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C H A P T E R I I

MOBILIZATION OF PEASANTRY


An analysis of the modes, methods and ideas of peasant

mobilization can afford an Insight the political messages being

disseminated and the peasants responses to this.

The post-depression period positioned the Zamindari peasant at

a critical Juncture with exhorbltant rents and huge debts, while

security of tenure became his main concern. On the other hand,

the social reform movement in the 19th and early 20th century,

the Gandhian struggle and the literary movement prior to 1930s

had already made the peasant politically conscious. However, the

trends of peasant mobilization changed radically and there

emerged in 1930s a severe battle between the Congress Ideology

which suggested reformative solutioins and left ideology whose

agrarian demands were more appealing to the mass of the

peasantry. Both these groups ventured to capture the peasant

platform but one common point between them was that they did not

supersede the national liberation struggle in the name of peasant

problems, while on the other they tried and succeeded in bringing

the peasant under the fold of anti-colonial struggle. However,

the leftists wanted anti-imperial and anti-feudal movements to go

hand in hand, a programme which the Congress did not support as

anti-colonialism was first on its agenda. Irrespective of their

motives, they were successful in stirring the peasant

conciousness against British rule and the Zamindari system.

The depression brought commodity prices down, and seriously

affected agricultural incomes. This period roughly synchronized

with a new phase in the freedom movement in the early 1930s.

Following the Gandhi-Irwin pact in 1931, there was a lull in the

activities on the part of Gandhi and the Congress. This

disillusioned the Andhras, and particularly the young

nationalists in the Congress party. A wave of radicalisation

swept the ranks of the freedom movement from this period and a

number of disillusioned cadres of the Congress created a

situation in which there developed a general urge among the left

oriented political workers to form independent kisan

organisations. The initiative in this matter was taken mainly by

87


Congress Socialists and Communists and thus emerged a spate

of techinques to mobilise and woo peasants to their respective

folds.

Formation of peasant associations; using of press and

publications; public meetings; conducting peasant schools;

orginlsing peasant days, weeks, marches; and perfomlng

hero-worship [veera pooja) were the important methods used in

trying to influence the peasant mind. An examination of each of

these techniques follows.

No proper history of peasant movements can be written without

a survey of newspapers, which helped immensely in moulding the

peasant consciousness. Infact newspaper history is inextricably

tangled with political history. To educate, to inform and to

enlighten, constituted the duty of the nationalist press, whether

they represented the right or left ideology. It manifested a

growing self-confidence amongst publishers and subscribers in

making their growth almost parallel with the growth of peasant

consciousness as a class and pushed further in evolving the2

'collective mentality' .

The initiative came from the educated middle class. This

small group of educators, the new intelligentsia of the

universities, the religious reformers, free-lancing writers and

emerging rich-peasantry became the self-appointed interpreters

for the silent majority. Obviously they received stimulus from

reformative ideas of nationalism and revolutionary ideas of

Russian revolution, but the main impetus came from the study of

actual local conditons, which in its turn led to the birth of

what might be called peasant consciousness and to the

strengthening of peasant motivation to action.

A number of Journals and newspapers were started to highlight

the peasant problems. As early as 1920 The Ryot (weekly) was

started by N.G.Ranga and his associates, but it was stopped due

to internal bickerings in 1933.4 In 1929, the Ryot Patrika of

88


Rajamundry was started by M.Narasanna, but it ceased publication

in 1933 owing to financial troubles. The Zamln Ryot started in

1928 by Nellore Venkatarama Naidu, became a premier kisan paper6 7

of the Andhra. Vahini of Madras was started in 1936, and

NavaSakti of Bezawada in 1937,8 Prajabandhu of Madras in 1935,9

Chltragupta a fortnightly magazine in 1933, Prajavanl of

Srikakulam in 1935*1 Praja Sakti of Bezwada in 1942*2 and a

host of other papers served the peasant cause.

The veteran newspapers like Andhra Patrika , Krishna

Patrika1* and the English daily Hindu15 served the interests of

the peasantry. However their tone was very mild at times and

they shied away from reporting the enthusiastic activities of the. 16

peasants.

Krishna Patrika highlighted the acute food problem existing in

Andhra areas during 1940s and advocated the peaceful18

settlement between the agitating peasants and the Zamindars. It

waged a relentless battle against the Communist activities and

urged the peasantry to follow Congress to alleviate their

problems and to free India from British rule. A creative

conversation between two workers published in this paper reveals

the paper's stand.

First worker: Congress is a bourgeoise organisation. It

favours capitalists and Zamindars. How can we believe it?

2nd worker(a Congress sympathiser): Congress's primary aim is

to achieve independence. So it had to take co-operation from all

classes. It had declared that after independance it will

establish peasants and workers rule. It has also announced that

the Zamindari system will be abolished.

1st worker: Why then is it giving compensation to the

Zamindars?

2nd worker: Because it wants to solve the problem

peacefully.Congress stands for the poor. It gives food,

shelter,clothing, education and health to everyone.

89


In yet another article In 1946 Krishna Patrika, tried to

pursuade the peasant that the Zamindars could be reformed by the

Congress policies and that already many Zamindars had immersed

themselves in Congress activities and were investing their money

in welfare activities. Saying that the "Congress will

definitely bring change in the Zamindari class for the betterment

of the peasant", it declared in its editorial in 1946 that the

only aim of the Congress was to establish peasant and workers20

rule in lndependant India. It went to the extent of declaring

that Gandhi was more than a Communist in solving the problems of

the peasantry. However it also cautioned that the peasant was22

being pampered and that he was complaining about everything.

It maintained that Congress was like mother to Andhras and

Congress aims should be the guiding principle of Andhras.

Andhra Patrika was another nationalist paper, which gave

importance to the peasant question, but advocated a cautious and

reformative approach to solve its problems, without Jeopardising

the ongoing freedom struggle and without antagonising any of the

classes co-operating in the national movement. However, it

was ruthless in critising the government policies affecting the

peasants. In one of Its several editorials in this"regard, it

took the Madras Assembly to task for not taking up peasant

issues. It did not miss any opportunity to report the peasant

movements going on around the world in order to encourage the26

Andhra peasant. It reported widely the activities of peasant27

associations and waged bitter criticism against Justice Party

during the 1937 elections and pleaded with the peasants to vote

for Congress, which it emphasised would attend to their28

problems. The debt problem was widely exposed in all itsarticles during 1934 and 1935 and the Congress ministry was urged

29

to find remedy to this problem. It published several poems in

an attempt to make the peasant mind favourable to the Congress

party, for instance, "for the well-being of the peasant,Congress

should come to power; if taxes are to be reduced- vote for30

Congress". Another poem written by Settipally Venkataratnam,

90


31entitled An advice to the Ryot, goes

"election have come to show the might of the peasantry,peasants should roar so that the entire world would bear,come on peasants; come ; to establish your rule,//G.Brahmayya (INC candidate) like Brahmanayadu (a historicalpersonality) should tumble down the prestige of Challapalli Raja,Narrayana (INC) should cut short the cattish strategies ofMirza Zamindar and destroy in the Nuzvid forests//Baddepudi (INC) lion should pounce upon on VenkatagiriRaja and declare victory//Ranga, the great sovereign leader of Indian peasantIs leading you//So my dear peasants make Congress a victorious partyonly to make these anti-Indian Zamindars, a sanyasi folk//"

(It should be mentioned that In the 1937 elections many Zamindaripeople contested against Congress candidates and were defeatedthroughly).

Another provocative article, was captloned "Who saves the

peasant? It is Pitapuram Raja (Peoples Party) or Pallam Raja32

(INC)" The paper gave an oportunity to a number of peasants

to enumerate their problems in its paper by allocating space, at

regular intervals. It also brought out special supplements on

every Thursday from 1933 on the subject 'Agriculture and34

Co-operative Farming".

Peasant marches and peasant weeks organised by the various35

peasants associations were given wide publicity. The

editorials ruthlessly criticised on the short expenditures

allocated to the agriculture sector in the budgets. When

Japan banned Andhra cotton, Andhra Patrika carried a series of

articles provoking the peasants to agitate and to take up this37

matter to the corridors of Assembly. However, in all its

attempts, Andhra Patrika like Krishna Patrika underplayed

anti-zamindarl movements and concentrated mostly in moulding

peasants mind according to the Congress ideology and talked less

about the needs of agricultural labourers. While welcoming the

abolition of Zamindari system, it favoured adequate compensation38

to be given for the Zamindars. Regarding the

peasant-agricultural labourer relationship, it advocated a

cordial and mutual understanding to be developed between them,

and compared both to a wife and husband and also to two bullocks

91


tied to a cart; meaning that the two should go in a single39

direction in order to reach the destination.

The popular English dally Hindu too towed the line of the

above two nationalist papers regarding peasant issues. However,

it was very useful in exposing the repressive character of the

colonial state.

Several other Telugu and English papers expressed similar

views. Telugu (weekly twice) was very critical about 1908 Estate

Land Act and subsequent Acts of 1934 and 1936 and published a40

series of articles about the loopholes in these Acts. The

Vijaya a fortnightly from Tanuku in its acticle of 1937 on 'the

evils of capitalism and poverty' strongly blamed the zamindary

system and British rule for the miseries of the peasants.

