, sharing of child care, participation in social and community

activitiesoutsidethehome,theimportanceplacedoneducationforeachspouse,employmentoptionsandresponsibilities,andhavinggoodqualitiesinaspouse.Notendorsingfeministattitudesisalsoassociatedwithlesssexualassertivenessoverall,andintheareasofinitiationandsafesexualpracticesinparticular.35Arelated study found that women and men with nontraditional gender roleattitudes expect to share in child care (although, curiously, not in householdchores)with their partners,whereaswomen andmenwith traditional attitudesexpect the traditional unequal division of labor.36 Alarmingly, nonfeministwomenaremorelikelythanfeministwomentoendorseproblematicaspectsofmasculinity in potential partners. Specifically, nonfeminist women consideremotional control, exerting power over women, and dominance as desirablecharacteristicsinapotentialmate,comparedtofeministwomen.37Feminists,andthosewithnontraditionalgenderattitudes,putahighpremium

onequity in relationships compared to nonfeminists and thosewith traditionalgenderattitudes.Womenandmenwithtraditionalgenderroleself-concepts(i.e.,men as agentic, women as expressive) accept greater inequality in theirrelationshipscomparedtowomenandmenwithnontraditionalgenderroleself-concepts.38Womenandmenwithnontraditionalgenderroleself-conceptsreportthat a change in the equity of their relationship would be disturbing. That is,nontraditional women are sensitive to being put in the traditional position ofunderbenefiting in the relationship in terms of domestic duties; andnontraditional men are sensitive to being in a privileged, overbenefiting,position. However, this is not the case for traditional women and men.Traditionalmen report being concerned about losing their privileged position.Traditionalwomendonotexpectthattheywouldbehighlyaffectedbyalackofequity in their relationships;perhaps reflecting thebelief thatwomenandmencontribute different things to their relationships and that a comparison of therelative value of these contributions is unhelpful or irrelevant.39 In summary,womenandmenwithnontraditionalattitudesputapremiumonequity,whereastraditionalwomenandmenaremoreacceptingofinequityandarelessdisturbedby it,with the exception ofmen losing their privileged status in a household.Traditionalwomenandmenaremoreexpectingandacceptingofthestatusquothatkeepmenprivilegedrelativetowomen.

SexualRelationsandSexualHealthGender-related attitudes particularly affect one specific aspect of heterosexualrelationships, namely sexual behavior.Women who endorse feminist attitudesfeel a greater sense of sexual subjectivity—awareness of sexual desires and

agencynecessarytoadvocateforone’ssexualsafetyandpleasure.Womenwhoendorsefeministattitudesaremoreinclinedtohavesexasaresultoftheirownsexual interests and wishes rather than in response to extrinsic forces (e.g.,pressurefromtheirmalepartners).40Feministattitudesarelinkedtobothsexualsubjectivityandsexualmotivation.Giventherelationsofsexualsubjectivityandsexual motivation to condom-use, self-efficacy, and sexual satisfaction, thesefindings suggest that young women who endorse feminist beliefs may besexually safer, aswell asmore satisfiedwith their sexualexperiences.41Thesefindingscomplementotherresearchfindingthatwomenwithtraditionalgender-roleattitudestendtodemonstratelesssexualassertivenessandarelesslikelytopracticesafesex.42Womenwho endorse traditional gender roles are even lessknowledgeable about sexual health, reproductive health, and pregnancyprevention thanwomenwithnontraditionalattitudes.43Womenwith traditionalgender roles are more self-conscious and less comfortable with their bodiesduringsexthanwomenwithnontraditionalgenderroleattitudes.44

LainaBay-ChengandAlyssaZucker45comparedself-identifiedfeministswithnonfeministsandnonlabelers(womenwhoendorsefeministideologybutdonotidentify as feminist) on a variety of measures related to sexual beliefs andbehavior. Feminists expressed greater erotophilia (one’s positive affective andevaluativeresponsestosexualcues)thannonfeminists,andnonlabelersdidnotdiffer fromeither group.Feminists expressed significantly less support for thesexualdoublestandard(e.g.,believingthatpromiscuityisOKformen,butnotfor women) than nonfeminists and nonlabelers. There were no significantdifferences among feminists, nonlabelers, and nonfeminists on measures ofsexual assertiveness or sexual satisfaction. One curious difference betweennonlabelersand theother twogroups is thatnonlabelers feltmoreconfident intheirabilitiestoasserttheirwishesregardingcondomusethandidnonfeministsand feminists. Why do feminists feel less confident than nonlabelers in theirability to assert the need for condom use? One possibility, according to thestudy’sauthors,isthatfeministsmaybemoreawareofandthereforefeelmoresusceptible to gendered power differences between women and their malepartners.Thisreasoningsuggeststhatfeministsbelievelargersocialconditions,such as sexism and inequality, impinge on individual women’s ability toadvocateforthemselvesinthesexualarenaregardlessoftheirinterestindoingso. Nonlabelers, on the other hand, empowered by the discourse of self-determinationand individualentitlement,maynotperceivegenderedscriptsorsexismasthreatstotheirownsexualagency.Asaresult,nonlabelersmayhavethe subjective perception of greater self-efficacy with regard to condom use

assertiveness. It’s important to note that this difference between feminists andnonlabelersislimitedtosubjectiveperception;nonlabelersdidnotreporthigherratesofactualcondomusethantheirfeministornonfeministcounterparts.Theinternalizationoftraditionalfemininegendersocializationplaysarolein

women’ssexualbehavior.Sexualcompliance ishavingsexwhenonedoesnotwant to. Sexually compliant women report a greater investment in idealwomanhood compared to other women.46 The investment in feminine gendernorms may lead women to submit to unwanted sex, avoiding deviation fromtheirprescribedgenderroleaspassivekeepersofpeaceandrelationalharmony.Because sexually compliant women report less relationship satisfaction thanother women, it appears that women who adhere to gender socializationmessages fosteringsexualcomplianceareat risk for feeling resentful,used,orhavingnegativeemotionsabouttherelationship.Onemightanticipate—atleastin the context of traditional heterosexual relationships—that women’s sexualcompliancemightenhanceromanticwell-being.However,thedatafailtoshowaconnection between women’s sexual compliance and romantic well-being.Sexuallycompliantwomenreportlessrelationshipsatisfaction,althoughtheydonotdifferintheircommitmenttotheirrelationshipfromnoncompliantwomen.47Womenwhoengageincompliantsexdoitbecausetheythinkitwillmaketheirpartners happy. However, the evidence failed to show that compliance helpswomenfeelmoreromanticallyhappythemselves.Internalizing the norms of traditional femininitymight conform to society’s

expectationsabouthowtobeagoodgirlorwomanbut itcanhaveanegativeeffectonnegotiatingsexualityissues.Forinstance,onestudyfoundthatamong12thgradeLatinaandAnglogirlsfromtheUnitedStates,thosewhointernalizenormsoftraditionalfemininitytendtobeunabletoactontheirowndesiresinsexualrelationships.Specifically,girlswhohaveanobjectifiedrelationshipwiththeir body (e.g., the view that a girl has to be thin to be beautiful; beingconcernedwithhowone’sbodylooksratherthanfeels)andaninauthenticselfinrelationships(e.g.,tellingpeoplewhattheywanttohear;holdingbackopinions)arelesslikelytorefuseunwantedsex,lesslikelytoinsistonusingcondoms,andlesslikelytoenjoysex.48

Looking at friendships among women, Suzanna Rose and Laurie Roades49compared the types of friendships between women who identified asheterosexual feminists, heterosexual nonfeminists, and lesbian feminists (noinformationonethnicity,andbisexualwomenwerenotpartofthesample).First,there were no differences between feminists (lesbian or heterosexual) andnonfeministsinnumberofclosewomenormenfriends—anotherdebunkingof

the myth that feminists (and lesbians) dislike men. Second, no differencesemerged between the three groups in satisfaction with the friendships, orimportance of the relationships to the individual. The most significantdifferenceswerebetweenheterosexualfeministsandheterosexualnonfeminists.First,feministsavoidedfriendshipswithnonfeministwomen.Second,comparedto nonfeminists, feminists hadmorewomen friends at least ten years older oryoungerthanthemselves.Thisfindingaboutintergenerationalfriendshipsamongfeministwomenissignificantbecauseonedisappointmentregardingthelackofa coherent feminist movement in the early 21st century, is the absence of anintergenerational transfer of feminist consciousness from older to youngeremerging feminists.50 And finally, feminists’ friendships were reported to bemoreequalanddemocraticthannonfeminists’friendships.51The literature on the connection between feminism and relationships

demonstrates that being a feminist or holding feminist attitudes does notnegatively influence women in heterosexual relationships. In fact, thepreponderanceoftheresearchsuggeststhatfeminismisgoodforrelationships,especiallyforwomenandperhapsevenformen.

TheImpactofWomen’sandGenderStudiesThe1970susheredinahighpointoffeminismintheU.S.asfeministscholarslaunchedwomen’sstudiesprogramsandcoursesincollegecurricula.Women’sstudiescourseworkofferedentirelynewsubjectmatter,aswellasarereadingofconventionalcurricula.Themaincontributionofwomen’sstudiescurriculawas(1) the shift in scholarly attention fromwomenasmarginal subjects to centralsubjectsand(2)theshiftfromafocusonwhiteheterosexualmaleauthorsasthedominantsourceofknowledgetowomen,peopleofcolor,andLGBTpeopleascentralinintellectualwork.Thisfinalsectionlooksattheimpactthatwomen’sandgenderstudiescourseshaveonwomenstudents.Iffeministattitudesandfeministidentityhaveagenerallypositiveimpacton

women,isfeministcourseworklikelytoinfluencewomeninpositiveways?Dothese courses influence women to become feminists? And do women’s andgenderstudiescourses influencewomeninotherwaysthatwehaveexamined,such as self-esteem/self-efficacy, empowerment, and likelihood of engaging inactivism?Much of the empirical research on the experience of women’s andgender studies (WGS) courses entails pre-/posttest research designs in whichstudentsareassessedonvariousdimensionsatthebeginningandthentheendofacourse.Pre- andposttest scoresarecomparedbetween students takingWGS

coursesand“control”studentstakingnon-WGScourses.Unfortunately,likethework we have reviewed thus far, much of this work includes mostly whitesamplesandthusfewethniccomparisonsaremade.WGSstudentstendtobecomemorepoliticallyliberalintheirgender-related

attitudesthanthosestudentswhotakenon-WGScoursework.52Also,womeninWGScoursesaremore likely to identifyas feministsby theendof thecoursethanthoseinnon-WGScourses.53Studentswhohavetakenawomen’sstudiescourse are more likely to view gender differences as a result of socializationratherthanbiology.54WhenWGS courses were first developed, one of the hopes was that these

courses would empower women students. Some studies have examinedempowermentdirectlyorindirectly.KarenHarris55andhercolleaguesexaminedlocus of control before and after a women’s studies course. Locus of controlrefers to an individual’s sense of personal control over the events in her life.Individualswithaninternallocusofcontrolbelievetheyhaveagencyandtheyhave an impact on determining their own fate. In their study ofmostlywhiteU.S.college students,Harrisandhercolleagues found thatby theendof theircourseWGSstudentsdisplayedamore internal locusof control thandidnon-WGSstudents.Thechangeinlocusofcontroloccurredinbothwomenandmen.Anotherstudy56examinedwhetherornotstudents’generalpersonalself-efficacyscores change over the course of a semester. Personal self-efficacy scores ofAfricanAmericanandwhitewomenincreasedover thecourseof thesemester,butmen’spersonalself-efficacydeclinedsomewhatover thesemester.Perhapssome of the men in the sample had not been exposed to awareness of maleprivilege.Maybe thisnewinformationdampened their feelingsofself-efficacywiththerealizationthat theirsuccessesmaynotbebasedsolelyontheireffortandtalentsbutalsoonunearnedprivilege.The influenceofWGScourseworkon self-esteem is somewhatunclear.For

example, one study57 found thatWGS students had higher posttest scores onperformance self-esteem than did students taking other courses. This was thecase for both women and men WGS students. Other work58 has found nochanges in self-esteem after taking WGS. Finally, an early study59 found apatternassociatedwithself-esteemandundergraduategrade/classlevel.Lower-levelWGS students experienced a decline in self-esteem,whereas upper-levelstudents experienced an increase in self-esteem after having taken awomen’sstudies course. These data suggest that WGS classes might serve differentpurposes for younger and older students: younger students may be gainingawarenessaboutsexismandinequalityratherthanbuildingself-esteem,whereas

olderstudentsmightbegainingempowerment.

