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1 Liberalism and Nationalism in Contemporary America The James Madison Lecture American Political Science Association (APSA) Annual Meeting John J. Mearsheimer University of Chicago September 10, 2020

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Page 1: Liberalism and Nationalism in Contemporary America...2020/09/10  · ideology. Nationalism, in contrast, stresses the importance of the group over the individual and is particularistic

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LiberalismandNationalisminContemporaryAmerica

TheJamesMadisonLecture

AmericanPoliticalScienceAssociation(APSA)AnnualMeeting

JohnJ.MearsheimerUniversityofChicago

September10,2020

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IamhonoredandhumbledtoreceivetheJamesMadisonAward,andtohavethe

opportunitytodeliverthislecture.1Iwillusethisoccasiontoexaminethepoliticalcrisis

nowfacingtheUnitedStates,withliberalismundersiegewhilenationalismisontherise.

NorecenteventreflectsthisdevelopmentbetterthanDonaldTrump’svictoryinthe2016

presidentialelection.Trumpisanunabashednationalistwhoexplicitlyrejectsthe

unboundedliberalismthatdominatedAmericanpoliticsintheperiodbetweentheendof

theColdWarandhismoveintotheWhiteHouse.

ThepresentcrisisofliberalismisespeciallysurprisingwhenoneremembershowtheCold

Warendedthreedecadesago.Itwaswidelybelievedatthetimethatliberalismwasthe

unchallengedideologyintheUnitedStates.Itwasonthemarchandnationalismwas

thoughttobeaspentforce.Thisdevelopmentwasexpectedtohaveatransformativeeffect

oncountriesallacrosstheglobe.Thereisnobetterstatementofthisliberaltriumphalism

thanFrancisFukuyama’sfamous1989article:“TheEndofHistory?”

Somethinghasobviouslygonewrongwiththatforecast,notjustintheUnitedStates,butin

otherliberaldemocraciesaswell.By2018,itwascommonplacetoreadarticlesin

mainstreamWesternpublicationstalkingabout“thecrisisofliberalism.”2Myaimtodayis

toassesswhyitisthatliberalismisnowintroublewhilenationalismisonthemarch.Iwill

focusprimarilyontheUnitedStates,butmyanalysisalsoappliestootherliberal

democracies,whichfacemuchthesameproblem.

TheUnitedStateshasbeenaliberalnation-statethroughoutitshistory.Theconceptofa

nation-stateisactuallyanembodimentofnationalism,whichmaintainsthatpeopleswitha

powerfulsenseofcollectiveidentityshouldbeallowedtogovernthemselves.Thus,tosay

thattheUnitedStatesisaliberalnation-stateistosaythatitsidentityisdeeplyboundup

withbothliberalismandnationalism.

Giventherichhistoryofliberalnation-states,itisobviousthatliberalismandnationalism

cancoexistsuccessfully.Nevertheless,thereisafundamentaltensionbetweenthosetwo

ideologies,whichcancauseseriousproblemsforaliberalnation-state.Specifically,

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liberalismprivilegestheindividualandisultimatelyauniversalisticideology,while

nationalismprivilegesthesocialgroupandisultimatelyaparticularisticideology.This

tensionsometimesmanifestsitselfinaclashbetweenthesetwoisms.Ineffect,thereisa

tug-of-warbetweenliberalismandnationalismthatshiftsbackandforthovertime.

Mycoreclaimisthatwhenthatbalanceshiftsmarkedlyinliberalism’sfavor,asitdidinthe

wakeoftheColdWar,itthreatenstounderminenationalism,whichnocountrycando

without.Thisdevelopment,inturn,triggersanationalistbacklash.Intheensuingconflict,

nationalismwinsalmosteverytime,becauseitisthemostpowerfulpoliticalideologyin

themodernworld.Trump’svictoryin2016aswellasBritain’svotetoleavetheEuropean

Union(Brexit)thatsameyear,werelargelytheresultofaclashbetweenliberalismand

nationalismthathadbeenplayingoutbeneaththesurfaceinthosetwocountriessinceat

least2000.Thisupsurgeofnationalismhascontinuedunabatedsince2016.

Letmenowdescribeliberalismandnationalism,andthenexplainhowthesetwoisms

interactwitheachother.IwillthenapplythattheoreticalframeworktotheAmericancase,

focusingfirstonthegoldenageofunboundedliberalismandthenonthenationalist

backlashunderPresidentTrump.

TheEssenceofLiberalism

Liberalismprivilegesindividualism.3Itassumesthatweareatrootfreeindividualswho

cometogethervoluntarilytoformasocialcontract,notsocialanimalsfromtheget-go.

Furthermore,liberalismassumesthathumans,despitetheirimpressivereasoningskills,

oftendisagreeamongthemselvesaboutfirstprinciples.Inextremecases,these

disagreementsaresointensethatpeoplewanttokillthosewhodisagreewiththem.Thus,

akeytaskistodeviseapoliticalsystemthatcanmaintainorderwhilealsorespecting

individualdifferencesofopinionthataresometimesprofoundandpotentiallydangerous.

Theliberalsolutiontothisproblemhasthreeparts.Forstarters,itemphasizesinalienable

ornaturalrights.Allindividualsaresaidtobebornwithasetofrightsthatallowsthemto

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leadtheirlifeaccordingtotheirowncoreprinciples.Thesecondpartoftheformulaisto

purveythenormoftolerance–topushindividualstoadoptaliveandletliveapproach

towardthosetheydisagreewithaboutfundamentalpoliticalandsocialissues.Butnorms

havetheirlimitsandthussomeindividualswillinvariablytrytodenyotherstheir

legitimaterightsandmaybeevenharmthem.Thus,thethirdelementoftheliberal

blueprintistocreateastatethatispowerfulenoughtoprotectindividualsfromeachother

andguaranteetheirrights,butnotsopowerfulthatitencroachesonthoserights.In

essence,theaimistocreateadistinctboundarybetweenthestateandcivilsociety,where

individualshaveasmuchfreedomaspossibleintheirpersonallives.

Thereisanimportanteconomicdimensiontoliberalismthatgrowsnaturallyoutofits

conceptionofindividualrights.Specifically,itisessentialtocreatefreemarketsinwhich

individualscanpursuetheirownself-interestandrealizetheirfreedoms.Thestatemay

interveneattheedgesofthemarket–topreventfraudorbreakupmonopolies,forexample

–butitsprimarymissionistodefendpropertyrightsandbreakdowninternalandexternal

barrierstoexchange.Theunderlyingbeliefisthatindividualsactingegoisticallyinthe

marketultimatelybenefitstheentiresociety.

Liberalism,itshouldbeemphasized,hasapowerfuluniversalisticdimensionembeddedin

it,whichstronglyinfluenceshowliberalnation-statesthinkaboutthewiderworld.