Stanika Palana, a monthly from Bezwada brought special issues

while the Madras Assembly was proceeding with Debt Relief Act and42

furnished the peasants with reliable information. Vijayavani,

from Anantapur followed very closely the Kalipatnam peasant

Satyagraha. Swatantra Bharati a weekly from Bezwada was

critical of the policy of importing of food grains and demanded

the government to take measures to encourage more indigenous44

agricultural production. Bharati a literary journal urged the

peasants to be far away from caste and communal feelings. The

Janmabhumi in its article entitled 'Peasants and Congress',

reveals the attitude of the Congress party towards peasants, it

reads thus, "as our struggle for independence progresses, its

success will depend on the impression it makes on the masses,

their active sympathy is essential. We should launch an

intensive propaganda throughout the country. If this propaganda

is to be effective, it should bring to the peasants, who are the

bulk of the people, the concrete nature of the swaraj we aim at.

Mahatmaji's eleven points of 1930 include many of the unspoken

demands of our masses. It will be useful to consider them in

greater detail and evolve a complete plcutre of what swaraj

should do for the peasants. The present legal system is too

costly and cumbrous to afford any protection to the peasant

against the oppression of Zamindars and others. Some form of

panchayat in which the peasants will be in a majority hand which

92


will have the power to protect the individual peasant from

tyranny should be the basis of the swaraJ constitution".

Zamin Ryot, which began its publication in 1930, was one

important paper which concentrated exclusively on the peasant

question and was In the forefront In educating and mobilising the47

Zamindari peasants. In the 1937 elections it worked very

efficiently and was the first paper in Telugu to use cartoon48

pictures. It published articles emphasising the need of

peasant associations, the benefits and securities such

associations provide. It also published informatioln on the

social and economic conditions of peasants in European49

countries. Its editor Nellore Venkatarama Naidu published his

famous song 'we don't want this association with the Zamindars'

in 1933 which infact became a magic song stirring the peasants

against the Zamindari system. It indirectly helped in

strengthening the Congress organisation by canvassing among the

peasantry the need for independence along with the abolition of

the Zamindari system. Its attack was also directed against the

Communists especially in the 1940s when the C ommunists started

supporting the British in its war efforts in the name of people's

war. 5 2

Another peasant paper, which advocated the overthrow of the

Zamindari system through violent means was the Vahini from Madras.

According to the report of the Commissioner of Police of Madras,

its editor K.Brahmaiah was a person with Socialist leanings and

keenly interested in the peasant movements, and it was felt that

the journal was likely to be used in furtherance of the Socialist

and peasant movements and that his avowed object was to stir up

the ryots and workers. Its articles were worded with

provocative sentences, some such were, 'in Zamindari areas the

ryot is alleged to be a slave whose vitals are sapped by the

village officers to fill their stomachs, what Indian ryot

produces goes to foreign countries; the endeavour of Gandhi to

awaken the ryots from their lethargy and to unite them are said

to have been responsible for the government appointing a

Commission (the Linlithgow Commission of Agriculture) whose

93


recommendations, too, have not been accepted by them. The

Congress should use all energies for the protection of the

ryot.' The article concluded with the observation that until the

ryots gird up their loins and enter the field of action India

cannot obtain independance and their problems cannot be solved.

In yet another article it advocated that Socialism was the only

solution to the terrible Indian prroblem of land; it advanced

three reasons for the general decline of the ryot despite the

construction of anicuts and reservoirs a) he is not the owner of

the land under his cultivation b) agricultural implements are not

his c) the produce raised by him is not his; thus in socialism

alone lies the ryots's salvation. Justifying its claims for

socialism Vahini argues that capitalism stands for the peace and

happiness to a few. Political independence would promote peace

and happiness among the people, only when it is allied with

economic independence. It says "the Zamindars and maharajas

are veritably a drag on the community class war alone with

all its revolutionary forces can solve the problems of our

poverty and unemployment'. "If the Congress desires, swaraJ, it

should alter the present conditions and bring into force not only

political freedom but also the Karachi resolution which defined58

economic freedom alone as swaraJ". Inciting the peasants

against Zamindari system, it remarked, "there can be'no peace in

Andhradesa, unless the domination of these deceivers, the

Zamindars, everyone of whom is acting like a Dyer, is checked59

since the patience of ryots has been exhausted".

When security was demanded from Vahini by the government it

ceased publication and its management started a new paper called

Krantl from the same press in 1939, and continued its sharp

criticism against the government and the Zamindari system. It

not only directed its attacks on the British and Zamindars but

also against the Congress Ministry for not fulfilling the

aspirations of the peasants; "why should we carry on the fight

with the British government? If our country comes out victorious

from the fight what are the benefits that will accrue to us?

Congress should give proper answer." It also, said, "let

94


peasants and workers struggle for independence, what we want is

not mere swaraJ but the peasants and workers rule. In its

editorial the Krantl writes, "the greatest defect in the Congress

programme is, it did not define swaraJ it should have declared

its chief item of its programme of work the ideal of the economic

needs of the peasants and workers." However, throughout their

publication Kranti and Vahini preached national liberation and

though they criticised the Congress, they never attempted to

overshadow the Congress organization in the fight for freedom.

Andhra vani another vernacular paper also raised the problem

of the peasantry and in one of its issues it tried to stir the

mind of the peasant. "why are you dumb, ye poor raiyats?

can you not in a loud voice proclaim your rights?can you not raise your hand and show your might?with a hungry stomach and a naked bodyhow long do you labour in vain?you are not able to support your children,how can you beat the burden of taxes?look at your wailing children and your ailing wives?do they not goad you to stand up demanding your rights?"

T.Prakasam's Swarajya (1921-1935) admirably served the peasant

cause. Though the object of the paper was to propogate the ideas

and programme of the Congress it published in great detail the

problems of the peasantry. It highlighted the views of the64

Indian League delegation on the poverty In Indian villages. His

Village Republic (1940-42) championed the cause of

self-sufficient economy.

The Communist dominated papers, Navasakki and Prajasakti also

played a significant role in moulding the mood of the peasantry

in the anti-colonial and anti-zamlndari agitations.In journalism

and literature the Communists were the first to promote simple,

clear, and crisp modern prose, in place of the archaic style

preserved by generations of established Telugu writers. Though

one may not lable the Communist propaganda as revolutionary in

that it never advocated for a complete change in the land

relations; yet it was more radical than that of Congressmen and

95


Socialists. Though the C.P.I. leadership was essentially

elitist, belonging to the middle and rich landlord upper castes.

It was also sensitive to the problems of the poor peasantry and

lower caste agricultural labourers. As there was a ban on

C.P.I, from 1934 to 1942, most of the Communists worked through

the C.S.P.. peasant associations and forthemost part they

remained in the Congress Itself.

They ran Prabha under the guidance of Gadde Lingayya in 1935

for a few months to propogate Marxist ideas. But the

publication of Navasakti from Rajamundry in 1937 with Madduri

Annapurnayya as its editor marked the beginning of a fullfledged

Communist paper in the Andhra area. Very soon it was shifted to

Vijayawada and continued to be published as a weekly till it was69

banned during second world war. It directed a number of70

peasant marches, and played a very important role in bringing

the peasants to give witness before the Prakasam Committee. It

warned the Madras ministry that if the Prakasam Committee

recommendations were not implemented, peasants would resort to72

violent methods. Navasakti highlighted and focussed on theKalipatnam, Challapalli, Munagala satyagrahas. It advocated

74

the abolition of Zamindari system. In its Tripuri Sanchika,

Navasakti, published a front page article on various peasant

struggles that occured in Indian history and urged the peasantry

to be vigilent of the exploiters and be ready to fight against75

them. Apart from reporting peasant events, it alloted two

pages to world news, two to national news and a special feature

on Soviet Union.When Navasakti was banned in 1939, the Communists brought out

a secret cyclostyle paper named Swatantra Bharathi to propogate77

its ideas. In 1945, Prajasakti came out as a dally from the78

Communist party. It followed the footsteps of Navasakti. Itwas more successful in bringing the agricultural labourers to its

79fold by advocating the distribution of banjar lands to them,and preaching for peasant-labourer unity, and adequate

81wages. However, though it was bitter in its criticism against

96


the Congress in regard to the peasant question. Prajasaktl, from

the beginning wrote articles encouraging peasants in their fight

against colonial rule and favoured Gandhi in his fight for82

freedom. It's headings ran like this, "peasant is the

patriot', 'peasant is the backbone of freedom struggle',' peasant

and worker co-operation should be the founding stone of free. . . . 83India .

In all most all the papers satirical cartoons were carried.

They exercised an influence all out of proportion, in the

political and cultural life of the peasant. They expressed the

growing feeling of antagonsim towards the exploiters. At a time

when the literacy rate was still very low, these cartoons spoke

volumes. Few were spared and all sorts and conditions of men were

freely caricatured and it proved to be an impressionistic device

that needed no translation.

Yet it would be not right to claim too much for the press as

the majority of the people did not see newspapers, let alone read

them. The credit goes to the peasant activists who ventured to

go to the villages to convey to the villagers what was written.

We will see in a later section how this mechanism functioned.

Apart from newspapers and journals, several books were written

to educate and inform the peasant about the exploitative

mechanism of the colonial rule and Zamindari system and the ways

and means to get rid of this evils.

