local history in ninth/fifteenth century yaẓd: the "tārākh-i jadīd-i yazd"

British Institute of Persian Studies

Local History in Ninth/Fifteenth Century Yaẓd: The "Tārākh-i Jadīd-i Yazd"Author(s): Isabel MillerSource: Iran, Vol. 27 (1989), pp. 75-79Published by: British Institute of Persian StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4299819 .

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LOCAL HISTORY IN NINTH/FIFTEENTH CENTURY YAZD: THE TARIKH-I JADID-I YAZD

By Isabel Miller London

The ninth/fifteenth century saw a remarkable floresence of historical writing by natives of Yazd.' The most famous historian to come out of Yazd was

undoubtedly Sharaf al-Din CAli Yazdi who wrote a

biography of Timuir, the Zafar-nama. An important source for part of this work was a diary of Timfir's campaigns in India, the Rui-ndma-i Ghazdwat-i Hindustdn by Shihab al-Din Munshi ibn Ghiyath al-Din

CAli Yazdi.2 Less well known, but still important for the history

of central and southern Iran in this period, are the

TdrTkh-i Ja'arT written by Jacfar ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan Jacfari and the Jdmic al- Tawdarkh-i HasanT of Ibn Shihfb Shacir Munajjim. Jacfarli also wrote a local

history of Yazd, the Ta&rkh-i razd, completed by the mid-ninth/fifteenth century, and shortly afterwards Ahmad ibn Husain CAli Katib wrote the TdrTkh-i JadTd- i Yazd. This development was not without precedent, for Mucin al-Din Yazdi had written a history of the Muzaffarid dynasty in the eighth/fourteenth century called the Mawdhib-i IldhT.

The genesis of this group of Yazdi historians has yet to receive full investigation, but certain points can be made. Yazd in the ninth/fifteenth century was a prosperous, flourishing centre of the textile trade. It had been in the previous century, and up until the mid- ninth/fifteenth century still was, an expanding city. Most relevant for our interests was the remarkable number of madrasas established in this period, twenty- nine in all. These include the great endowments of Rukn al-Din Qaidi and his son Shams al-Din, who were bureaucrats of the I1-Khanid state.

The educational and intellectual links between the madrasas and the Yazdi historians are not clear. But these links are evidence that the latter scholars did not blossom in a barren intellectual landscape, nor solely as a result of links with other cities and intellectual centres. Furthermore, it is no accident that the ninth/ fifteenth century saw the production of two local histories. They must be seen as both a product of the

prosperous society of Yazd which they describe and a celebration of that society and city.

The Tdrikh-i Jadid-i Yazd, in particular, was a self- conscious, deliberate attempt to record, indeed to extol, the beauties of Ahmad ibn Husain's native city. He clearly felt that JaCfarli had not performed this task

adequately, since chandfasl tahqTq ndkarda nivishta bad, and intended to do a better job.3 He declares in his

introduction that Yazd is the noblest of cities situated in the third clime, with a pleasant and healthy climate, and he proceeds to enumerate the virtues of the land, the water, the beauty of the buildings of Yazd, its

splendid mosques and shrines, its delicious fruit and its noble, pious, hardworking people.4 The idea implicit in the introduction, which summarizes the contents of the history, is that the TdrTkh-i Jadid-i Tazd will show how the history of Yazd followed a particular course, and in so doing it will illustrate the goodness and virtue of the place and its people.

The work is divided into twelve chapters. The first six chapters cover the history of Yazd up to the

conquests of Timfir in the 1380s and 1390s. The next four chapters are a topographical description of Yazd under the Timurids, and these form the central chapters of the book. The last two chapters cover events at the end of the reign of Shah Rukh, Timfir's son, and the wars which followed his death up until the establishment of the Qara Qoyunlu state in western Iran by Jahan Shah in 856/1452.