Becauseindividualrightsareinalienableandsoimportantintheliberalstory,liberal

countriesareprimedtocareabouttherightsofpeopleallaroundtheworld.Ofcourse,

liberalismallowsindividualstoformlargesocialgroupsthatcontroltheirownstate.Still,

therightsofthoseindividualsareprivilegedoveranyparticularsocialcharacteristicsthat

mightinhereinanygroup.Ineffect,liberalismisbothindividualisticanduniversalisticat

itscore,whichhasprofoundconsequencesforhowliberalsthinkaboutimportant

domesticandforeignpolicyissues.

TheEssenceofNationalism

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Incontrasttoliberalism,nationalismproceedsfromtheassumptionthathumansare

fundamentallysocialanimals,althoughtheyhaveroomtocarveoutspacefortheir

individualism.Humansarebornintoandthriveinsocialgroupsthatmoldtheiridentities

andcommandtheirloyalties.Thehighestsocialgroupofrealconsequenceinthemodern

worldisthenation.Mostindividualsaredeeplyattachedtotheirnation,whichisnotto

denythattheycanalsobecommittedtoothergroups,suchastheirfamily.

Nationsneedpoliticalinstitutionstohelptheirmemberslivetogetherpeacefullyand

productively.Theyneedrulesthatdefineacceptableandunacceptablebehaviorandalso

stipulatehowdisputeswillbesettled.Nationsalsoneedpoliticalinstitutionstohelpshield

themfromothernationsthatmighthaveanincentivetoattackandpossiblydestroythem.

Sincetheearly1500s,thedominantpoliticalformontheplanethasbeenthestate.Nations

thereforewanttheirownstate,becausethatisthebestwaytosurviveandprosper.

Atthesametime,stateshavepowerfuladministrative,economic,andmilitaryincentivesto

moldtheirinhabitantsintonations,iftheyhopetoflourishandcompetewithotherstates

intheinternationalarena.Encouragingaprofoundsenseofcommonidentityandashared

destinyfostersunityandmakescitizenswillingtomakesacrificesforthegreatergood.

Thus,statesneednationsandnationsneedstates.

Thissymbioticrelationshiphastwokeyconsequences.First,thenationandthestateare

tightlyfusedtogetherinwaysthatcausemostcitizenstobedeeplyloyaltotheirnation-

state,evenwillingtofightanddieforit.Second,theworldisnowpopulatedalmost

exclusivelybynation-states,whichreflectstheremarkableinfluenceofnationalism.

Fourfeaturesofnationalismareespeciallyimportantforunderstandingitsrelationshipto

liberalism.Tobeginwith,nationshaveasenseofoneness.Almostallitsmembersfeellike

theyarepartofacommonenterprise.TheyformwhatBenedictAndersonfamouslycalled

an“imaginedcommunity,”eventhoughnopersonknowsmorethanatinyfractionofthe

members.4Thisisnottodenythattheremaybesharpeconomicandsocialinequalities

withinanynation,aswellasawidegapbetweentherulingelitesandthebroaderpublic.

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Thekeypoint,however,isthatthecitizenryistiedtogetherbyasharedbond.Thereisa

senseof“deephorizontalcomradeship,”whichhelpsfosterapowerfulsenseofnational

identity.5

Relatedly,eachnationhasauniqueculture,whichistosayithasasetofpracticesand

beliefsthatarewidelysharedamongthecitizenry.Thoseattributesnotonlydistinguishit

fromothernations,butinvariablygiveitasenseofsuperiorityaswell.Therecanbe

overlappingfeaturesbetweendifferentcultures–bothIraqisandSaudisspeakArabic

whilebothItalyandSpainareCatholiccountries–butwhenonelooksattheoverall

packageoftraitsthatconstitutedifferentcultures,notwoculturesarethesame.Inshort,a

nation’smemberstendtothinkandactalikeinsomeimportantways,whichfurther

promotesasenseofnationalidentity.

Anotherkeyfeatureofnationalismisthenotionofsacredterritory.Nationsinvariablyform

deepattachmentswithparticulargeographicspacesthattheyconsidertheirhomeland.

Thatterritoryisanintegralpartofthenation’sidentity.Giventheintrinsicvalueofthat

territory,preservingthebordersthatencloseanation-stateanddelineateitfrom“the

other”areofenormousimportancetothecitizenry.Thoseborders,ofcourse,alsohelp

protectthenation-statefromforeigninvasion,unwantedimmigration,andundesirable

foreigninfluence.

Finally,thereistheall-importantmatterofsovereignty.Nationsaimtomaximizetheir

controlovertheirownpoliticalfate.Theycaregreatlyaboutself-determination,which

meanstheyareconcernedabouthowpoliticalauthorityisarrangedinsidetheirown

nation-stateaswellaswithothernation-states.Regardingtheinternationaldimension,

sovereigntymeansthatnation-stateswanttobefreefromoutsideinterferencetomake

theirowndecisionstotheextenttheycanonbothdomesticandforeignpolicy.

Nevertheless,statescandelegatetheauthoritytomakecertaindecisionstointernational

institutionswithoutsurrenderingsupremeauthority,whichistheessenceofsovereignty.

Still,eventhislimitedrelationshipwillranklesomenationalists,whothinkanydelegation

ofauthorityinfringesontheirnation-state’ssovereignty.

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Liberalism&NationalismTogether

Liberalismandnationalismareobviouslydistinctideologies.Theindividualismat

liberalism’score,coupledwithitsemphasisoninalienablerights,makesitauniversalistic

ideology.Nationalism,incontrast,stressestheimportanceofthegroupovertheindividual

andisparticularisticallthewaydown.Still,thosetwoismsareoftencompatible,asthe

Americanexperience,amongothers,makesmanifestlyclear.Moreover,liberalismand

nationalismworkedintandemthroughoutthelatenineteenthandearlytwentieth

centuriestohelpbringdowndynasticrulersinEurope.Somescholarsevenmaintainthat

thesetwoismscanbefusedtogethertoproducewhatYaelTamircalls“liberal

nationalism.”6

Thisfruitfulcoexistenceisnotthewholestory,however.Thereisalsoaconflictualsideto

therelationship.Liberalismhasthepotentialtoweakennationalism,whichistantamount

tothreateningthenation-stateitself.Thisthreatbecomesrealwhenliberalismisfully

unleashed,whenitsproponentsarefilledwithself-confidenceandadvanceanambitious

agendathatminimizesnationalism’srole.Letuscallsuchacampaignunbounded

liberalism.Whenliberalismtakesthisform,anationalistbacklashissuretooccur.

TheThreatfromUnboundedLiberalism

Whatmakesunboundedliberalismsodangeroustonationalismisitspotentialtoweaken

nationalidentity–thatisthepowerfulinclinationforindividualstocloselyidentifywith

theirnation.Thisdevelopment,inturn,leadstoaweakeningofsocialcohesionorwhat

mightbecallednationalsolidarity.Ineffect,asnationalidentitydeclinesamongthe

citizenry,theall-importantbondsthatholdanationtogetherbegintofray.