In this regard, the first book to be mentioned would be

Malapalle written by Unnava Laxminarayana in 1922, where the

author unravels the way in which capitalists, landed aristocrats

and bureaucrats were trampling under foot the toiling masses, and

the growing nexus between the various limbs of the government

such as the police, the majistrate, the Judicial and Jail

department and corrupt, dishonest and cruel officials. The

peasants and workers thereby affected are awakened, become class

97


conscious, form union and work for the emancipation from alien

and exploitative rule. He ends the novel where India achieves

independence and fashions a type of government suited to meet the85

demands of the peasant and working classes and all are happy.

However, through out the novel the author stresses the

underlying need for peasant worker co-operation and in the novel

a Kamma landlord's son helps the agricultural labourer belonging

to a harijan family in his attempts to secure minimum wages for

the agricultural labourers. The book was proscribed by the86

Government in 1932, for its attack on government departments.

Closely following the above novel, N.G.Ranga, wrote in 1933 a87

novel Harijana Nayakudu, which emphasises the need for peasant

worker coalition, to achieve their respective goals. He

visualises a situation where the peasant and his labourer live

happily respecting each others needs. This story is about an

agricultural labourer belonging to a harijan family who attempts

to reform his community socially. Finally he succeeds in his

venture with the help of his master, a Kamma landlord's son. In

each and every page Ranga tries to see that the agricultural

labourers praises the benevolence of the rich peasant class.

Though a mention is made about a few greedy and cruel peasants in

the story, he ends it with the impression that the landed

peasants and agricultural workers will lead a happy life if their

efforts are coordinated with the peasant at the helm of affairs.

To quote few references will make the intention of the author

very clear. Basavalingayya, the harijan leader says, "I along

with my community will always serve the peasants with loyalty,

patience and strength, for the generosity you have showered upon

me".Replying to this, Ramanayya, the landlord blesses

Basavalingayya, "like you, the entire community of yours should88

serve us faithfully, loyally and with respect".

QQ

Ryotu Bhajanavali, which was first published in 1934, served

the interests of the peasant by not only informing them of the

deplorable conditions surrounding them, but also roused popular

sentiment of the peasants and helped to activate their energies

98


in full strength. The Burrakatha troup of G.Venkatasubbayya,

Bhajana Samaj of Chityala, Band troup of Divi taluq, Hutchinsons

Recording company, students of peasants institute, peasanton

marchers etc., carried these songs to all corners of Andhra.

The appealing strength of the poems will be known if one reads

them. These poems were collected and edited by N.G.Ranga and

printed at the Swarajya printing press in Bezwada. One song

reads like this:91

We do not want this association with Zamindars,lying in ambush for our lives, it has destroyed our honour,though there is a failure of crops, they will not give up taxes,they will file rent-suits which would be followed by distress,they would set upon their agents and would shoot us down, ifwe were to make a protest,every year they enhance the assessment; when will their violencecease?when we tell them that tanks have breached, they turn a deaf ear,put an end to their cruel administration, oh God,In the Venkatagiri Zamindari they collected Rs.70/- per acre,oh, Father (God) we cannot hear the burdensome taxes which bringtears to our eyeswe prefer to migrate to government villages at least,there is no system of imposing taxes, they do it blindly,we labour eternally without minding the hot sun and raise crops,In the end they snatch,we have to pay bribes publicly, besides there are court-expenses,when can the ryot live happily?they would not spend even a pie for the benefit of the ryot,

They would spend money like water on polo games without realisingthat it is the people's money,it seems they would go to the legislative council on our behalf,but having gone there, they would ruin us,mthey execute decrees (against us) and holding the bowl in theirhands, they come begging for votes,they impound cattle, catch hold of the milch buffalo and troubleus for votes,they dont allow land revenue remissions to be decided bylegislation,they would even bribe politicians and rally them to their sideconcealing the fraud,they would make them write such good reports upon themselves(Zamindars)so that the world might appreciate the latter,Oh, God we don't want this association with Zamindars.

92An another poem, entitled 'why do you do nothing',

why do you do nothing? you, the kisan king,can't you tell people your rights?

99


can't you publish your prowess with gusto?

how do you bear this burden of taxes?while failing to feed your beloved family,

wadding through mud, walking through thorn,crops you raise after untold sufferings, yet, you don't findenough to eat,is there then no limit to your slavery?

you ply the plough, break open our beloved mother earth,and these millionaries, butterflies, are dancing your death

dance dance.

93The poem 'unite, unite, oh, the peasant' celebrates the

unity of peasant.

we yearn for food, for freedom, for favour,if only we all are united,we, the peasants,we, the workers

Might there is today amidst the peasant and the proletariat,caste or creed we need not bother,together we live, united we inarch.

Another poem encouraging the peasant and treating him asnational hero read thus.

The entire country is now depending upon you, oh, peasant,you are the crusader oh, peasant,come on come on, and show your power, oh, peasant.

this,

Showing direction to the peasant mass, one song runs like

94

To establish the rule of all hard working people,peasant-labour people unite and march forward,establish a rule where the peasant get his proper share ofproductionestablish a rule where the worker does not succumb toexploitation,establish a rule where the artisans live strengthening thecountry side,political independance may come,alien rule may go,but real life to the country will comeonly when the peasant is developedTo establish a rule where all hard working people take part.

95Another song entitled Peasant's State: envisions a peasant

rajya:

100


Did Gandhi tell simply,that if peasant comes to power,Rama Rajya would have comefor the peasant is innocent and uncheatable,so what deficit would we have?

Oh, peasants, the state is yours,hey, peasant king, you are kings,peasant days have already come,

come on come on- for peasant's service,freedom and food, the peasant will give,peasants should rule and we should see Rama Rajya.

In many songs the message was clear, raising protest meant

changing the order of domination and sub-ordination. However,

in these songs both millenarian and mundane aspirations and

concerns were linked with the concept of Ram Rajya and Swarajya.

Apart from Ryotu Bhajanavali, several other books containing

similar songs were published during this period and important96

among them was the book entitled Karshaka(meaning Peasant). In

this the author asks the peasants to ward off caste feelings

which would prove suicidal to the cause of the peasantry. He

questions the existence of God for not helping the peasants to

resolve his problems. He provokes the peasant by saying that"

you are the maker of the state, not the aristocracy". He accuses

scholars and poets, who are not working for the cause of the

peasantry, that they sold themselves to the donkeys who have

money.

This was also the time when many young people were turning to

the Marxian thought following the success of the revolution in

the Soviet Union, and the growth of left wing in the Congress

party. Formation of the C.P.I and C.S.P gave further fillip to

this trend. The economic deterioration of the peasantry in the

wake of depression clubbed with the dissillusionment of Gandhian

style of politics, a section of Andhra youth advocated a radical

approach in solving the peasant problems. Narrating this trend

in later years, N.G.Ranga observed, "during this perlod(1930-40),

leftist literature was a craze among us all. The publication of

101


the 'Left Book Club'of London, Soviet literature and also the

books of John Stracthy and JawaharlalJee, Edgar Snow, Maxim

Gorky, G.H.D.Cole were extremely popular. Literature on China,

97

had a vogue of all their own". P.Sundarayya in his

autobiography, states that after reading Communist Manifesto he

became a ardent Communist and started spreading Communist

, . . 98Ideology among masses.

Krishna District Congress Socialist Party published a telugu

book entitled Life of Lenin to encourage the peasants to turn to

Lenin's mode or agitation. However this book was proscribed by99

the Government.

Another book Socialism Ante (What does Socialism Meant)

demanded that land, industries, cultural institutions etc. ,

should be equally distributed and enjoyed by all

citizens.Sandesam (Message) which was a telugu translation of

'Appeal to the Youth' written by the French Anarcho Communist

Prince Kropotkin, deplores the unjust and one-sided law of the

country and calls on young men, women, peasants, workers and

military to join hands to destroy the law of the country and

over-throw the present social order in which -Zamindars and

landlords live at the cost of the poor labouring classes.

Karl Marx Upadesamulu (the teaching of Karl Marx) was a

translation of Lenin's The Teachings of Karl Marx. It advocated

that the lower middle class small manufacturers, small traders,

handicraftsmen, peasant proprietors- one and all fight the

bourgeosie in safegaurding their existance as sections of the

middle class. This book too was proscribed by the Government in

1 9 3 ? 103

Lenin Upadesamulu (Teaching of Lenin)104 was a telugu

translation of the book Lenin by R.P.Dutt. Its forward 'Russia

Viplavam 1905' was banned by the Congress Ministry in the Madras

Presidency, on the grounds that it contained passages tending to

incite armed rebellion and the commissioning of offences

102


involving violence, and that it was expressly published to serve

as a help in devising programmes and in working them out in105

practice.

Paris Commune, was a literal translation of Lenin's book

The Paris Commune. It charactrises the Paris Commune of 1871 as

the dress rehearsal in world history of the socialist revolution

of the working class. The object of this translation seems to

be to rouse the working class in India to militate action for the

violent overthrow of the present order of society.

India Bhavishyathu (the Future of India)1Oargues that the

conditions in the country would remain the same so long as the

Zamindari and capitalist system continue to prevail and says that

if India wants real independence these evil systems should be

removed. Another book arguing on the same lines was Swatantra108

Garjana (The Roar of Independance) written by V.V.Subramanya109

Sastry. Viplava Yugamu (Terrorist Age) says that the

conditions of the poor peasants is deplorable and that the women

folk of poor ryots, who failed to pay their taxes and rents were

forcibly removed to bungalows and raped.