Women’sStudies:ATrainingGroundforMan-Hating?A common caricature coming from the political right is that women’s studiesprogramsareantimale traininggrounds.Recall fromChapter3whenPresidentof the Center for Military Readiness Elaine Donnelly reacted to the U.S.Pentagon’s attempt to establish the Office of the Victim Advocate to handlehundredsofsexualassaultclaimsmadebywomensoldiersagainstmensoldiers.Elaine Donnelly described the effort as establishing an “Office of Male-Bashing.”60 She predicted the office would “create a new job market for‘women’s studies’ graduates schooled inman-hating ideology.”The impact ongender-related attitudes after exposure to WGS courses has been a centralquestionforfeministsaswell.Dan Pence61 addressed this alleged relationship between man-hating and

women’s studies when he compared attitudes toward men among women(mostly white) taking a women’s studies course with those taking an AfricanAmerican studies or general sociology course. Using the typical pre-/posttestprocedure,Pencefoundthatoverthecourseofthesemesterthewomen’sstudiesstudents’ attitudes toward both nontraditional masculine behaviors (e.g., mentaking care of children) and attitudes towardmen in general actually becamemore positive. This attitude change occurred in women taking the women’sstudiescoursebutnotwomentakingtheAfricanAmericanstudiesorsociologycourse.Furthermore,thosewomenwhoenrolledinwomen’sstudiesforpersonalinteresthadmorepositiveattitudestowardmenduringthepre-andposttestthanthosewhotookthecoursebecauseofarequirement.Inotherwords,thewomenwho were attracted to the women’s studies course came into the course withmorepositiveattitudestowardmeninthefirstplaceandfinishedthecoursewitheven higher levels of positive attitudes than did the women taking the non–women’s studies courses. Pence explains that even thoughmenwere, atmost,peripheral to the course content, by semester’s end these students sawmen asgenderedbeingswhoserolesandbehaviorswerealsosociallyconstructed,thusprovidingacontextforwhymenactthewaytheydo.Bytheendofthecourse,studentsestablishagenderedframeworkforunderstandingwomen’sandmen’sattitudesandbehaviors.FindingsfromPence’sstudyisconsistentwithanotherstudy finding that feminists actually havemore positive attitudes towardmenthandononfeminists62—a topicweexamined inChapter3.Unfortunately, theassumptionthatWGSishostiletowardmentrivializeswhatisactuallyoccurringinthesecourses,andmarginalizes thefacultywhoteachthemandthestudents

whotakethem.Withpoliticalactivismbeingsupplantedby individualismandconsumerism,

as we discussed in Chapter 1, an important antidote to the self-centeredindividual empowerment of post-feminism is the creation of new activistsspawnedbyWGScourses. JayneStake63 found that amongAfricanAmericanandwhite(butnotAsianAmerican)womenandmenstudents, thosewhotookWGScoursesweremorelikelytoengageinactivismthanstudentswhodidnottakeWGS courses. Activism is important for meaningful social and politicalchange because it involves personal, direct, grassroots efforts on the part ofstudents.WGS students have increased feelings of empowerment and believethey can have an impact on the world. Women’s commitment to meaningfulactivismislinkedtoexpectationsforegalitarianpartnershipsingeneral,aswellasforauthority,homemaking,childcare,education,andemploymentsupport.64

In the same study, Stake65 found that the emotional responses of the WGSstudentsincludedlittleincreaseindistressorangerbutasubstantialincreaseinfeelings of empowerment. Interestingly, although activist intentions werepredicted by both awareness of sexism and pro-feminist attitudes, onlyawareness of sexism predicted activist behaviors. Stake notes that flexible,egalitarian attitudes may be useful in getting individuals to consider thepossibilityandviabilityofparticipatinginawomen’smovement,yetegalitarianattitudesbythemselvesmaynotbeenoughtopropelthemtoaction.Theempiricalresearchontheimpactofwomen’sandgenderstudiescourses

demonstratesavarietyofpositiveeffectsonwomen(and,insomecases,menaswell),suchasincreasedlocusofcontrol,self-efficacy,feelingsofempowermentand activism—and even positive attitudes toward men. Although one studyfoundthatstudents’lessonsfromthecoursesweresustainedoveranine-monthperiod,66 an important area for further study is the long-term effects of takingsuchclasses.

ConclusionManypolitical commentators, and somewomen themselves, dismiss feminismas part of the past and unnecessary for women today. Those who insist onidentifyingas feminists or insist on the relevance of a feministmovement areviewed as angry, dissatisfied, and hostile toward men.67 In this chapter, weexaminedtherolethatfeminismplaysinwomen’spsychologicalwell-being,inheterosexual relationships, and in body image, as well as the research on theinfluenceofwomen’sandgenderstudiescoursesonwomen.Contrarytopopular

stereotypes,inalmostallareasofreview,feministattitudesandfeministidentity,inparticular,havepositiveeffectsonwomen’spsychologyandrelationships.Women’sholdingoffeministattitudesisbeneficial.However,takingtheextra

step,withtheadditionalconsciousnessofidentifyingasafeministisbetter.Wefind this for self-efficacy,68 heterosexual relationships,69 sexual behavior (withthe exception of assertiveness in condom use),70 and in body image. Animportantpointabouttheworkreviewedinthischapteristhattheassociationsfound are correlational. It is not clearwhetherpsychologicalwell-being in theform of self-efficacy, internal locus of control, and feelings of empowermentcreatetheopportunitytobecomeafeministorwhetherfeminismcausespositivechangesinwell-being.Finally,mostoftheresearchstudiesexaminedhereincludesamplesconsisting

ofwhitewomen.Likemuchpsychologicalresearch,eveninthe21stcentury,toofew studies include significant numbers of people of color and people fromvarious social class backgrounds. American women of color have had anambivalent relationship with the women’smovement,71 making the impact offeminist attitudes and identity in women of color a most necessary area ofresearch. Similarly, much of the recent psychology studies on feminism andfeministsincludeheterosexualwomenbutnotlesbians,bisexualortransgenderwomen. Lesbians have also had an ambivalent relationship with the women’smovement, and the impact that feminist consciousness has on sexualminoritywomen needs to be studied. In particular, the work on feminism andrelationships almost exclusively examines heterosexual relationships. The rolethat feminist consciousness plays in lesbian relationships is understudied. Theroleofbeingafeministwhoisalsoasexualminorityshouldimpactwell-being,althoughitisnotclearhow.Thischapterrevealsmanypositive(andessentiallynonegative)relationships

between feminismandpsychologicalwell-being.This factmakes all themorecuriousthestigmatizationoffeministsandfeminism.Whatfunctionisservedbymaintaining the fiction that feminism isbad forwomen?What institutionsandindividualsbenefitfromthemaintenanceofthismyth?

Notes1.Spender,D.(1993,July/August).AnalternativetoMadonna:Howtodealwiththe“I’mnotafeminist,but...”Ms.4(1),44–45.

2.Pagexviii:O’Beirne,K. (2006).Womenwhomake theworldworse:Andhow their radical feministassaultisruiningourfamilies,military,schools,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.

3. Page xvi:O’Beirne, K. (2006).Womenwhomake the world worse: And how their radical feministassaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.

4.Page11:Mansfield,H.C.(2006).Manliness.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.5.p.xv:O’Beirne,K.(2006).Womenwhomaketheworldworse:Andhowtheirradicalfeministassaultisruiningourschools,families,military,andsports.NewYork,NY:Sentinel.

6.Klonis, S., Endo, J., Crosby, F., &Worell, J. (1997). Feminism as life raft. Psychology ofWomenQuarterly,21,333–345.

7.Murnen,S.K.,&Smolak,L. (2009).Are feministwomenprotected frombody imageproblems?Ameta-analyticreviewofrelevantresearch.SexRoles,60,186–197.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9523-2

8.Morgan,B.L. (1996).Putting the feminism into feminismscales: Introductionof aLiberalFeministAttitudeandIdeologyScale(LFAIS).SexRoles,34,359–390.

9.Henley,N.M.,Meng,K.,O'Brien,D.,McCarthy,W.J.,&Sockloskie,R.J.(1998).Developingascaletomeasurethediversityoffeministattitudes.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,22,317–348.

10.Downing,N.E.,&Roush,K.L.(1985).Frompassiveacceptancetoactivecommitment:Amodeloffeministidentitydevelopmentforwomen.TheCounselingPsychologist,13,695–709.

11. Anderson, K. J., Kanner, M., & Elsayegh, N. (2009). Are feminists man haters? Feminists’ andnonfeminists’attitudestowardmen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,33,216–224.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2009.01491.x

12.Eisele,H.,&Stake,J.(2008).Thedifferentialrelationshipoffeministattitudesandfeministidentitytoself-efficacy.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,32,233–244.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2008.00432.x

13.Zucker,A.N.,&Bay-Cheng,L.Y. (2010).Minding thegapbetween feminist identityandattitudes:Thebehavioralandideologicaldividebetweenfeministsandnon-labelers.JournalofPersonality, 78,1896–1924.doi:10.1111/j.1467-6494.2010.00673.x

14.Yakushko,O.(2007).Dofeministwomenfeelbetterabouttheirlives?Examiningpatternsoffeministidentitydevelopmentandwomen’ssubjectivewell-being.SexRoles,57,223–234.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9249-6

15.Yakushko,O.(2007).Dofeministwomenfeelbetterabouttheirlives?Examiningpatternsoffeministidentitydevelopmentandwomen’ssubjectivewell-being.SexRoles,57,223–234.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9249-6

16.Rittenour, C. E., & Colaner, C. W. (2012). Finding female fulfillment: Intersecting role-based andmorality-based identities of motherhood, feminism and generativity as predictors of women’s selfsatisfactionandlifesatisfaction.SexRoles,67,351–362.doi:10.1007/s11199-012-0186-7

17. Saunders, K. J., &Kashubeck-West, S. (2006). The relations among feminist identity development,gender-roleorientation,andpsychologicalwell-beinginwomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,30,199–211.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2006.00282.x

18.Baucom,D.H.,&Sanders,B.S.(1978).Masculinityandfemininityasfactorsinfeminism.JournalofPersonalityAssessment,42,378–384.