According to the TdrTkh-i JadTd-i Yazd-and we are not here concerned with the historical veracity or otherwise of this work-the origins of Yazd go back to the building of a fortress by Alexander the Great on the advice of Aristotle.5 Thus Yazd owes its existence to a

great hero of the Iranian past. The next important stage of development occurred under the Sasanian

dynasty. Yazd was, according to Ahmad ibn Husain, an iq.td (appanage) of the royal family.6 It is at this

point that the account of the life of the city and

surrounding province really begins. The pattern of

development in the chapter on the Sasanians is

repeated in increasing detail in the course of the book, and Ahmad ibn Husain is providing a picture of

patronage and development for the Sasanian period identical to that which he gives for his own lifetime. Sasanian princes such as Balas ibn Yazdigird and

Qubad ibn Firfiz, for example, built residences (qasr), fire temples and qandts;7 and the daughter of Anfish-

irvan founded the village of Mihrijird, which had orchards that produced apples, red and white peaches and plums.8

Under the Umayyad and CAbbasid caliphs there was, apparently, little building activity in Yazd and no

great lord or prince extended his patronage to the city until the Kakuyids moved to Yazd from Isfahfin in the

Saljuqid period. From then there was fairly consistent

75



76 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

and continuous development of Yazd. It increased

through the reigns of the Atabaks and Muzaffarids until it reached a high point in the reign of the Timurid Shah Rukh.

The city which successive rulers, governors and

wealthy families built is, in Alhmad ibn Husain's des-

criptions, a gracious and beautiful place. Its streets were lined with mosques and madrasas, such as the

Rukniyya and Shamsiyya complexes (see below, p. 77). The city also had bazaars, spacius caravan

serais, notably the Dar al-Fath, and hammdms. There were qandts and wells, which had been built by notables and princes, supplying water to all these establish- ments. Outside the city walls were suburbs with fine houses and kiosks in gardens, yet more mosques, khanagdhs and holy shrines, most notably the new

mosque built by the Amir Chaqmaiq, governor of Yazd under Shah Rukh.' The house, caravanserai, hammdm and mosque built by Haijji Sadr al-Din Ahmad Abivardi, a broker and silk merchant, in Mahalla-yi Sar Rig are also examples of development and

patronage by wealthy men in Yazd during the Timurid

period.1' In short, it can be seen that what is traced

through the book is the founding and growth of an ideal city endowed with all its inhabitants could wish for. The descriptions of buildings noting their fine

points-wind towers, cypress trees and roses in the

gardens, stained-glass windows, marble and ceramic tile facings, painted murals and calligraphy-all con-

vey an impression of innumerable vistas of harmonious and refined beauty.

Ahmad ibn Husain considered the prosperity and

development of Yazd as dependent on royal or noble

patronage. But this patronage was not always forth-

coming. Yazd went through periods of stagnation. The best of situations was when a prince was living in Yazd and directly involved in its government-always assuming he was a just and responsible ruler, such as

MubaSriz al-Din al-Muzaffar in the mid-eighth/ fourteenth century. Mubariz al-Din and his family founded ten villages between them, quite apart from

enlarging the city, rebuilding the walls, constructing elegant residences and bazaars and establishing mosques and madrasas." The political history of the

period is accorded a poor second place to these

building projects. In this the Muzaffarids, though perhaps a more extreme case than most of the other rulers in the book, are by no means unique. The Sasanian kings and their sons, for instance, may well have been noble and heroic men and great rulers, but what matters in this instance is what they did for Yazd. Those who apparently contributed little or nothing to the development of Yazd are firmly ignored, however powerful or important they may otherwise have been. The treatment of the Samanids and the Tahirids

exemplifies this attitude. As Ahmad ibn Husain states in his introduction,

Yazd is the Ddr al-'Ibdda, the Abode of Divine Wor-

ship, in other words, a godly and righteous city." The

religious history of Yazd is a major theme of the TdrTkh-i JadTd-i Yazd, and indeed the work must be seen as an exposition of the devoutness of the people of Yazd.

Even before Islam Yazdis were religious and Yazd a

holy place. In the village of Maybud there was a Zoroastrian shrine containing fire brought from the seven great ,tish-khanas, and it was a centre for pil- grimage. It was founded by Shah Qubad and sub-

sequently his son Shaih Macbad was cured of serious illness after praying at the shrine. The Biblical Solomon, Sulaiman Paighambar, ordered Daldiv to build a castle in Maybud. In the chapter on the Sasanians, Ahmad ibn Husain shows considerable

respect for Zoroastrianism as the religion of Iran prior to Islam. After the Arab conquest, however, Yazd became a centre of Muslim piety."

