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Blood and Ink: Treatment Practices of Traditional Palestinian Women Healers in IsraelAuthor(s): Ariela Popper-Giveon and Jonathan J. VenturaSource: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Spring, 2009), pp. 27-49Published by: University of New MexicoStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25608147Accessed: 28-05-2015 18:15 UTC

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2/24

BLOOD

AND

INK

Treatment Practices

ofTraditional

Palestinian

Women

Healers in

Israel

Ariela

Popper-Giveon

Department

of Social

Work,

Ben

Gurion

University

of the

egev

13/7

Bourla

St.,

Jerusalem,

93714,

Israel.

Email:

[email protected]

Jonathan

J.

Ventura

Department

of

Sociology

and

Anthropology,

Hebrew

University

of Jerusalem

6

Windham Dids

St.,

Jerusalem, 93106,

Israel.

Email:

[email protected]

key words:

Israel; Palestinians;

Traditional

healing;

Women

healers

This

article

addresses the

treatment

practices

of

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

in

srael. It

begins

with

a

presentation

of

the

treatment

practices

utilized

by

women

healers and

continues

with

a

description

of

the

changes

such

practices

are

currently

undergoing.

The

research indicates that

some

women

healers?in

particular,

those

residing

in

mixed Jewish-Arab cities

in

the

country

's

center?are

slowly

adopting

treatment

practices

identified

s

masculine:

they

re

abandoning

the

treatment

of problems

attributed

to

natural

causes

and

taking

up

the treatment

ofproblems attributed tosupernatural causes, incorporating treatmentpractices

of

a

magical

or

even a

religious

nature.

These

tendencies

reflect

their

desire

to

attain the

ower

and

prestige

ascribed

to

their

male

counterparts.

Thus,

in

this

community,

the

boundaries between

feminine

and masculine

traditional

healing,

as

well

as

the

polarization

between

the

little

tradition

and

the

great

tradition

(sensu

Redfield)

are

not

clear-cut,

binary,

or

occurring

in

a

vacuum,

but

rather

contextual,

dynamic,

hazy,

and

elusive.

Traditional

women

healers who practice

within

Palestinian

society in

Israel are known

by

a number of different terms

(sheikhah,

darvishah,

hajjah,

fattahd).

They

are

by

and

large

of

middle

age, mothers,

and

of low and

middle

socioeconomic

status.

Traditional

women

healers

mostly

work

to

meet

the

needs

of

women

in

their

communities

(Popper-Giveon 2007).

They

deal

with

ailments

that

are

not

properly

addressed

by

conventional

medicine,

such

as

certain

chronic

diseases,

pain,

and in

particular,

complaints

of

psychosomatic

origin. They

treat

problems

typical

of

childhood,

sexual

difficulties,

infertility,

nd

complications

relating

to

childbirth.

Traditional

women

healers also

treat

mental

problems,

such

as

depression and anxiety, and lifechallenges: economic concerns; interpersonal,

family,

and

spousal

conflicts;

and various

other

crises.

Often,

the

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

explain

these

problems

as a

direct

result of

supernatural

occurrences.

They

relate

them

to

the evil

eye

(ein

el-hasood)

or

witchcraft

(sihr)

and,

less

frequently,

to

thework

of

a

demon

(jinn)

who has

frightened

the

patient,

Journal

of

Anthropological

Research,

vol.

65,

2009

Copyright

by

The

University

ofNew

Mexico

27

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/24

28

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

harmed her

body,

or

possessed

her

soul.

Despite

the

fact that

these

problems

are

related

to

supernatural

events,

their

roots

lie,

for

the

most

part,

in the

modern

lifestyle.

Hence,

the

patient

turns

to

the traditional healer

because

of

the

lack

of

appropriate

modern

medical

treatment

options.

While

conventional medical

solutions,

which

are

by

and

large

designed

for

the Jewish

population,

may

offer

some

relief for

acute

physical

and emotional

problems,

they

do

not

assist

in

coping

with

the

blurring

of

concepts

derived

from the

changes

in

the traditional

Palestinian

lifestyle

and

in

particular

with

problems

related

to

the

familial

and

spousal

hardships

which

accompany

the aforementioned transformation.

When

asked about

the

differences

between

treatment

practices

of

men

and

women

traditional

healers,

Jamiya?a

young

woman

living

in

Lod,

a

mixed

Arab

Jewish

city

in

Israel's

center?responded:

The

man

is

always

different

than

the

woman,

and this difference

is also

reflected

in these

sorts

of

things.

