64

CHAPTER TWO

MARITIME ACTIVITIES OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE

FISHERY COAST

The Portuguese arrived at Kozhikodu (Calicut) in 1498 and within a

decade they set their foot on the Fishery Coast. They located the important sea-ports and

the pearl fisheries in the same coast. These areas were under the influence of the Muslim

merchants with whom the Portuguese made several agreements. Until the Portuguese

established their hold firmly they made use of the Muslim local sailors. After the Mass

Conversion in 1536, the Portuguese found in the Parava community an ally, excelling in

maritime skill and labour and with the help of the same community the Portuguese

accomplished their maritime activities atleast for about a hundred years.

Portuguese Settlements

The Portuguese were in touch with the ports of the Fishery Coast from the

very beginning of the sixteenth century. There were several reasons which prompted

them to proceed towards the east coast. Though they had declared to the Zamorin of

Kozhikodu that they were in search of ‘spices and Christians’, they were not content with

them. The Portuguese were already aware of the pearl fisheries somewhere in the East.

One of the general causes of undertaking a search for a sea-route to the East was to meet

the legendary hero Prester John. They believed that Prester John was in possession of

65

valuable commodities including pearls.1 So searching for oriental pearls was paramount

in their minds and as explorers, they ventured further into the Indian Ocean towards the

east. They were attracted by the abundant pearl fisheries on the Fishery Coast and were

inclined to procure the same.

The availability of pearls in abundance at the port of Pazhayakayal had

been mentioned by Vasco da Gama in his diary.2 Francisco de Almeida, the Viceroy was

responsible for sending the same news to Dom Manuel, the King of Portugal. The first

procurement of pearls and seed pearls from the Fishery Coast took place in Pazhayakayal

between 1505 and 1508.3 Though the Portuguese met with tough resistance from the

Kayalars, the Portuguese could move to the pearl fishery areas because of their superior

technology and navigation skills.

Jorge Manuel Flores says that the first port which the Portuguese founded

in the Fishery Coast was Manapadu which was under the jurisdiction of the Great King of

Kanyakumari. The port was capable of protecting the ships which were sailing between

the Malabar and the Coromandel Coasts. One of the ships of Fernāo Soares arrived at

Manapadu as it was unable to navigate in the Malabar Coast during the winter.4

1 Prester John, a Mythical potentate had great influence among the Portuguese. The Portuguese wereeager to meet him. Boxer, C.R., The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415-1825, London, 1969, pp. 17-18.

2 Diario da Viagem de Vasco da Gama, Vol. I, Porto, 1945, pp. 290-292.3 Letter of Viceroy to the King of Portugal Written from Cochin on 16 December 1505, in ANTT,

Gavetas, 20, Março 10, Document No. 33, fl. 4, Cited in Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Portuguese in TamilCoast – Historical Explorations in Commerce and Culture (1507-1749), Pondicherry, p. 62.

4 Jorge Manuel Flores, Os Portuguese e o Mar de Ceilāo, Trato, Diplamacia e Guerra (1498-1543),Lisboa, 1998, p. 44.

66

Jorge Flores further says that the sea of Sri Lanka acquired an enormous

and strong strip of land extending from Manapadu to Rameshwaram. The principal

settlements were situated here in the Fishery Coast. It was like a rosary that the ports

were situated between Tiruchendur and Vedalai. The Portuguese habitants frequented

these places and they found their requirements were available in abundance and it was

very cheap to go around these ports of the Portuguese.5

Towards the end of 1508 the galley slaves travelled from Cochin to the

Coromandel Coast and the Portuguese tried to woo a Muslim pilot to their side and paid

four cruzados and several bhars of rice in exchange of his knowledge.6

In 1519, Kadi Rayana, the chief of the Muslims of Kayalpattanam,

attempted to conduct the pearl fishing on the Sri Lankan coast. The Sinhalese king

Dharma Parakrama Bahu retaliated and it was followed by a lot of tension in the Fishery

Coast. So the new Mudaliyar (head man) went out of his way and implored the help of

the Portuguese. At once the Portuguese commanding officer of Colombo, António de

Miranda de Azevedo reported the matter to the King of Portugal.7

Azevedo said,

“His Highness could reap more profit from the pearl banks. The local rulers

were fighting for a long time. On some days they would fish pearls on the value

5 Ibid., p. 45.6 Ibid.7 Georg Schurhammer, Orientalia, Lisboa, 1963, pp. 244-245.

67

of 2-3000 pardaus8 and the fishing season lasted for three months every year.

The chief of Kayal (Pazhyakayal) wanted to rescue him with two ships by the

Portuguese and a certain amount would be paid by the chief.”9

The Portuguese undertook a mission under Manuel de Fries which sailed

around Kanyakumari in 1523-1525 on their way to search for the remains of St. Thomas

on the Coromandel Coast arrived at Pazhayakayal. They witnessed the Paravas hard

pressed by the Kayalars. The Portuguese who had come with the aim of seizing the pearl

fishery, had on board Joāo Flores, already appointed by the King of Portugal as the

captain and factor of the Fishery Coast. The Paravas found no difficulty in exacting a rent

of 1500 cruzados per annum from the headman of the coast and Flores was left with a

small force to guard the pearl fishery and enforce due payment.10

Since the Portuguese did not get the expected quantum of pearls at

Pazhayakayal they moved to Kilakkarai. The Marakkayars were enjoying sole monopoly

over the pearl fishing at Killakkarai. In 1527, Joāo Flores signed a contract with the

Nayinar (chiefain) of Kilakkarai and the latter agreed to pay annually a fixed amount of

3000 pardaus to the Portuguese. The Portuguese assured protection to the Marakkayars

against the menace of the sea pirates. At this juncture, the Portuguese introduced the

cartaz (sailing permits) system, by which the Muslim Marakkayars were asked to travel

8 In Xavier’s time a silver pardau was worth 300 reis, one of gold was worth 350. Joseph Costelloe, op.cit., p. 75.

9 Ibid.10 Diario da Viagem de Vasco da Gama, op. cit., p. 301.

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with the cartazes to Sri Lanka or to the Malabar Coast. This affected the trade relations of

the Marakkayars with Sri Lanka.11

To avoid conflicts with the Marakkayars of Kilakkarai, the Portuguese

were on the look out for another strategic place to control the sea of Sri Lanka. Vedalai

came under the control of the Portuguese in 1525 and the first fort was built after

obtaining permission from Tumbichi Nayak of Paramakudi.12 The Portuguese made two

agreements with Tumbichi Nayak who was the ruler of Kilakkarai and Vedalai. He

promised to pay 3000 pardaus annually to the Portuguese in return for the protection of

the pearl fishers.13 Secondly he allowed the supply of horses to Paramakudi by the

Portuguese.14 The Portuguese found this place strategically important in the sense that

they could monitor the ships going to Coromandel Coast, Bengal, Pegu, Siam and

Sri Lanka.