Jordan-Viola, E., Fassberg, S., & Viola, M. T (1976). Feminism, androgyny, and anxiety. Journal ofConsultingandClinicalPsychology,44,870–871.

19. Fischer, A. R., & Good, G. E. (2004). Women’s feminist consciousness, anger, and psychologicaldistress.JournalofCounselingPsychology,51,437–446.doi:10.1037/0022-0167.51.4.437

20.Gillen,M.M.,&Lefkowitz,E.S.(2006).Genderroledevelopmentandbodyimageamongmaleandfemalefirstyearcollegestudents.SexRoles,55,25–37.doi:10.1007/s11199-006-9057-4

21.Murnen,S.K.,&Smolak,L. (2009).Are feministwomenprotected frombody image problems?Ameta-analyticreviewofrelevantresearch.SexRoles,60,186–197.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9523-2

22.Grabe,S.,&Hyde,J.S.(2006).EthnicityandbodydissatisfactionamongwomenintheUnitedStates:Ameta-analysis.PsychologicalBulletin,132,622–640.doi:10.1037/0033-2909.132.4.622

23. Oney, C. N., Cole, E. R., Sellers, R. M. (2011). Racial identity and gender as moderators of therelationship between body image and self-esteem for African Americans. Sex Roles, 65, 619–631.doi:10.1007/s11199-011-9962-z

24.Guille,C.,&Chrisler,J.C.(1999).Doesfeminismserveaprotectivefunctionagainsteatingdisorders?JournalofLesbianStudies,3,141–148.doi:10.1300/J155v03n04_18

25.Murnen,S.K.,&Smolak,L. (2009).Are feministwomenprotected frombody image problems?Ameta-analyticreviewofrelevantresearch.SexRoles,60,186–197.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9523-2

26. Anderson, K. J. (2010). Benign bigotry: The psychology of subtle prejudice. Cambridge, UK:CambridgeUniversityPress.

27.Pages4–5in:Mansfield,H.C.(2006).Manliness.NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress.28.Lopez,K.J.(2005,December29).Womenwhomaketheworldworse:KateO’Beirnecallsfeminists

on their bad ideas. National Review Online. Retrieved October 31, 2010, fromwww.nationalreview.com/interrogatory/obeirne200512290819.asp

29. Rudman, L. A., & Fairchild, K. (2007). The F word: Is feminism incompatible with beauty andromance?PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,31,125–136.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00346.x

30. Rudman, L. A., & Fairchild, K. (2007). The F word: Is feminism incompatible with beauty andromance?PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,31,125–136.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00346.x

31. Rudman, L. A., & Fairchild, K. (2007). The F word: Is feminism incompatible with beauty andromance?PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,31,125–136.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00346.x

32.Rudman,L.A.,&Phelan, J.E. (2007).The interpersonal powerof feminism: Is feminismgood forromanticrelationships?SexRoles,57,787–799.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9319-9

33.Rudman,L.A.,&Phelan, J.E. (2007).The interpersonal powerof feminism: Is feminismgood forromanticrelationships?SexRoles,57,787–799.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9319-9

34.Yoder, J.D.,Perry,R.L.,&Saal,E. I. (2007).Whatgood isa feminist identity?:Women’s feministidentification and role expectations for intimate and sexual relationships. Sex Roles, 57, 365–372.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9269-2

35.Yoder, J.D.,Perry,R.L.,&Saal,E. I. (2007).Whatgood is a feminist identity?Women’s feministidentification and role expectations for intimate and sexual relationships. Sex Roles, 57, 365–372.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9269-2

36.Askari,S.F.,Liss,M.,Erchull,M.J.,Staebell,S.E.,&Axelson,S.J.(2010).Menwantequality,butwomendon'texpectit:Youngadults'expectationsforparticipationinhouseholdandchildcarechores.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,34,243–252.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2010.01565.x

37. Backus, F. R., & Mahalik, J. R. (2011). The masculinity of Mr. Right: Feminist identity andheterosexual women’s ideal romantic partners. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 35, 318–326.doi:10.1177/0361684310392357

38.Donaghue,N.,&Fallon,B.J.(2003).Gender-roleself-stereotypingandtherelationshipbetweenequityandsatisfactionincloserelationships.SexRoles,48,217–230.

39.Donaghue,N.,&Fallon,B.J.(2003).Gender-roleself-stereotypingandtherelationshipbetweenequityandsatisfactionincloserelationships.SexRoles,48,217–230.

40.Schick,V.R.,Zucker,A.N.,&Bay-Cheng,L.Y.(2008).Safer,bettersexthroughfeminism:Theroleof feminist ideology in women’s sexual well-being.Psychology of Women Quarterly, 32, 225–232.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2008.00431.x

41.Schick,V.R.,Zucker,A.N.,&Bay-Cheng,L.Y.(2008).Safer,bettersexthroughfeminism:Theroleof feminist ideology in women’s sexual well-being.Psychology of Women Quarterly, 32, 225–232.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2008.00431.x

42.Yoder, J.D.,Perry,R.L.,&Saal,E. I. (2007).Whatgood is a feminist identity?Women’s feministidentificationandroleexpectationsforintimateandsexualrelationships.SexRoles,57,365–372.

43.Curtin, N.,Ward, L.M.,Merriwether, A., & Caruthers, A. (2011). Femininity ideology and sexualhealthinyoungwomen:Afocusonsexualknowledge,embodiment,andagency.InternationalJournalofSexualHealth,23(1),48–62.doi:10.1080/19317611.2010.524694

44.Curtin, N.,Ward, L.M.,Merriwether, A., & Caruthers, A. (2011). Femininity ideology and sexualhealthinyoungwomen:Afocusonsexualknowledge,embodiment,andagency.InternationalJournalofSexualHealth,23(1),48–62.doi:10.1080/19317611.2010.524694

45.Bay-Cheng, L. Y., & Zucker, A. N. (2007). Feminism between the sheets: Sexual attitudes amongfeminists, nonfeminists, and egalitarians. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 157–163.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00349.x

46.Katz,J.,&Tirone,V.(2009).Women’ssexualcompliancewithmaledatingpartners:Associationswithinvestmentinidealwomanhoodandromanticwell-being.SexRoles,60,347–356.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9566-4

47.Katz,J.,&Tirone,V.(2009).Women’ssexualcompliancewithmaledatingpartners:Associationswithinvestmentinidealwomanhoodandromanticwell-being.SexRoles,60,347–356.doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9566-4

48.Impett,E.A.,Schooler,D.,&Tolman,D.L.(2006).Tobeseenandnotheard:Femininityideologyandadolescent girls’ sexual health. Archives of Sexual Behavior,35, 131–144. doi:10.1007/s10508-005-9016-0

49.Rose,S.&Roades,L.(1987).Feminismandwomen’sfriendships.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,11,243–254.

50. Anderson, K. J. (2011). Anti-feminism. In M. Z. Stange, C. K. Oyster, & J. E. Sloan (Eds.) Themultimedia encyclopedia of women in today’s world. Sage Publications. Retrieved fromhttp://www.sage-ereference.com/womentoday/Article_n39.html

51.Rose,S.&Roades,L.(1987).Feminismandwomen’sfriendships.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,11,243–254.

52. For a review, see:Macalister,H. E. (1999).Women’s studies classes and their influence on studentdevelopment.Adolescence,34,283–292.

53.Bargad,A.,&Hyde,J.S.(1991).Women’sstudies:Astudyoffeministidentitydevelopmentinwomen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,15,181–201.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1991.tb00791.x

54.Yoder,J.D.,Fischer,A.R.,Kahn,A.S.,&Groden,J. (2007).Changes instudents’explanationsforgenderdifferencesaftertakingapsychologyofwomenclass:Moreconstructionistandlessessentialist.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,31,415–425.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00390.x

55.Harris,K.L.,Melaas,K.,&Rodacker,E. (1999).The impactofwomen’sstudiescoursesoncollegestudentsofthe1990s.SexRoles,40,969–977.doi:10.1023/A:1018885407873

56.Eisele,H.,&Stake,J.(2008).Thedifferentialrelationshipoffeministattitudesandfeministidentitytoself-efficacy.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,32,233–244.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2008.00432.x

57.Stake,J.E.,&Gerner,M.A.(1987).Thewomen’sstudiesexperience:Personalandprofessionalgainsforwomenandmen.PsychologyofWomen’sQuarterly,11,277–287.

58.Harris,K.L.,Melaas,K.,&Rodacker,E. (1999).The impactofwomen’sstudiescoursesoncollegestudentsofthe1990s.SexRoles,40,969–977.doi:10.1023/A:1018885407873

59.Zuckerman,D.M.(1983).Women’sstudies,self-esteem,andcollegewomen’splansforthefuture.SexRoles,9,633–642.doi:10.1007/BF00290070

60.Page7:Donnelly,E. (2005,December5).Pentagondoesn’t need anofficeofmale-bashing.HumanEvents,61,7.

61. Pence, D. (1992). A woman’s studies course: Its impact on women’s attitudes toward men andmasculinity.NSWAJournal,4,321–335.

62. Anderson, K. J., Kanner, M., & Elsayegh, N. (2009). Are feminists man haters? Feminists’ andnonfeminists’attitudestowardmen.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,33,216–224.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2009.01491.x

63.Stake,J.E.(2007).Predictorsofchangeinfeministactivismthroughwomen’sandgenderstudies.SexRoles,57,43–54.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9227-z

64.Yoder, J.D.,Perry,R.L.,&Saal,E. I. (2007).Whatgood is a feminist identity?Women’s feministidentification and role expectations for intimate and sexual relationships. Sex Roles, 57, 365–372.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9269-2

65.Stake,J.E.(2007).Predictorsofchangeinfeministactivismthroughwomen’sandgenderstudies.SexRoles,57,43–54.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9227-z

66.Stake,J.E.,&Rose,S.(1994).Thelong-termimpactofwomen’sstudiesonstudents’personal livesand political activism. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18, 403–412. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1994.tb00463.x

67. Anderson, K. J. (2011). Anti-feminism. In M. Z. Stange, C. K. Oyster, & J. E. Sloan (Eds.) Themultimedia encyclopedia of women in today’s world. Sage Publications. Retrieved fromhttp://www.sage-ereference.com/womentoday/Article_n39.html

68.Eisele,H.,&Stake,J.(2008).Thedifferentialrelationshipoffeministattitudesandfeministidentitytoself-efficacy.PsychologyofWomenQuarterly,32,233–244.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2008.00432.x

69.Rudman,L.A.,&Phelan, J.E. (2007).The interpersonal powerof feminism: Is feminismgood forromanticrelationships?SexRoles,57,787–799.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9319-9

70.Bay-Cheng, L. Y., & Zucker, A. N. (2007). Feminism between the sheets: Sexual attitudes amongfeminists, nonfeminists, and egalitarians. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 157–163.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00349.x

71. Anderson, K. J. (2010). Benign bigotry: The psychology of subtle prejudice. Cambridge, UK:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Conclusion

Thetruthis—despitestereotypesthatpaintfeministsasforevernegative—doingfeministworkrequiresboundlessoptimism.Itmeansbelievingthatpeoplehavetheabilitytobebetter,thatculturecanchange,andmaybeeventhatpeoplewhohatecanlearntolove.