...

I

believe that

healers

who read

from

theKoran

are

better than the

women

in

that

they

are

purer.

A

woman

is

always

influenced

by

Satan;

Satan

always

controls her.

. . .

Amongst

us,

there exists

a

way

by

which

an

individual

may

be

healed.

If

one

is seated

and

theKoran

is read

for his

benefit

and he is

prayed

for,

then

he will

be

healed.

He

believes

that

through

these

means

he will

be

healed;

through

the

ways

of

the

Koran and

prayers

to

God.

Therefore,

if

the

individual

believes

that

he

will

be

healed,

then even

without

all the

bullshit

and all the other

stuff,

e

will be healed.

...

I

am

saying

that the

woman

always

possesses

some

degree

of

impurity,

ore

than

the

man.

The man's

character

is

always

stronger

than

thatof the

woman.

From

Jamiya's

response,

it

is

apparent

that

significant

differences

exist

between

the

treatment

practices

used

by

traditional

Palestinian

healers

in

Israel

as

well

as

with

regard

to

the value ascribed

to

these

practices.

Treatment

through

the

use

of theKoran is

associated

with

men

healers,

whereas women's

healing practices

are identifiedas bullshit or

simply

as stuff. The men healers are

depicted

as

pure

and effectivewhile

women

healers

are

described

as

impure

and

dangerous.

The

men

healers

are

portrayed

as

having

a

strong

character,

whereas

their female

counterparts

are

depicted

as

easily

subjected

to

influence

and

manipulation.

Finally,

while

men

healers

are

identified

with

the

righteous path

of

God,

women

healers

are

identified

with the

ways

of

Satan.

The

present

article,

focusing

on

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

in

Israel,

begins

with

a

review

of their

most

common treatment

practices.

Narratives

of the

women healers who participated in this study reveal changes thatare occurring in

these

practices,

and

that

ome

of

the

women

healers

are

adopting

practices

which

are

traditionally

identified

with

men

healers.

This

article

will

discuss

the

adaptation

of

such

treatment

practices

using

Robert

Redfield's

(1941) great

and little

traditions

concept.

The

paper

formulates

a new

perspective

regarding

the various

dynamics

at

play

within

the Islamic

world and

particularly

among

Palestinians

in

Israel.

We

hope

that

ur

findings

will be useful

in

studies

of other societies

experiencing

similar

processes

of

change

and

thus will

increase

the

knowledge regarding

traditional

healing practices

at the

onset

of the thirdmillennium.



4/24

TRADITIONAL PALESTINIAN WOMEN

HEALERS

29

METHODS

This

paper

is

part

of

a more

comprehensive study focusing

on

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

in

Israel.1

This

study

included

two

distinct

population

groups?healers and patients. The healers were defined as women known by

their communities

as

traditional

women

healers;

patients

were

defined

as women

who

reported

having

been treated

by

a

traditional

woman

healer.

Twenty

Muslim

Palestinian

women

respondents

participated

in

the

study:2

half reside inmixed

Jewish-Arab

cities

in the

center

of Israel

(Yafo,

Lod,

and

Ramla)

and

half

belong

to

theBedouin

Arab

community

situated

in

Israel's southern

region,

the

Negev

(the

towns

of Rahat

and

Tel Sheba and

two

unrecognized villages,

Wadi

El Naam

near

the

city

of Beersheba

and Bir

Hadadg

near

Kibbutz

Revivim).3

See

Figure

1.

Figure

1.

Map showing

the

study

ommunities.



5/24

30 JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

The informants

were

contacted

using

the chain

sample

method. Two close

acquaintances

of the first

author,

a

Bedouin

man,

a

resident of

an

unrecognized

village

in

the

Negev,

and

a

Bedouin

woman,

a

resident

of

a

culturally

mixed

town

in Israel's

center,provided

an

initial list of

patients. They,

in

turn,

led her

to

the

healers who

treated

them and

to

other

patients

among

their

acquaintances.

This

way,

gradually,

the informants'

circle

grew.

The

fieldwork,

which included

in-depth

interviews and

observations,

was

carried

out

in

two

stages

in

2002-2003.

In

the first

stage,

ten

traditional

women

healers

were

interviewed

about their

training

nd

practices.

In

the

second

stage,

ten

women

patients

were

interviewed

regarding

their

reasons

for

seeking

the services

of

a

healer,

the

treatment

provided

to

them,

and the treatment's effect

upon

them.