The telugu drama Zamin Ryot depicts the conditions of

peasants in the Zamindari areas. From the beginning it narrates

the ill-treatment meeted out by the Zamindars to their tenants

and the resulting hardship of the latter. It was calculated to

discredit the Zamindari system. The Government of Madras

prohibited this on the grounds that the drama might create

unneccessary tension between the Zamindars and their servants.

Another telugu drama entitled Guru Babu designed to foster112

Communist ideas in the minds of the masses was proscribed.

Karl Marx's Communist Manifesto, Engels Communist

Fundamentals, Lenin's Imperialism were among the number of

translations made into Telugu. This trend was given further

103


fillip with the establishment of Vishwa Sahithya Mala

Publications at Munganda (East Godavari District) in 1935. 1 1 3 It

is said that the publishers themselves took these books to the

houses to introduce them to the masses. During the second world

war, Communists launched Prajasaktl publications and published

Communist literature.lt was responsible for the publication of

Maa Bhoomi (Our Land) drama which was staged several times in. .. 114Andhra.

A pamphlet entitled Peda Ryotula Kashtalela Potayi? (How will

the difficulties of poor peasants be solved?) was very critical

of Congress agrarian policies. It demanded progressive

taxation of agricultural communities, and land for the tiller.

It appealed to the middle peasants to co-operate with the

labouring class in solving their problems.

The pamphlet issued by the 'Workers and Peasants' Party and

addressed to the Congress as early as 1927 demanded that if

Congress comes to power it must guarantee to the peasants that

the land belongs to the tiller, reduction of land rents,

exemption from rent for poor peasants, protection against the

avarice of money-lenders and assistance by means of credits to

the cultivator.116 It appealed to the Congress, that if it

wished to conduct the struggle for national liberation, it must

become the party of the people, representing not only the few of

the electorate, but the unfranchised majority.

Sri Sri, the idol of two generations of aspiring telugu

writers, was a revolutionary poet leading a writers' movement a

full decade before the C.P.I, organized its literary front in the118

form of the All India Progressive Writers Association in 1943.

This organisation gave much attention to the cultural and social119

development of the people.

Though many of the books of leftist leanings did not

exclusively deal with the question of peasantry, they reflect the

radicallsation of thought, in the country-side, and providing

104


wide canvass for the peasant mind to respond.They created a

suitable environment, conducive to rational and radical thinking.

The symbols and slogans of the Russian revolution became very

popular.

Kambhampati Sathyanarayana was another active Communist

ideologue who deeply appreciated the Communist movements in

USSR.He authored Soviet Union Today, Dialectical Materialism:

Ends and Means, and also translated Stalin's Foundation of

Leninism.120

Apart from these Communist produced literature, special

mention needs to be made of Prof.N.G.Ranga, who gained121

prominance for his techniques of peasant mobilisation. He122

wrote several books on peasant problem. The following are the123

books written by him.

Economic Organisation of Indian Villages, Deltaic Villages,vol.1, 1926,Economic Organisation of Indian Villages, Dry Villages, vol, II,1928,Hand-loom Weaving Industry, 1930Economic condition of the Zamindari ryots, 1933,Tribes of the Nilagiri's -Their economic conditions, 1928,Harijana Nayakudu, 1933,Agricultural Indebtedness, Remedial measures,Labour in South India, 1934,Modern Indian Peasant, 1936,Kisan Speaks, 1937,Peasants and Congress, 1937,History of the Kisan Movement, 1939,Kisans and the Communists, 1942,Outlines of National Revolutionary Path, 1945,Challenge of World Peasantry, 1942,Colonial and Coloured Peoples, 1942. etc,.

In all these books he gave prime position to the peasant.

The peasant's social, economical and cultural problems were

thoroughly probed.Peasant-labour relationship was discussed;

peasants role in freedom movement was prescribed. These books

were translated into telugu and were widely popularised. He

advocated peasant-labour unity. For him most of the grievances

of the landless peasant against landed peasant could be remedied

in a remodelled economy, provided both make common cause and

105


present a united front against the common exploiters- the

capitalist class and their allies. He was a bitter critic of

Zamindari system. He argued that the colonial peasantry were125

the greatest revolutionary force.

In his book 'Peasants and the Congress' he advocated that on

the basis of truth and non-violence and democratic discussion and

genuine mutual forebearance, both Gandhltes and socialists can

co-operate with each other as klsan sabhaites and work for the

establishment of not only political independence, but also the

ultimate peasant' and workers' Raj. He says that the long

term object of the peasant movement was the complete capture of

power in the State. He argues that the peasants, more than

industrial workers, enjoy certain advantages in developing their

organisation, and they are a) the peasants are still near to

their village traditions of self-government, b) they are more

self-reliant, c) they have more self-confidence, being in charge

of food production and d) the Indian peasants to this day settle

their social affairs through their local caste of group128

Panchayats. He popularised such ideas by orgainising

associations, peasant institutions, marches, conducting tours,

etc,. He provided a central organisation, leadership and an

inspiring Ideology during 1930s even before the Communists could

think of the peasant question.

Several government legislations were translated into telugu to

keep the peasant abreast of the situation around them.For129

instance, Madras Debt Relief Act was translated in 1938.

Government Reports were also immediately translated to inform the

peasant mass along with critical analysis of the same.

N.G.Ranga's Enquiry Report on the economic conditions of

Zamindari peasants and Prakasam Committee's Report on Madras

Estate Land Act were given wide publicity in the Andhra

country.

106


Apart from these, several other books were written

highlighting the problems of the peasantry. R.M.Sarma's

Zamindari Ryotu Samasya (Problems of the Zamindari peasant) 1 3 1

and Gorrepati Venkatasubbalah's Hana Zamindarilu (Our132

Zamindars) deserves special mention. R.M.Sarma gives a

detailed account of the development of the Zamindari system in

India and argues that the Zamindar is not the owner of the land.

He also brings out the rack-renting by the Andhra Zamindars and

furnished statistical data in an accessible manner to common man.

Gorrepati Venkatasubbaiah explains the evils of Zamindari system

and brings out the bad habits of the Zamindars and the manner

they squander the public wealth.

Peasant leaders undertook frequent tours addressing the

peasant population about their problems and enlisting their

support for anti-colonial and anti-feudal struggle. National

leaders also visited the rural areas to mobilise the peasantry in

this regard.

Nehru's tour in 1936-37 was a highly successful one in

persuading the peasantry to support the Congress so that their

problems would be eradicated. To quote some of his speeches

would be relevant at this juncture. In his speech at

Punanipadu (Krishna District) he said "India is full of peasants

and peasantry have much the same difficulty all over India,

therefore the problem of peasants is an all-India problem. In

swaraJ, they will not be exploited." In Itchapur speech he

claimed that "there are eighty percent of the peasants in the

Congress party all over the country." He declared that "the

fight for swaraj is a fight for peasants rights". Though the

peasants generally could not quite understand his plea for

socialism when they came across a reference that carried definite

local implication like 'the Zamindari system should go' they

cheered.1 Wherever he went he talked about agrarian uplift and

the amelioration of the peasant classes. He exhorted the ryots

to form peasant association and to affiliate them with the

Congress so that they might form the militia of the Congress in

107

MOBILIZATION Or PEASANTRY

the fight with British imperialism. He opined that the British

imperialism and the Zamindari system were responsible for the

poverty of the masses in the country, and said that "capitalism

and Zamindari system never stood for the rights of the peasants

and they were against purna swaraJ".135 He touched on poverty

and unemployment and attributed these to the Zamindari system.

M.N.Roy during his tour in 1937 urged that propaganda should

be undertaken in the villages to carry on the fight for political

and economic freedom. He stated that the Congress was the

medium though which the revolutionary vangaurd could establish

contact with the masses and asked the peasants to support the

Congress. S.S.Batliwala, Socillst leader from Bombay, toured

the Andhra area and asked the audience to form 'watch and ward'

groups in every village to keep under observation the conduct of

government officials and to convey to the Congress Ministers the

grievances of the villages. He closed his speeches with a slogan

'long live revolution' which was repeated by most of the138

audience.

P.V.Sivayya, a Socialist leader in his speeches visualised

that "it is only so long as the British government remains in the

country that the Zamindar will exist. When the British

government leaves that country, then the system of exploitation139

will cease". He also provoked the peasants to get organised,

"so long as you depend on petition and good will, there is no

salvation for you, do not fall prey to caste distinctions, does a

Reddy landlord give more wages to a Reddy labourer? This is only

a trick, a trick to break the unity among the workers. This will

be useful for enhancing the richness of the wealthy. There

should be village, taluk and district unions, if you achieve140

this, the money lenders will see their end. .

P.Sundarayya, who was the Secretary of the Madras Provincial

Labour Protection League and Provincial Trade Union Congress and

Joint Secretary of the Andhra Provincial Congress Socialist Party

in his speech at Rajamundry in 1936 said that "the government,

108


Zamindar and sowcars should be destroyed even if it meant a

violent revolution, we should establish a real workers and

peasants government, there is a difference between communism and

Socialism. Socialism is only the first stage of communism, while

Socialism insists that every person should be paid the same wage,

men are expected to work to the best of their ability.and are

provided in the Communist system with the necessaries of life in

proportion to the work done by them.... we have to fight these

Zamindars and capitalists on one hand and with the arbitrary141

British government on the other.