—JESSICAVALENTI,20131

This book began with a quotation about the premature burial of feminism.Activistshaverespondedformorethanacenturytothenotionthatfeminismisobsolete, irrelevant, and dead. If feminism were truly dead no one would befighting it, insisting on its irrelevance, and demonizing it. Insistence on theirrelevance of feminism and the supposed threat it presents to society meansfeminismissuccessful,necessary,andverymuchalive.Feminismdoesthreatenthegenderorderandthestatusquo;feminismisinspirationalandtransformativefor women (and men). It is the power of feminism today that makes anti-feministsnervousanddesperatetoundermineit.The claim that feminism is no longer necessary denies the reality ofmany

women’sandgirls’ lives,particularlypoor,ethnic,andsexualminoritywomenand girls. In addition, post-feminist discourse encourages young women tobelieve that they were born into a free society, so if they experiencediscrimination,itisanindividual,isolatedproblemthatmayevenbetheirownfault.IncreasedconsumerismamongsomeWesternwomenfurtherdividesthemfrom the women in developing nations who make their consumer goods.Portraying feminism as irrelevant silences andmarginalizes feminists,makingfeminism seem unpalatable and any kind of feminist movement invisible andimmaterial. Consequently, the transfer of feminist power to younger activistscoming into consciousness is discouraged both actively and passively. Thisbeliefintheirrelevanceofactivismandafocusontheindividualpreemptsandeffectivelypreventsthesolidarityamongwomenthatisafeatureofanyfeministmovement.Everyday therearewomenandmen takingparadigm-shiftingwomen’sand

genderstudiescourses,andmanysuchprogramsnowarecombinedwithethnicstudiesandqueerstudiesforavibrantintersectionalanalysisofsexism,racism,heterosexism, and classism. There are hundreds of blogs, magazines, books,websites,andorganizations thatareexpresslyandexuberantly feminist.Young

feministshave skillfullyutilized socialmedia toorganizeonlineprotests, real-lifemarches,theelectionofprogressivepoliticalcandidates,subversiveculturejamming,andcleversubvertising.Thebadnewsisthatfeminism’sworkisnotnearlydone.Thegoodnewsisthattherearebrilliantindividualsandcoalitionsengaginginthisvitalwork.

Privatization,Consumerism,Individualism,andResistanceAnti-feminism and sexism are fueled by recent moves away from collectiveactionandtowardindividualism,consumerism,andprivatizationbroughtoninpartbytheneoliberalpolitics that tookholdduringtheReaganpresidencyandcontinue into the present. War, terrorism, and natural disasters all provideopportunitiesforantigovernmentprivateerstopushthroughrebuildingeffortsbyprivate,for-profitcorporations—projectsthatwerepreviouslycarriedoutbythegovernment.AsNaomiKleinoutlinesinherbookTheShockDoctrine, regionsthat are traumatized by disaster are softened up by the collective terror theyexperience, making them vulnerable to greedy corporations. In turn, thesecorporations demolish public schools for private/charter schools and privatizesecurity using mercenary firms, such as Blackwater, rather than governmentagenciestokeeppeaceandprotectthepublic.TheUnitedStatesprison industrial complex incarceratesa largerpercentage

of the country’s population than any other nation in the world. With privateprisons, these corporations depend on new inmates to feed the private prisonbeast. Corporate exploitation of prison labor corporatizes even public prisons,which also increase the profits of companies that provide food, security, andtechnology.By2012,unionmembershipintheUnitedStateswasatitslowestpointin97

yearsafterlegislaturesinseveralstatespassedpunishinganti-unionlegislation.2Unionsareacrucialformofcollectiveresistanceagainsttheneoliberalpoliticsof extreme individualism. In the second decade of the 21st century, unionmembership and influence seem to be at a low point. In September of 2013,however, the AFL-CIO, the largest federation of unions in the United States,with nearly half its members women, made an announcement that couldempowermillionsoflow-wageworkersandradicallychangethepowerbehindunions. The AFL-CIO announced a plan to work with tens of millions ofnonunion workers, including immigrants and low-wage workers who havetraditionallynotbeenpartofitsfederation.3Thishistoricmovehasthepotential

tounitemillionsofworkerswhohavebeenpreventedfromcollectivebargainingintheirworkbyrecentanti-unionlegislation.Asactualpolitical freedomwasnot the agendaof thepost-9/11presidential

administrations, freedom has come to imply the freedom to consume.Consumption is the arena in which the liberal idea of “choice” has becomeoperativeinnewandpowerfulways.Intheaftermathof9/11,consumerculturehasbecomeevermorecentraltoneoliberalism,endlesslypromotingtheideaofso-calledchoiceascentral toa liberatedpersonandenabling thehegemonyofbothAmerican-stylecapitalistdemocracyandthesupposedself-actualizingandidentity-producingpossibilitiesofAmerican-styleconsumption.4Therhetoricofneoliberalism co-opts themes from the feminist movement of the 1960s and1970s. Terms such as “empowerment” and “choice” are applied to individualconsumer behavior rather than collective action or even individual womenfeelingempowermentintheirchoicesinpersonalrelationshipsandprivatelives.Modernmisogynysayswomencanexerttheirpowerthroughtheirpocketbooksby purchasing consumer goods and products for self-improvement to makethemselves beautiful and sexy (and in the process enriching a range ofcorporationsdependentonourartificiallycreatedneedtochangeourbodies).Butwomenexerttheirpowerinotherwaysthatactuallyareempowering.In

November 2002 with the United States on the brink of invading Iraq, 100womenstagedanantiwarvigiloutsidetheWhiteHousethatlastedfourmonths.Thegroup,CODEPINK,wasfoundedasawomen-drivenantiwarorganizationfor peace and justice. A decade later, its members still routinely protest atcongressional hearings and political speeches, critiquing U.S. drone strikes,Pentagonfunding, threatsofwarwithSyriaandIran,andviolationsofhumanrights.The focus on consumerism pitches middle-class American women against

poor andworkingclasswomenwhodonot share their incomesandconsumercapacities—andwhosedomestic laboroftenassists thechoice-makingcapacityof middle-class women. Empowerment through consumerism also pitchesWesternwomenagainstthegirlsandwomeninthedevelopingworldwhoworkforpovertywagesmakingtheproducts thatWesternwomenareencouragedtopurchase, use, throw away, and purchase again, as demonstrations of their“freedom” and “empowerment.” So there is little opportunity for solidaritybetweenmiddle-andupper-classwomenandpoorandworking-classwomenintheir own nations and across the globe. Dismantling the antihierarchicalstruggles of social movements is also a priority within the discourses ofneoliberalism. An attack on disadvantaged social groups is masked by theostensiblynonracist andnonsexist languageof self-esteem,empowerment, and

personalresponsibility.5But still there is resistance. On August 29, 2013, thousands of fast food

workers across60U.S. citieswalkedoff the job in aone-day strike toprotesttheirpaltry$7.25anhourwages.6Thirtyyearsago,thetypicalfastfoodworkerwas a middle-class teenager earning extra money during summer break orbetweencollegesemesters.By2013,thetypicalfastfoodworkeris28yearsoldandtwo-thirdsarewomen,manywomenofcolor.Underpaidfastfoodlaborisawoman’s issue.7 Workers resist, collectively, and with results. In response tofast-foodworkerstrikes, theCalifornia legislature inSeptember2013,with thegovernor’ssupport,votedtoraisethestate’sminimumwageto$10anhourby2016.8Andwithsuchahuge labormarket, thismove inCaliforniacouldspurchangesinotherstates.In September 2013 hundreds of feminists marched on Capitol Hill in the

UnitedStatestofightforimmigrationreformandaddresstheissuesofwomen’srightsandreproductivehealth.JessicaGonzález-Rojas,executivedirectoroftheNationalLatinaInstituteforReproductiveHealth,andKimberlyInezMcGuire,associatedirectorforgovernmentrelationsandpublicaffairs,werearrestedfortheir participation in a peaceful act of civil disobedience.9 This action worksalongside the young, mostly Latino immigrant “DREAMers,” who support aU.S. Senate bill named the DREAM Act10 that would provide a pathway tocitizenship to those living in the United States since childhood but withoutcitizenship.TheseyoungactivistshavecompelledtheU.S.Congresstoconsiderimmigration reform even as they risk their own deportation as U.S. activistswithoutdocuments.Sociologists refer to avaluesstretch—when individuals dilute their original

expectationsandgoalstoadapttochangingcircumstances.11Inpsychology,wehave the theory of cognitive dissonance to help explain how individualspsychologically accommodate contradictory, absurd or unjust circumstances.When people find themselves in situations that put them so fundamentally atoddswiththeirvalues,desires,orworldview,iftheydonotorcannotresistthoseconditionsandfightback,theirmindsfindwaystoaccommodatetheuntenablecircumstances.Itistoounpleasanttoliveinastateofcognitivedissonance—thestate of tension when our attitudes, values, or beliefs conflict with ourcircumstances.12 It is easier for some people to believe in the myth ofmeritocracyandthattheirowneffortswillpayoffinthefaceofmoreandmoredifficult economic conditions than it is to realize the extent to which theAmericanDream is amyth.TheU.S.populacehas internalized thebelief thatindividualsuccesscanbeachievedbyhardworkalone.Regardlessofpolitical

circumstancesoreconomicexigencies,whenindividualismtrumpscollectivismandactiveresistance,wecannotexpectacollectiveconsciousnesstoresistthesecurrentoppressiveandunfairtrendsinanysustainedway.Nevertheless, while some capitulate, many resist. In recent years, we have

seeninspiringresistancetotheneoliberalpoliciesdescribedinChapter1ofthisbook:theprotestsoftheWorldTradeOrganizationattheturnofthecentury;theOccupyprotests inNewYork and across theUnitedStates in 2011 and2012;protests inWisconsinagainstGovernorScottWalker’santi-unionlegislation in2011; and protests against climate change in 2013.Many of the protests haveoccurred outside the United States, including movements against austeritymeasures in Greece, Spain, and France, and the Arab Spring pro-democracydemonstrations beginning in late 2010 in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, andSyria,and the2013protests inTurkey.Blitheclaims thatwehavearrivedandthatalliswellintheworldringhollowinthefaceofsuchconcertedeffortstocreatechange.