The eighth chapter, concerned with religious build-

ings and their history, is the longest chapter in the book. Perhaps even more important than mosques and madrasas were the shrines of

.Sifi shaikhs and holy men

in and around Yazd. The most important of these was the shrine of the Imamzada Abui Jacfar. The description of his shrine includes an account of his life, and the

prelude to this biographical notice is a brief explanation of the bitter feud between the CAbbasids and the CAlids." According to Ahmad ibn Husain, the

cAbbasids, on coming to power in the second/eighth century, massacred 80,000 members of the Umayyad clan and then held a feast.'" Terrified by this blood-

thirsty act, everyone accepted CAbbasid rule except the cAlids. The latter organised their dacwa in all provinces and killed cAbbasids wherever they found them. The cAbbasids responded by killing cAlids at every oppor- tunity. Imamzaida Abi Jacfar fled from Baghdad after the defeat of an uprising in 410/1019-20 by one Zaid ibn Yahya in southern Iraq and the destruction of the shrine at Karbala.'6 Abfi Jacfar's life in Yazd, where he was well received by the Buyid governor, was one of

piety and miraculous acts. In particular, he tamed a lion, the symbol of cAll.7 The Imamza5da's shrine in Yazd became an important focus for worship, pious acts and endowments. In the mid-ninth/fifteenth cen-

tury various notables built mausolea, kiosks and

generally developed the shrine area. Next in importance was the shrine of Taqi al-Din

Dada5 and his descendants, who were the most influen- tial Siifl shaikhs in Yazd in the eighth/fourteenth century. The Muzaffarid family made generous endowments to Shaikh Taqi al-Din Dada's shrine, and Rukn al-Din Qadi endowed eight khanagdhs for his followers.'8

Other religious dignitaries, Sifi shaikhs and mullahs, had shrines and mausolea, and their continued religious influence through their shrines and, it was



LOCAL HISTORY IN NINTH/FIFTEENTH CENTURY YAZD 77

believed, their religious activity were of paramount importance for the people of Yazd. These monuments were tangible proof of the piety of Yazd. Miracles were further proof of this. Various stories illustrating the

extraordinary power of shaikhs are found throughout the book. This raises an important point about the nature of the Tarfkh-i Jadid-i Tazd as a work of history. The miracles must not be seen as curiosities which can be detached from what we might now consider the factual content. Ahmad ibn Husain made no such distinction. As far as he, and no doubt his con-

temporaries too, were concerned, these miracles actu-

ally happened; they were proof of the power of God and the manner in which He shaped the world just as much as, possibly even more so, than political events, battles or the building of a city. Indeed, they could be

regarded as a particularly potent form of divine reality. Many of the miracles were in fact part of historical

events or prophecies of those events. Sultafn Hajji Muhammad Shah, a son of Taqi al-Din Dada, proph- esied that the Muzaffarid Shah Shujac would over- throw his father Mubairiz al-Din. He told Mubariz al- Din this when he saw the castle Mubariz al-Din was

building in Maybud.19 Another Sfifi, Shaikh CAli, made Shah Shujaic, who was marching on Yazd, turn back to Shiraz. He prayed to God and instantly Shah Shujf• was struck with terrible stomach pains. Shah Shujac begged Shaikh CAll to cure these, and Shaikh CAli gave him some dried bread to eat. Shah Shuja' recovered and asked pardon of the shaikh, prayed and returned to Shiraz.20 The story is brief and enigmatic, but illustrates most forcefully the power attributed to Shaikh cAli. And if one wonders why Shah Shuja• turned his army away from Yazd, then the story of a certain Shaikh Ahmad who lived in the late sixth/ twelfth century may explain it. Shaikh Ahmad rebuked the Sdihib Jdmic of the village where he lived for his brutal behaviour to a peasant, pointing out that he should be merciful to others so that God would be merciful to him. The Sdhib Jdmic laughed at him and challenged the shaikh to call on God to take his soul. Shaikh Ahmad did so, and the man fell down dead.21 A shaikh's power was not to be regarded lightly.

