Journal of Community Psychology Volume 23. July 1995

Lessons for Local-Global Action and Research De Bryant

Indiana University South Bend

This report describes how a community library was identified as a need and was ultimately established in a Nigerian community. The Africa Book Pro- ject illustrates the challenges presented in applying theories of empower- ment developed in the United States in an international setting and how the problems were resolved. The report examines the events through which a resource network was created as an organizing mechanism at both the in- dividual and the collective levels. The report discusses the impact of subjec- tive culture on the implementation of the field research. Lessons that can be applied in US communities, and the theoretical questions they raise, are presented .

This report describes how a community library was identified as a need and was ultimately established in a Nigerian community. “The African Book Project,” as the effort was called in the United States, was an action research project linking a com- munity in southwest Michigan to a community in southeast Abia State in Nigeria.’ The project involved both research and intervention. As a research project, it was designed to explore the impact of culture on theories of empowerment by applying those theories internationally. Specifically, we wanted to see if the theories could identifiy social regularities (Seidman, 1988) suggestive of pancultural dimensions of empowerment. The intervention’s objective was to meet the community’s need for a library.

Collaboration and an active role for community participants are hallmarks of com- munity psychology. The Africa Book Project utilized a participatory approach to in- volve members of the Nigerian community extensively. Although they did not function absolutely as equals with the researchers, the residents’ input was particularly impor- tant in the areas of problem identification, responding to needs, and dissemination. The research team members functioned as participant-observers, both studying and bring- ing about social action in the community.

Methodology

Theoretical Framework

Networking (Sarason & Lorentz, 1979) and resource mobilization theory (e.g., Rogers & Kincaide, 1981) were used to identify informants and mobilize the community. Understanding whether networks are equally powerful in societies other than the United States and Canada is important to internationalizing empowerment theory.

‘For a more detailed report, please contact Dr. Dt Bryant, Social Action Project, Psychology Depart- ment, Indiana University South Bend, 1700 Mishawaka Avenue, South Bend, IN 46634. E-mail: DBryant@vines.IUSB.Indiana.edu.

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Multi-Source Design The study observes a community-based mechanism as it evolves. The methodology

does not rely solely on observation. Rather, data from different sources were examined to determine the degree of agreement among the sources on key dimensions. The sources of data were: (1) key informants who were residents of the community; (2) a research team of participant-observers; (3) weekly logbooks written by team members and which were content analyzed; (4) a computer-assisted network analysis to search for patterns of linkages between people and the content of those exchanges; and ( 5 ) primary sources external to the project (e.g., a bibliographic search, meeting minutes, community calen- dars). The longitudinal design has required 2% years to complete.

The Creation of a Community Library

Identifying In formants To understand how networks might be generated in Nigerian culture, an extensive

bibliographic search was done. The search focused on topics related to social customs, religion, and politics. In addition to historical sources, current writings were used to inform the team about contemporary issues in Nigeria. These sources highlighted the strength of social ties as the foundation of social and political power, what Hui and Triandis (1 986) have called collectivism. The relationship of individuals to their group is extremely stable. Much of an individual’s behavior concerns goals consistent with the goals of this ingroup. Their behavior is therefore profoundly impacted by that group (e.g., family, age grade, tribe). Because people have few ingroups (usually the family, by birth or by marriage), everybody else is the outgroup. How an outsider might be treated is highly individualistic.

The researchers entered the community by seeking residents on the fringes of in- groups, reasoning that they would be willing to talk with outsiders. These initial contacts (N = 67) were connected to the central powers of the groups through a series of complex social obligations. Approaching the power figures directly, without benefit of having been introduced by an insider, might have mired the project indefinitely. Although the boundary people are not enmeshed in the ingroups, they are more accepted (i.e., insiders) than the research team. The boundary or fringe people vouched for members of the research team, making it possible to conduct the cultural audit (a community-driven needs assessment that asks for input using images of the surrounding culture). As each contact was established, a semi-structured interview was used to ask about participation, neigh- boring, physical environment, locus of control, and perceived community needs.