The“End-ofMen,”the“Crisis”forBoys,andthePromiseofFeminismModernmisogynyrestsontheassumptionofanalreadysecuredfeministvictory—the belief that feminism has accomplished its goals and is thus no longerrelevant.This post-feminist fiction is also tied to backlash and center-stealing.Trina Grillo and StephanieWildman coined the term center-stage problem todescribewhathappenswhenattentionisturnedawayfromthedominantgroupand toward a marginalized group. Members of the dominant group andsupportersofthestatusquorushtotakebackthecenter.Focusingonthosewhohave not been given attention and seemingly do not deserve it threatens thedominantworldview,encouragingevensomeinthemarginalizedgrouptocometothedefenseofthedominantgroupwhoseemtohavelostthecenterforabriefmoment.The boy-crisis authors focus on boys and men primarily in the education

arena.Theperceivedtakeoverbywomenandgirlshasnofoundationinreality.Theseauthorsarenotinterestedinequality:theyareinterestedinkeepingboysand men at the center. But not any men, white men in particular. Boy-crisisauthors such as Christina Hoff Sommers and Kathleen Parker talk about amonolithic boy andman being shafted by feminism. If the boy-crisis authorsweretrulyinterestedinequality,andtrulyconcernedaboutmenwhostruggleinoursociety,theywouldbeconcernedaboutmenandyouthofcolorintheUnited

Stateswhoarearrestedandincarceratedatdramaticallyhigherratesthanwhites,whoarepresumedtobecriminalswhentheyareyoung,andwhofeedtheprisonindustrialcomplex.13In Chapter 3 we debunked the tired but durable feminists-are-man-haters

stereotype.InChapter4wedebunkedthefictionalboycrisisandthebeliefthatnowmen are themarginalized,oppressedgender.Still,manypeople think thatfeminism leads to women having negative and problematic relationships withmen.Research contradicts this belief. First, one study found that heterosexualfeminist women were more likely to be in romantic relationships than wereheterosexual nonfeminists.14 Feminism can be good for heterosexualrelationshipsandforheterosexualmen.Heterosexualwomenwhoare involvedin romantic relationshipswith feministmen report greater relationship quality,equality, stability, and sexual satisfaction than women whose partners are notfeminists. Furthermore, feminist men report greater agreement about theimportance of equality in the relationships than did nonfeminist men.Significantly, men also report greater relationship stability and sexualsatisfaction if theirpartner isa feminist.15 It is toobad that thosewhobelievethatfeminismisthreateningtoromancealsoshowlessenthusiasmforfeminismand forpolicies that supportwomen.16Thesenegativeand inaccurateattitudesaboutfeministscreatebarrierstoactivism.

PatronizeTraditionalWomen,DemonizeNontraditionalWomen,butTheyFightBackWomenwhodonotcooperatewithgenderrules—andmostwomendonotinonewayoranother—aretrivialized,marginalized,anddemonized.Socialcontrolisexertedovergirlsandyoungwomen,forexample,withthemonitoringoftheirvirginity throughpurityballs.At the same time, in thewider culturegirls andwomen are hypersexualized through the mainstreaming of pornography andthrough the dual processes of what Susan Douglas refers to as embeddedfeminism and enlightened sexism. Now that gender equality has beensupposedlyachieved,girlsandwomencangobacktohavingfunbyputtingtheirenergyandpowerintobeinghot.Atthesametime,sexuallyactivewomenarepunished in a variety ofways—frombeingmurdered in horror films to beingblamedasrapesurvivors.Womenwhoseekabortionsorevenbirthcontrolarepunished,aswesaw in the treatmentof studentSandraFlukeduringher2012testimonyintheU.S.congressaboutcontraceptiveaccess.Flukewasexcoriatedasa“slut”byright-wingtalkshowhostRushLimbaugh.Buthertreatmentalso

promptednationwideoutrage (alongwithmagazinecover stories andaprime-time speaking slot at the Democratic National Convention). Also meetingnationwide scorn were the bizarre comments about rape made from variouspoliticianssuchasU.S.CongressmemberToddAkinwhodistinguishedbetween“legitimate” and not-legitimate rape during the 2012 election season; or U.S.SenatorRonPaul parsing an imaginarydifferencebetween “honest rape” and,apparently,dishonestrape17in2012;orCongressmemberTrentFranksclaiming(falsely) that pregnancy resulting from rape is “very low” in 2013.18Significantly,Akin’s remarks lednotonly toa lostbidfor theU.S.Senatebutalso to Republican hand-wringing. The comments were even suggested as afactorinMittRomney’sfailedpresidentialcampaign.19InMarch2011,ananti-abortiongrouplaunchedabillboardcampaignonthe

South Side of Chicago targeting African American women. The billboardfeaturedPresidentObama’spicturealongsidethewords,“Every21minutes,ournextpossible leader isaborted.”Less thanaweekafter30billboardswentup,mostwerecoveredwithredpaintbythosewhoprotesteditsmessage.20Anotherset of anti-abortionbillboards accusesAfricanAmericanwomenwho exercisetheirreproductiverightsofcommitting“genocide.”Inresponse,theTrustBlackWomen partnership was born,21 focusing on reproductive justice issues forAfrican American women and refusing the antiwoman terms of this cynicalcampaign. This vibrant coalition works for affordable health care, education,childcare,andaccesstocontraceptionandabortion.We findmanyexamplesofpowerful resistance to the regressive antiwoman

legislationintheseconddecadeofthe21stcentury.InJune2013,inthefaceofTexas Governor Rick Perry signing sweeping legislation that would severelylimit the ability of the women of Texas to obtain birth control and abortionservices,TexasstatesenatorWendyDavislaunchedanhistoric11-hourfilibusterin the state house.22 News of Davis’s filibuster brought thousands of Texasfeminists to the state house for weeks of protests. While Rick Perry’s billsurvived in the short-term, this political work sets in place a framework forongoingresistanceastheseantiwomenpoliticiansrunforreelection.Social control is exerted over women by demonizing and denigrating

nontraditionalwomenandbynominallyputtingtraditionalwomenonapedestal.Intheaftermathofthe9/11,womenwidowedbytheattackswhodidnotfollowthemale-hero/female-victimnarrativeinthemediaweredenigratedandrenderedinvisible. Women professionals, soldiers, and athletes do not receive thepatronizing“protection”ofbenevolentsexismbut insteadare targetsofhostilesexism. A special ire is directed at feminists and supported by the myth that

feminists are male-bashers. Keeping this allegation in the public discourseperpetuatesthismythbutalsoforeclosesanyopportunitytotalkaboutreal-lifeissues such as men’s actual bashing of women. One contingent of womenconstructedasnontraditional (andsometimesconflated)are rapesurvivorsandsexuallyactivewomen.InJanuary2011apoliceconstableinTorontoadvisedagroupofstudentsto“avoiddressinglikesluts”inordertopreventsexualassault.The comments, perfectly in line with the phenomenon of victim-blaming weaddressinChapter5,sparkedprotestsknownasSlutWalksalloverCanadaandtheUnitedStates.23Inadditiontoreappropriatingtheword“slut,”theaimoftheSlutWalkmovementistoresistthetendencythatblameswomenforrapebasedonhowtheyaredressedorwhethertheyareseenaspromiscuousand,therefore,deservingofrape.Inherarticle“SlutWalksandtheFutureofFeminism,”JessicaValentifindsgreatpromiseinthismovement:

Not because an entire generation of women will organize under the word “slut” or because thesemarcheswillcompletelyeradicatethedamagingtendencyoflawenforcementandthemediatoblamesexual assault victims...But the success ofSlutWalks does herald a newday in feminist organizing.Onewhenwomen’sangerbeginsonlinebuttakestothestreet,whenalocalstepmakesglobalwavesandwhenonefeministactioncansparkdebate,controversyandactivismthatwillhavelastingeffectsonthemovement.24

SlutWalk is now a global phenomenon that fights the global issue of victim-blamingandviolenceagainstwomen.Transgender people face a shocking range of violence, including beatings,

rape,andmurder,anddiscriminationintheworkplace,housing,andinaccesstohealth care.25 The courage, persistence, and resistance of out trans womenactivistssuchasJanetMock,CeCeMcDonald,LaverneCox,andJuliaSerano,has forced a reframingof the trans conversation froman obsessionwith bodyparts26 and pathology to the recognition of trans individuals’ humanity.Transgender activist organizations—ranging from youth groups such asBreakOUT! in New Orleans to legal centers such as the Sylvia Rivera LawProject—exist across the United States and globally, and they actively buildcoalitions with other movements. While some trans activists have critiquedaspectsofmainstreamfeminism,manyhavealsospearheaded“transfeminism”asanacademicandactivistmovement.2013sawseveralvictoriesforthetranscommunity,includingtrans-inclusive

languageintheViolenceAgainstWomenActpassedbytheU.S.Congress;theU.S.SocialSecurityAdministration’seasingofrulesforchangingone’sgenderon driver’s licenses and passports; and the new edition of theDiagnostic andStatisticalManualofMentalDisordersrenaming“GenderIdentityDisorder”toa

less pathologizing “Gender Dysphoria.” This change in the DSM emphasizesthat it is not a person’s innate gender identity that may call for psychiatrictreatmentbutratherthedistressthatsomemayfeelaboutanidentity,body,andsocial role that do not line up with one’s assigned gender.27 One piece ofevidenceforhowfarsocietyhascomeinunderstandinggenderasacomplexandconstructedcategoryisFacebook’s2014changeingenderoptionsforitsusers.28The seeminglymundanemodification to a social networking site’s option forgender identity goes a long way in raising people’s consciousness about thecomplicatedandfluidcategoryof“gender.”

FeminismIsGoodAswesawinthefinalchapterofthisbook,feministattitudesareassociatedwithnumerouspositivepsychologicalattributes for individualwomen.Womenwithfeminist attitudes have higher levels of psychological well-being, such asautonomy, personal growth, and sense of purpose in life, than women withtraditionalattitudes.Womenwithfeministattitudesaremorelikelythanwomenwith traditional gender attitudes to have a generativity identity—having aconsciousconcernforthenextgenerationandthewelfareofothers.Womenwithfeministattitudesaremorelikelytoengageinsexasaresultoftheirownsexualwishes than in response tooutside forces suchaspressure from theirpartners,aremorelikelytopracticesafersex,andaremoreknowledgeableaboutsexualandreproductivehealth.Women who identify as feminists, rather than simply holding pro-feminist

attitudes, have higher levels of psychological well-being and higher levels ofself-efficacy. Women who call themselves feminists are more likely to havepositiveattitudesabouttheirbodiescomparedtononfeministsandwomenwhosimply hold feminist attitudes. A feminist identity is associated with a lowerpreoccupationwiththinnessandfewereatingdisorders.Inaddition to theconcreteexamplesof feminist resistancedescribedearlier,

feminist activism in the academy,withwomen’s and gender studies offerings,provideswomenanintellectualframeforunderstandingprivilegeandinequality.Women’s and gender studies courses offer a range of benefits towomen (andmen) who take them. Taking these courses has been shown to increaseindividuals’ sense of agency, self-determination, and personal control over theevents in their lives, forbothwomenandmen.29Andcontrary tosomebeliefsthatthesecoursesareabreedinggroundforman-hating,thecoursescanhaveapositiveimpactonwomen’sattitudestowardmen.30

With some political activism being supplanted by individualism andconsumerism in so many ways, an important antidote to the self-centeredindividual “empowerment” of post-feminism is the creation of new activistsspawned by women’s and gender studies courses.Women andmenwho takethese courses aremore likely to engage in activism than studentswhodonot.Activism is important for meaningful social and political change because itinvolvespersonal,direct,grassrootseffortsonthepartofstudents.Women’sandgender studies students have increased feelings of empowerment and believetheycanhaveanimpactontheworld.Ratherthanincreasingdistressandanger,thesecoursesincreasefeelingsofempowerment.Feminist consciousness provides a cognitive framework for women to

understand the world, especially their experiences of prejudice anddiscrimination.Feministshavethetoolstoframesexistdiscriminationtheymayexperienceasunjustandasstemmingfromtheirstatusaswomen.Feministsaremore likely to attribute sexism to society and gender oppression and are lesslikelytoblamethemselvesforthesexist treatmenttheyexperience.Ihopethatmaterial in this book, the studies described, the argumentsmade, the brilliantworkofotherscited,and theexamplesof recentactivismand resistancemakeclear the present need of a robust feminist movement and a future ofopportunitiesforfeministactivists.