Howdoesthishappen?Forstarters,theextremeindividualismatthecoreofliberalism

cutsagainstthenotionthateachcitizenisultimatelypartofacoherentandvibrant

communitythathasapowerfulclaimonone’sloyalty.Accordingtonationalistlogic,what

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isgoodfortheoverallnationmattersgreatlyforitsmembers.Individualism,however,

underminesthesenseofonenessthatisatthecoreofnationalism,asindividualstendto

seethemselvesprimarilyasegoisticutilitymaximizers.

Furthermore,theuniversalismthatisbuiltintoliberalismcallsfortreatingpeopleall

acrosstheworldasrights-bearingequals.Whilethebeliefthatwearefirstandforemost

membersofa“globalcommunity”hasacertainappeal,itisatoddswithnationalism,

becauseitchallengestheideathatapersonispartofadistinctnationwitharichculture

andadeephistory.AsAndersonnotes,“Nonationimaginesitselfcoterminouswith

mankind.”7

Tobemorespecific,theuniversalistimpulseunderminesnationalidentityandnational

solidarityinthreedistinctways.First,emphasizingthatwearepartofacommon

humanityislikelytopromotesympathy,ifnotenthusiasm,foropen-endedimmigration

andapermissivepolicytowardrefugees.Second,thatsameuniversalismfacilitatesthe

emergenceofaglobalelitetiedtogetherbysharedeconomicinterestsandsocialnetworks,

andwithitsownidentityas“citizensoftheworld.”Itsmembersandtheirchildrenwill

oftenattendthesameschools,whichbringsustouniversalism’sthirddistinct

consequence.Universitieswillrecruitlargenumbersofstudentsfromacrosstheglobeand

treatthemmuchthewaytheytreatcitizen-students.Thoseschoolswillincreasinglybe

seenasinternational,notnational,institutions.

Thiserosionofnationalsolidarityisofenormousimportance,becausenationalismislike

glue,whichhelpsholdasocietytogether.Rememberthatliberalismispredicatedonthe

recognitionthatindividuals–evenindividualswithinthesamenation-state–often

disagreeaboutfirstprinciplesandthosedifferencescanbesointensethattheysometimes

leadtoviolence.Byemphasizingonenessanddeeployaltytothegroup,nationalismgoesa

longwaytowardbindingtogetherpeoplewithdisparateviewsoncontroversialissues.

Takeawaythatgroupsolidarityanditbecomesincreasinglydifficulttocontrolthedivisive

forcesfoundineverycountryintheworld.

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Notonlydoesunboundedliberalismeatawayatthenation,italsoweakensthestate,which

istheotheressentialingredientinnationalism.Liberalismchallengesthenationalistvision

ofastateasahardshellencompassinganationanditssacredterritory.Bordersare

porous,maybeevenopen,becauseofliberalthinkingaboutimmigrationandrefugeeflows.

Liberalpreceptsmakeitdifficulttothinkintermsofkeepingthe“other”out.Moreover,

liberalism’semphasisoncreatinganopeninternationaleconomyfurthercontributesto

weakeningstateborders.Atthesametime,thenotionofsacredterritorybelongingtoa

particularnationisatoddswithauniversalisticideologythatdownplaysnational

differencesfromtheget-go.

Therearetwootherinstitutionsassociatedwithliberalism’seconomicsidethatdirectly

challengeandweakenthestate.8Thefirstisthemarket,whichisconsideredamore

efficientregulatorofeconomicandsociallifethanthestate.Foralmostallliberals,markets

knowbest.Infact,toomuchstateinterventioncanunderminemarkets,whicheffectively

meansthataconstrainedstateisagoodstate.Liberalismalsostressestheimportanceof

internationalinstitutions,whichplayacrucialroleinmanagingtheopeninternational

economythatliberalschampion.Thoseinstitutions,however,invariablyassume

responsibilitiesthatallowthemtohandcuffstatesinimportantways.

Inessence,unboundedliberalism’sassaultontheconceptofacohesive,hard-shellstate,

coupledwithitsemphasisonthevirtuesofmarketsandinternationalinstitutions,

underminesthenotionofapowerfulsovereignstatethatcanmeetthenation’sneeds.That

development,inturn,encouragescitizenstolosefaithinthestate.Thus,liberalismon

steroidsworkstoweakenthetightbondbetweenthenationandthestate,whichisthe

cruxofnationalism.

NationalismStrikesBack

Whenliberalismisonthemarchandnationalismisundersiege,anationalistbacklash

eventuallyfollows.Theensuingcompetitionbetweenthesetwoperspectivesisnotafair

fight:nationalismwinseverytime.Notonlydoesliberalismfailtoachieveitsmost

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ambitiousgoals,butmanyofitsmostimportantgainsarelikelytobereversed.Indeed,the

greatdangeristhataresurgentnationalismwillnotmerelyrestoreaworkablebalanceof

powerbetweenliberalismandnationalismbutwillinsteadturnliberaldemocraciesinto

illiberaldemocraciesorworse.

Nationalismismorepowerfulthanliberalismforthreereasons.First,nationalismismore

insyncwithhumannature.Humansareintenselysocialbeingsfromthebeginning,not

individualswhostartlifealoneandformsocialcontractswhentheyaremature.Weareall

bornintosocialgroupsthatnurtureusandprotectus.Nations,likeothersocialgroups,

areprimarilysurvivalvehiclesthatareessentialforourwell-being.Theircommonculture

allowsmemberstocooperatemoreeasilyandeffectively,whichinturnmaximizestheir

chancesofsecuringthebasicnecessitiesoflife.

Second,liberalismalonecannotprovidethegluethatholdsdisputatiouspeopletogetherin

astate,whichisamonumentaltask.Theliberalsolutionfortheproblem–promotingthe

normoftoleranceandcreatingastatethatislargelyconfinedtomaintainingorderand

protectingrights–ishelpful,butnotenoughtohandlethoserancorousdifferencesthat

invariablyariseamongindividualsandgroupsinanysociety.Nationalismisessentialfor

accomplishingthatdifficulttask,becauseitprovidesacommonculturethathelpscreate

bondsbetweenpeoplewhooftenhaveprofounddifferencesoverfirstprinciples.Inbrief,

liberalismneedsnationalism,butnationalismdoesnotneedliberalism.

Third,nationalism,unlikeliberalism,fulfillsimportantemotionalneeds.Onecharacteristic

ofanationthatmakesitsospecialisthatitprovidesitsmemberswithanexistential

narrative.Itgivesthemastrongsensethattheyarepartofanexclusiveandexceptional

communitywhosehistoryisfilledwithimportanttraditionsaswellasremarkable

individualsandevents.Furthermore,nationalismpromisespeoplethatthenationwillbe

thereforfuturegenerationsthewayitwasthereforpastgenerations.Inthissense,

nationalismismuchlikereligion,whichisalsoadeptatweavingthepast,present,and

futureintoaseamlesswebthatgivesmembersasensetheyarepartofalongandrich

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tradition.Thisformidablebondingforceisabsentfromliberalism,whichhasnoequivalent

storytotell.

Finally,theevidenceshowsthatnationalismisthemorepowerfulofthetwoideologies.