Thus the Portuguese could bring the important sea ports (Pazhayakayal,

Kayalpattanam, Kilakkarai and Vedalai) under their control. The Kayalars and

Marakkayars who wielded enormous influence on the pearl fisheries were brought under

the control of the Portuguese. It is important to note that the above ports had been

predominantly occupied by the Muslims but they were fighting with one another. The

chieftains of Pazhayakayal and Kilakkarai were not on cordial term with one another. The

11 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., “Portuguese Commercial Enterprise at the Port of Kilakkarai and Establishmentof a Trading Settlement at Vedalai on the Tamil Nadu Coast (1520-1559)”, Purabhilek – Puratatva,Vol. X, No. Two, July – Dec. 1992, pp. 31-32, Historical Archives of Goa, Panaji.

12 Ibid.13 Georg Schurhammer, Orientalia, p. 244.14 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., “Portuguese Commercial”, p. 32.

69

sea pirates known as the Moors were ravaging the pearl fisheries and inflicted great loss

on the pearl traders. The Portuguese assistance to protect the pearl fisheries was very

much needed. In the initial stage they met with tough resistance from the Mappilas of the

Malabar Coast who came to the rescue of the Muslims in the Fishery Coast. This

struggle continued upto 1535 and in the same year the Portuguese found an ally in the

Paravas.

From Jeyaseela Stephen's account we understand that the Portuguese

settlements at places like Punnaikayal and Thoothukudi, had come into existence at a

later period. It seems that as though the Parava villages came under their sway after the

Mass Conversion in 1536. But Caldwell’s statement is that the first Portuguese

expedition was sent to the Fishery Coast in 1532 and it corroborates the other sources

also.15 For instance, in 1534, Pope Leo XIII made a remark that "everywhere the flags of

Portugal were under the shadow of the Cross; the conquests of Portugal were so many

conquests of religion." This statement was made on the Portuguese factories or trading

centres at Bassein, Goa, Cochin, Quilon, Colombo and on the Fishery and Coromandel

Coasts and in Malacca in view. So even before the Mass Conversion the Portuguese were

in touch with the ports in the Fishery Coast.16

Mass Conversion

The Mass Conversion which took place in 1536 was an important turning

point in the maritime history of the Portuguese not only in the Fishery Coast but also in

15 Caldwell, R., op. cit., p. 68.16 Joseph C Houpert, A South Indian Mission-The Madura Catholic Mission, Trichy, 1937, pp. 143-144.

70

the Indian Ocean. The Paravas who occupied the coast from Kanyakumari to

Rameshwaram had been the owners of the pearl fisheries for nearly one and a half

millennium years. The Arabs brought them under their yoke and when the Paravas felt

that the Parava economy was under threat they sought the intervention of the Portuguese.

Silva Rego gives an account of the last quarrel between the Paravas and

the Muslims just before the conversion of the former. About the year 1536 an incident

occurred which threatened to throw the coastal people into the throes of a violent

internecine warfare. In a scuffle between a Muslim and a Parava at Thoothukudi, the

Parava had his ear torn out by his adversary, who out of sheer greed for the ring it bore,

carried it with him. The Paravas took this incident as a great offence to the whole caste. It

sparked a civil war between the Paravas and the Muslims, and it was soon apparent that

the Paravas would be beaten in the struggle. A Muslim flotilla guarded the coast making

it impossible for the Paravas to ply their trade. An offering of five fanams was given to

anyone who would bring the head of one Parava.17

The Paravas were advised by a horse trader Joāo da Cruz, who was at

Kanyakumari supplying horses to the local kings and collecting tribute from the pearl

fishery to the Great King.18 In fulfilment of the treaty made with the new-comers the

Paravas became zealous Roman Catholics. Thus they won the confidence of their masters

and under the protection of the Portuguese, enjoyed comparative tranquility and

immunity from extortionate tyranny seldom met with by Indians living within the

17 António da Silva Rego, Documentaçāo para a História das Missōes do Padroado Português doOriente, Vol. II (1523-1543), Lisboa, 1948, pp. 257-259.

18 Georg Schurhammer, Varia I, Anhance, Lisboa, 1965, p. 58.

71

Portuguese influence. Joāo da Cruz was a Chetty from the east coast but had settled in the

Malabar assisting the Portuguese and other local rulers in and around Kanyakumari. He

was responsible for bringing the entire Parava Hindu community to embrace Christianity

before the arrival of Xavier. Several of his (Joāo da Cruz) original letters are still

preserved in the Torre do Tombo, the National Archives in Lisbon. He called himself

“Dom Joāo, ambassador of the King of Calicut”, King Manuel II was glad to see him as

an envoy from the Zamorin and won Joāo da Cruz to the Catholic faith.19 According to

his advice all the eighty five Pattangattis of the Parava villages expressed their

willingness to be converted into Catholicism and assured that it would be followed by

their subjects.20 The Portuguese did not want to miss the great opportunity that would

bring to them the complete control over the lucrative pearl trade. The Portuguese have

also waited for this moment to rout their arch enemy, the Muslims. Not only the entire

Fishery Coast embraced Catholicism, but also accepted the Portuguese King as their

sovereign. Immediately after the conversion, a Portuguese fleet arrived on the

Pescaria (Fishery Coast) and in a series of hard-fought naval battles gradually

extinguished the power of the Kayalars and re-established the waning hold of the Paravas

on their pearl fishing rights and settlements. Parava leaders sealed their own part in the

contract by gathering twenty thousand of their members from thirty settlements in one

camp far baptism. Jesuits’ records indicate that this event took place in March or April,

1536. It was followed by mass baptism at a later date of the Parava inhabitants of

19 Ibid., pp. 57, 61.20 DI., Vol. II, pp. 257-259.

72

Thoothukudi, Vembar and Vaipar in 1537.21 Whatever the reasons for the Portuguese

involvement on the Fishery Coast, it had a profound effect upon the fortunes and history

of the Catholic Parava community. The two important results of the conversion are : first,

the breaking up of the Muslim power on the Fishery Coast. Secondly, the advent of the

Jesuit missionaries to India who not only did their missionary work but also became

agents to the Portuguese officials for the smooth conduct of trade in the Fishery

Coast.22Seven Major Ports Roche says that as soon as the Portuguese brought the

Fishery Coast under their control after the Mass Conversion, they fortified the existing

seven major ports.23 They are all in one string of line, starting from Kanyakumari

eastward. (These villages are often referred to in the letters of Xavier.) The churches and

other structures here witness to the fact that the Portuguese had more influence in these

villages than in other parts of the Fishery Coast. The Paravas of these ports possessed

boats and Xavier called them (the boat owners) champanotes. They were economically

rich and Xavier used to ask them to help the Christians of Kanyakumari whenever they

were attacked by the Badagas. The affected Christians were asked to settle at Manapadu

by Xavier.24 He too undertook his missionary activities mostly in these villages. The

fisherfolk in these seven villages are socially and economically higher than the people of

other villages. Xavier himself admits this by stating that the Comorin Christians were

highly illiterate and experienced crushing poverty.25Punnaikayal Among the seven

21 Patrick A. Roche, A., op. cit., p. 42.22 Ibid.23 Ibid.24 Ibid.25 Ibid.

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villages or ports, Punnaikayal became the central place of the trade activities of the

Portuguese. The reason being that it is situated at the middle of the Fishery Coast.