Notes1.Valenti, F. (2013, June 3). Fuck the high road: The upside of sinking to their level.Retrieved fromhttp://www.thenation.com/blog/174624/fuck-high-road-upside-sinking-their-level#axzz2WRBk12zt

2.Greenhouse,S.(2013,January23).Shareoftheworkforceinaunionfalls toa97-yearlow,11.3%.The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/24/business/union-membership-drops-despite-job-growth.html?r=0

3.Trottman,M. (2013,September 9).AFL-CIOmembers back link to outside groups.TheWall StreetJournal. Retrieved fromhttp://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323864604579065491962718868.html

4.Grewal,I.(2003).TransnationalAmerica:Race,genderandcitizenshipafter9/11.SocialIdentities,9,535–561.

5.McRobbie,A. (2009).The aftermath of feminism:Gender, culture and social change. London,UK:Sage.

6.Petroff,A.,&O’Toole,J.(2013,August29).Waveoffastfoodstrikeshits60cities.Retrievedfromhttp://money.cnn.com/2013/08/29/news/fast-food-strikes/index.html

7.Bhutada,Y.(2013,August25).Fast-foodworkerswillstrikeonAugust29—here’swhatyouneedtoknow. Retrieved from http://www.policymic.com/articles/60771/fast-food-workers-will-strike-on-august-29-here-s-what-you-need-to-know

8.Fields,L. (2013,September15).California to raiseminimumwage to$10by2016.Retrieved fromhttp://abcnews.go.com/Business/california-raise-minimum-wage-10-2016/story?id=20258394

9.White,E.(2013,September12).NationalLatinaInstituteforReproductiveHealthleadersarrestedinact of civil disobedience for immigration reform. Retrieved fromhttp://latinainstitute.org/media/releases/National-Latina-Institute-for-Reproductive-Health-leaders-arrested-in-act-of-civil-di

10.DREAMstandsforDevelopment,Relief,andEducationforAlienMinors.11. Coontz, S. (2013, February 16).Why gender equality stalled.TheNew York Times. Retrieved from

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/17/opinion/sunday/why-gender-equality-stalled.html?pagewanted=all12.Forareviewofcognitivedissonancetheory,see:Tavris,C.,&Aronson,E.(2007).Mistakesweremade

(butnotbyme).NewYork,NY:Harcourt.13.Alexander,M.(2010).ThenewJimCrow:Massincarcerationintheageofcolorblindness.NewYork,

NY:TheNewPress.14.Rudman,L.A.,&Phelan, J.E. (2007).The interpersonal powerof feminism: Is feminismgood for

romanticrelationships?SexRoles,57,787–799.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9319-915.Rudman,L.A.,&Phelan, J.E. (2007).The interpersonal powerof feminism: Is feminismgood for

romanticrelationships?SexRoles,57,787–799.doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9319-916. Rudman, L. A., & Fairchild, K. (2007). The F word: Is feminism incompatible with beauty and

romance?PsychologyofWomen,31,125–136.doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00346.x17.Gray,K.J.(2012,February6).RonPaulokaywithemergencycontraceptionincasesof‘honestrape.’

Retrieved from http://www.dailykos.com/story/2012/02/06/1062186/-Ron-Paul-okay-with-emergency-contraception-in-cases-of-honest-rape?detail=hide

18.Clawson,L.(2013,June12).Non-ToddAkinGOPcongressman:“Theincidenceofraperesultinginpregnancy are very low.” Retrieved from http://www.dailykos.com/story/2013/06/12/1215656/-Non-Todd-Akin-GOP-congressman-The-incidence-of-rape-resulting-in-pregnancy-are-very-low

19.Kraske, S.,&Helling,D. (2013,August 18).One year later, ToddAkin’s “legitimate rape” remarkholds lessons for Republicans. Retrieved from http://www.kansascity.com/2013/08/18/4419689/akins-legitimate-rape-remark-one.html

20.Bassett,L.(2011,April22).Anti-abortionmovementtargetsblackwomeninlatestefforts.Retrievedfrom http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/04/22/black-women-anti-abortion-movement_n_852591.html

21.See:http://www.trustblackwomen.org/about-trust-black-women/our-story22. Lavender, P. (2013, August 15). Wendy Davis in Vogue: “I do hate losing.” Retrieved from

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/08/15/wendy-davis-vogue_n_3761576.html23. Stampler, L. (2011, April 20). SlutWalks sweep the nation. Retrieved from

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/04/20/slutwalk-united-states-city_n_851725.html24. Valenti, J. (2011, June 3). SlutWalks and the future of feminism. Retrieved from

http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/slutwalks-and-the-future-of-feminism/2011/06/01/AGjB9LIH_story.html?wpisrc=emailtoafriend

25.Bradford, J., Reisner, S. L.,Honnold, J.A.,&Zavier, J. (2013). Experiences of transgender-relateddiscrimination and implications for health: Results from the Virginia Transgender Health InitiativeStudy.AmericanJournalofPublicHealth,103,1820–1829.

Grant,J.M.,Mottet,L.A.,&Tanis,J.(2011,February3).Injusticeateveryturn:AreportoftheNationalTransgender Discrimination Survey. Retrieved fromhttp://www.thetaskforce.org/reports_and_research/ntds

Burk, M., Feltz, R., Maté, A., Shaikh, N., Guzder, D., Alcoff, S.,...Littlefield, A. (Producers). (2014,February19). “Black transbodies areunder attack:”FreedactivistCeCeMcDonald, actressLaverneCox speak out. Retrieved fromhttp://www.democracynow.org/2014/2/19/black_trans_bodies_are_under_attack

26.Hess,A.(2014,February7).PiersMorgan’sinterviewwithJanetMockwasnotafailureofsensitivity.It was a failure of reporting. Retrieved fromhttp://www.slate.com/blogs/xx_factor/2014/02/07/_piers_morgan_s_janet_mock_interview_why_journalists_get_coverage_of_the.html

27.Keisling,M. (2013,December 30). 10 transgenderwins of 2013 you should know about.Retrievedfromhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mara-keisling/10-transgender-wins-of-20_1_b_4505453.html

28. Mendoza, M. (2014, February 13). Facebook offers new gender options for users. Retrieved fromhttp://bigstory.ap.org/article/apnewsbreak-new-gender-options-facebook-users

29.Harris,K.L.,Melaas,K.,&Rodacker,E. (1999).The impactofwomen’sstudiescoursesoncollegestudentsofthe1990s.SexRoles,40,969–977.doi:10.1023/A:1018885407873

30. Pence, D. (1992). A woman’s studies course: Its impact on women’s attitudes toward men andmasculinity.NSWAJournal,4,321–335.

Index

Abortionbillboardsagainst,165mediacoverageof,79punishmentofwomenseeking,164rightto,52Texaslawson,165

Abstinence,sexual,after9/11,41–42,164Academicentitlement,91–92Acceptance,passive,139Activecommitmentstage,140Activism,53,167movementagainst(SeeAnti-activism)relevanceof,159women’sandgenderstudieson,151,152

Activist,feminist,stereotypeof,11,53Advertisements,77–78sexualizationandobjectificationofwomenin,13,78toycommercialsin,80–81

AFL-CIO,160–161AfricanAmericanmenaspimpsandpredators,18teachertargetingof,85TVportrayalof,77

AfricanAmericansteacherexpectationsforandtreatmentof,85textsonenslavementof,inaccurate,9

AfricanAmericanwomenanti-abortionbillboardson,165athletesin,17–18,120benevolentsexismand,124bodyimageof,144asfeminists,2,52,62hypersexualizationof,18–19,42,77,125perceptionsof,mistaken,118pimpandhomislabelingof,18,125asrapesurvivors,124sexualexploitationandrapeof,18,124–125sexualprotectionof,denialof,17,120astemptresses,18women’sandgenderstudieson,150,152

TheAftermathofFeminism:Gender,Culture,andSocialChange,3Agency.SeeAgenticAgenticcandidates,114–115Agenticcharacteristics,77,95,114,143onbodyimage,143ongender-roleself-concept,142

inhighstatusindividualsandmen,114Agenticmen,114Agenticwomen,9backlashagainst,114–115ongenderdifferences,presumed,114professional,114–115ontelevision,77trendstoward,9

Agitators,53Akin,Todd,164Ambivalencetowardmen,56–59towardwomen,107

AmbivalenceTowardMenInventory,56–58Ambivalentsexism,107–110Angryfeminist,52,60,128,138,142–143Anti-abortionbillboards,165Anti-activismanticollectivisttrendand,10–12corporatistagendaand,7disarticulationon,11individualismandconsumerismand,7–10narcissismand,9post-feminismand,7,10self-transformationin,9,10stereotypicalfeministactivistand,11

Anticollectivisttrend,10–12Anti-femininity,126Anti-feminism,160onfeministsandsocialproblems,52man-hatingand,58

Anti-feminism,post-feminist,1–3onfeminismasnolongernecessary,1,51,159keyfeaturesof,50

ArmyWives,40Assault,sexual,121.SeealsoRapevictim-blamein,64–65,122–125,164

Athletes,female,17–18,118–120,165AfricanAmericanwomen,17–18,120sexualizationof,17–18

Attitudesfeminist,139–140,142feminist,vs.identity,139,143offeministstowardmen,58,152ofnonfeministstowardmen,58,152

AttitudesTowardMenScale,Iazzo’sstudyof,54–55Autonomyinlife,141

Backlash,114againstagenticwomen,114–115definitionof,114infilm,4againstprofessionalwomen,114–115

Baker,Joanne,4–6Barron,Lisa,89Basher,64Bashingfemale,63–65male,mythsof,63–65(SeealsoMan-hating)

Battle-of-thesexes,62Baumeister,Roy,51,62Baumgardner,Jennifer,2Bay-Cheng,Laina,140Benevolencetowardmen,57,58Benevolentsexism,108–110,128AfricanAmericanwomenand,124impactof,110–112onvictim-blame,125

Berg,Barbara,32,33,42Biddulph,Steve,75,81Binging,6BodyimageofAfricanAmericanwomen,144agenticcharacteristicson,143feminismand,143–144,167stereotypesof,143

Boldry,Jennifer,121Books.Seealsospecifictitleschildren’spicture,80classroomtextbooksin,82–83