N.G.Ranga toured the length and breadth of the Andhra area and

the general tone of his speeches was anti-zamindari and

anti-colonial. For instance, he said "the country would roll in

prosperity when its labourers and peasants are in good condition.

We should not give up our agitation until these estates are taken

out of the control of these Zamindars, and are placed in the

possession of a Collector of the government. Even the Congress

has accepted this socialism. It has agreed to improve the

conditions of the ryots and labourers. Those who try to ruin the, „ 142

country are eunuchs .

In yet another speech delivered at Nuzvid, Ranga said "the

government say they will give swaraj. They give us that swaraj

wanted by the Zamindars, by the millionaires, and by the Rajas of

the Native States. The Zamindars are also saying within their

own minds that they want swaraj. They do not want the swaraj

which we want. They are already in possession of the swaraj

which they want. The British is trying to create endless trouble

between the Zamindar and the ryots. If you do not convert Malas

and Madlgas (Harijans) as your own people, they will fall into

the hands of the white people and stay with them. We must have

to celebrate the downfall of Zamindars as we feasted for the

death of Narakasura (a demon by name Narakasura, who was killed

by Sri Krishna and for which the festival Deepavali is being

celebrated)." Where ever he spoke he ended his speech with the

slogans of victory to Swatantra Bharath, the Zamindari system

should perish, and land tax should go.

109

110


These speeches and tours created a deep disaffection and

stirred peasant consciousness to raise their voice against the

exploitation of the Zamindars.

Formation of peasant associations marked the beginning of the

growth of peasant awakening towards their political, and144

economical conditions and responsibilities. Several

associations were formed in the coastal districts of Andhra. In

1905, Gudivada Taluk Peasant Rssociation was formed. In 1915

Krishna District Peasant Association was formed and annual

conferences were held since then. By 1923 peasant associations at

district level were formed in Guntur and East Godavari

districts. Due to the efforts of N.G.Ranga, M.Bapinadu,

Blkkina Venkatarathnam and others Andhra Provincial Peasant

Association was formed in 1928 in Guntur, and it was

registered in 1936.147

In 1929 Andhra Provincial Zamindari Peasant Association was

formed under the guidance of N.G.Ranga and Rebba Pragada

Mandeswara Sharma. In 1931, Peasants Protection Committee,

in 1935, South Indian Federation of Agricultural Labour and

Peasants was formed. These organisations made the peasants

feel confident to voice their grievances and agitate for their

redressal. The evidence of these organisations directing the

peasant movements can be seen throughout 1930s and 1940s. They

emphasised modernisation of the peasants social and cultural

outlook so that they might prepare themselves socially and

politically to establish their millenarian peasant raj or

swaraJ. This perception was repeatedly put forward in Ranga's

speeches and articles.

The most outstanding novel development in educating the

peasant population was the establishment of the Indian Peasant

Institute in Nidubrolu on 12th April, 1934 by N.G.Ranga. This

was the first such institute to be established in India. All

the prominent social and political leaders of Andhra were invited

to deliver lectures to the students on social and economic

problems facing the country. The students belonged to local


peasant families, though few people came from other areas of

Andhra.Ryotu Bhajanavali was selected for the dally bhajan and

with this the organisers helped to attune the students with the

agitating peasant approach to Indian nationalism. The press

of the day published extensive reports of daily speeches and the

lectures delivered there to spread the cause of peasant problems.

The institute also held its sessions in various parts of Andhra

to popularise and train the youth to take up the peasant cause.

The main purpose of this institute was to unite agricultural

labourers and peasants, to educate them the peasant culture, their

needs, and to train them to run peasant movement and to serve the154

peasant cause.

In its deliberations, discussion on socialism, Gandhism, women

upliftment etc., were conducted. Seminars were organised to

enable the students to exchange their views. It was made

compulsory for each student to speak on issues either supporting

or opposing. Mock parliament sessions were run in the Institute.

Various issues were discussed in the Institute, for

example, Internaional problems as perceived by Gandhi.Political

and economical system that protects coloured people, How Gandhism

emerged,The aims of Congress, 1857 Revolt.American

Revolution,History of Sun-Yet-Sen, China,French Revolution- Its

aims and achievements,Afghan's struggle for Independence against

England and Russia,Irish peoples freedom struggle,Lessons from

South American Revolutions,The evils of capitalism,The need for

united anti-imperial struggle,How peasants became a revolutionary

calass?,Peasants economic problems- Low prices and high

prices,The problems of agricultural labourer.What is the chief

objective of a colonial peasant?2amindari system in a historical

perspective,Revenue system in India,National planning- its

nesessity, etc.

A number of the students of the Institute rose to become

prominent public workers in the ensuing peasant and national

movements. It held its sessions in Rayalaseema in 1936-37, in

Madanapalle in 1938, in Vizagapatnam and Srikakulam in 1938 and

1939, in Cuddapah and Guntur districts in 1940 and 1941, in

Krishna in 1947-48 besides its annual or biannual sessions in

111


Nidubrolu throughout this period. Several of the graduates of

the Institute organised preparatory schools in almost all the

districts and conducted weekly or week-end sessions for many

years. The leftists also ran a number of such schools and a

government Fortnightly Reports that in Manthanavaripalem (Guntur

district) the lecturers were largely Communists from North India

and the general tendency of their lectures was to disparge the

philosophy and patience of non-violence.

Traditional methods were used for spreading enlightenment

among the public, such as the burrakatha, jangam katha, veera

katha and mono-acting. A number of the traditional bards were

hired to sing and popularise peasant songs, poems, ballads, which

were specially composed, which proved extremely popular during

the 1937 elections. Infact the Communists after studying these

methods of propaganda, developed them and made effective use of

them and subsequently the Congress too came to utilise them158

enthusiastically.

The Institute also initiated the practice of honouring writers

and poets who devoted their writings to political and social

problems. For instance Garimella Satyanarayana, the author of

the famous song 'we do not want a white government', Adavi Bapi

Raju and Sree Swami Siva Sankara, and several others were thus

honoured in the Peasant Institute. This encouraged many other

writers to devote themselves to writing poetry on peasant and

political themes. Kavi Brahma Etukuri Venkata Narasayya, Venkata

Kavi, Palnati kavi Veerabhadrachari etc., were encouraged to

contribute valuable poems on the plight and problems of159

peasants. A special reference can be made regarding the kisan

poet, Settipalli Venkataratnam, who wrote inspiring songs and

presented them at the Institute.

The institue gradually became a powerful lever, for

stimulating the youth to undertake the onerous responsibility of

leadership. The students were appointed as the Chairmen of

Reception Committees, Presidents or Speakers in various

activities conducted by the Institute. Another important thing

112


taught In this institute was how to report about the meetings,

narrate the troubles of peasants,enumerate their grievances

against Zamindars and moneylenders in such a way as to find place

in the press. Much importance was given for the publicity of

conducting peasant institution. To put in Ranga's words,

"students should realise that it is not enough to hold meetings,

organise marches, conduct demonstrations and carry on propaganda

and other educational work. They will have to see that as much

publicity in the press for such activities as possible is

obtained."161

Another technique to mobilise peasantry was the observance of162

all-India days, in order to develop all-India klsan unity. The

Lucknow session of All India Kisan Sabha, inaugurated the

all-India klsan day on the first of September every year. The

observation of this Day was intended to make peasants feel, think

and act in terms of their all-India needs, responsibilities

instead of each province being left to look after itself. This

was the tradition established by the Congress to bring the Indian

masses under its fold through its national days. This technique

proved successful as peasants enthusiastically observed this Day.

Encouraged by Its success AIKS organised several such days and

were followed by the Provincial peasant organisations. For

instance in 1938, five all-India days were celebrated bringing

the peasants scattered throughout India together to express their

sympathy and support for sections of peasantry in their struggle

against their exploiters: 1) all-India Debt Cancellation Day was

celebrated on 27th, March 2)A11-India Mandsa Day on 3rd April,3)

All India Mangrol Day on 3rd, July, 4) All-Inda Rayalaseema

Famine Relief Day on 20th August and 5) All-India Bihar Kisan Day

on 23rd, January, 1938. Accordingly, peasant weeks were

organised at frequent intervals, during which peasants grievances

were brought into focus by organising meetings, reporting to

appropriate autoritles, distributing pamphlets, etc,. On these

occasions new associations were formed wherever such164

organisations did not exist and new members were recruited.

Resolutions like, 'struggle for freedom ; abolition of Zamindari

system were passed.

113


Such propoganda methods succeeded ' in ranging myriads of

peasants enthusiastically on the side of peasant associations to

achieve atleast minimum demands'.

Peasant inarches was another effective method employed. The

marches for the peasant was to enliven them politically.

Though taking out marches may be a simple activity, and they might

not have much of a message to deliver, the very fact of a batch

of strangers coming into a village would be sufficient to arouse

interest and make peasants think. The marches became a reality167

to the masses, since 1933. These marchers used to start from a

meeting ground and proceed to the collectorates, or taluk offices

or panchayat offices and submit a list of demands. Apart from

local demands- the list generally included the ultimate demands

like abolition of Zamindari system, establishment of socialised

industrial system etc,.