Interviews

were

conducted

in

Hebrew,

mostly

at

the

participants'

homes. The

recordings

were transcribed inHebrew and

analyzed

in two

contrasting

ways.

The

firstmethod is deconstructive and

based

on

carefully dissecting

the

text

with

regard

to

meaning

units : word

combinations,

phrases,

or

single

words

(Tutty,

Rothery,

and Grinnell

1996).

The second

method is holistic and tries

to

draw

out

central,

content-related

pivots

from the

text

(Lieblich,

Tuval-Mashiach,

and

Zilber

1998).

Taken

together,

thesemethods

provide

an

analysis

of both details

(micro)

and

context

(macro),

enabling

the

construction

of

a

complete picture.

Both researchers

are

Israelis

and Jews.

Although

both

the healers and the

patients are Israeli citizens, the fieldworkwas heavily influencedby thepolitical

reality

in the

region.

It

can

be

thus

assumed

that

the research

was

affected

by

methodological problems

characterizing

studies

conducted

in

the

wake of

the

Israeli-Palestinian

conflict

(Rabinowitz

1998).

Among

Palestinians,

Israeli

men

in

particular

are

most

often associated

with the violent

conflict.

Furthermore,

it

is

inherently

difficult

for

a

male

researcher

to

penetrate

the feminine

sphere

of

Palestinian

society.

In

order

to

mitigate

some

of these

challenges,

fieldwork

was

carried

out

by

the

first

author,

a woman.

Much

of the

literature

n

ethnographic

methodology

considers

the

researcher's

positioning

as an outsider or insider and assesses various

implications

of this

bipolar positioning

(Weiner-Levy

2009).

As

in

Weiner-Levy's study,positioning

of

the researcher

in the

current

study

was

not

fixed.

Although

the

first author

can

be viewed

as

an

external

researcher,

she

found herself

shifting

from

internal

to

external

position

according

to

the

interview

topic.

In

some cases

she

was an

outsider,

not

fully

understanding

the

culture and

religion.

At

other

times,

when

topics

such

as

motherhood

and

parenting

were

discussed,

the researcher

(who

was

visibly

pregnant

at

the

time)

was

treated

as

an

insider.

Moreover,

the researcher's

being an outsider, as pointed out byWeiner-Levy (2009), apparently enabled

participants

to

speak

freely

about

the difficulties

in

their

society

and

to

expose

their

inner

worlds

without

apprehension

over

their

community's

reaction.

Focusing

on

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

in

Israel,

this

essay

strives

to

examine

the traditional

masculine

and feminine

healing

practices.

These

practices

articulate,

respectively,

what

is

frequently

referred

to

as

the

great

and

little

traditions.

While

previous

anthropological

research

dealing

with these and

similar

concepts

focused

on

theoretical

discussions

(structuralism,

functionalism),

more

recent

studies

emphasize

praxis

(de

Certeau

1984;

Schwarz

2003;

Sahlins



6/24


HEALERS

31

1976).

Both

perspectives

contain

drawbacks?the first

lacks

foundations

and the

second lacks

depth.

In

addition,

in

the

dual

process

whereby

the

researcher flows

from

theory

to

praxis

and then back

to

theory,

the

danger

exists of

distorting

real

knowledge during

the

process

of

transferring

he

researcher's

knowledge

and thatof the

subjects.

The

researcher,

being theory-driven,

needs

tomediate and

transfer is

or

her

own

knowledge

on

both

tangible

and

intangible

levels

with

data

collected

in

the field.

At

the

same

time,

the

respondent attempts

to

market

to

the researcher his

practical,

social,

and

cultural

world

views

in

the

most

attractive

manner

(Bourdieu

1977).

In

our

opinion,

it is

preferable

to

forego

the

two

previous

processes

for

a

third

approach

that

integrates

theory

and

praxis

(Kozaitis

2000).

According

to

such

an

approach,

one

should

commence

with

a

description

of the

praxis

and

use

it in

order

to

illuminate,

to

support,

and

to

deepen

the

discussion's

more theoretical aspects. In this paper, bymeans of an inductive, bottom-up

researchmethod

we

will

gain

a

better

understanding

of

individual

women

healers.

Through

thewords of these

healers

we

can

identify

cracks of

resistance

in

the

dominant

social

and

cultural

norms

and

ideologies

and, thus,

discover

processes

of

change

in

various

religious,

cultural,

and

social

frameworks

(Flueckiger 2006).