Boycrisis,50,74–95,163–164bookson,74,88(Seealsospecificbooks)entitlementandprivilegetounderperformin,86–94(SeealsoEntitlement)historyof,74–75malemarginalizationin,75–81,86(SeealsoMalemarginalization)schoolsasantiboyin,82–86(SeealsoSchoolsasantiboy)

BreakOUT!,166BridgetJones’sDiary,3Brown,Anthony,9Brown,Keffrelyn,9Budgeon,Shelly,10Bush,GeorgeW.,7,29,31,32,41

Candidatesagentic,114female,114–115

Cartoons,children’stelevision,80Carty,Victoria,18,120Cataldi,Sue,64Catastrophe,traumaafter,30–31CenterforMilitaryReadiness,52,151Centerstageproblem,86,95,163Centerstealing,86,163Cerealboxes,81Chauvinists,female,51ChicagoSchooltheory,7

Chickflicks,76after9/11,40–41

Chivalry,male,63,108,109Choice,post-feminist,1,3–6,161infilmsandTV,3–4unprecedented,6victimhoodand,5women’sthinkingaboutownlivesin,4–5

Chowning,Karolyn,91–92Classroommaterials,82–83Clinton,HillaryRodham,115–116Clipart,78–79CODEPINK,161Cognitivedissonance,162Collegeattendance,gendergapin,92–95Comeuppance,mortifying,3Comfortfood,after9/11,39Comics,newspaper,78Commitment,active,140Communal,womenas,77,110,114,116Competence,107ofprofessionalwomen,113–115,117

Compliance,sexual,148Condor,Susan,56,57Consumerism,6–12,160,161–162classandregionaldivisionsfrom,7corporatistagendain,6–7empowermentthrough,7–8successfulwomanin,7–8teenmagazineson,8

Contemptfortranswomen,126,166forwomen,113,116

Control,locusof,150Corbett,Kelly,60Corporatists.SeeNeoliberals(corporatists)CosmoGIRL!,8Cox,Laverne,126Cuddy,Amy,117

Davis,Wendy,165Day,Katy,6Day,Liza,55Detainees,post9/11,29–30Development,girls’andwomen’s,74Digby,Tom,66–67Disarticulation,11Discrimination,gender,112.Seealsospecifictopicsanti-feministson,51boysasvictimsof,50,74–95,163–164(SeealsoBoycrisis)complaintsabout,asman-hating,53–54,61feministidentityand,139,142–143,167–168groupsfacing,107

individualizeddiscourseon,5–6againstlesbians,36,127post-feminismon,4,159againstprofessionalwomen,79sexwarsrhetoricon,62TitleIXon,82againsttransgenderindividuals,126,166

Dislikeability,112Dissent,after9/11,33–36DixieChicks,33–34Domesticviolence,mediareportingof,65Dominancepenalty,114Donnelly,Elaine,52,151Donnerstein,Edward,15Doublestandards,41,112,148Douglas,Susan,12,164Downers,Debbie,13Downing,Nancy,139DREAMers,162Dumont,Muriel,110

Eatingdisordersfeminismon,144,167websitessupporting,6

Economics,ChicagoSchooltheoryof,7Edley,Nigel,11,53–54Educationalsoftware,83Embeddedfeminism,12,14,164Embeddedness-emanationstage,139–140Empathydecreasein,10individualizingdiscourseon,5

Empowerment,161feministson,16–17vs.sexualobjectification,16–19,44

Empowerment,post-feminist,3–6infilmsandTV,3–4mediaon,1ostensible,1throughconsumerism,7–8,161(SeealsoConsumerism)victimhoodand,5women’sthinkingaboutownlivesin,4–5

Endofmen.SeeBoycrisisEnlightenedsexism,12,14,164EnlightenedSexism:TheSeductiveMessageThatFeminism’sWorkIsDone,12Entitlement,9,86–94.SeealsoNarcissismacademic,91–92definitionof,88gendergapincollegeattendancein,92–95measurementof,88–89salaryandpayexpectationsin,89–91schoolisforsissiesnotionin,87–91

Enviousstereotype,129

Environmentalmaster,141Escalator,glass,84Exploitativeness,92Externalizedresponsibility,92

FailingatFairness:HowOurSchoolsCheatGirls,74Faludi,Susan,32,33Farrell,Warren,63Fastfoodworkerwages,161–162Fear,vs.freedom,after9/11,29–30,31Female-bashing,63–65FemaleChauvinistPigs:WomenandtheRiseofRaunchCulture,14Femalechauvinists,51Femininestereotypes,55Feminism.Seealsospecifictopicsattackson,51–52,159vs.beliefinequality,53centralfocusof,138disarticulationon,11embedded,12,14,164first-wave,2,51lesbian-baitingof,59–61,119,127–128relevanceof,3,159resistanceto,historyof,52second-wave,2,3,17,51third-wave,2,16(SeealsoPost-feminism)

Feministattitudes,139–140,142Feministidentity,138–153,143,167–168adoptionof,138vs.attitude,139,143onbodyimage,143–144,167constructsof,two,139–140mentalhealthandwell-beingin,141–144,167(SeealsoMentalhealthandwell-being)race/ethnicityon,52relationshipsin,145–149,164(SeealsoRelationships,feminismon)self-identified,140,147–148women’sandgenderstudieson,149–152

Feministmen,146Feministmovement,obsolescenceof,51,159FeministPerspectivesScale,139Feminists.Seealsospecifictopicsasactivists,53–54angry,52,60,128,138,142–143collegestudentson,52onequityinrelationships,146–147friendshipsamongwomenin,149gender,51ongenderinequality,structural-level,4,5,10,19,62generalviewof,52–53JekyllandHydeviewsof,11,53asman-haters,54–56,163–164(SeealsoMan-hatingfeminism,manufacturing)onmen,55,57–59,66,152psychologicalwell-beingof,141–142

self-labelingas,12sexualrelationsof,147–148stereotypesof,54,138(SeealsoStereotypes)viewsof,51–54

Films,77chickflicks,40–41,76choiceandempowermentin,3–4

First-wavefeminism,2,51Fischer,Ann,142Fiske,Susan,56–58,107–110,111Fluke,Sandra,164Franks,Trent,164Frazer,Alexandra,65Freedomtoconsume,161vs.fear,after9/11,29–30,31vulnerabilitytoterrorismand,31

Friedman,Milton,6–7Fun-feminism,8

Genderdysphoria,166GenderEmpowermentMeasure,58Genderfeminists,51Genderrolesafter9/11,traditionalnewoldnormalin,31–33retreatto,29–31,43–44

Gender-roleself-concept,142,146Gendersystemjustifiers,115Generativeidentity,141Gilligan,Carol,74Girls’development,74Glassescalator,84Glick,Peter,56–58,107–110González-Rojas,Jessica,162Good,Glenn,142Grant,Ali,60,61Griefdiscourse,after9/11,32Grillo,Trina,86,163GuantánamoBayprison,after9/11,29–30

Harris,Karen,150Heilman,MadelineE.,113Helgeson,James,13Henley,Nancy,139Heroes,9/11womenfirefightersas,31–32,33,36womensoldiersas,34–35

Hetts,John,90Ho,18,125Hogue,Mary,90–91Homicides,64Homophobia,59Homophobia:AWeaponofSexism,128

Homophobicstereotypes,125–126Hostilesexism,108–110Hostilityofprofessionalwomen,114towardmen,56–57

Hotness,14,164HowSchoolsShortchangeGirls,74Hyper-feminization,17Hypersexualization,14–17,164ofAfricanAmericanwomen,18–19,42,77,125ofathletes,17–18asracedandclassed,18–19

Iazzo,Anthony,54–55Identification,140Identity,generative,141Immigrationreform,162InaDifferentVoice:PsychologicalTheoryandWomen’sDevelopment,74Individualism,5,6–12,160empathyand,10narcissismand,9racialinequalityin,9slaveryand,9successfulwomanin,7–8onUndercoverBoss,8–9inUnitedKingdom,10inUnitedStates,10

Instrumentalwomen.SeeAgenticwomenIntelligence,estimationof,92IraqWarcoverage,sourcesfor,34IsThereAnythingGoodAboutMen?,51,62

JerseyGirls,9/11,32–33,109Jobcriteria,shifting,116–117

Katz,Jackson,67Keller,Jesalynn,8Kelly,Alison,84–85Keys,Tammy,6Kindlon,Dan,84,88Klein,Naomi,7,30–31,160

Latinawomenasfeminists,2,62warmthof,118sexualityof,149

Lesbian-baiting,59–61,119,127–128Lesbians,55,60,125–128Levy,Ariel,14LiberalFeministAttitudeandIdeologyScale,139Likeability,112ofprofessionalwomen,113–114

LivingDolls:TheReturnofSexism,14

Locusofcontrol,150Love,promiseof,4MadMen,39–40Mager,John,13Major,Brenda,89–90Male-bashing.SeealsoMan-hatingmythsof,63–65

Maledominance,11,81,95,108,138,143Malemarginalizationcenterstealingandperceptionsof,86,163mediaasmeantoboysin,79–81mediaasmeantomenin,75–79

Maltby,John,55Man-hatingfeminism,manufacturing,50–67allegationsin,50ambivalencetowardmenin,56–59evidencein,54–56feministviewsin,51–54historyof,50women’sandgenderstudiesin,151–152

Man-hatingmyths,59–65,163–164fightingpatriarchyvs.particularmenin,61–63lesbian-baitingin,59–61,119,127–128specificsof,63–65whoisbashingwhom?in,63–65

Manifesta:YoungWomen,Feminism,andtheFuture,2Manliness,52,62,145Mansfield,Harvey,52,62,145Marginalization,male.SeeBoycrisis;MalemarginalizationMarkey,Judy,61,62Mayer,Marissa,112McGuire,KimberlyInez,162McRobbie,Angela,3,10–11,13,19Media,mass.Seealsospecifictypesadvertisements,13,77–78,80–81cartoons,children’stelevision,80cerealboxes,81choiceandempowermentin,1,3–4clipart,78–79consumerismin,teenage,8onfeminists,138film,3,76,125asmeantoboys,79–81asmeantomen,75–79musicvideos,77newspapercomics,78picturebooks,children’s,80sexualizationandobjectificationin,13,78television,76–77toycommercials,80–81womensportscoverageof,118–120

Men

agentic,114benevolencetoward,57,58endof(SeeBoycrisis)hostilitytoward,56–57nonfeminist,146victimizationof,64

Mentalhealthandwell-being,feminismand,141–144,167angryfeministand,52,60,128,138,142–143bodyimagein,143–144,167psychological,141–142

Messner,Michael,119Militaryhomosexualsin,127rapein,34,121–122womenin,120–122womenin,stereotypesof,121

Miller,Michelle,65Minimumwage,protestsagainst,161–162Mohr,Richard,125–126Moran,Caitlin,15–16Morgan,Betsy,139Morrow,Lance,62,63Mortalitymanagement,after9/11,36–38,115Mortalitysalienceafter9/11,36–38onculturalgenderstereotypes,37–38,115onmoraltransgressions,punitivereactionsto,38traditionalvaluesand,37