Forexample,theinternationalsystemispopulatedalmostcompletelywithnation-states.

Ofcourse,therearemanyliberaldemocraciesaswell,buttheyhavenevernumberedeven

halfofthecountriesintheworldandultimatelyeachofthemisaliberalnation-state.

Moreover,asAndersonnotes,“Everysuccessfulrevolutionhasdefineditselfinnational

terms.”9Regardingcommunism,itdidbattlewithnationalismthroughoutmuchofthe

twentiethcenturyincountrieslikeCzechoslovakia,theSovietUnion,andYugoslavia,and

nationalismwoneverytime.

Thebottomlineisthatliberalismcancoexistwithnationalism,butwhenitgetsoverly

assertive,itissuretopromptanationalistbacklash.Thatreaction,inturn,willcause

seriousproblemsforliberalism,atleastintheshortterm.

Letmenowshiftgearsandshowhowtheseideascanhelpusunderstandwhathas

happenedintheUnitedStatesoverthepastthreedecades.

Liberalism’sGoldenAge

Thefirsttwenty-fiveyearsorsoaftertheColdWarareoftenreferredtoasthe“unipolar

moment.”Buttheycouldalsobecalledthe“liberalmoment.”Neverinhistoryhas

liberalismbeenamorepowerfulforcethanitwasduringthisperiod.Thebalanceofpower

betweenliberalismandnationalismincountrieslikeBritainandtheUnitedStatesshifted

sharplyinliberalism’sfavor.Indeed,manyintheWestthoughtthatnationalismwasa

spentforcethathadnofuture.“Itappearedtosomeglobalists,”JillLeporewrites,“that

nationalismhaddied.”10Westerneliteswelcomedthisprospect,asalmostallofthem

viewednationalismasamalignforcethatnotonlythreatenedliberalism,butalsowasa

majorcauseofwar,includingthetwoworldwars.Westernacademicsespeciallydislike

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nationalism,inpartbecausemodernuniversitiesarefundamentallyliberalinstitutionsthat

arethreatenedbytheparticularismandconformitythatnationalistthinkingpromotes.

Giventhisdisdainfornationalism,Westernelitesembracedaremarkablyambitioussetof

liberalpoliciesintheaftermathoftheColdWar.Infact,thisunboundedliberalismactually

begangainingtractionintheUnitedStatesaswellasBritainduringthe1980s.President

RonaldReaganandPrimeMinisterMargaretThatcher,whowerebothnationalists,were

alsodeeplycommittedtopursuinga“neoliberal”economicagendathatwaswidelyseenas

afundamentalchallengetotheeconomicorthodoxiesoftheday.Specifically,theypushed

policiesthatpromotedindividualismandthevirtuesofunrestrainedmarkets,while

criticizingbiggovernment.

Reagansaidinhisfirstinauguraladdressthat,“Inthispresentcrisis,governmentisnotthe

solutiontoourproblems;governmentistheproblem.”11Instead,hechampionedmarkets

andtoquotetheauthorofarecenthistoryofeconomicideas,Reaganwas“thepoet

laureateofthisnewemphasisonindividualism.”12Thatcher’sprivilegingoftheindividual

oversociety,aswellasherskepticismaboutwhatthestatecandotohelppeople,are

capturedinherwell-knowncommentina1987interview:“Ithinkwehavebeenthrougha

periodwhentoomanypeoplehavebeengiventounderstandthatwhentheyhavea

problemitisgovernment’sjobtocopewithit….Theyarecastingtheirproblemsonsociety.

And,youknow,thereisnosuchthingassociety.Thereareindividualmenandwomenand

therearefamilies.Andnogovernmentscandoanythingexceptthroughpeople,andpeople

mustlooktothemselvesfirst.”13

ReaganandThatcher’sneoliberalagendawasgivenapowerfulboostbythetriumphalism

thattookholdintheWestaftertheColdWar.Then,inthemid-1990s,neoliberalismtook

holdintheDemocraticPartywithBillClinton’s“NewDemocrats”initiativeandinthe

LaborPartywithTonyBlair’s“ThirdWay”initiative.Forexample,Clintonannouncedhis

intentioninearly1995to“shift…resourcesanddecision-makingfrombureaucratsto

citizens,injectingchoiceandcompetitionandindividualresponsibilityintonational

policy.”14Ayearlaterheannouncedthat,“Theeraofbiggovernmentisover.”15Bythemid

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1990s,boththeleftandrightsidesofthepoliticalspectruminthesetwoparadigmatic

liberaldemocraciesembracedathoroughlyliberalagendabasedonsmallergovernment

andfreemarkets.Unsurprisingly,AlanGreenspanboastedin2007:“Ithardlymakesany

differencewhowillbethenextpresident.Theworldisgovernedbymarketforces.”16

TheTriumphofIndividualism

HowdidthecentralfeaturesofwhatIcall“unboundedliberalism”weakenAmerican

nationalismduringtheliberalmoment?Twoofthekeyelementsinthestory–

individualismandunrestrainedmarkets–havealreadybeenmentioned,butmore

elaborationisrequired.

Theemphasisonindividualism,whichisacentralfeatureofliberalideology,encourages

peopletomaximizetheirownutilityandnotworryaboutthewelfareofother.Theclaim

thategoisticbehaviorultimatelybenefitstheentiresocietyjustifiesthisselfishbehavior.It

producesarisingtidethatliftsallboats,sothestorygoes.Thinkingandactinginpurely

self-regardingways,however,clasheswiththenotionthatindividualsarepartofalarger

collectiveheldtogetherbystrongsocialbonds.Inshort,thisradicalindividualismislikean

acidthatcorrodesnationalsolidarityandthesenseofonenessthatliesatthecoreof

nationalism.

Relatedly,unboundedliberalismemphasizedthatthebestwaytoregulateeconomiclifeis

toprivilegethemarketoverthestateasmuchaspossible.Marketsthatallowindividuals

tomaximizetheirutilitywereconsideredhighlyefficient,whilethemodernstate,withits

enormouspowertointerveneinasociety’sdailylife,wasseenasanimpedimentto

efficiencyandgrowth,evenfreedomitself.Thislineofthinkingstrikesatthecoreof

nationalism,notjustbyunderminingthestate’slegitimacy,butalsobyweakeningthe

bondsbetweenthenationandthestate.Afterall,theclaimthatcitizenscannotrelyonthe

statetoservetheirbestinterestsissuretounderminetheirloyaltytothatimportant

institution.