According to Caldwell, “the principal settlement of the Portuguese for about fifty years

after their arrival seems to have been Punnaikayal.” ‘Punnai’ means the Indian laurel, and

‘kayal’, a lagoon opening into the sea. Old Kayal (Pazhayakayal) is situated to the north

of the Tamiraparani river and Punnaikayal to the south, close to the mouth of the

Tamiraparani and right on the seashore.26 It is now only a fishing village, but traces

remain of its former greatness. The first hospital, seminary, college and printing press

were founded in Punnaikayal. In 1552, a mud fort which was built by the Portuguese was

destroyed by the Badagas and captain Coutinho was taken captive. According to Burnell,

Punnaikayal was an important port till 1542, and Thoothukudi was of less importance.27

By 1542, when Xavier visited the Fishery Coast, the pearl fishery had

already fallen entirely into the hands of the Portuguese. The Muslims had been driven out

of their age old economic activities. In 1560 a garrison of fifty men was stationed at

Punnaikayal. When Caesar Frederic visited the Fishery Coast in 1563 he witnessed the

pearl fishing at Kayal, probably Punnaikayal. (Pazhayakyal and Punnaikayal are

neighbouring villages). Chanks were once found here in great numbers as it

(Punnaikayal) is situated near the mouth of river Tamiraparani. Up to the present time the

greater number of the chanks used in commerce are found in the sea adjacent to the

mouth of this river.28Settlement of Thoothukudi The earliest mention of Thoothukudi

26 Caldwell, R., op. cit., p. 72.27 Ibid.28 Ibid., p. 11.

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in literature has been in 88 A.D. in the Greek work, “the Periplus of the Erythraen Sea”.

The first reference to Thoothukudi in history has been made in 123 A.D. by the Greek

philosopher, Ptolemy. Even in the days of antiquity, Thoothukudi which was under the

rule of the Pandyas and the Cholas from seventh to twelth century was a flourishing

centre for chank and pearl fishing. It had contacts with a number of western and eastern

countries, known for pearl fishery. The Portuguese were the first to arrive here in 1532,

and began to evince an interest in the trade.29 But Thoothukudi became the head

quarters of the Portuguese only in 1582. Till then Punnaikayal had been the centre of the

commercial activities of the Portuguese for half a century. The Portuguese decided to

move to Thoothukudi for several reasons. Since the fisherfolk changed their allegiance

from the Vijayanagar emperor to the King of Portugal, they were facing difficulties. They

paid tribute to the Portuguese Crown as they were protected by the same from the

oppressive Muslims. The Paravas had to bear the repercussion because of this transfer of

allegiance and often Punnaikayal was invaded by Telugu forces known as Badagas. The

Badagas were supported by the Muslims and in turn the latter were supported by the

Muslims of the Malabar Coast. So the Portuguese were forced to choose Thoothukudi in

1582 as their second central place of their trade transactions.30 According to

Caldwell, “Tuticorin is the European equivalent of the Tamil name of the place

Tuttukkudi (Thoothukudi). The cerebral of Tuttukkudi became ‘r’ in the mouth of

Europeans by that rule of mispronounciation by which Manapadu, became Manappar.

The final ‘n’ in Tuticorin was added for some euphonic reasons as turned Kochchi into

29 Sudhakar, “Pearl Turns Silver” – Thoothukudi Port Trust –Silver Jubliee, The Hindu, July 10, 2004.30 Caldwell, R., op. cit., p. 77.

75

Cochin and Kumari into Comorin. The meaning of the name Tuttukudi is said to be the

town where the wells get filled up; from tuttu (properly turttu), to fill up a well and kudi,

a place of habitation a town.31

The Portuguese were attracted to Thoothukudi by the advantages offered

by its harbour, which was the only place that could be called a harbour along the entire

Coromandel Coast. The harbour is well sheltered from every wind by islands and spits of

sand. Unfortunately it is so shallow that only vessels of sixty tons’ capacity can load in

it. Probably the vessels used by the early Portuguese, though built in Europe, were not

much larger than good sized country craft, so they were able to load and unload inside the

harbour.32 Corals, grit-stones, deep sea shells, such as chanks, pretens, oysters, and pearl

oysters were found in the sea. From the time Ptolemy visited, Thoothukudi has been a

centre of multifaceted activities due to its proximity to Sri Lanka. In 1582 the Portuguese

brought the statue of Our Lady of Snows to Thoothukudi.33 This strengthened the faith of

the Paravas and the entire caste, residing from Kanyakumari to Rameshwaram, became

one body and it resulted in a unique Parava economy.

In 1587, the revenue derived from the pearl fishery consisted of 161

quintals of seed pearls. They were mostly exported from the Fishery Coast to Lisbon.

Pearl fishing was suspended for sixteen years due to the suppression of the society of

Jesus. When pearl fishing resumed in 1621 at Thoothukudi there was an abundant

31 Ibid., p. 75.32 Ibid.33 Venantius Fernando, S., Portuguese Padroado, p. 370.

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presence of pearls there.34Pearl Fishing and Pearl Trade Before going into details

about the Portuguese trade in pearls, it is good to know how pearl fishing was done in

various pockets of the Fishery Coast. Pearls were fished not only in Kilakkarai, Vedalai,

Pazhayakayal, Punnaikayal and Thoothukudi but pearls were available in the entire

Fishery Coast. Pearls and aljofar (seed pearls) were fished by the fishermen on the

Comorin coast also. Kanyakumari pearls were the same as those of the Fishery Coast”.35

Barbosa gives an account about the pearls found in the sea next to the

island namely Sri Lanka. According to him, “ there was in the sea a shoal covered by a

depth of ten or twelve fathoms of water where were found pearls, both great and small, in

extreme abundance. Of these, some were shaped like pears. The Moors (Muslims) and

the Heathens (Hindus) of a city named Cael (Punnaikayal), pertaining to the king of

Coulaus (Quilon) used to come hither twice in every year to fish for them. They found

them in oysters smaller and smoother than ours. Men dove and found them at the bottom

of the water, where they could stay for many hours. The little pearls belonged to the pearl

gatherers and the great ones to the king, who kept his factor there. They paid him as well

as certain fees to obtain his permission to fish.”36 Before venturing out to fish pearls,

the Catholic fisherfolk came for the sacrament. People of different castes, creed and

economic positions used to gather together at this time. The priests had to keep peace

among the people.37 Pearl fishing took place twice in the year, the first being in March

34 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Tamil Coast. pp. 129-130.35 DI., Vol. XVII (1595-1597), 1988, p. 182.36 Duarte Barbosa, The Book of Durate Barbosa, Vol. II, pp. 116-117.37 DI., Vol. XVIII (1595-1597), 1988 p. 913.