Mortifyingcomeuppance,3Movies,77chickflicks,40–41,76choiceandempowermentin,3–4

Murnen,Sarah,143–144TheMythofMalePower,63

Narcissism.SeealsoEntitlementexploitativeness/entitlementin,92individualismand,9

Negra,Diane,40–41Neoliberals(corporatists),1–2,5,20agendaof,6–7,43“can-do,”10collectiveactionand,7consumerculturein,161(SeealsoConsumerism)Friedman’sdoctrineof,6–7ongovernment,30onindividualismandselfhood,10post-feminismin,20resistanceto,162–163

Newspapercomics,789/11attacks,post-feminismafter,28–44onAmericanculture,28dissentin,crushingof,33–36

femalerescueworkersin,33griefdiscoursein,32immediateaftermathin,28mortalitymanagementin,36–38retrotrendsin,28–29,38–42,44traditionalgenderrolesin,newoldnormalin,31–33traditionalgenderrolesin,retreatto,29–31,43–44widowsin,32

Nonfeministmen,146Nonfeminists(nonfeministwomen),59,140,147–148attitudestowardmenof,152bodyimagesof,144,167dependenceonmenof,57onequityinrelationships,146–147friendshipsamongwomenof,149onmalecharacteristics,desirable,146onmale-femaledifferences,56onmen,55,57–59,66psychologicalwell-beingof,141–142romanticrelationshipsof,145,164sexualrelationsof,147–148stereotypesof,59

Nonlabelers,140,143,147–148Nurturing,womenas,109–110

O’Beirne,Kate,52,83–84,145Objectification,sexual,44inadvertising,13,78vs.empowerment,16–19inmedia,12,13,77self-objectificationin,12,14,16

Palin,Sarah,115–116PanAm,40Parker,Kathleen,50,54,61,62,63–64,75,79,82,84,87,163Passiveacceptance,139Paternalisticstereotypes,128Patriarchyvs.particularmen,fighting,61–63PATRIOTAct,30,31Paul,Rand74Paul,Ron,164Payexpectations,89–91entitlementas,89–91

Peers,onboysvs.girls,87–88Pelham,Brett,90Pence,Dan,151–152PenthousePets,16Perry,Rick,165Personalgrowth,141Personalresponsibility,3,5–6Pharr,Suzanne,128Phelan,Julie,145Picturebooks,children’s,80

Pimp,18Pipher,Mary,74ThePlayboyClub,40PlayboyMagazine17Pollack,William,82,95Pornographydomesticationof,14–16infilms,77mainstreamingof,15,43

Positiverelations,141Post-feminism.Seealsospecifictopicsasassimilationist,1asdefanged,10discourseof,159fundamentalsof,1,4,19–20mainfeaturesof,10missingelementsin,4movementin,lackof,10neoliberalismand,1–2,5,20(SeealsoNeoliberals(corporatists))recognitionoffeministlegacyin,lackof,10rhetoricof,1,3(Seealsospecificterms)trendsin,recent,20westernandnon-westernwomenin,20

Post-feministanti-feminism,1–3onfeminismasnolongernecessary,51keyfeaturesof,50

Post-feministerahistoryof,1,2asthirdwave,2,16

Power-seeking,116Prescriptivestereotypes,119,128President,votersonwomanas,35–36Prisonindustrialcomplex,160Privatization,7,20160Professionalwomen,79,113–118,TheProposal,3–4Proscriptivestereotypes,119Psychologicalwell-being,141–142Pubichairremoval,15–16Purityballs,41–42,164Purposeinlife,141PussyCatDolls,12–13

RaisingBoys:WhyBoysAreDifferentandHowtoHelpthemBecomeHappyandWell-BalancedMen,75,81

RaisingCain,84,88Rape,121.SeealsoSexualassaultofAfricanAmericanwomen,18,124–125inmilitary,34,60,121–122mythsabout,123SlutWalkmovementand,165–166stereotypesofproclivityfor,124–125victim-blamein,122–125,164

Rapesurvivors,121,122–125,164,165AfricanAmericanwomenin,124

RealBoys,82,95Relationshipsofnonfeminists,145,164sexual,147–149

Relationships,feminismon,145–149,164attractivenessand,145equityin,146–147expectationsandinequalityin,146–147heterosexual,145–146,163–164perceptionsin,145sexual,147–149

Responsibilityexternalized,92personal,3,5–6

Retrotrends,after9/11,28–29,38–42,44carsin,39chick-flicksin,40–41comfortfoodsin,39purityballandeventsin,41–42,164sexualabstinencein,41–42staycationsin,39TVshowsin,39–40women’srolesin,38–39

Revelationstage,139,142–143RevivingOphelia:SavingtheSelvesofAdolescentGirls,74Rhetoric.Seealsospecifictermspost-feminist,1,3sexwars,62–63

Rich,Emma,4–6Richards,Amy,2Roades,Laurie,149Rose,Suzanna,149Rosin,Hannah,79Roush,Kristin,139Roy,Robin,53–54Ruck,Martin,85Rudman,Laurie,114–115,145

Sadker,MyraandDavid,74Salaryofelementaryschoolteacher,84menvs.womenon,89–91minimumwageprotestson,161–162

SavetheMales:WhyMenMatterandWhyWomenShouldCare,54,61,63,75,79,84Schoolsasantiboy,82–86boysasinvisiblein,82–83contentandcurriculain,82–83schoolsuccessandgirlinessin,87–91teachersasmeantoboysin,83–86

Second-wavefeminism,2,3,17,51Securitymoms,35

Self-acceptance,141Self-concept,gender-role,142Self-efficacy,142,167women’sandgenderstudiesin,150

Self-esteem,women’sandgenderstudiesin,151Self-identifiedfeminists,140,147–148Self-identity,143Self-objectification,16Self-transformation,9,10SexandtheCity,3,4Sexindustry,mainstreamingof,18–19Sexism,160,167–168ambivalent,107–110enlightened,12,14,164hostile,108–110,111–112assystemofinequality,62–63

Sexism,benevolent,108–110,128AfricanAmericanwomenand,124impactof,110–112onvictim-blame,125

Sexualabstinence,after9/11,41–42164Sexualassault,121.SeealsoRapevictim-blamein,64–65,122–125,164

Sexualcompliance,148Sexualexploitation,ofAfricanAmericanwomen,18,124–125Sexualfreedom,women’s,14Sexualharassment,63Sexualhealth,147–148Sexualityscale,54,55Sexualization,post-feminist,12–19inadvertising,13,78AfricanAmericanwomenand,18–19ofathletes,female,17–18choicein,12–13embeddedfeminismvs.enlightenedsexismin,12inmassmedia,13pornographyin,domesticationof,14–16,43sexindustrymainstreamingin,16–19sexualobjectificationvs.empowermentin,16–19,44weddingcultureand,13women’ssexualfreedomand,14

Sexualliberation,16Sexualobjectification,44inadvertising,13,78vs.empowerment,16–19inmedia,13self-objectificationin,16

Sexualrelations,147–149Sexualsubjectivity,147Sexwarsrhetoric,62–63TheShockDoctrine,7,30–31,160Slavery,asindividualism,9

SlutWalkmovement,165–166Smolak,Linda,143–144Software,educational,83Soldiers,female,IraqandAfghanistanWar,34Sommers,ChristinaHoff,51,79,82,163Sports,women’sfemaleathletesin,118–120,165femaleathletesin,AfricanAmerican,17–18,120sexualizationof,17–18

Stagemodel,offeministidentity,139–140Stake,Jayne,152Stalkingvictims,64Stanton,ElizabethCady,51Starvation,self-,6StereotypesofAfricanAmericanwomen,42,118,124–125antigay,125–126ofbodyimages,143onboys’schoolperformance,87forcareers,93inclassroommaterials,82–83counterstereotypesin,backlashagainst,114envious,129offemalesaswarmandcompetent,107feminine,55offemininegenderrole,55offeministactivistsasunattractive,11offeminists,54,138offeministsasangry,52,60,128,138,142–143offeministsashavingrelationshipproblems,145offeministsasman-hating,54,142gender-roleself-conceptin,142oflesbians,55ofmasculinetraits,87inmilitary,121mortalitysalienceon,37–38ofnonfeminists,59ofnontraditionalwomen,108paternalistic,128prescriptivevs.proscriptive,119ofprofessionalwomen,113inrapeproclivity,124–125oftraditionalwoman,127inTVcartoons,80inTVcommercials,78ofwomenasnurturingandcommunal,110

Successfulwoman,7–8SylviaRiveraLawProject,166Synthesisstage,140

Teachersboys’andgirls’interactionswith,87genderandsalaryof,84

asmeantoboys,83–86Teachingmaterials,83TeenVogue,8Television,76–77cartoonson,80choiceandempowermenton,post-feminist,3–4commercialson,78retrotrendsafter9/11on,39–40toycommercialson,80–81

Tenenbaum,Harriet,85TheTerrorDream:MythandMisogynyinanInsecureAmerica,32Terrormanagementtheory,28,36–39,115Textbooks.Seealsospecifictitlesclassroom,82–83

Thatcher,Margaret,7Third-wavefeminists,2,16.SeealsoPost-feminismThompson,Michael,84,88TitleIX,82Toycommercials,80–81Traditionalgenderroles,after9/11newoldnormalin,31–33retreatto,29–31,43–44

Traditionalwomen,106.SeealsoNonfeminists(nonfeministwomen)Transwomen,125–127,166Trauma,aftercatastrophe,29–30Trotta,Liz,122–123Twenge,Jean,9,95TheUglyTruth,3–4

UndercoverBoss,8–9Unions,160–161USAPATRIOTAct,30,31

Valenti,Jessica,166Valuesstretch,162Victim-blame,64–65.SeealsoRape;Sexualassaultbenevolentsexismon,125ofrapesurvivors,121,122–125,164,165ofwomen,64–65

Victimhood,5Victimization,ofmenvs.women,64.SeealsoBoycrisisViolenceAgainstWomenAct,166Virginitypledge,after9/11,41–42,164

Walters,Natasha,14War,IraqandAfghanistanfemalesoldiersin,34sourcesformediacoveragein,34

War,onwomen’srole,34–35TheWarAgainstBoys,79Warmth,107,117Weddingculture,13Welsh,Andrew,125

Wetherell,Margaret,11,53–54Wildman,Stephanie,163Williams,Melissa,90Williams,SerenaandVenus,18Women,traditional,106Womenaswonderfulbutdisliked,106–129,164–166ambivalencetowardwomenin,107ambivalentsexismin,107–110athletesin,118–120,165benevolentsexismin,107–110benevolentsexism’simpactin,110–112doublestandards,discriminationand(dis)likeabilityin,112inmilitary,120–122,165professionalsin,113–118,165rapesurvivorsin,121,122–125,164,165transwomenandlesbiansin,125–128,166

WomenatGroundZero,33Women’sandgenderstudiesonAfricanAmericanwomen,150,151–152impactof,149–151,159–160,167man-hatingand,151–152

Women’sdevelopment,74WomenWhoMaketheWorldWorse,83–84Workingwomen,113–118

Yakushko,Oksana,141

Zucker,Alyssa,140