As the Africa Book Project progressed, informants were added; 96 participants were involved by the time the library was established. Later members were asked the same questions as the initial contacts. All informants knew they were participating in the creation of a resource network. Information obtained from the residents’ interviews was compiled with observations by the researchers using project-generated logbooks. This information was compared with primary sources from the larger community such as news clippings, technical reports, or articles in scholarly journals. Through a process of convergence, the need for a community library was identified.

Mobilizing the Community Studies into the nature of network formation have highlighted that both formal

and informal linkages are important for different reasons. These differences appear to

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relate to how swiftly and effectively information travels through a network (Bryant, 1995). Additionally, certain person factors seemed more apparent as networks formed, sug- gesting that individual qualities also influenced the way networks evolve (Sarason & Lorentz, 1979).

In this project, participants relied on social contacts, making the network a diffuse collection of individuals bound by birth, marriage, and other social obligations. Cultural norms dictated that those obligations took precedence over ties to formal organizations (e.g., job, church, political party). Residents defined community primarily in terms of social reference groups. Contacts were made, for example, on the basis of membership in the same age grade. Community was secondarily defined in terms of geographic loca- tion, religious affiliation, or political membership. Individuals to whom the community ascribes significant social influence were the mechanisms that empowered this community. This would appear to be at odds with prevailing theories of empowerment, which em- phasize the importance of organizations (e.g., Florin & Wandersman, 1990).

As the network took shape, notable characteristics began to emerge that could be described as social regularities. The most effective members of the network were self- described homemakers who were also activists. This was congruent with the bibliographic findings that in developing nations women play a pivotal role in community develop- ment. The literature review on cultural norms suggested that older members of the com- munity are accorded significant social power. When the research team reached the power- ful members at the center of these social groups, it confirmed that they were elders aged 45-75 years. It was the elders of the community who had the power to designate the physical site of the new library.

Other important dimensions of the intervention that became clear were differences in context and time. This domain was most apparent as the intervention progressed and came into contact with bureaucracies. Because social ties superseded organizational ties, the lines of power were not necessarily reflected in job titles. Tasks were accomplished using the less obvious (to outsiders) social hierarchy. As a result, bureaucracies were found to be unresponsive to outsiders. The research team had to rely on personal con- tacts with insiders to accomplish this work. The team was introduced by a “friend” to the elders embedded in the Community Development Organization. A petition to the organization without such a sponsor would very likely have been ignored.

Communication in the community was highly contextual. Each social transaction was steeped in a history of such exchanges. Hall referred to contexting as programming, the function of interrelated internal processes (experience) and external processes (en- vironment). Thus our team was mystified by the nuances of “spreading money” (i.e., giving token amounts of cash). Subtle decisions had to be made by us concerning how much to give, to whom, when, and how. Bungling this practice would insult not only the person receiving the cash, but also the person who had introduced (vouched for) the team member. As outsiders, the research team were not always privy to references being made and thus were not always able to decipher the layers of meaning. This had a predictable impact of delaying the work as apologies were delivered and social fences mended.

Computer technology in the form of network analysis software helped clarify the linkages among individuals. For example, as the intervention moved into its second year, the number of religious contacts began to increase rapidly. The bibliographic search had indicated the central role religion had played in Nigeria’s colonial past, but was only marginally useful in helping the team understand the continued influence of the

LESSONS FOR LOCAL-GLOBAL ACTION AND RESEARCH 253

clergy. An analysis was done to determine what types of linkages produced the most significant outcomes in terms of attaining the stated goals. It was discovered that in addition to homemakers, religious individuals (e.g., shaman, reverend, nun) and organizations were reported to have the highest utility. Combined with input from the key informants, these findings steered the team to a body of literature in international development, which addressed the power of international religious organizations in the present day (cf. Korten, 1990).

Lessons Applicable to US “Villages” The place of culture in psychological science has been explored (e.g., Triandis et

al., 1986) and debated (e.g., Misra & Gergen, 1993) in terms of international settings. Yet the question of cultural impact can be applied just as readily to US communities.