77

and April and the second in August and September and the sale lasted from the month of

June till November. But this fishing did not take place every year in the same place.38

Before venturing out to pearlfish the divers liked to know ahead whether

the venture would be profitable. Therefore, to assess their prospects, a few boats were

sent first to the fisheries. Each boat brought back a thousand oysters and if out of the

thousand oysters if they (the Paravas) could not obtain pearls to the value of five fanams

i.e a half ecu,39 it was concluded that the pearl fishing would not be profitable.40

Accordingly, if at the worst, 1000 oysters did not yield 5 fanams worth of

pearls, they did not fish during that year. The merchants bought the oysters on chance and

contented themselves with what they found inside. In some years the 1000 oysters did

contain as much as 7 fanams worth and the whole fishing yielded 100000 piastres and

over. While the Portuguese were masters of Mannar they received toll from every boat.

This yielded them revenue amounting to 17,200 reals in the best years.41 The

Portuguese took this revenue from these poor people because they (the Portuguese) had

to protect these people (the poor Paravas) from their enemies (the Malabaris) who often

attacked them and captured and enslaved them. It was usually good fortune if large pearls

were found but it was a rare phenomenon here because the Gulf of Mannar seldom

produced large ones.42The fishing was carried on from 4 to 12 cubits depth on the banks,

where there were sometimes up to 250 boats. In the majority of the boats there was but

38 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1977, p. 92.39 Ecu was worth of two rupees.40 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, op. cit., p. 92.41 Ibid., p. 93.42 Ibid.

78

one diver and in the largest only two. These boats sailed from the coast every day before

sunrise, with a land wind which never failed and lasted till 10 a.m.43 They returned

in the afternoon as the wind blew from the sea (after the wind from the land). This wind

(the sea wind) was regular. It followed the land wind at about 11 or 12’ o clock.

The pearl banks were approximately 5 or 6 leagues into the sea and the

pearl fishing began once the boats had arrived at the pearl banks. The pearl oysters were

fished in the following manner: A strong cord was tied under the arms of the and was

held by those who were in the boat. A stone weighing about 20 pounds was tied to a rope

and attached to the diver’s great toe. This rope was also held by those in the boat. The

stone dragged the diver down and enabled him to dive and reach the pearl banks faster so

as to save his precious breath. A net was made into a sack or a bag and its mouth was

held open by a hoop into which the diver collected the oysters. This net bag was tagged to

the diver’s waist. The diver dived into the sea and immediately on reaching the bottom

(the pearl bank) untied the stone from his toe and those above (in the boat) hauled it up.

The diver gathered oysters into the net bag as long as his breath allowed him. The

moment he felt he could hold his breath no longer, he tugged at the chord that connected

him to the boat and those in the boat at once hauled him up. The people of Mannar were

better fishers and remained for a longer time under the water than those of Bahrein and

Al Katiff, for they did not place any clips on their noses nor cotton in their ears to keep

the water from entering, as was done in the Persian Gulf.44 After the diver had been

43 Ibid., p. 94.44 Ibid.

79

drawn into the boat, the nets containing the oysters were hauled up and it required about

seven or eight minutes to lift the oysters and to give the diver time to regain breath, after

which he returned to the bottom as before. This he did many times during ten or twelve

hours and then returned to land. Those who were in want of money sold at once what

they had taken, but those who had what they required to live on kept the oysters until the

whole fishing was finished.45 Women were employed in good number to cut the oysters

during the pearl fishing.46 Pearl fishing on the Fishery Coast was done under the

jurisdiction of the fort of Mannar. Ships were sent under a trustworthy captain to guard

the fishery. He took oath to this effect on the Holy Scriptures. The king ordered the

viceroy to collect the maximum from the fishery by assisting the Fishery Coast.47 The

Muslims were informed of their rights and punishments. The captain, kanakkapillai, the

translator and the clerk of the factory of Mannar were present on the Fishery Coast. All

the owners of the ships living on the coast were asked to take oath on the Holy Scriptures.

Every thing was entered in a book and the ships of the Muslims and Hindus and their

catch were entered separately.48 When the fishing was over, the Pattangattis decided

as to how much money, each ship should pay. This was decided according to the quantity

of fishing and the custom. This amount was written below the oath in the book. This book

was sent to the revenue official to see, whether everything was correct in accordance with

the regulations.49 In case a few ships did not pay the fanams they should not be

45 Ibid.46 DI., Vol. XVII, p. 184.47 Pissurlencar, Regimentos das Fortalezas da India, Goa, 1951, p. 365.48 Ibid.49 Ibid.

80

allowed to fish. Those who did not fall under the Portuguese jurisdiction could not fish

without taking surety from other known fishermen who would pay for the catch. All the

rent and tribute would be written down by the clerk of the factory. The pearl banks had

always been royal property.50 All the pearls collected and brought from the Gulf of

Mannar were sent to Goa. At Goa there was a large trade in pearls where pearls came

from the island of Bahrein in the Persian Gulf, Mannar on the coast of the island of Sri

Lanka, and from America.51 Among the Portuguese exports, varieties of seed pearls,

both for boutique and medicinal use, were included. In 1616, more than 36 bags of

aljofar were sent to Portugal. They were of highly expensive quality. Again in 1635, ten

bags of seed pearls were dispatched on the annual carracks that left the port of Goa for

Portugal.52 The majority of the pearls were sold by the ounce and ground into powder.