This

research,

focusing

on

the

world of

traditional Palestinian

women

healers

in

Israel,

should enable

us

to

challenge

the normative

view

of culture

and

point

to

the

dynamic

foundations

and

the

potential

for

change

in

their

community.

The

observance of theirprivateworlds will enable us to abandon thefrozenmodel of

cultural

preservation

and

adopt

a

dynamic

model

that

focuses

on

the

world

of the

individual and derives from it

broader

sociocultural

theories.

TRADITIONAL

PALESTINIAN

WOMEN

HEALERS

AND

THEIR

TREATMENT

PRACTICES

From

the

narratives

of the

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

who

participated

in

this

research,

it

becomes

apparent

that

they

utilize

a

wide

variety

of

treatment

practices, themost

popular

ofwhich is the amulet

(hijab).

The amulet is

primarily

used

to

treat

problems

caused

by

the evil

eye

or

witchcraft:

frustration,

epression

and

anxiety,

spinsterhood,

infertility,

hildhood

ailments,

and

problems

related

to

economic

livelihood.

The

amulet

contains

a

piece

of

paper

with

the

name

of

the

patient,

her

mother's

name,

and

a

combination

of

letters,

eometric

forms,

signs,

numbers,

and

verses

from

theKoran.

The

completed

amulet is

placed

in

a

leather

or

cloth

pouch,

hung

on

the

patient's

body, placed

in

her

purse

or

in

her

bed,

or

at

times,

the

paper

is

burned and

the

smoke

is

inhaled.

The second most popular treatmentpractice involves the use of theKoran

and

is also

used

to

treat

problems

deriving

from

the evil

eye

or

witchcraft.

During

treatment,

the

woman

healer

recites

Koranic

verses

above

the

patient's

body

or

her

belongings,

as

described

by

the

urban

patient

Nasra:

Someone

from

the

family

cursed

my

son

with

the evil

eye.

Some

girl

wanted that

he

marry

her

and he wasn't

willing.

Ever

since

then,

he

hated

the entire

family,

he

hated

me

and

he

hated his

sister

and

he

didn't

talk

to

me.

.

. .

Then

she

[the

woman

healer]

told

me

to

bring

what

she

asked for



7/24

32 JOURNAL OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

from his

clothing.

I

brought

the items

to

her

and

then she

performed

from

the

Torah

[scriptures],4

took from the

scriptures

and

spoke

on

his

clothes.

She

said

she

will

do

thatuntil

he

will

calm down and

once

again

become

real

[himself].

Witchcraft-based

treatment

practices

are

also

popular

in

cases

of

interpersonal

strife,

fertility roblems,

and

concerns

related

to

sexual relations and love.

In

such

cases,

most

witchcraft is

considered

to

be love

magic

that aims

to

increase the

man's

lust

or

to

preserve

the

wife's

loyalty,

as

described

by

the

urban

healer

Basma:

When

I

am

left

with

no

choice then

I

tell him

[the

patient]

to

bring

me

his urine so Iwill create a

potion

from it.She

[his

wife]

will drink it and

become sick

[crazy

with

love]

for

him.

Witchcraft's

main

ingredients

include

body

parts

and

excretions:

items such

as

blood and

substances,

which

may

be found

on

the

margins

of the

body

or are

excreted

by

it

(nails,

hair, urine,

etc.).

These

are

brewed

during

the

night

and for

the

most

part

cunningly

inserted

into the

victim's

food.

At

times,

witchcraft

also

includes

animal

parts

such

as

dog

hair

or

sheep's

blood. Acts of

witchcraft

are

based on twomain principles. The first, ympatheticmagic, assumes thatwhen an

item is

brought

together

with another

item,

the connection

and the

mutual effects

remain

even

when

they

are

not

together.

Thus the

mixing

of

a

man's

urine

into his

wife's food

strengthens

the

relationship

between

them

and

instills

in her

heart

love

toward

him.

The second

principle,

homeopathic magic,

assumes

that

similar

objects

affect

one

another.Witchcraft

performed

in

the

image

of

a

rooster,

symbolizing

vitality,

will

affect

the

vitality

of the

victim,

and

harming

the

image

will

cause

him

harm. Because

of

the

strong

religious

and

social

condemnation

of

witchcraft,

many

women

healers

deny

that

they

use

it,

lthough

they

claim

to

be

able to

diagnose

and cancel out its

force,

as described

by

the urban healer Ida:

It

is forbidden

to

perform

evil. Understand

what

I

mean,

for

God

gave

this

...

in

the

power

ofGod

himself.