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Whilethesetwokeyelementsofunboundedliberalismarecommonlyassociatedwiththe

economicpoliciesthatfallundertherubricofneoliberalism,theirinfluencehas

implicationsforallaspectsoflife.AsWendyBrownnotes,neoliberalismismorethanjust

“asetofeconomicpolicies.”Itis“awidelyanddeeplydisseminatedgoverningrationality

[that]transmogrifieseveryhumandomainandendeavor,alongwithhumansthemselves,

accordingtoaspecificimageoftheeconomic.”17

TheTriumphofUniversalism

Anotherdistinguishingfeatureofliberalismisitsuniversalism,whichwasclearlyreflected

intheAmericanelite’sthinkingaboutimmigration,refugees,andborders.Specifically,the

corebeliefthatallindividualsaremembersofaglobalcommunitymadeitdifficulttoput

meaningfullimitsonimmigration.Afterall,liberalismhasnoplacefordistinguishing

betweenculturesandnations,muchlessprivilegingone’sowngroupoveranotheronthose

grounds.Thus,unboundedliberalismtendedtofavornotjustopen-endedimmigration,

butwasalsotoleranttowardillegalimmigration.Lepore,forexample,maintainsthat

anyonewhoacceptstheAmericancreed“belongsinthiscountry.”18Liberalelitesalso

favoredgenerouspoliciesregardingrefugees.

Giventhisopenarmspolicytowardimmigrationandrefugees,itisunsurprisingthatthe

notionofahard-shellstatethatfencedoffsacrednationalterritorycameunderattack

duringtheliberalmoment.Theemphasisamongeliteswasinsteadonmaintainingporous,

ifnotopen,borders.ThestarkestmanifestationofthisperspectiveistheSchengen

Agreement,whicheffectivelycreatedaborderlessworldinsideliberalEurope.The

presidentoftheEuropeanCommissionwentsofarastosay,“Bordersaretheworst

inventionever.”19

Liberalthinkingaboutimmigrationandborderscutsagainstnationalisminprofoundways.

Itdirectlychallengestheverynotionofnationalidentity.Tobeclear,nationalismdoesnot

precludeimmigration,evenonalargescale.Indeed,theUnitedStateshasbenefitted

enormouslyfromthehugenumberofimmigrantsthathavelandedonitsshoresovertime.

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Butthatflowofnewcomersmustbefirmlycontrolledanddesignedtohelpmaintaina

robustAmericannation.Immigrationinaliberalworld,however,isbasedonthebelief

thatweareaboveallelsecitizensoftheworld;thus,Americansshouldhavearelaxedview

towardimmigrantsandtreatthemasfellowmembersofglobalsociety,notasforeigners

seekingtojointheirnation.Relatedly,unboundedliberalismtakesdeadaimatthecore

nationalistbeliefthatstatesaresovereignentitiesthathavetheauthorityand

responsibilitytostrictlycontroltheirborders,soastomaintaintheintegrityofthenation

andprotectitssacredterritory.

Unboundedliberalismhasyetanotherkeydimension–thisonemoreeconomicthan

political–thathelpedunderminethehard-shellnotionofthestateandpushtowarda

borderlessworld.AftertheColdWar,Americanelitesworkedassiduouslytocreatea

wide-openinternationaleconomythatmaximizedfreetradeandfosteredunfettered

capitalmarkets.Thishyperglobalizedworldeconomy,whichwasmuchmoreambitiousin

scopethantheeconomicorderthatprevailedintheWestduringtheColdWar,helped

breakdownorweakenmanyoftheexistingbarriersbetweencountriesandsoughtto

weavethemtogetherintoaseamlesseconomicorder.

TheRiseofaTransnationalElite

Thisneweconomicorderhadtwoothereffectsthatworkedtounderminenationalism.It

helpedcultivateapowerfultransnationalelitewhosememberstendtohavemorein

commonwitheachotherthantheirfellownationals,whilealsodamagingtheeconomic

fortunesofmanyofthelatter.Thiscombinationofresultspointedadaggerattheheartof

nationalism.

Hyperglobalizationexpandedcontactsbetweenelitesofallkinds–business,intellectual,

media,andpolicy–fromallovertheworld.Thoseelitesdidnotabandontheirnational

identities,buttheyacquiredapowerfulcosmopolitanortransnationalidentityaswell.

TheyspokeEnglish,oftenwenttothesameschools,readthesamepublications,andwere

committedtoneoliberaleconomicpolicies.Thisnewidentity,however,workedtoput

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distancebetweenWesternelitesandtheirfellowcitizens,whichnaturallyweakenedthe

nation.FormerBritishPrimeMinisterTheresaMaycapturedthisphenomenonin2016

whenshesaid:“Today,toomanypeopleinpositionsofpowerbehaveasthoughtheyhave

moreincommonwithinternationalelitesthanwiththepeopledowntheroad,thepeople

theyemploy,thepeopletheypassinthestreet.Butifyoubelieveyou’reacitizenofthe

world,you’reacitizenofnowhere.Youdon’tunderstandwhattheveryword‘citizenship’

means.”20

Moreover,thosetransnationalelites–andelitesmoregenerally–becameincreasingly

wealthywhilemanyoftheirfellowcitizensstruggled.Ascountlessstudieshaveshown,the

economicpoliciesthatunderpinnedhyperglobalizationhavegreatlybenefittedanarrow

sliceoftheAmericanpublic,notonlycreatingstaggeringinequality,butalsodamagingthe

economicfortunesofmassivenumbersoflower-classandmiddle-classworkers.The

resultinghumandespairissoacutethatlifeexpectancyintheUnitedStatesdecreasedfrom

2014to2017.21Theseeconomicandsocialconsequencesofhyperglobalizationeataway

attheAmericannationbyfuelingthebeliefthattheglobalizedelitethatrunstheUnited

Stateshasabandonedtheaveragecitizeninpursuitofitsownnarrowinterests.Inshort,

hyperglobalizationthreatenedthesenseofonenessthatistheessenceofthemodern

nation-state.

Thereisanotherdimensiontounboundedliberalismthatrelatestotheopeninternational

economy.Tomakethatsystemworkefficiently,liberalelitesintheUnitesStatesandother

Westerncountriesincreasedthepowerofinternationalinstitutions.Forexample,the

WTO,whichwascreatedin1995tomanageinternationaltrade,wasmarkedlymore

powerfulthantheGATT,theinstitutionitreplaced.Althoughcountriesdidnotsurrender

sovereigntytotheseinternationalbodies–theyweresimplydelegatingtheauthorityto

makedecisions,notgivingupsupremeauthority–thatwasnotthepublicperception.

Thus,internationalinstitutionswereseenasaninstrumentforweakeningsovereignty,one

ofnationalism’scoreelements.

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Furthermore,therulestheseinstitutionspromulgateconstraincountries–eventhemighty

UnitedStates–bylimitingtheirabilitytoprotecttheircitizensfromeconomicharm.Given

allthecreativedestructionthatcomeswithhyperglobalization,theselimitsinvariably

weakenthebondsbetweennationandstate,whichstrikesattheheartofnationalism.