On occasion, the power of a shaikh was manifest in

strange or unusual behaviour. Biba-i Nasr was an

example of this kind of holy man. All year round he lay outside on the bare earth, day and night, in snow, rain and heat.22 His bizarre behaviour was proof of his saintliness and recognized as such by the people of Yazd. Other stories illustrate the power ofshaikhs over time and space: the story of Shaikh Farid al-Din CAbd al-Baqi, for instance, who was seen in Kazarun in southern Iran on the Riiz-i CArafa and then at the Kacba in Mecca a day later on the Riz-i 'Td.23 Thus the world of the Tarfkh-i Jadid-i Tazd is fantastic and supernatural, a world in which miracles have happened and can happen again.

It is significant, following this, that the next two

chapters are a description of the gardens, villages and waters of Yazd. After the fine buildings, mosques and shrines comes the fertility of Yazd, which, in itself, is a

testimony to the devoutness of the hardworking, God-

fearing people of the Ddr al-'Ibdda. Ahmad ibn Husain's vision of greenery, trees and flowing waters may indeed be idealistic; Yazd is not naturally endowed with fertile terrain and the traditional agriculture of the province is based on a series of carefully maintained oases. But here it can be argued he was making a specific point. Qandts were built by the godly notables and princes of Yazd. Many constituted the property of various vaqfs, such as the Rukniyya and Shamsiyya madrasas.24 They supplied mosques and madrasas with necessary water, but this water was also used for agriculture, and so the

piety and charity of the Yazdis maintained the fertility of Yazd as well as its religious institutions.

We can assume furthermore that Ahmad ibn Husain was conscious of the parallels between his description of the fertile city and villages of Yazd irrigated by qandts and Quranic verses such as II, 25, "Give thou

good tidings to those who believe and do deeds of

righteousness, that for them await gardens underneath which rivers flow; whensoever they are provided with fruits therefrom they shall say 'This is that wherewithal we were provided before' ".25

The village described in the greatest detail is Taft, which was a major source of water for the city.26 The Nicmat Allahi Siifis, whose centre was in Mahan near Kirman, built a khdnagdh in the village.27 Descendants of the founder of the Nicmat Allahis, Nicmat Allah Vali, lived in Taft, as did the author of the Zafar-ndma, Sharaf al-Din cAli Yazdi.28 Taft was everything a

village should be. It had gardens, a qandt, a mosque, a

hammdm, a kiosk for picnics, and the khdnagdh. It was neat, orderly and fruitful. It was, in short, a mirror of Yazd, an ideal village linked to an ideal city. The

gardens outside the walls of Yazd containing mausolea, residences and kiosks are a similar indication of the

prosperity of Yazd, a prosperity based on godliness. Ahmad ibn Husaini was not concerned with the

economic basis of this prosperity. He was endeavour-

ing to convey to his reader what he regarded as the

higher truth. It was through devoutness and a pious life that one received one's reward, as the Quranic verse quoted above makes clear. The ultimate source of prosperity was God and the hardworking, pious Yazdis had received his blessings. However, if God did not wish a wealthy man or city to profit from their riches, then all was in vain, and they were powerless before the will of God.

The last two chapters which deal with the wars after Shah Rukh's death, a famine, an epidemic and a flood, are in part an illustration of this aspect of the will of God. However, these events are not explained as the vengeful wrath of the Almighty; God's wrath did not



78 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

fall on the Yazdis, partly because they were pious, and

partly because Ahmad ibn Husain was too sophisti- cated a writer to give such an explanation.

It is true that other Persian historians saw calamity as the judgment of God. CAtF• Malik Juvaini, in his Tadrkh-i Jahdn-Gushd, a history of the Mongol invasions, explained the disasters he was recounting, destruction of great cities, wholesale slaughter of their inhabitants by the armies of Chingiz Khan and his successors, as divine judgment."2 But Juvaini was cop- ing with events on an altogether different scale. What is more, he was describing the destruction of Islamic lands by godless heathens, an unprecedented and hitherto unimaginable event. On the other hand, in the TdrTkh-i Jadrd-i razd, Ahmad ibn Husain recounts the internecine wars of Timurid princes who were Muslims

battling for control of a Muslim empire, an unfortunate but more acceptable state of affairs.