However,

we,

human

beings

are

forbidden

to

destroy.

Thus,

this

is

absolutely

forbidden.

I

just

remove

it.

In

practice,

there

is

a

fine

and

quite

blurred

line

between

the

actual

use

of

witchcraft

and

the

canceling

of evil

spells.

Women healers

claim

that

they

are

able

todiagnose witchcraft and cancel spells using the samemeans bywhich spells are

cast.

Therefore,

these

practices

are

in

greater

use

than

we

initially

believed.

The

third

most

popular

treatment

practice

involves

the

use

of

medicinal

plants,

primarily

to

mitigate

aches

and

pains,

and

to

cure

childhood

illnesses,

lack

of

vitality,

and

fertility problems.

Medicinal

plants

are

collected

by

the

healer,

purchased

in

special

stores

in the

markets,

or

imported

from Arab

countries.

Treatment

mostly

involves

cooking

them,

mixing

them

with

honey,

and

subsequently

ingesting

them

or

applying

them

to

the

skin.

Massage

therapy

is

used

to

ease

aches

and

pains,

particularly

of

the

limbs;



8/24

TRADITIONAL

PALESTINIAN WOMEN HEALERS

33

women's

fertility

problems;

and childhood illnesses.

Massage,

often

using

special

oils,

has both

a

calming

and

a

heating

effect.

It

realigns

the

patient's body

parts,

thus

expressing

the

essence

of

healing?the returning

of order

previously

disturbed.

As

described

by

theBedouin healer

Majda,

The womb

occasionally

becomes

misaligned

and

so

I

rub

over

itoils and

return

it

to

its

place.

If it

is

up

high,

I

lower

it. If it

is

low,

I

raise it.

If it

is

on

the

side,

I

bring

it

back

to

its

place.

In

many

cases,

the

massage

is

accompanied by

other

treatment

practices,

particularly

the

use

of medicinal

plants.

These

two treatment

practices,

requiring knowledge

of

anatomy

and

botany, provide

natural

ways

of

treating

roblems

whose

cause

is

natural,

as

opposed

to treatment

practices

characterized

by

the

supernatural.

Other,

less

popular

treatment

practices

involve incense

(al-bakhoor),5

which

is known for its

purifying

and

calming

affects and

is

used for

treating

headaches

and

stress;

crystals {shebbdf

are

used for

curing

headaches

and

animal

diseases;

and

finally,

a

cupping

glass

is

used

for

women's

fertility roblems.

In

addition,

the narratives indicate the healers

attempt

to

soothe

and

comfort the

patient.

The

healer offers the

patient

a warm

drink

upon

her

arrival,

promises

she will

be

able

to

provide

relief,

and

encourages

her thatwithin

a

short

time her

situation

will

improve. She relates to thepatient in a warm and supportingmanner, not very

different

rom

a

mother-daughter relationship.

This

attitude allows

the

patient

to

find

serenity

and

assistance

and

to

solve

problems

which

conventional medicine

often does

not

take into

account,

as

described

by

the urban healer

Ida:

If

a

young

woman

isn't calm

and she doesn't

have

a

medical

problem

then

we

try

to

calm

her

so

that she isn't

too

stressed

...

and then she'll

become

pregnant,

understand? This is the

point.

For

instance,

she doesn't have

a

medical

problem

but

she

wants

very

much

to

be

pregnant.

As

each month

passes

her stress levels increase and increase and she needs

something

to

calm

the situation

so

that

the

stress

will

pass.

From

the

respondents'

statements,

it

becomes

apparent

that

treatment

practices

employed

by

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

in

Israel

have three

characteristics:

they

are

eclectic,

they

occur

in

the

domestic

sphere

and

relate

to

the female

body,

and

thus

they

seem

attractive

to

the

woman

healer's

patients,

most

often

women

themselves.

First, thewomen healers who were interviewed employed awide variety of

treatment

practices

in

a

practical

and

pragmatic

way.

As

described

by

the urban

woman

healer

Zarifa,

they

try

specific

type

of

treatment

method,

and if it

does

not

bring

about

the

desired

result,

they

develop

an

alternative

hypothesis

and

attempt

different

treatment

practices

until

success

in

healing

is

reached:

I

do

all

these

things,

whatever

I

see as

good

for

the

patient

...

if

the

medicines

heal

or

if

they

don't

hurt.