These urged upon the Government, the need for immediate

legislative action on the basis of the appeals received from time

to time by the provincial ryots associations. As these marches

were found to be of some help, they attracted a number of

peasants and succeeded in stirring up the rural atmosphere. As

the movement developed the demands of the peasants have come to168

occupy a prominent place In the national programme. It is said

that the peasant marches resulted in strengthening the Andhra

Provincial Peasants Association in having a membership of 56

thousands with eight affiliated district associations. As these

marches were organised to bring pressure on the government to pay

greater heed to the needs of the peasants and to take immediate

legislative action, they gained a political importance and

brought political consciouness in the peasant mass.

During the marches, a fine-batch of peasant youth volunteered

for the marches singing peasant songs all along the streets,

keeping the peasant morale in high esteem. In this regard

N.V. Naidu's inspiring song, 'we do not want association with this

114


« £ Q

Zamindars' became the clarion call to all the peasants. The

atrocities of the Zamindars and moneylenders were voiced from the

house-tops. These marches made the peasant demands echoed from

every village. The wonderful propaganda of the leaders and

workers created a spirit of self-reliance and self-confidence in

the masses.

To consolidate, and give a definite shape to the general

awakening that resulted from this propaganda, the Andhra

Peasants' March was organised under the leadership of Andhra

Provincial Ryots Association. It started on 3rd July 1937 from

Itchapur In Vizagapatnam district and reached Madras on 27th

March 1938. It was led by Komma Reddy Satyanarayana Murty,

President of the Andhra Provincial Peasants Association and Joint

Secretary of the Andhra Provincial Congress Committee. Chalasani

Vasudevarao was the General Secretary of the Peasant Association.

N.G.Ranga M.L.A(Central) and President of the All-India Kisan

Sabha, inaugurated the march. Prominent Congress leaders,

Communists and others co-operated with the marchers and

contributed towards the success of the march.Many youngmen on

behalf of the socialist, youth and labour organisations also

participated. The marchers carried on their programme since

their start covering on foot the districts of* Visakapatnam, East

and West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore, Kurnool and other

places. They sang songs along the route condemning the Zamindari

atrocities, rack-renting, debt problems etc,. In the name of

paisa fund, they collected money for this march. They raised

slogans like 'abolish Zamindari system, down with imperialism,

long-live revolution'. On the whole the march covered 1,512

miles on foot, 542 miles on bus, for 130 days. They visited 525

villages and secured 800 petitions signed by 25,000 peasants, and

gathered 300 appeals of peasants and workers in regard to their

respective local grievances. Copies of these petitions were

submitted from to time to the local district authorities

concerned. They also organized meetings in 500 villages and 60

firka ryot conferences. It is said that these meetings were

attended by around 450 thousand of peasants and workers.

115


This march enabled peasant associations to have excellent mass

contact. It was intended to unite the diverse elements in the

peasant community, to boost their activities and to focus the

attention of the Congress Ministry on the day-to-day grievances

and immediate demands and to get mass sanction to all their

demands. It submitted a memorandum to the government demanding

reduction of rents and water-rates, remissions, Improving of

irrigation sources etc,.

This march created tremendous awakening among the

peasants.Their demands for the immediate declaration of

moratorium, reduction of land revenue and improvement of the

status of Zamindari tenants pressurised the Madras government

pass Agricultural Debt Relief Act on the 1st of October 1937, 1 7 1

and appoint an enquiry committee to probe into the conditions of172

zamindary ryots.

The success of the march can be seen when the peasants173

presented their evidence before the Committee bravely. They

presented their memorandum and oral evidence in an organised,174

uniform and effective manner.

Whenever peasant associations conducted its meetings several

interesting and inspiring programmes were organised in their

premises. For instance when AIKS organised its annual meeting in

Vijayawada, cattle exhibitions, health exhibitions, scientific

and cultural shows like burrakatha, ( a distinctly telugu folk

form of ballad singing), street plays and folk dances were

conducted which infact appealed to the peasants more than the

speeches and resolutions passed at the Session.

True to the traditional saying that a nation lives by memories

of its heroes, the peasant leaders cultivated the cultre of

worshiping the heroes like Shivaji, Brahmanaidu, Balachandra

etc,. Whenever national leaders visiting Andhra huge processions

were taken out to garland them. The poem, written by Kaviraja,

116


"we have brought heroic scent, tell us who is the hero; we will

apply it and garland him", was very popular among the176

masses.

The peasant associations also took up minor and small issues

that happened in the village, say some problem, some dispute or

conflict and Intervened to solve them, so that such participation

and Involvement would help to identify the organisation with the

common masses and also help to activise village level units.

Primary health centres were also organised in the villages to

help and attract poor peasants to Join their associations.

As national flags were usilally hailed by the peasants, the

same were unfurled at the peasant meetings. But where greater

178

strength was sought to evince red flags also were used.

Another interesting technique followed was to publish the

investigative reports relating to peasant problems and

familiarise their content to the possible extent, or the peasant

associations themselves appointed enquiry committees to

investigate into the conditions of the peasants and bring out the

facts. Generally such enquiries were conducted in new areas,

where the peasant movements were sought to be developed,, to

highlight the economic conditions and sufferings of peasants and

suggest remedies. Proceedings of such enquiries were published

widely in the press, to create interest. Based on the report a

schedule of minimum demands was prepared and published by a

conference of the peasant of that district. A district peasant

association was then formed in the wake of the conference to

popularise and give effect to that schedule of minimum demands

and gradually penetrate, into the peasant mind and making him to

think favourably of the association. The best example to this

type of operation Is the appointment of Zamindari Ryots Enquiry

Committee by the Nellore District Ryots Conference in 1931 to

enquire into the conditions of the peasants in the Venkatagiri

Zamindari with N.G.Ranga as president and N.V.Naidu as the179

secretary.

117


The mere visit of the committee to the remote villages created

a stir in the mental and social atmosphere of that area and its

people. The very fact of an enquiry in a zamlndary area stunned

the peasants, and soon they started questioning the atrocities of

the Zamindar. It was the Venkatagiri peasants who waged one of

the first battles against the Zamindari system. Thus the enquiry

turned out to be an active Instrument to awaken the peasants and

inspire them to feel free and important.

Another such enquiry on an all-Andhra scale was appointed in180

1933 by the third Andhra Zamindari Rytos Conference. This, the

All-Andhra Zamindari Ryots Enquiry Committee with N.G.Ranga as

Chairman and N.V.Naidu and R.M.Sarma as other Members, toured

through almost all the estates, met thousands of peasants,

interviewed local leaders, delved into the zamidari records,

inspected Irrigation channels, tanks etc., and passed through

forests, embracing grazing areas. This Report was published in

the vernacular press and was given widest publicity, preparing

the public mind to sympathise with the victims of the Zamindari

system. The full Report was presented to Gandhi in 1934, thus

provoking the Congress to bring into its orbit the Zamindari181

peasants problems.

These activities gave a coherent political expression to all

expressions of peasant dissent, apart from creating national

conciousness, which helped the Congress in bringing about

all-class harmony during the national movement. These mechanisms

made the peasants aware of the problems faced by them in the

Zamindari system and colonial exploitation. Politically, the

peasant became more mature and conscious than before.

The evidence of the success of these techniques of

mobilisation can be seen at the turn of the nineteen thirties.

Antl-zamindari movements spread like a wild fire sweeping the

entire tracts af Andhra estates. The peasants In Munagala,

Muktyala, Kalipatnam, Challapalli, Gampalagudem, and other areas

118


waged relentless battles to cut into size the Zamindars and their

powers. The abolition of the Zamindari system by the Congress

ministry was not a manna from heaven but the hard earned

achievement of the peasants. The credit goes to the peasant

associations, which employed new methods in uniting the peasantry

and bringing them to the battle front.

Hunger alone cannot arouse the people, neither can mere

exploitation howsoever ruthless. But the urge towards action

comes when they are moved by some elemental idea such as

nationalism, revolutionary socialist Ideology, or religion. When

made keenly conscious of their conditions, when organised into a

well-knit party, and political leadership emerges, when animated

by a strong sentiment of nationalism and at the same time

confronted by exceptional crises like economic depression,

famines, war or acute unemployment, the peasantry turn to action.

The ideology should be made meaningful and understandable for the

less sophisticated and here comes the necessity of imaginative

techniques of mobilisation.

119


REFERENCES:

1. For detallssee.Atluri Murali, Social Change And Nature ofSocial Participation in National Movement in Andhra ,1905-1934.Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, J.N.U., New Delhi, 1985,Pp.360-413 and 484-615.

2. Georges Lefebvre, 'Revolutionary Crowd', in Jeffry Kaplow(ed), New Perspectives on the French Revolution: Reading inHistorical Sociology, New York, 1965, p.181.

3. C.J.Nirmal, '19th Century Press and The Development ofIndian Nationalism', in Journal of the Madras University,vol.XLIII, Nos. 1 & 2, Jan-July, 1970, p.73.