UniversitiesandIdentityPolitics

Americanuniversitiesplayedtheirownroleinunderminingnationalism.Thevastmajority

oftheseuniversitiesareprofoundlyliberalinstitutions—inthebestsenseofthatterm—

andtheyincreasinglyseethemselvesasinternationalortransnationalinstitutions.They

welcomepeoplefromallovertheworld,inpartbecausenon-nationalsprovidediversityto

thefacultyandthestudentbody,butalsobecauseuniversityleadersbelieve,asaformer

Yaledeanputit,“Ifwewanttotrainthenextgenerationofgloballeaders,webetterhave

theglobehere.”22Furthermore,thisopennessmakesfinancialsenseanditbringssomeof

thebestandthebrightestfromaroundtheworldtoU.S.universities.Oncetheyarrive,of

course,foreignersonuniversitycampusesaretypicallytreatednodifferentlyfromtheir

Americancounterparts.Afterall,themaincriterionforassessingindividualsinacademia

ishowsmartandcapabletheyarerelativetotheirpeers,nottheirnationality.This

extremeopen-mindedness,whichisatoddswithnationalism,naturallyhelpedcreateand

nurturethetransnationalelite.

Universitiesundercutnationalisminyetanotherway.Theyaredeeplycommittedtotruth-

telling,whichmeanstheirhistoriansandsocialscientistsaregoingtoproducescholarship

thatunderminesthefoundingmythsthatareanessentialingredientofAmerican(orany

other)nationalism.Theresultingtensionbetweenthescholarlyenterpriseand

nationalismcausesmanyacademicstointenselydislikenationalism.Thissentimentis

reflectedinLepore’scommentthat,“Hatredfornationalismdrovehistoriansawayfromit

inthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury.”23Hatredfornationalism,however,extendsfar

beyondhistorydepartmentsintheacademy.

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Finally,awordisinorderaboutidentitypolitics,whichiscloselylinkedtouniversitiesbut

certainlynotrestrictedtothem.MarkLillaseesthismovementasacriticallyimportant

dimensionofunboundedliberalism.Hemaintainsthatthis“identityliberalism”isbased

on“radicalindividualism”andiseffectively“Reaganismforlefties.”24Whilethereisno

questionthatidentitypoliticsfocusesonindividualidentityandindividualrights,italso

devotesconsiderableattentiontohowmarginalizedgroupscangainequalrecognitionand

treatmentfromtheirsurroundingsociety.Giventheattentionpaidtogroups,itishardto

arguethatidentitypoliticsisastraightforwardliberalphenomenon.

Identitypoliticsisactuallyacompellingillustrationoftheextenttowhichcitizensoften

disagreeamongthemselves–sometimesbitterly–aboutfirstprinciples.Thosedisputes,in

turn,showwhynationalismisneededasagluethatcanhelpholdthosecitizenstogetherin

afunctioningsociety.Yetmostpeoplewhoengageinidentitypoliticsareopenlyhostileto

nationalismandfocusinsteadonpromotingtheirownaswellastheirgroup’sinterestsin

thefaceofstiffresistancefromothergroups.Thisnotionofseparatenessisobviouslyat

oddswiththesenseofonenessthatistheessenceofnationalism.

Thesedifferentdimensionsofunboundedliberalismwereremarkablyinfluentialinthe

Americanbodypoliticduringtheinitialtwenty-fiveyearsaftertheColdWar.

Unsurprisingly,Westernelitestendedtothinkthatnationalismhardlymatteredinsidethe

UnitedStatesorotherliberaldemocracies,althoughnationalistpoliticalpartieswere

gainingstrengthinEuropeby2015.Still,therewasnosenseamongtheliberalelitesthat

nationalismwasapowerfulforcetobereckonedwithandthatliberalismwouldsoonfind

itselfmiredincrisis.Thatsituationchangedabruptlyin2016.

TheNationalistResurgence

Twoseismiceventsstruckattheheartoftheliberalenterprisethatyear:Brexitandthe

electionofDonaldTrump.Whatmadetheseeventssoremarkableisthattheyoccurredin

thetwoparadigmaticliberaldemocracies.Theoutcomeinbothcaseswascausedinlarge

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partbyresurgentnationalism.Inessence,theeventsof2016weretheresultofaconflict

betweenliberalismandnationalismthathadbeenimperceptiblyatplaysinceatleast2000.

Tobeclear,nationalismdidnotgoawayduringliberalism’sgoldenmoment,althoughthe

balancebetweenthosetwoismsshiftedmarkedlyinliberalism’sfavor.Themostobvious

evidenceofnationalismatplaywasthebreakupsofCzechoslovakia,theSovietUnion,and

Yugoslavia,whichoccurredbecausedifferentnationalgroupswithinthosecountries

wantedtheirownnation-state.25TherewerealsonationalgroupsinWesternEuropelike

theCataloniansinSpainandtheScotsinGreatBritain,whothreatenedtobreakawayand

formtheirownnation-state.

Therewereothertelltalesignsofnationalism’sstayingpower.SecretaryofState

MadeleineAlbright,adeeplycommittedliberal,wasaskedin1998whytheUnitedStates

wascontemplatingusingmilitaryforceagainstIraq.Shereplied:“Ifwehavetouseforce,it

isbecauseweareAmerica;wearetheindispensablenation.Westandtallandwesee

furtherthanothercountriesintothefuture,andweseethedangerheretoallofus.”Note

thatshereferstotheAmerican“nation,”thecoreconceptinnationalism,andthenmakes

thecaseforAmericanexceptionalism,whichispreciselythekindofchauvinismthat

undergirdsnationalism.NotealsothattheEuropeanUnion,themostambitiousliberal

institutioneverbuilt,hasnottranscendednationalism.Whencitizensofthememberstates

areaskedwhattheirprimaryidentityis,invariably,lessthan5percentsaytheyview

themselvesasEuropeansonly.Theoverwhelmingmajorityviewthemselvesaccordingto

theirnationalityaloneorprimarilytheirnationality.26

Althoughnationalismdidnotdisappearduringtheliberalmoment,unboundedliberalism

threateneditinsignificantways.Giventhatnationalismisthemorepowerfulofthosetwo

ideologies,itwasonlyamatteroftimebeforetherewasanationalistbacklashandthetug

ofwarbetweenthosecompetingismsshiftedbacktowardnationalism.Thatshift

happenedintheUnitedStateswithDonaldTrump’selection.HewontheWhiteHousefor

anumberofreasons,butoneofhiskeyassetsisthatheranasanationalistagainstboth

DemocratsandRepublicanswhoembracedunboundedliberalism.

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Moreover,Trumphasgovernedasanationalistandcontinuestochallengeunbounded

liberalismateveryturn.Onecanquestionhiscompetenceaspresident,andIwouldbe

amongthefirsttodoso,butthereisnoquestionthathehaspursuedanationalistagenda

fromthebeginningofhispoliticalcareerandthatithelpedpropelhimintotheWhite

House.Hisrivals,ontheotherhand—especiallyHillaryClintonduringthe2016

campaign—recoilathisnationalistrhetoricandcontinuetoembraceunbounded

liberalism.