Only few among them weighed of a grain and it was a great event when any of two or

three carats were found.53 Throughout Europe the pearls were sold by carat weight,

which was equal to 4 grams, the same as the diamond weight, but in Asia the weight was

different. In Persia the pearls were weighed by the àbbás and an abbas is an eighth less

than a carat. In India and in all the territories of the Great Mughal and the kings of

Golkonda and Bijapur, they were weighed by ratis and the rati is also an eighth less than

the carat. The pearl rati was equal to 2.77 troy grains.54 The Portuguese then in all the

50 Ibid.51 Monçōes do Reino (hereafter MDR), Livro 2A, f1.50, Historical Archives of Goa, (here after HAG),

Goa, 1583-1595.52 Afzal Ahamad, Portuguese Trade on the Western Coast, New Delhi, 1991, p. 139.53 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, op. cit., p. 39.54 Ibid., pp. 94-96.

81

places in India where they were in authority, sold pearls by a weight which they called

chegos but bought them by the merchants, according to the places from where they

brought them by carats, àbbás or ratis.55 Though the Chinese did not have any

settlement as that of the Portuguese, they showed great interest in the pearl trade on the

Fishery Coast. Pearls were sent to China for ornamental use. This was proved from the

finest workmanship and the most perfect work found in the making of cabinets of all

patterns. They were all of choice woods and inlaid with ivory, pearls and precious stones;

in place of iron, they were mounted with gold.56 In return the Portuguese bought silver

from China.

The Chinese traders were also active in the east coast of Tamil Nadu (part

of the Vijayanagar Kingdom) as confirmed by Joseph of Cranganore as also by some

paintings which show Chinese traders along with the Arabs during the sixteenth century

in a temple of Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu.57 The evidence of Tome Pires of the

early sixteenth century, Mendes Pinto, the mid sixteenth century Portuguese adventurer,

and others show that even in the first half of the sixteenth century, Chinese ships were

navigating in the eastern Indian Ocean.58 These accounts corroborate the fact that not

only the Portuguese but other foreign powers were also interested in pearl trade as they

particularly concentrated on the eastern coast.Revenues from the Pearl Fishery The

55 Ibid.56 Albert Gray and Bell, The Voyage of Francis Pyrard of Laval to the East Indies, the Maldives, the

Moluccas and Brazil, Two volumes in 3 parts, Vol. 2, Part–I, New Delhi, 2000, pp. 176-177.57 Mathew, K.S. (ed.), Mariners, Merchants and Oceans – Studies in Maritime History, New Delhi,

1995, pp. 103-104.58 Ibid.

82

Portuguese received dizimo (tithe) and this was fixed at five percent of six ounces of

pearls and one-eighth of the seed pearls which were sold at the value of six cruzados

each. They received from Punnaikayal one eighth of the seed pearls of three ounces at the

value of five curzados. During the pearl operations, about 400 to 600 boats were used in

the Kilakkarai and Vedalai regions. As the legal holder of the pearl fishery rights, the

Nayak of Madurai received one day's proceeds during the seasons as his share. The actual

management of the pearl fishery was in the hands of the Paravas and supervised mostly

by the Jesuits.59Reveneue Earned by the Portuguese from the Fishery Coast60 A.D.

1525 – 1605

YearAmount

(in pardaus of 300 reis)

1525 7500

1552 3200

1574 5000

1581 5000

1585 9000

1605 25000

59 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Tamil Coast, pp. 76-77.60 Sanjay Subramanyam, “Noble Harvest from the Sea” Institution and Economic Change in South Asia,

Delhi, 1996, p. 143, cited in Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Tamil Coast, p. 77.

83

0

5000

10000

15000

20000

25000

30000

1525 1552 1574 1581 1585 1605Year

Am

ount

(in P

arda

us o

f 300

Rei

s)

Mannar Towards the close of the sixteenth century the yield of pearls from the

Fishery Coast completely dried up and the fishing of pearls moved from place to place.

Dom Constantantino de Braganca, the Viceroy of Goa therefore appointed a Portuguese

captain namely Jorge de Mello de Castro in 1582 at Mannar. By this time the Portuguese

had left from the trading centres like Vedalai and Punnaikayal but continued in

Thoothukudi. From 1582, the Fishery Coast was administered from Mannar.61

Mannar, although built on an island which gives it its name, is almost

connected to Sri Lanka, being separated from it only by a narrow strait. It had a very

small fortress, had no garrison of infantry. It was a settlement of one hundred and fifty

families of Portuguese and two hundred handicraftsmen, and a captain who also resided

61 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Tamil Coast, p. 71.

84

here.62Sources of Income from MannarFirst Regulations of the Fort of Mannar 1582

As per the First Order or Regulations issued by the Viceroy, income from

the following items were to be collected. Every year about 64,000 fanams were collected

during the small and the grand pearl fisheries, out of which 60,000 fanams were from the

pearl fishing and 4000 fanams were collected from the Paravas and Caraiyars. This

particular amount was handed over to the priests for teaching catechism to the children.63

The king of Jaffnapattanam was expected to pay 13,700 fanams or ten

elephants of six covados every year.64 The Portuguese received 1280 fanams as tribute

from the temple of Triconamalle. The other sources of income were from the rent, arrack,

and fines which were collected from the Muslims and Hindus for fishing. Also income

came from lending advance (bolça) for fishing, income from xaya65 and income from

arecanuts of Triconamalle and Batticola.66 Manatota, an adjoining district of Mannar,

that belonged to the King of Jaffnapattanam, came under the Portuguese. The boatmen

and people from Mannar had inhabited there. Mantota brought income in the form of

paddy and 400 cans of butter which cost about 500 fanams. If peace prevailed in and

around Mannar, the people had to pay an extra tax.67Second Regulations of the Fort of

Mannar As the viceroy was informed that certain receipts were not included in the

income as per the Order, he made the Second Regulations in the same year. The captain

62 Pissurlencar, Regimentos, p. 358.63 Ibid., pp. 358-359.64 Cavado was on old measurement of land equivalent to 66 cm.65 Xaya is a colour extracted from a particular plant in South India.66 Pissurlencar, Regimentos, pp. 359-360.67 Ibid.

85

had taken some of the incomes for himself and had not collected rents at all.68So the

viceroy had to make the following additional incomes:Arrippu: The hidden oyster banks

should be unearthed and rented out by the factor.About 4000 fanams as rent were to be

collected from the markets and shops on the Fishery Coast.Chapa

All the goods sold on the Fishery Coast were to be stamped with the royal

emblem and 200 paradaus would be collected as income. Areca should be collected in the

fort as per the customs. The factor should send a person to collect all the areca and bring

them to the factor when they were to be sold in auction to the highest bidder.69

Cartazes should be issued to the ships sailing to Batticola and

Triconamalle. The cartazes should be entered in the register in the presence of the factor.