I start

something

new

and

if

it isn't

effective,

I

try

omething

else.



9/24

34 JOURNAL OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

The

treatment

practices

employed

by

women

healers

are

not

only

eclectic

but also

inclusive

because their

commitment

to

the

community's

religious

codes is

more

open

than

men's. Since

women

healers

are

not

held

to

a

particular

tradition

and,

at

times,

even

directly

deviate

from

orthodox Islam

and

its

commandments,7 they

have

greater

freedom

in

choosing

to

adopt

various

treatment

practices.

Second,

the

woman

healer's activities take

place

within the

domestic

sphere?

within

her

house.8

Often,

the

waiting

area

is

not

separated

from the

treatment

rea,

and

in

addition

to

the

patient

other

women

in

the house

are

also involved. The

woman

healer's entire

house

becomes the

treatment

area,

including

the

objects

and

activities within

it. She

uses

materials

identified

with

housekeeping,

such

as

coffee

and olive

oil,

and medicinal

herbs such

as

saffron and

sage,

which

are

also

used

as

spices.9

These materials

are

used

by

many

Palestinian

women

in

Israel; hence theyare accessible for traditional healers as well. Cooking, which

is

perceived

as a

housekeeping

activity,

is also central

in

the

work of the

woman

healer.

Often,

the

treatment

takes

place

in

the

kitchen

and

the materials

used

resemble those used

in

recipes.

Among

the Israeli

Palestinians,

cooking

is

one

of the

main

activities

that

is under

the control of

women

and

through

which

they

are

able

to

influence theirhousehold

members,

to

guarantee

theirhealth

or

to cast

a

spell.

They

are

able

to

influence

the

men

in

their

families,

even

without them

being

aware

of

it,

s

described

by

the urban healer Basma:

There

are

those who

say

that it's

witchcraft,

that

they

are

afraid

to

give

theirhusbands

from themenstrual

flow.

But

you

don't

give

him

from

your

menstrual

flow,

because

I

take

out

the

poisons.

I

make

it taste

like

coffee,

Nescafe,

chocolate

milk,

whatever

flavor

you

like. He

doesn't feel

it,

no

taste,

no

smell,

nothing.

The

treatment

takes

place

in the

domestic

sphere,

among

women.

It

employs

items

identified

with this

sphere;

involves activities

belonging

to

this

sphere;

and

tends to take

place

during

hourswhen women are

relatively

free in theirhomes,

such

as

the

morning.

Thus,

the

woman

healer's

practice

emphasizes

the

familial

context.

She

recognizes

the

effects

of social

relations,

in

particular

of

the

family,

on

the

patient's

welfare and

strives

to

strengthen

the latter

through

her control

over

the domestic

sphere

and

the

understanding

of its

meanings.

Third,

women

healers' activities

have

great

affinity

to

the

female

body.

In

many

cases,

the

women

healers

hide

an

amulet

within the

patient's

brassiere,

close

to

her

heart and

breasts,

and

through

their

witchcraft

they

concoct

brews

using

hair,

nails, urine,blood, andmenstrual flow.Body parts, and secretions inparticular,

are

thought

to

possess

great

powers.

They

are

considered

to

have

the

power

to create

or

destroy

life

and,

therefore,

to

affect

social

relationships

and

especially

spousal

relations.

For

the

most

part,

the

women

healers

do

not

utilize

the

body

parts

of

the

men

whom

they

try

to

influence

but

rather

achieve

their aims

through

the

body

parts

and secretions

of

women.

The

women's

parts

and

secretions

are

associated

with

particularly

potent

powers

which

are

identified

with

the

potential

life

force

of

women

and

their

sexuality.

Once

hidden

in the

men's

food,

they

can

influence

their

behaviors.

The

women

healers

who

utilize

female

body

parts

transform

the



10/24

TRADITIONAL


35

body

into battlefield

where the

war

between the

sexes

takes

place

(Few 2002).

In

the natural

plane,

men's

position

is

superior,

while women's bodies

are

subdued

and

defeated,

in

the

supernatural

one,

the

women's

position

is

superior.

Through

manipulating body parts

and

secretions,

women

healers

transform he

private body

into

a

public

battlefield and

act

as a

catalyst

to

enhance

change

in

the

relationship

between the

genders,

in

favor of the

women.