The dimensions of contexting and perceptions of time have been explored in case studies of: (a) an inner-city African-American community (Bryant, 1995); (b) segregated barrios near the US-Mexican border (Garcia, 1994); (c) persons with disabilities (Braithwaite, 1994); (d) shamanistic traditions among Inuit groups in America (Merkur, 1993); and (e) Asian-American battered women (Song, 1994).

It follows, therefore, that some of the challenges faced by the Africa Book Project in Nigeria are also likely to be encountered by interventions in the United States. For example, the US community that was partnered with the Nigerian community in this study is predominantly African American (98% by 1990 census). The research team’s entry into this community followed a similar convoluted path as in Nigeria (Bryant, 1995). Key informants were initially people on the edges of insular social groups. Through them the research team eventually was able to meet the “sociometric stars” of the neighborhoods who could make the book collection happen.

Informants reported and team members observed that ties with these “stars” were social ties (e.g., kinship by birth or marriage, social obligation). It is interesting to note that ties based on employment or religious affiliation were also present but did not dominate how the network operated. In fact, primary sources such as newpapers and minutes from meetings chronicled the rise and fall of numerous organizations over time. The “stars” remained constant even though organizations came and went.

Methodological Implications Many methodological problems are inherent to the study of culture, whether

domestic or international. Some of the these are design problems related to whether phenomenological (descriptive) and hypothesis testing (quantitative) data are equally valid modes of knowing. In the quest to understand the role of culture in psychological science, the distinctions can become critical. Culture is a fuzzy concept and supposedly research is conducted to clarify the situation. Should a study focus on culture’s com- plexities, produce rich descriptions, and rely on theoretical inference as the basis for its conclusions? Should broad descriptions be viewed as preliminary, with the assump- tion that true understanding will come as causal inferences are confirmed?

Other methodological issues are related to the conflicting interests and needs of in- dividuals, groups, and power elites, Furthermore, the interaction operates at multiple levels and changes over time. Managing the tensions inherent to action research presents certain dilemmas in both domestic and international contexts. If the studies are longitudinal, issues of accountability and who is responsible to whom will shift over time. This will further complicate efforts to balance community collaboration with

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rigorous methodology in order to create an effective intervention that also increases the body of knowledge.

What the Present Study Saw The present study is the first phase in a long process to develop operational defini-

tions for the construct “empowerment” as it is impacted by “culture.” It relied on sub- jective approaches to data collection in response to the subjective nature of culture. In addition, every attempt was made to systematize data collection so that threats to reliabil- ity and validity were reduced: Unique codes were created to analyze subjective reports; observations were verified using multiple sources, some external to the study; network analysis was supplemented with quantitative software analysis; a longitudinal design was used to offset reactive effects and check for consistency over time.

The objective was to generate a heuristic framework grounded in extant theory using a methodology that was sufficiently rigorous yet at the same time ecologically valid. The interview protocol used in the cultural audit was generated only after extensive research about both the US and Nigerian communities. The team did not assume that because the Michigan community was in the United States they were already fluent in its culture. This groundwork made it possible to couch the items in the interview, selected to reflect theory, in language and images consistent with the local culture. The study, therefore, yielded findings that could be applied to the search for dimensions of empowerment that were universal versus those that were culture-specific. Apprently contexting and time are commonalities between cultures, but individualism-collectivism as a dimension is less clear cut.

The question now becomes where to go from here. Freire (1970) has proposed that systematic research operate by praxis, consciously integrating theory and practical ac- tivity. American theorists have echoed Freire’s strategy, demonstrating how social action can bring about change in oppressive structures (e.g., Goldenberg, 1978). This paradigm implies that both subjective and objective approaches will be needed; the former to describe the sociopolitical context of human experience and the latter to provide generaliz- able scientific knowledge. The balancing act between knowledge for its own sake and knowledge to fuel action will have to continue.

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