If the cartaz issued to the high officer was not registered, the captain and the clerk would

pay 500 fanams and 100 fanams as fine respectively. The captain, the rector of the

Jesuits, the Pattangatti-mor and the kanakkapillai should make the owners of the

champanas to take an oath before they venture into the sea for pearl fishing. By taking

this, the owners would make it clear how many persons they were taking in their

respective champanas, their names, religion, place of origin and addresses were also

written down.70 The factor was responsible to bring it to the book all the income

from the fisheries during his service. If these procedures were not kept up, the providor

mor (chief supplier) would complain to the viceroy and the factor would be fined. When

the Second Regulations were made, Mathias de Albuquerque was the Viceroy. Joāo de

68 Ibid., p. 360.69 Ibid., pp. 481-485.70 Ibid.

86

Costa and Louis Barbalho were appointed as the factor and providor of the fort of

Mannar respectively.71

Tributes

The inhabitants of Kilakkarai as they were Muslims had to pay every year

as tribute to His Majesty of Portugal 2 pearls each of 5 carats of finest quality and two

others of 2 carats each in accordance with the contract made with them by Joāo de Mello

Sampayo, the captain of Mannar. This contract was registered in the above factory and

the factor should be careful to collect it. The Caraiyars from Carmapatāo or Careapattāo

had to pay 50 chickens and 11 lambs. This contract was made by Joāo de Melo.72

In general all the Muslims had to pay 20 kurus (small heaps) of chanks.

This was arranged by Joāo de Melo. Champanas or ships which navigate from the ports

of Sri Lanka with areca and cloth passing by the fort of Mannar were subjected to His

Highness. They had to produce the certificate to the factory and state how they were

going to pay the money. This would be shown as receipts in Sri Lanka by the factor of Sri

Lanka. In the absence of the certificate a fine at the rate of 10% would be collected.73

Lots of cinnamon produced in Sri Lanka were taken to the fort of Mannar

and down below to Masulipattanam and Moca. All the spices belonged to the Majesty

and trade on such item was the service of His Majesty. This business should be done by

71 Ibid., pp. 481-485, 371.72 Ibid.73 Ibid., pp. 486-488.

87

His people. Nobody should take cinnamon from Sri Lanka or to send or carry to the port

of Masulipattanam and nobody should deal with the same cinnamon without a licence.74

If the above conditions were not followed all the materials found in the

ships passing by the fort of Mannar would be confiscated. Of that 1/3 would be given to

the persons who had reported and it was the duty of the factor, who had to carefully

check the ships and if things were found, they would be taken as receipts in his account.75

With regard to the salary of armed men, those who were not in the service

and those names which were not entitled should not get salary. There should be only 200

armed men, 20 captains and 3 factors in the fort of Mannar. To guard the fort, there

should be only 100 soldiers. They should be paid in cash and not in kind (rice). The

sailors who resided in the fort and worked in the fleets would be paid for his wives, in the

form of rice and the provisions. The rice should be collected from Mantota.76

The Franciscan priests who resided at the fort were to be paid 2 pardaus

every month and each was provided with one candid of rice. The doctor got 4 paradaus

and his provisions each month and the nurse got 3 paradaus. The translator of the fort and

singers of the church were paid 3 paradaus every month.77

In the fort of Mannar, a lot of money was disorderly spent on gunpowder

and ammunition. The viceroy ordered that there could be no spending for gunpowder and

ammunition by the order of the clerk or captain except only when it was absolutely

74 Ibid.75 Ibid.76 Ibid., p. 490.77 Ibid., pp 490-491.

88

necessary. If the expenses were done for the purpose of the festival, this would not be

passed and would not be taken into account unless the captain's orders were shown.

Mannar was strategically important. Soldiers and 8 ships were stationed at Mannar under

the command of the captain to guard Sri Lanka and to monitor the ships entering and

going out from the ports.78

The fort of Mannar was strengthened to oversee the southern area.79 The

viceroy was asked to repair the parts of the Mannar fort. Joāo de Mello was the captain of

the ship belonging to the southern navigation. The inhabitants were given 2000 pardaus

for repair. He (Joāo de Mello) received another 2000 pardaus from issuing cartazes.80

Trade in Chank

Since time immemorial, the pearl–banks lying between Sri Lanka and

India were worked by the sturdy caste of the Paravas, who enjoyed special rights and

privileges in pearl and chank fishing.

The Hindus consider the chank as sacred and the possession of such a

thing at home is considered good by other religious communities also. Like pearls,

chanks also have a long history and chank fishing has been an ancient one. Kenneth

Mcpherson says that the Paravas worked the valuable pearl and chank fisheries of the

Palk Straits.81

78 Ibid., pp. 366, 491.79 HAG, MDR, Livro 2A, f1. 130.80 Ibid., f1. 130.81 Kenneth McPherson, “Pravas and Portuguese”, p. 143.

89

Chank was called the mother of pearls (Turbinella phrum) and is divided

into two categories – the right–whorled or 'Valampuri' and the ordinary or 'Edampuri'

chanks. The right whorled chank has its opening from the left to the right and it is very

rarely found. The ordinary chank which has its opening from the right to the left is

available in plenty. The right whorled chanks are very costly, and it costs sometimes tens

of thousands of rupees.82 Agananuru speaks of the right whorled chank obtained from

the waters of Korkai.83 The Muslims also like to have chanks in their houses since they

believe that the possession of the right–whorled chank will do good to the possessor and

his family.

In India chanks were available only in the Tamil coast and Kathiwar and

no where else. In the Tamil coast, the Gulf of Mannar was fested with these sea shells.

They were found between pearl banks and coral beds. Chanks were found both in

Thoothukudi and towards the north of it. They were also found in abundance in the

islands situated before Thoothukudi.84

Next to pearls, the chank was the second most important commercial

product of the Gulf of Mannar. It is called chank in English and chanco in Portuguese.

The chank fishery went on from October to May and was worked by divers, who

weighed themselves with stones and descended to the bottom to the sea with a net round

82 Arunachalam, op. cit., p. 20.83 Ibid.84 Ibid., p. 180.

90

their waist. Unlike the pearl-oysters which were found in clusters, the shells of the chank

were scattered, so the divers had to move about from place to place to collect them.85

At the close of the day’s fishery the chanks were brought to the shore and

tested using the wooden gauge with a hole two and three-eighths inches in diameter.

Those shells which passed through this hole were discarded and returned to the sea on the

chance that the animal may revive and continue to grow. The larger ones were stacked in

a storehouse, where the animal substance was got rid off. Finally the shells were sold by

auction to the highest bidder.86

Cosmos, an Egyptian monk, who travelled in India in the sixth century

A.D. and the Arab Abu Zayeed who wrote in 851 A.D. refer to the production and the

export of the chank shells from the Tamil Coast to Bengal. Barbosa who was in India in

the sixteenth century speaks about the trade that was carried at Kayal (Punnaikayal).