From

the above

survey

of

treatment

practices

utilized

by

traditional

women

healers,

taken from the

respondents'

narratives

as

well

as

from the

research

literature,

t ecomes

apparent

that

omen

healers

utilize

typical

treatment

practices

that

differ

rom the

ones

utilized

by

the

men

healers in

the

same

communities.

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN

MASCULINE

AND

FEMININE TRADITIONAL HEALING

The

research literature

rarely

compares

treatment

practices

used

by

women

and

men

healers

(e.g.,

Basilov

1976;

Blacker

1999

[1975];

Glass-Coffin

1998;

Humphrey

1996;

Winkelman

1992).

Even the

literature

which focuses

on

traditional

healing

in

the

Muslim world tends

to

neglect

this

topic.

A

few

researchers

(Al-Krenawi

2000;

Gorkin

and

Othman

1994;

Srour

2001)

ignore

this

topic despite

the

fact that

they

study

women

as

well

as men

healers.

Others

have

described

the

tendency

of

women

to

experience possession within theZar

cult of

Ethiopia

and Sudan

(Boddy

1989;

Lambek

1993;

Morsey

1993;

Sengers

2003)

,

but the

contribution

of

their

findings

to

the

present

study

is limited

since

most


women

healers

in

Israel do

not

take

part

in

this

ritual.

Very

few

researchers

(Doumato

2000;

Massalha

and

Baron

1994;

Rothenberg

2004)

relate

differences between the

treatment

practices

used

by

women

and

men

healers,

but

they

do not

reach

an

unequivocal

conclusion.

Only

one

study,

which

focuses

on

Tuareg

culture in

Niger

(Rasmussen

1998,

2006),

addresses these

differences

in

depth. Although

her

distinctions

are

not

simplistic

or

clear-cut,

she

differentiates between women healers, who treat

physical

problems

caused

by

nature

with

medicinal

herbs,

and

men

healers,

who

treat

mental

problems

caused

by

the

supernatural

with

Koranic

amulets.

In

the

present

study,

the

women

healers who

were

asked about

the

differences

in

the

treatment

practices

they

used and

those

employed by

their

male

counterparts

were

careful

in

their

responses,

perhaps

owing

to

their

fears of

irritating

he

men

healers.

They

claimed

the

act

of

healing

is of

a

personal

nature,

as

indicated

by

Ida:

Everyone

and

their

method.

...

I

know what

my

method is.

I

don't

know

his.

. . .

Everyone

works

according

to

his

own

ways, everyone and hismethod.

Other

women

healers

claimed

that

healing

is

not

gender-related,

as

explained

by

the

Bedouin

healer

Layili:

There

is

no

difference

between

a

clean and

a

pure

person

...

it

is

of

no

significance

if it

is

a

man or

a

woman.

Even

though

treatment

practices

of

women

and

men

healers

play

such

a

marginal

role in

the

respondents'

narratives

and in

the

relevant

literature,

an

examination

of

these

sources

documents

the

existence of such

differences.

The

respondents

indicate

that

the

practices

employed

by

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers

in

Israel

differ

from

those

employed by

Palestinian

men

healers,



11/24

36

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

as

described

in

the literature

Al-Krenawi

and Graham

1999;

Massalha and Baron

1994;

Rothenberg

2004).

As

one

can

clearly

see

in

the

above-mentioned

literature,

the traditional

male

healer

(sheikh,

darvish,

moalj

bei

Koran)

often

diagnoses

his

patients (male

or

female,

the

latter

most

often escorted

by

male

relatives)

using

the

Koran

or

other books

with

astrological

and

destiny

calendars based

on

numerological

attributes

of

the

patient's

name

and his/hermother's

name.

Often,

the

healer

diagnoses

by

means

of

an

object belonging

to

the

patient, by placing

his hand

on

the

patient's

body, by

observing

oil

or

ink

signs,

or

with

the

help

of

demons

with whom he

connects

during

prayer.

As

a

result

of

his

diagnosis,

the

healer understands

the

core

of the

patient's

problem,

which

for the

most

part

is

due

to

possession

by

a

demon

or

is

a

result of

witchcraft.

Possession,

usually

considered

as

the result of

neglecting

religion

and

its

commandments, is addressed by the healer attempting to exorcize the demon

from the

patient's body.

During

the

exorcism,

the

healer

first

prays,

then

communicates

with the demons

and identifieswhich

of them

is

responsible

for

the

patient's

suffering.