4. Gorrepatl Venkatasubbayyya, Acharya Ranga, Desi Pub.,Vijayawada, 1948, Pp.29-30.

5. N.G.Ranga, Peasants and Congress, Madras, 1939, p.3.

6. Zamin Ryot, Its first issue appeared on 7.3.1931.

7. CO.No. 2879, Home (Conf) Department, dt.26.10.36.

8. Navasakti, 15.12.1937 (first issue).

9. N.G.Ranga, The Kisan Hand Book, Madras, 1936, p.112.

10. Chitragupta, 10.12.1939.

11. N.G.Ranga, Peasants andd Congress, Op.Cit., p.3.

12. Prajasakti, 3.12.1945 (Daily, first issue).

13. Its Editor was Kasinathuni Nageswara Fao, was a Zamindar,banker, and managing partner of the Amrutanjan Co. lted., aspublished on the back cover of the book, Why Village Movement?written by J.C.Kumarrappa, Rajamundry, 1935; He purchased'Krutti Vennu' estate consisting about 2000 acres in 1933.However, he Invested all his incomes arrived from the lands inthe improvement of the estate and was popularly known as abenevolent Zamindar. Infact, when Prakasam Committee, was on itstour taking oral evidence, several of the witnesses gave a goodaccount of his administration in the estate. GorrepatiVenkatasubbayya, Deshoddharaka Charitra, (Biography ofKasinathuni Nageswara Rao Panthulu), 1967. Andhra Patrika,though never compromised in reporting the pathetic tales of thepeasantry, it did not propogate radical ideas among thepeasantry.

14. Started on 1.2.1902 by Konda Venkatappayya and Dasu NarayanaRao. Mutnurl Krishna Rao, became its editor in 1907 andcontinued for four decades in that position. These people wereardent Congressites, and they tried to mobilise the peasantpopulation to come under the Congress fold.

120


15. Hindu. 20,9.1878 (first Issue). It was also a nationalistpaper and voiced peasants issues mainly from Congressperspective. It was associated with Maharaja of Vijayanagaram,for some time at the turn of the century. C.J.Nirmal, Op.Cit.,p.67.

16. N.G.Ranga, Kisan Speaks, A.I.K Publications, Madras, 1938,Part II, p.3.

17. Krishna Patrka, 17.7.43.

18. Ibid, Editorial, 16.3.46.

19. Ibid, 9.3.46.

20. Ibid, 16.3.46.

21. Ibid, 13.4.46.

22. Ibid, 27.4.40.

23. Ibid, 16.3.46.

24. Andhra patrlka was established In 1908 in Bombay as weeklyand was shifted to Madras in 1914 and continued as dally fromthen onwards, it was supplied freely to all libraries in Andhrraat free of cost for nearly two decades. It also advertised freeof cost, the Communist literature like'Communist Manifesto' inits issues. Y.V.Krishna Rao and Etukuri Balarama Murthy, (ed),Andhra Pradesh Darshini, Visalandhra Pub., House, Hyderabad,1987, Part II, Pp. 97-98.

25. Andhra Patrika, editorial, 3.8.33.

26. Ibid, 21.10, 33, for instance, it reported about Americanpeasants who were agitating durring that period for the redressalof their grievances.

27. Andhra Patrika came forr a special praise form N.G.Ranga forIts prompt reporting over peasants marches, schools, associationsetc. See N.G.Ranga, Peasants and Congress, Op. Cit, Pp. 1-4.

28. Andhra Patrika, 1.2.37.

29. It brought out the report of W.R.S.Satyanathan on debtproblem in the Madras Presidency in telugu on 14.9.35.


31. Ibid, 10.9.37.

32. Ibid, 8.2.37.

33. Ibid, 7.2.33.

121


34. Ibid, 9.2.33.

35. Ibid, 18.2.33.

36. Ibid, 27.2.33.

37. Ibid, 20.6.33.

38. Ibid, 26.1.47.

39. Ibid, 30.3.49.

40. Telugu, 21.1.38.

41. Vijaya, 1.2.37.

42. Stanika Palana, 30.3.38.

43. Vljayawani, 5.3.39.

44. Swatantra Bharathi, 5.7.47.

45. Bharrathi, May, 1942.

46. Janmabhooml, 1.3.30.

47. Zamln Ryot was startedby Nellore Venkatarana Naidu(N.V.Naidu), following the establishment of Nellore DistrictZamin-RyotAssociation on 19.10.1929. This paper stood by theside of the peasaant throughout its career and largely voiced thestand taken by N.G.Ranga as against the Communists duringforties.

48. Zamln Ryot, Silver Jubilee Issue, 4.4.54.

49. Ibid, 30.3.49.

50. Karnati Laxmi Narasaiah, General Secretary of Andhra Natakakala Samiti, says that the song was enthusiastically received bythe peasants during thirties and fourties. Interview taken on23.9.90 in Vijayawada.

51. Zamin Ryot, 4.4.54.

52 Rangagarl Rajakiyalu, (Ranga's Politics), Prajasakti Pub.,Bezwada, 1945, Pp.20-21.

53. CO.No. 2879, Home (Conf) dt. 26. 10. 36.

54. Vahini, 8.1.37.

55. Ibid, 19.1.37.

56. Ibid, 29.1.37.

57. Ibid, 24.6.37.

58. Ibid, 8.7.37.

122


59. Ibid, 26.6.37.

60. G.O. Hs.No. 2299, Public (Gen) Department, 21.12.39.

61. Kranthl, 3.12.39.

62. Andhravanl, 22.12.38.

63. V.Venkateshwarlu, Biography of Prakasam, p.142.According toBhandaru Parvatulu this paper first appeared on 19.10.1921,Prakasam Gadhavall, Prakasam Institute of Development Studies,Hyderabad.

64. Swarajya, 19.11.32.

65. Village Republic, 10.10.40.

66. R.Brass and Marcus F.Franda (ed.), Radical Politics InSouthAsia, Massachusetts, 1973, p.291.

67. P.Sundarayya, Viplavapathamlo Naa Payanam (My Journeytowards Revolutionary Path), Part I, Prajasakti Pub., Vijayawada,1990, p.129.

68. Navasaktl, 15.12.37.

69. Interview with parakala Pattabhlrama Rao, on 22.9.90, inVijayawada.

70. It broughout every minute details of the Andhra peasantmarches, and gave prior publicity in the villages about theadvancing marches and encouraged to participate.

71. Ibid, 19.1.38.

72. Ibid, 11.1.39.

73. Y.V.Krishna RAO,(ed) Andhra Pradeshlo Communistu UdhyamaCharitra, 1936-42 (History of Communist Movement in AndhraPradesh), VIsalandhra Pub. House, Hyderabad, 1988, Pp.418-487.

74. Navasaktl, 7.12.39.

75. Ibid, 8.3.39.

76. Interview with Parakala Pattabhi Rama Rao, Op.Cit.

77. P.Sundarayya, Op.Cit., p.130.

78. It started as weekly in 1942 with Katragadda Rajagopala Rao,Chalasani Vasudeva Rao, Tummala Venkataramanayya and KondapudiLaxminarayana as editors and turned out as daily on December 3rd,1945 and continued till it was banned on April 22, 1946. ,Interview with Parakala Pattabhi Rama Rao.79. Prajasakti, 7.10.72.

80. Ibid, 27.10.43.

81. Ibid, 5.11.43.

82. Ibid, 26.7.44.

83. Ibid, 18.3.44.

123


Navasakti 4.1.1939

The above cartoon dep ic t s Rajaji screaming tha tZamindars were being hur t while T.Prakasamh i t t i n g the Zamindars with h i s Report to savet e n a n t s from the Zamindari system which iscompared here with a frying pan.

85. Unnava laxminarayana, Halapalli, Part I & II, (firstpublished in 1922), Jayanti Publications, Vijayawada, 1988.

86. G.O.No. 1023, Home (Conf.) Department, dt.3.7.36.

87. N.G.Ranga, Harijana Nayakudu, (first published in 1933),Kisan Pub., Guntur, 1987.

88. Ibid, Pp. 49-50.

124


89. Ryotu Bhajanavali, Andhra Provincial Ryot Congress,Vljayada, 1949. The writing of peasant songs for the peasaantinstitute started fkrom 1934 and each year s number of such songswere added to this list. They largely contained Soviet-orientedleftism, which during this period was dominating the intellectualthing. According to Gorrepatl Venkatasubbayya it was firstpublishedon 22.4.1934, Op.Cit., P.144.

90. Ibid, p.146.

91. This poem was wrritten by N.V.Naidu and printed in 1935edition, of Ryotu Bhajanavali published by G.Laxminarayana of thePeasant Institute popularly konwn as Ramaneedu Vidhyalaya, atNldubrolu, In Guntur district.

92. Ryotu Bhajanavali, Op.Cit., Written by Settipally

Venkataratnam, p.8.

93. Ibid, Written by K.V.Ramakrishna, p.25.

94. Ibid, Written by Tripurana Raghavadasu, Pp.68-69.

95. Ibid, p.71.

96. Kondaveeti Venkata Kavi, Karshaka, Sattenapalli, 1939.

97. N.G.Ranga, First For Freedom, New Delhi, 1968,p.238.

98. P.Sundarayya, Op.Cit, p.30.

99. Secret File, December 1937, Memo Nos/45-l/H, ddt 20.5.1936,

(Home Department).

100. Socialism Ante? (What is Socialism?), Rajamundryy, 1938.

101. Sandesam, (Message), Laxmi Pub., Kakinada, 1936.

102. Karl Marx Upadeshalu (Teachings of Karl Marx), Laxmi Pub.,

Kakinada, 1936, p.40.