From him we learn that Punnaikayal was still an important seaport where many ships

from the various parts of India including Bengal landed every year to trade with the

wealthy Hindu and Muslim merchants living there. There was no difficulty in forwarding

the supply of chanks directly by sea to the Dacca workshops. Garcia de Orta, in 1563,

and Boccaro, in 1644, speak of the trade in the chank shells with Bengal where the

chanks were made into bangles for the arms (jewellery).87

85 Pate, H.R., Madras District Gazetteers, Tinnevelly, Vol. I, Madras, 1917, pp. 234-235.86 Ibid.87 Arunachanalam, op. cit., p. 185.

91

By the end of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese seem to have changed

the system of collecting revenue from taxing the divers to that of farming the fishery for a

fixed amount. They included the chank fishery also in this. As a result of this policy, the

chank fishery was farmed out to a group of wealthy merchants.88

Every year pearl fishing took place twice and the first one which took

place in April – May was known as the great fishery and second one in October –

November was known as the small fishery. The chank fishing was known as small

fishery. From Xavier's letter it is understood that the Paravas went chank fishing in

September.89

Caldwell speaks about the chanks which were available in Thoothukudi as

follows: "Chanks were found in 7-fathom water, but we may take a minimum depth of 5

fathoms, and reckon 30 feet for the depth of their habitat.”90

At first the Portuguese did not seem to have been very particular about

chank fishery since they were more allured to the pearl fishery and the revenue they

derived from them.91

Commodities like chanks were excluded from the scope of the maritime

trade of the Paravas because such articles were declared by the Portuguese captain as

monopoly items in 1552. The King of Portugal relaxed the restrictions imposed on the

88 Ibid., pp. 104-105.89 Letters of Xavier, November 10, 1544, p. 103.90 Caldwell, R., op. cit.,, p. 76.91 Arunachalam, op. cit., p. 98.

92

Paravas to enable them to establish their own trade contacts. Some Paravas who became

rich also built numerous champanas (boats) for their trading voyages and evinced interest

in commerce.92

These Paravas were therefore able to sell the chanks for better prices and

exported a major portion of their chank to Bengal. The chank which fetched only five

fanams prior to 1536 was now sold at the rate of fifteen to twenty fanams, thereby

boosting the income of the Paravas. While the high quality chanks were mainly exported

to Bengal for making ornaments, chanks of low quality were broken by shell burners

called Caraiyars, who lived in the region and lime was produced out of it. This lime was

mainly used in the construction of buildings in the region.93

The chanks were exported to Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, where the people

continued to wear chank bangles. Workshops to make bangles out of the chanks came to

exist in many parts of Greater Bengal, viz. Dacca, Patna, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Burdwars,

Balasore, Banikura and Sylhet. The chief workshops were found in Dacca and

Dinajpur.94

Garcia da Orta says: And this chank is a ware for the Bengal trade and

formerly produced more profit than now. . . . and there was formerly a custom in Bengal

that no virgin in honour and esteem could be corrupted unless it were by placing bracelets

92 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Tamil Coast, p. 80.93 Ibid.94 Arunachalam, op. cit., p. 105.

93

of chanks on her arms; but since the Patans came in this usage has more or less ceased,

and so the chanks are rated lower now.95

At one point, the Paravas were not allowed to sell the chank mussels to

whom they wished. The Jesuits had to interfere in this matter and it was made as a

request to the King of Portugal along with other concessions like reduction in paying

taxes to the royal exchequer.96

Slavery

Slavery was also one of the agents which promoted the maritime interests

of the Portuguese in India, especially in the Fishery Coast. Slavery as a system was

existent in the Tamil society before the arrival of the Portuguese. The Imperial Cholas

introduced slavery and turned it into an institution. Slaves were found in houses and

temples. Even in the Fishery Coast, slaves were commonly employed in the houses.97

The Portuguese were heavily involved in slave trade right from the outset

of their appearance in the Indian Ocean. African slaves brought by them were largely

intended for their own use in the Estado da India (State of India), as labour, domestic

servants, fighting men and ship hands. Portuguese officials and casados became major

slave owners because of the cheapness of slaves.98

In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the Portuguese continued

to import slaves into India through Goa from their colonies in Mozambique and

95 Pate, H.R., op. cit., p. 235.96 DI., Vol. I (1540-1549), 1948, p. 160.97 Ibid., pp. 284-285.98 Mathew, K.S. (ed.), Mariners, Merchants, p. 197.

94

Mombasa. There is evidence from travellers for the existence of a slave market in Goa

but these slaves would primarily have served the needs of the Estado for manpower. The

slaves imported from West Asia into the Mughal Empire were called ‘luxury’ slaves:

eunuchs, personal attendants, palace guards and concubines. Their numbers were small

and it may be assumed that this import continued in the seventeenth century, handled

mainly by Indian Muslim merchants on the West Asia route.99

The Portuguese not only brought slaves to India, but also took them to

Portugal and Brazil. The slaves were captured from the ships in the ocean or purchased

from Mozambique, Angola, Sáo Jorge de Mina and other places.100

Every year 2000 to 3000 slaves were brought to Goa from Bengal,

Nagappattanam, Sir Lanka, and Thoothukudi. Since the number got increased, the

viceroy ordered that no slaves should be brought to the city of Goa. Whoever violated the

order were imprisoned.101

During the sixteenth century, slaves were used for loading and unloading

of the ships as well as for menial works in the hospitals. But in the seventeenth century,

besides being employed for carrying loads, they were trained to fight against the

Portuguese enemies to make up for the shortage of soldiers, particularly when the Dutch -

Portuguese wars reached their zenith.102

99 Ibid., 196.100 Afzal Ahmad, op. cit., p. 153.101 HAG, MDR, Livro 19C, fl. 970, (1634-1635).102 Afzal Ahmad, op. cit., p. 153.

95

In contrast to what was happening on the west coast of Africa, the

Portuguese were not primarily interested in slave trade on the east coast during the

sixteenth century. They always traded in slaves, of course, but they were required only as

domestic servants or body guards; so the numbers involved were not as large as those

exported from the west coast to satisfy the voracious demands of the sugar plantations

and the silver mines of South and Central America.

Some people (natives) were taken as slaves from Cochin and Thoothukudi

to Sri Lanka for carrying load and felling trees. It was in order to fight with the enemies

in Sri Lanka, the Portuguese had to carry the Negroes. But they found it was better to

negotiate with the local people than with the Negroes. The newly converted Christians

were known as canarins and the Negroes were known as cafres (blacks) by the

Portuguese.103

Both Negroes and canarins were taken into the service of the Portuguese.