None the less, the famine and epidemic are the result of tyranny, war and bad government in general. By implication, bad government, like all things, was

permitted by God and, like many of His acts, beyond human comprehension. Good government, like that of the Timurid Shah Rukh, was also an act of God. Under a good and just ruler Yazd flourished. If the just sultan was ruling a large empire, good governors were

appointed; but if the ruler was a local man on the spot, such as Mubariz al-Din, so much the better. The

penultimate chapter is an account of bad rule under the Timurid successors to Shah Rukh. The civil wars

they waged with each other made heavy demands on their treasuries, and extra revenue was extracted from their unfortunate subjects. The lands they ruled suf- fered terribly, according to what Ahmad ibn Husain, probably with truth, reports.30

By the time Jahan Shah Qara Qoyunlu expelled the

Chaghatais from Yazd, the Yazdis had had more than

enough.31 Unfortunately, expelling the Chaghatais was not sufficient to restore Yazd to its former prosperity. The officials sent to Yazd could not easily repair the

damage which they found, and some of them showed little desire to do so. Famine, epidemic and flood were all the worse for coming after the wars of succession. The moral was clear. Good government means cultiva- tion of the land and security for the people; bad

government will, if left unchecked, result in disaster, even in so prosperous a place as Yazd. In these ideas Ahmad ibn Husain was not unique. Identical views can be found in the Siydsat-ndma of Nizam al-Mulk or the

Jadmic al- Tawdrfkh of Rashid al-Din, and in numerous other works. But in the Tdrfkh-i Jadfd-i razd we have a specific example of this theory applied to the history of a particular province.

The confusion over the names of personages and the dating of events in the Tdrfkh-i JadId-i Yazd has already been discussed by C.E. Bosworth in his article, "Dailamis in Central Iran: The Kakiyids ofJibal and

Yazd".32 Ahmad ibn Husain cannot always be relied on for factual accuracy when he is recounting events, certainly prior to the late eighth/fourteenth century. Much of the substance of those chapters was drawn from Jacfari's Tdrfkh-i razd, though it was expanded and enlarged upon.

It is not always clear what other sources were used. In the Introduction, there is a list of histories and chronicles which includes the Shdh-ndma, the Jahdn- Gusia, and Tabari's Chronicle." These histories are, in the main, general works with a broad geographical scope, and deal with events as seen from the centre of states and empires.

In the Tdrfkh-i Jadid-i Tazd, what concerns Yazd is of

primary importance. Ahmad ibn Husain's scant treatment of the Samanids has already been noted. But he had other criteria as well for his choice and arrangement of material.

For instance, the most important action of any of the

I1-Khanids, according to Ahmad ibn Husain, was

Oljeitii's conversion to Shici Islam.34 His predecessor Ghazan Khan's conversion to Sunni Islam is not men- tioned. Ghazan's reforms also are not considered

important, and receive no mention. As for the earlier

I1-Khanids, they are ignored unless it is absolutely necessary to mention them. The actions of the Atabaks of Yazd take precedence over those of their Mongol overlords. Fortunately for the Yazdis, the Atabaks submitted to Mongol rule without a fight, and this

prudent attitude protected the Yazdis from the full

impact of the Mongol invasions. But as Rashid al-Din demonstrates, they were not shielded from the effects of Mongol rule.35 Consequently, Ahmad ibn HI usain's

emphasis on Oljeitii's conversion raises intriguing ques- tions about the reasons behind his selection of material, not least with regard to his own religious inclinations.

Ahmad ibn Husain was also selective in his arrangement of material. His two accounts of the fall of the

Umayyad caliphate and the Abbasid victory illustrate how he used the material which he considered relevant for his purpose. The account of the massacre of the

Umayyads had already been described. This, though undoubtedly considered by him as an historical event, was regarded by Ahmad ibn Husain as, above all, a matter of religion. The account given is certainly in

part inaccurate, but, more importantly, it expresses a

particular and uncomplimentary attitude to the cAbbasids as opposed to the cAlids.