Nationalism’sRevenge:DonaldTrump

AcloseexaminationofTrump’scommitmenttonationalismprovidesstarkevidenceofthe

nationalistbacklashagainstunboundedliberalism.Indeed,heopenlydescribedhimselfas

a“totalnationalist”inFebruary2017.27Here-emphasizedthatpointinacontroversial

speechinHoustoninOctober2018andtoldreportersthefollowingday“Iamabsolutelya

nationalist,andIamproudofit.”28Trumpalsoplacedheavyemphasis,especiallyinhis

inauguraladdress,onthethemethattheUnitedStatesis“onenation.”“Fortoolong,”he

said,“asmallgroup…hasreapedtherewardsofgovernmentwhilethepeoplehaveborne

thecost.”Moreover,“theestablishmentprotecteditself,butnotthecitizensofour

country.”Thatsituationwasabouttochange,hestressed,as“anationexiststoserveits

citizens.”29

Trumpalsofrequentlytalksabouttheimportanceofsovereignty,oneofnationalism’score

concepts.“Therecanbenosubstituteforstrong,sovereign,andindependentnations,”he

toldtheUNinSeptember2017inaspeechthatwasfilledwithreferencestothevirtuesof

sovereignty.“Inforeignaffairs,”hemaintained,“wearerenewingthisfoundingprincipleof

sovereignty.”30Relatedly,Trumphasmadeitclearsincehestartedcampaigningforthe

presidencythathewascommittedtoputtingAmerica’sinterestsfirst.“Fromthismoment

on,”hesaidinhisinauguraladdress,“it’sgoingtobeAmericaFirst.”Unlikehisrecent

predecessors,Trumpneverextolsthevirtuesofthe“internationalcommunity.”

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TrumpalsopraisesAmericanculture,althoughnotinachauvinisticway.Indeed,hemade

itclearbeforetheUNinSeptember2019thathebelievesitisgoodthattheworldis

populatedwithsovereignstateswithdifferentcultures:“Likemybelovedcountry,each

nationrepresentedinthishallhasacherishedhistory,culture,andheritagethatisworth

defendingandcelebrating,andwhichgivesusoursingularpotentialandstrength.Thefree

worldmustembraceitsnationalfoundations.Itmustnotattempttoerasethemorreplace

them.”Hewentontosay:“Wiseleadersalwaysputthegoodoftheirownpeopleandtheir

owncountryfirst.Thefuturedoesnotbelongtoglobalists.Thefuturebelongsto

patriots.Thefuturebelongstosovereignandindependentnationswhoprotecttheir

citizens,respecttheirneighbors,andhonorthedifferencesthatmakeeachcountryspecial

andunique.”31

Trump’snationalismisalsoreflectedinhisviewsonimmigration,refugees,andespecially

borders.Forexample,hemadeitcleartotheUNin2018thathisadministrationwas

workinghard“toconfrontthreatstosovereigntyfromuncontrolledmigration,”especially

illegalimmigration.32Ayearearlierinthesamevenue,heemphasizedthatalthoughhe

wasnotopposedtoacceptingrefugees,hewantedanapproachthatlimitedtheirnumbers

“andwhichenablestheireventualreturntotheirhomecountries.”33Relatedly,hehas

frequentlyhighlightedhisintentionofmaintainingtightcontroloverAmerica’sborders.“I

haveamessage,”hetoldtheUNin2019,“forthoseopenborderactivistswhocloak

themselvesintherhetoricofsocialjustice.Yourpoliciesarenotjust.Yourpoliciesare

cruelandevil.”34

ThemediaanduniversitiesarealsofrequenttargetsofTrump’swrath.InJuly2020,for

example,hesentoutatweetstating:“ToomanyUniversitiesandSchoolSystemsareabout

RadicalLeftIndoctrination,notEducation.Therefore,IamtellingtheTreasury

Departmenttore-examinetheirTax-ExemptStatus.”35Moreover,herecentlytried,but

failedtoforceforeignstudentstoleavethecountryiftheiruniversitiestaughtalltheir

coursesonline.Plus,hehasputlimitsonChinesegraduatestudentsenteringtheUnited

States.Trump’shatredofthe“liberalmedia,”whichhefrequentlydescribesasan“enemy

ofthepeople,”isconstantlyondisplay.36

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Finally,Trumpconsistentlyrailsagainsttheopeninternationaleconomyandinternational

institutions,orwhathemoregenerallyreferstoasglobalism.Hemaintainsthat,

“Globalismexertedareligiouspulloverpastleaders,causingthemtoignoretheirown

nationalinterests.”37Inparticular,“theUnitedStatesopeneditseconomy…withfew

conditions”andothercountriestookadvantageofthatopenness.38Heheapsscornon

“globalbureaucrats”for“attackingthesovereigntyofnations”anddeclares“Wewillnever

surrenderAmerica’ssovereigntytoanunelected,unaccountable,globalbureaucracy.

AmericaisgovernedbyAmericans.Werejecttheideologyofglobalism,andweembrace

thedoctrineofpatriotism.”39

NationalismandPoliticalParties

AlthoughTrumphasbenefittedpoliticallyfromnationalism’sresurgence,hedidnotcause

it.Hiselectionwasthemanifestationofaprocessthatwaswellunderwayby2016.

Indeed,unboundedliberalism’stroubleswereonfulldisplaybythatpoint.Rememberthat

SenatorBernieSanders,aself-declaredsocialist,almostbeatHillaryClinton,astaunch

defenderofunboundedliberalism,intheDemocraticPartyprimaries.

OnecouldevenseeglimpsesofnationalistthinkinginBarackObama’srhetoricbefore

2016.Hefamouslyadvocateddoing“nation-buildingathome”andhisemphasison

creatingaunifiednationinhissecondinauguraladdressisremarkablysimilartowhat

Trumpwouldsayfouryearslater.Obamaactuallymadeitclearthroughouthisspeechthat

liberalismrequiresavibrantnationalismtoflourish.Ashesaidin2013:“Preservingour

individualfreedomsultimatelyrequirescollectiveaction.FortheAmericanpeoplecanno

moremeetthedemandsoftoday’sworldbyactingalonethanAmericansoldierscould

havemettheforcesoffascismorcommunismwithmusketsandmilitias.Now,morethan

ever,wemustdothesethingstogether,asonenationandonepeople.”40

Inrecentyears,mostDemocratshavebeenunabletobringthemselvestoembrace

nationalisminanymeaningfulway.HillaryClinton,forexample,couldnotbringherselfto

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counterTrump’s“AmericaFirst”rhetoricduringthe2016campaignbystressingthatshe

wouldofcourseputAmerica’sinterestsfirstasthepresidentoftheUnitedStates.When

AmbassadorMichaelMcFaul,adeeplycommittedliberalintheObamaadministration,was

askedaboutTrump’sself-identificationasanationalist,hereplied,“DoesTrumpknowthe

historicalbaggageassociatedwiththisword,orisheignorant?”41AsLeporenotes,

Democratshave“gottenskittishabouttheword‘nation,’asiftofearthatusingitmeans

descendingintonationalism.”42

ThisantipathytowardnationalismisahugeliabilityforDemocrats.Ineffect,theyare

handcuffingthemselvesandallowingtheRepublicanstousethispowerfulpoliticalweapon

againstthem.IfJoeBidenwantstobepresident,hewouldbewell-advisedtomakesure

thathisownnationalistbonafidesarecrystalcleartovoters.