They (the Portuguese) feared that since they (the Portuguese) were few, the Negroes

might rebel against them. The Negroes had always wanted to be freed. The Portuguese

told them to fight along with them and then they would be set free. They were promised

that they would be given land first and later set free. To the canarins, the Portuguese

assured that their years of service will be taken into account.104

103 Pissurlencar, Assentos Conselho do Estado, Vol. I, (1618-1633), p. 359.104 Ibid.

96

The Portuguese were not able to undertake their journey without taking

Negroes along with them.105 Dom Pedro Mascarenhas one of the Councillors said that

each white man be given two Negroes. It should be tried first in Thoothukudi, because in

that coast, some of the Maravas and Paravas were very strong, and they knew how to

fight.106

Lourenço de Melo another Councillor suggested sending more cafres, and

more canarins to defeat the Sinhalese who were creating trouble against the Portuguese in

Sri Lanka. He further said that the cafres should be arranged in companies under the

captain with little liberty and good facilities so that they would be of a very good

enterprise. So Negroes and canarins were taken from Thoothukudi, Cochin and Goa.107

As a consequence of large-scale drought and famine that occurred

periodically, the Coromandel Coast (Fishery Coast inclusive), witnessed large supplies of

great quantities of rice and coconuts in exchange of shiploads of slaves and the victims of

the famines.108

Similarly, slaves and eunuchs imported in ships from Africa, through

Arabia, were purchased by ruling groups. The numbers were not larger, but there was

105 Ibid., p. 358.106 Ibid., p. 359.107 Ibid.108 Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, The Hague, 1962, p. 66.

97

always a demand for them and most ships usually carried a few dozen slaves to be sold in

Surat.109

The Portuguese raided the ships which were sailing without the cartazes.

The goods were confiscated and the men and women who were on the board were

captured as slaves. A ship which was attempting to sail from Satgaon in Bengal either to

Sri Lanka or to Malabar did not carry a cartaz and, as a consequence, its entire cargo,

largely pulses, rice and other provisions, with a small portion being Bengal textiles, were

confiscated and the Muslim nakhuda and his family (who were on board) sold into

slavery. Slaves were employed in making saltpetre also.

In the words of Jenette Pinto,

"Man is a spiritual being akin to his Maker. Christianity as a system and a

creed raised no protest against slavery; as a matter of fact, with the

discovery of new lands, the Catholic clergy compromised itself and the

Church indulged openly in the slave trade".110

The Jesuit missionaries never opposed the slave systems in the Estado Da

India. But they took care of the physical and spiritual needs of the slaves. They must

have justified slavery from the point of the Holy Scriptures which asks the slaves to be

obedient to their masters.

109 Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Maritime India in Seventeenth Century, Oxford University Press, 1994,p. 227.

110 Jenette Pinto, Slavery in Portuguese India (1510-1842), Bombay, 1992, p. 65.

98

Trade in Other Items

Apart from pearls and chanks there were other items of Portuguese interest

on the Fishery Coast. Among them rice and textiles played an important role in the sense

that they were procured from the Fishery Coast also. There were numerous other items

which were passed through the Fishery Coast to other coasts and countries.

"In 1605, the Crown asked the Viceroy to see to it that the textiles brought

from Coromandel ports were sold only in exchange for spices and drugs. The Portuguese

of course, continued to need textiles not only for consumption at home but also in the

exchange for slaves from African regions who were badly needed on the ships during the

Portuguese-Dutch and English wars.111

Tirunelvely provided rice to Sri Lanka and Malabar. The whole area up to

Tirunelvely provided textiles to Sri Lanka and Malabar.112 The Tamil Coast with its

hinterland had been famous for its export trade in rice and textiles.113 In return came

pepper and spices from Malabar, betel nuts, elephants and cinnamon from Sri Lanka and

coconut produce from both the regions.114

Tobacco cargoes moved from Thoothukudi and Tirunelvely to Goa.

Though of an inferior kind when compared to Brazilian tobacco, nevertheless, they

111 Afzal Ahmad, op. cit., p. 18.112 Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Maritime India, p. 145.113 Jeyaseela Stephen, S., Tamil Coast, p. 67.114 Sinnappah Arasarathnam, Maritime India, p. 145.

99

served to cater to the needs of the tobacco-addicted populace of Goa at a time when

Lisbon no longer supplied tobacco to the Estado da India.115

Apart from rice and textiles, the Portuguese traders exported a number of

items like sandal wood, tamarind, copper, vermilion, cloves and mace. So trade was in

good progress between the Fishery and the Malabar Coasts and also between the West

and the Coromandel through the Fishery Coast.

Vessels with spices from the Malabar Coast reached Bengal and the

Coromandel Coast in August and returned to Cochin in November or December with

rice. Likewise, pepper, white cloth, sugar and long pepper were sent from Malacca and

Sumatra to the Coromandel and Bengal.116

Pepper in good quantity was supplied from Puthura in the West to

Kanyakumari and the Coromandel Coast. Similarly the route from Kanjirappily to the

Tamil country became important for the transportation of pepper on the backs of

bullocks.11 So the entire Tamil Coast was in a position to procure larger quantities of

pepper from Kerala.117

The Portuguese help was welcomed not only by the Paravas but also by

the Muslims. The Kayalar-Parava struggle on one side and the Kayalar-Marakkayar

115 Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, A Study of the Portuguese Country Trade 1770-1840, New Delhi, 1994, p. 41.

116 Mathew, K.S., Portuguese Trade with India in the Sixteenth Century, New Delhi, 1983, p. 148.117 Ibid.

100

rivalry on the other side created a conducive atmosphere for the Portuguese to make a

successful attempt to settle in the important ports in the Fishery Coast.

The Portuguese set their foot on the Fishery Coast in the beginning of the

sixteenth century. Yet the Fishery Coast became the backyard of the Portuguese only

after the Mass Conversion (which came as a boon). The Paravas co-operated with the

Portuguese in all their endeavours as a loyal community, skillful sailors and militant

warriors.

The Portuguese were keen on not only the maritime resources but also on

other commodities which were in abundance as well in demand. The Paravas’ role in

promoting trade between the Fishery Coast and Sri Lanka was significant.

The Paravas, the fisher folk of the Fishery Coast, were restored in their

original position to have recourse to the marine resources such as the pearls and the

chanks. Thus the Parava economy was saved to some extent. Their security was assured

by the Portuguese but all the revenue from the Fishery Coast went to the royal treasury of

the Portuguese Crown. As a result, a new form of opposition emerged from the local

rulers. The boat owners and merchants from the same Parava community were benefited

and they moved to other places to settle. The economic position of the ordinary pearl or

chank divers remained the same as before and even after the arrival of the Portuguese;

they did not find any difference between the economic oppression of the Muslims and

that of the Portuguese.