By contrast, the earlier chapter on the history of Yazd during this period displays a virtual indifference to the Abbasid dynasty. What matters is the rebellion led by Abil Muslim in Khurasan and, as a result of this, the fall of the Umayyad governor of Yazd, Abu 'l-~cAla'.36 Ahmad ibn Husain follows the route of Abi Muslim away from Khurasan via Damghain to Fars. Here detail concerning Yazd comes in when Abfi Muslim sends Ahmad ibn Muhammad Zamji to take



LOCAL HISTORY IN NINTH/FIFTEENTH CENTURY YAZD 79

Yazd. At the end of this account of the capture and death of Abu 'l-CAla', the defeat of the Umayyad caliph and the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty merit one sentence only. It is immediately followed by the career of the Saffarid Yacqufb ibn Laith, who lived about a hundred years after these events.37

Clearly, Ahmad ibn HIlusain was not casual in his choice and arrangement of material. Abui Muslim's

campaign fits into the historical narrative of the earlier

chapters. However, the actions of the early cAbbasids towards their Umayyad and cAlid rivals is a necessary prelude to the life of the Imamzida Abui Jacfar; hence Ahmad ibn JHusain has neatly divided the account of the cAbbasid rise to power between these two conflict- ing demands.

The passage of history, according to Ahmad ibn Husain, was divided up into a sequence of dynasties, good rulers and bad rulers. But in general, Yazd was fortunate. Most of the governors and princes in Yazd were good rulers. They recognized that Yazd was a

prosperous, beautiful place, and sought to embellish it still further. In this respect the history is an optimistic work. Even at the end after famine, cholera and flood, the last chapter concludes on a characteristically optimistic note. A new governor, Nizam al-Din HaIjji Qanbar, arrived in Yazd.38 He built a dTvdn-khdna or audience hall in the citadel, and made a vaqf for the shrine of the Imamzada AbuiJacfar.39 Then he commis- sioned a frieze of calligraphy for the congregational mosque. The calligrapher's name and other examples of his work are given, and thus the Tdrikh-i Jadfd-i Yazd is concluded.40 But the implication is that the history of Yazd is far from over; it is entering a new era of

prosperity under the new governor, who has already shown himself to be a good ruler.

These concluding episodes repeat in brief the themes which have dominated the whole work: the beauty of the city and province, the central role of piety and

religion in its history, and the importance of good government for its prosperity.

See J. Aubin, Deux Sayyids de Bam au XVe siecle (Wiesbaden, 1956), Avantpropos.

2J. Woods, "The Rise of Timurid Historiography", JNES, XLVI (1987), pp. 81-108.

3 Tarrkh-i Jadrd-i razd, ed. Iraj Afshar (Tehran, 1966), p. 6. 4 Ibid., p. 7. 5 Ibid., p. 24. 6 Ibid., p. 36. 7 Ibid., p. 35. 8 Ibid., p. 41. 9 Ibid., p. 97. 1o Ibid., pp. 108-9. " Ibid., pp. 85, 87. 3 Ibid., pp. 2, 3.

13 Ibid., p. 7. 14 Ibid., pp. 150-8. '" Ibid., p. 151. 16 Ibid., p. 152. 17 Ibid., p. 153. 18 Ibid., pp. 129, 87-8. 19 Ibid., p. 164. 20 Ibid., pp. 166-7. 2' Ibid., p. 192.

22 Ibid., p. 179. 23 Ibid., p. 187. 24 Jdmic al-Khairdt, ed. Traj Afshar, in Yddgdrhd-yi razd (Tehran,

1348 sh). 2'Translation by Arberry, The Koran Interpreted (London, 1955),

p. 32. 26 Tdrfkh-i Jadrd-i Tazd, pp. 214-19. 27 Ibid., p. 216. 28 Ibid., p. 217. 29 Ed. M. M. Qazvini, 3 vols. (Leiden and London, 1912, 1916,

1937). 30 TdrTkh-i Jadrd-i Yazd, pp. 10-11. 31 Ibid., p. 267. 32 Iran, VIII (1970), pp. 73-95. 33 TdrTkh-i JadTd-i Tazd, p. 5. 34 Ibid., p. 37. 35 Tdrfkh-i Mubarak-i Ghdzdni, ed. K. Jahn, GMS (London and

Leiden, 1940), p. 251. 36 Tarikh-i Jadfd-i Tazd, pp. 55-6. 37 Ibid., p. 56. 38 Ibid., p. 281. 39 Ibid., pp. 281-2. 40 Ibid., p. 285.



local history in ninth/fifteenth century yaẓd: the "tārākh-i jadīd-i yazd"

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