Conclusion

TheunboundedliberalismthatdominatedthepoliticallandscapeintheUnitedStatesafter

theColdWarisinseriouscrisis,mainlybecauseitthreatenedAmericannationalism,which

hasreasserteditselfunderPresidentTrump.Evenso,liberalismperseisnotaboutto

disappearintheUnitedStates.AsLouisHartzfamouslyargued,therootsofthe“liberal

tradition”rundeepinAmerica.43Liberaldemocracyalsohasmanyvirtues.Iamforever

gratefulthatIwasbornandraisedinliberalAmericaandteachatathoroughlyliberal

university.

Moreover,liberalismhasacrucialroletoplayintamingnationalism’sdarkside.

Specifically,liberalism’semphasisonindividualrightsandtolerance,coupledwithits

universalistimpulse,goesalongwaytowardcounteringnationalism’sdangerousandever-

presentpotentialfordemonizing“theother”anddealingwithitharshlyorevenbrutally.

Althoughliberalismisheretostay,theUnitedStateswillcontinuetobealiberalnation-

state,notjustaliberalstate.Nationalismremainstheworld’smostformidablepolitical

ideologyandneitheritnorthenation-stateisgoingawayanytimesoon.Indeed,the

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challengesposedtotheUnitedStatesbytheriseofChinaandCovid-19arelikelyto

reinforceAmericannationalism,asexternaldangerstypicallydo.Althoughliberalismand

nationalismwillalwayshaveanuneasycoexistence,nationalism’sstayingpoweris

ultimatelygoodnewsforliberalism,becauseliberalismalonecannotdealwiththe

disruptiveforcesthatinvariablytearatthefabricofliberalsocieties.Nationalismisstill

neededtohelpprovidethatglue.

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ENDNOTES

1Iamindebtedtothefollowingindividualsfortheirexcellentcomments:MichaelDesch,ThomasDurkin,ElizaGheorghe,BrendanGreen,JenniferA.Lind,LindseyO’Rourke,SebastianRosato,BurakTan,andStephenWalt.2See,forexample:“SomeThoughtsontheCrisisofLiberalism—andHowtoFixIt,”TheEconomist,June12,2018.3Formoredetaileddiscussionsofmyviewsonliberalismandnationalism,seeJohnJ.Mearsheimer,TheGreatDelusion:LiberalDreamsandInternationalRealities(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2018);andJohnJ.Mearsheimer,“BoundtoFail:TheRiseandFalloftheLiberalInternationalOrder,”InternationalSecurity,Vol.43,No.4(Spring2019),pp.7-50.4BenedictAnderson,ImaginedCommunities:ReflectionsontheOriginandSpreadofNationalism(London:Verso,1990).5Anderson,ImaginedCommunities,p.7.6YaelTamir,LiberalNationalism(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress),1993.7Anderson,ImaginedCommunities,p.7.8Themodernliberalstateispowerfulandinterventionistatitscore,whichmeanstherearelimitsonhowmuchitcanbeweakened.SeeMearsheimer,TheGreatDelusion,pp.68-74.9Anderson,ImaginedCommunities,p.2.10JillLepore,“Don’tLetNationalistsSpeakfortheNation,”NewYorkTimes,May25,2019.11RonaldReagan,FirstInauguralAddress,January20,1981.https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/reagan1.asp12BinyaminApplebaum,TheEconomists’Hour:FalseProphets,FreeMarkets,andtheFractureofSociety(NewYork:Little,Brown,2019),p.340.13QuotedinSamuelBrittan,“ThatcherWasRight–ThereisNo‘Society’,”FinancialTimes,April18,2013.14BillClinton,StateoftheUnionAddress,January24,1995.http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/presidents/william-jefferson-clinton/state-of-the-union-1995-(delivered-version).php15BillClinton,StateoftheUnionAddress,January23,1996.https://clintonwhitehouse4.archives.gov/WH/New/other/sotu.html16QuotedinQuinnSlobodian,Globalists:TheEndofEmpireandtheBirthofNeoliberalism(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2018),p.1.17WendyBrown,UndoingtheDemos:Neoliberalism’sStealthRevolution(NewYork:ZoneBooks,2015),pp.9-10.18JillLepore,ThisAmerica:TheCasefortheNation(NewYork:W.W.Norton,2019),p.135.

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19MichaelSavage,“Juncker:BordersAreWorstofInventions,TheTimes,August23,2016.20“TheresaMay'sKeynoteSpeechatToryConferenceinFull,”Independent,October5,2016.21AnnCaseandAngusDeaton,DeathsofDespairandtheFutureofCapitalism(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2020),p.33.22NickAnderson,“SurgeinForeignStudentsMayBeCrowdingAmericansOutofEliteColleges,”WashingtonPost,December21,2016.23JillLepore,“ANewNationalism,”ForeignAffairs,Vol.98,No.2(March/April2019),p.18.24MarkLilla,TheOnceandFutureLiberal:AfterIdentityPolitics(NewYork:HarperCollins,2017),pp.9,85,93.25Thistalkemphasizeshownationalismcanserveasagluetohelpholdasocietytogether.Thesecasesillustratethatnationalismcansometimeshelptearacountryapart.26“Eurobarometer—40Years,”inEuropeanCommission,PublicOpinion,downloadedAugust24,2020.https://ec.europa.eu/commfrontoffice/publicopinion/index.cfm/Archive/index27PeterBaker,“’UseThatWord!’:TrumpEmbracesthe‘Nationalist’Label,”NewYorkTimes,”October23,2018.28FeliciaSonmez,“Trump:I’maNationalistandI’mProudofIt,”WashingtonPost,October23,2018.29DonaldTrump,InauguralAddress,January20,2017.https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/the-inaugural-address/30DonaldTrump,UNAddress,September19,2017.https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-72nd-session-united-nations-general-assembly/31DonaldTrump,UNAddress,September25,2019.https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-74th-session-united-nations-general-assembly/32DonaldTrump,UNAddress,September25,2018.https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-73rd-session-united-nations-general-assembly-new-york-ny/33Trump,2017UNAddress.34Trump,2019UNAddress.35QuotedinDavidA.Graham,“WhataDirectAttackonFreeSpeechLooksLike,”TheAtlantic,July10,2020.36MargaretSullivan,“TrumpHasSownHatredofthePressforYears.NowJournalistsareUnderAssaultfromPoliceandProtestersAlike,”WashingtonPost,May30,2020.37Trump,2019UNAddress.38Trump,2018UNAddress.39Trump,2018UNAddress;Trump,2019UNAddress.

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40https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2013/01/21/inaugural-address-president-barack-obama41QuotedinBaker,“’UseThatWord!’.”42Lepore,“Don’tLetNationalistsSpeak.”43LouisHartz,TheLiberalTraditioninAmerica:AnInterpretationofAmericanPoliticalThoughtsincetheRevolution(NewYork:HarcourtBrace,1955).