103. G.O.No. 925, Public (Generral) Department, dt.19.5.37.

104. Mahidara Ramamohana Rao, Lenin Upadeshamulu, (Teachings of

Lenin), Vishwa Sahithyamala Pub., Munganda, 1938.

105. G.O.No. 1560, Public (General) (Conf.) Department, 1938.

106. Mahidara Jaganmohan Rao, Paris Commune, Vishwa Sahithyamala

Pub., Munganda, 1938.

107. It was a speech delivered by K.Radhakrishnamurthy at theschool of politics conducted at the Japobin Lodge, Guntur inOctober 1943 and was published in book form India Bavishyathu(Future of India), Renaissance Publications, Tenali, 1944.108.V.V.Subramanya Sastry, Swatantra Carjana, (The Roar ofIndependance), Andhra Vani Press, Vijayawada, 1941.

109. Kranti Kumar, Viplavayugam, ("The Age of Revolution),Swechapuram, 1941, p.4.

125


110. V.V.Subramanyam Sarma, Zamln Ryot, 1938, pp.11-14.

111. G.O.Ms no.357, Home Department, d t .23 .1 .39 .

112. CO.No. 2049 Public (Conf.) Department, 18.1.41.

113. Interview with Parakala Pattabhi Rama Rao.

114. Ibid.

115. Peda Ryotula Kashtalela Potayl ( How will the difficultiesof poor peasants be solved?) Nellore, pp.2.13.

116. Manifesto of the Workers and Peasants Party to the IndianNational Congress, Madras, 1927.

117. Ibid, p.7.

118. Sri Sri was the first poet who transfered Marxist ideasinto a simple and yet powerful poem Mahaprastanam, whichinfluenced the minds of thousands of young nationalists.

119. R.Brass and Marcus F.Franda (ed), Op.Cit., p.293.

120. Sarojini Regani (ed), Mho is Who in Freedom Struggle InAndhra Pradesh, Vol.1, Hyderabad, 1978, pp.147-8.

121. Gorrepati Venkatasubbayya, Op.Cit, pp.83-85.

122. The starting of All India Kisan Publication in Madras in1933 facilitated for the publication of N.G.Ranga's books.

123. The first eight books were written under the category ofAndhra Economical Series. He obtained his B.Litt degree fromOxford University for his research paper oh 'The EconomicOrganisation of the Cotton Indlstry of Southern India'. Thisexperience helped him to probe the economic conditions of zamlnryots.

124. For instance in his book Kisan Speaks, he says 'this bookis primarily intended to show out kisans and kisan sabhas whatall can and has to be done immdediatly and inevitably, if evenminimum of relief from their troubles and assistance towardsprogress were to be vouchasafed to out masses without any moredelay', Madras, 1937, p.ii.

125. N.G.Ranga, Outlines of the National Revolutionary Path,Bombay, 1945, p.103.

126. N.G.Ranga, Peasants and Congress, Op.Cit., p.vi.

127. N.G.Ranga, Modern Indian Peasant, Madras, 1936, p.3.

128. N.G.Ranga, Outlines of the National Revolutionary Path,Op.Cit, p.76.

126


129. Wadrevu Baplraju, Madras Ryotu Runa Nlvarana Chat tarn,(Madras Debt Relief Act), Rajamundry, 1938.

130. Zamindari Committee Report. Andhra Provincial CongressCongress, Machilipatnam, 1939.

131. R.M.Sarma, Zamindari Ryotu Samasya, (Problems of ZamindariPeasants), Kovvur, 1933.

132. Gorrepatipati Venkatasubbya, Wana Zamlndarulu (OurZamindars), Gantasala, 1944.

133. Under Secretary Safe (Secret) Files, No.982, dt. 10.1.37.

134. Ibid, No.981, dt.10.1.37.

135. Ibid.

136. Fortnightly Reports, for the first of September, 1937.

137. Public (General) Department, D.O.No.p.4-15, dt.21.8.37.

138. Public (General) Department, D.O.No.p.4-17, dt.20.9.37.

139. G.O.No.1090, Public (General) Department, dt.27.6.38.

140. Public (General) Department , From S.B.CID, (Strictly Con)NO.658/C, dt.15.3.38.

141. CO.No. 2618-19, Home (Conf) Department, dt. 7. 10.36.

142. G.O.No. 353, Public (Conf.) Department, dt.28.2.35.

143. Ibid.

144. Speaking at All India Kisan Sabha (Faizpur) Session in 1936about the need for formation of peasant asociations N.G.Rangaobserved that 'this alone can solve the demands of peasants andalso paves the way towards the advent kof kisan and mazdoor Raj,N..G.Ranga, Kisan Speaks, Op.Cit, p.iii.

145. Y.V.Krishna Rao, Andhra Pradeshlo Swat antranlki Hundu RyotuPoratalu, Ryotu Udhyamalu, ("Peasants Movements and Struggles inAndhra Pradesh before Independence), Vijayawada, 1981, pp.12-15.


147. Kommareddy Sathyanarayana Murthy 50th Death AnniversaryMemorial Issue, Vijayawada, 1990, p.65.

148. Gorrepatl Venkatasubbayya, Acharya Ranga, Op.Cit, p.33.

149. Y.V.Krishna Rao, Andhra Pradeshlo Ryotu Udhyamalu:Poratalu, (Peasants Movements in Andhra Pradesh), 1990, p.61. The

127


Zamindari Peasant Association and Peasant Protection Committeewere affiliated to Andhra Provincial Peasant Association,N.G.Ranga, History of Kisan Movement, Madras, 1939, p.108.

150. It popularised the faith of the absolute need for peasantsand aggrlcultural workers to cooperate with each other and worktogether for their mutual benefit and also their dependance uponeach other, N.G.Ranga, Fight for Freedom, Op.Cit, p.227.

151. For instance, speaking at the Andhra Provincial RyotsConference in 1929, he said "if the ryots won't work from nowonwards with alertness, social unity and cooperation in thinkingand capture the coming Swarajya government , then they will bedestroyed", Rural India, vol.IV, no.12, Dec, 1929, pp.269-81.

152. Acharya Ranga, 88th Anniversary, Special Issue, 1987, p.42.

153. Kisan Sri, Acharya Rangajl. Vividha Drukpadhallo(Prof.Ranga: In Different Perspectives), Tenali, 1961, p.240.

154. Acharya Ranga, 88th Anniversary, Op.Cit., p.46.

155. Ibid. pp.50-52.

156. N.G.Ranga, Fight for Freedom, Op.Cit, pp.193-94.

157. Fortnightly Reports, 10.6.38.

158. Communists used Burrakatha very widely to propogate theirideology. Nazar, the most famour burrakatha troupe leader andother Communist burratha performers propogated the necessity ofpeasant association and movements among the peasantry of Andhraduring this period. Interview with Mukkala Nagabhusanam.

159. N.G.Ranga, Fight for Freedom. Op.Cit, p.194.

160. Settipally Venkataratnam, a peasant poet, began his careerfrom 1934, writing songs every year which were favourablyreceived by the peasants. However he died in 1939 at the age of26. Following his death all his songs were published byN.G.Ranga. Interview with Daruvuri Veeraiah.

161. N.G.Ranga, Peasant and Congress, Op.Cit, p.6.

162. Ibid, p.49.

163. Ibid, p.50.

164. Andhra Patrlak, 18.2.32.

165. Ibid, 19.10.37.

166. N.G.Ranga, Modern Indian Peasant, Op.Cit, p.3.

167. Kommareddy Sathyanarayana Murthy, 50th Death Anniversary

128


Memorial Issue, Op.Cit., p.11.

168. This Is evident from the Karachi Congress resolutions whichdemanded substantial reduction in agricultural rent or revenuepaid by the peasantry and in case of uneconomic holdingsexemption from rent for such period as may be necessary.

169. N.G.Ranga, Fight for Freedom, Op.Cit, p.29.

170. Report of the Madras Estate Land Act Committee, MemorandumSupplemenal Volume, Madras, 1938, p.29., Ryotu Vani, 1990, p.5,Fortnightly Reports, 4.4.1938.

171. For details see Madras Legislative Council Debates, vol.4,Dec. 1937-Jan.1938.

172. Madras Legislative Assembly Debates, vol.5, 1937, p.841.

173. Navasakti, 19.1.38.

174. N.G.Ranga, Peasant and Congress, Op.Cit, p.73.

175. Eighth All India Kisan Sabha, Bezwada, 1944, pp.14-19.

176. Gorrepatl Venkatasubbayya, Acharya Ranga, Op.Cit, p.34.

177. P.Sundarayya, Op.Cit, p.75.

178. N.G.Ranga, Modern Indian Peasant, Op.Cit., p.3.

179. N.G.Ranga, Fight for Freedom, Op.Cit, p.139.

180. Ibid, p.152.

181. Nehru, while speaking on the need of seperate kisan sabhasobserved, "the important fact to be borne in mind is that thereis deep ferment in the peasantry all over India and a powerful,though partly un-conscious, desire on their part to do somethingto get rid of their main burdens, which have quite unbearable.They are expectant, and if the Congress cal does not reach theirears, some others will and they will respond to it. The Congresshas realised this in a large measure, and inspire of itspolitical pre-occupations, it has laid down an agrarianprogramme", N.G.Ranga, Peasant and Congress, Op.Cit, p.8.

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