He

demands

an

explanation

from the

bothersome demon

(Why

does

ithurt the

patient?),

subdues

it,

nd

finally,

banishes

it.

This

procedure

is

accompanied

by

readings

from the

Koran,

drumming,

and

if the demon refuses

to

accede,

even

physically

beating

the

patient.

At

times,

the

healer

may

step

on

the

patient's

body

and

forcefully

massage

him while

spitting

on

him

so

the

power

of theKoran may be transferredfrom his mouth to his hands. In his attempts

to

eradicate

the

witchcraft,

the

healer

identifies

the

witchcraft

bundle with the

assistance

of his

helping

demons and

cancels

its effects. Such

an

annulment

is achieved

by exposing

the

bundle,

burning

it,

or

writing

a

protective

amulet

including

passages

from the

Koran. At

times,

the healer

may

sacrifice

a

chicken

or a

goat,

which is

eaten

by

those

present

during

the

treatment,

r

he

may

require

the

patient

to

spend

the

night

in

his

home

so

he

can

read

passages

from theKoran

over

him

during

the

night.

On other

occasions,

the

healer

encourages

the

patient

to

make

changes

in

his

lifestyle,

such

as

to

follow

the

religious

commandments

and to strengthenhis belief inGod.

In contrast

to

male healers'

diagnosis

and

treatment

via

the

Koran,

women

healers

often

diagnose

using

coffee

or

palm

readings

and,

more

often

than the

male

healers,

use

medicinal

herbs

for

treatment.As noted

above,

women

healers

regularly

utilize

materials

identified

with

housekeeping,

such

as

coffee

and olive

oil,

unlike

men

healers,

whose tools

are

books,

papers,

and

writing

instruments.

Differing

from

men

healers,

women

healers

do

not

eradicate

witchcraft

by

exposing

it

but rather

oppose

its effects

through

casting

stronger

spells.

Thus,

unlike men healers who destroywitchcraft throughexposing

the

truth

known

only

to

them,

women

healers

attack

itwith

witchcraft

different

from but similar

to

the

original

spell.

Aiming

to

influence

the

supernatural

entities,

women

healers

often

use

the

power

of

chanted

invocations

while

men

healers

use

the

written

word

of

the

Koran,

related

to

the

monotheistic

power

of

God.

For the

most

part,

women

healers

do

not

undo

the

spells

cast

on

the

patient

or

exorcise

evil

demons.

Likewise,

their

treatment is

not

accompanied

by

practices

associated

with

exorcism

such

as

drumming,

animal

sacrifice,

physical

beatings,

or

direct

contact

with

the

demons,

which

are

common in

the

practices

of

men

healers.



12/24

TRADITIONAL

PALESTINIAN

WOMEN

HEALERS

37

The

treatment

practices employed by

women

healers

are

not

only

eclectic

but

also inclusive

since

their

commitment

to

the

religious

codes

is

more

flexible than

that of

men

healers.

Their

activities take

place

within

the

domestic

sphere

and

not

in

a

separate

room or

in

a

separate house,

as

is often

the

case

among

men

healers

(Massalha

and

Baron

1994).

Unlike

men

healers'

treatment,

which

for

the

most

part

derives

its

authority

and skills?even while

treatingpsychosocial

or

nonorganic

personal problems?from

extrafamilial institutions

nd

mores

rather

thanfrom the intimate

knowledge

of

family

relations,

women

healers'

practices

take

place

within theirhome

and

emphasize

the

familial

context.

These differences

between the

masculine

and

feminine

treatment

practices

of

traditionalPalestinians

healers

in

srael

echo

a

wider

distinction

in

the

literature: he

distinction

between

great

and

little

raditions.

n

the

past,

the

mosaic of different

nd

separate traditions inthe Islamicworld was often classified

according

to

opposites,

dichotomous

pairs,

such

as

great

versus

little

tradition,

formal

versus

popular,

urban

versus

tribal,

universal

versus

local,

and

so on

(Antoun

1968;

Eickelman

1966;

Gellner

1969;

Gilsenan

1973;

Von

Grunebaum

1955;

Waardenburg

1979).10

Islam's

inherent

dualism,

as

evident in

the

literature,

is

expressed

through

two

complementary

types

of

practice.

The first is

identifiedwith

the

officialMuslim

doctrines and the orthodox

establishment,

the urban

elite,

and

the

educated.

The

second,

in

contrast,

represents

the ideas and

practices

prevalent

among

the

wider population, changing fromplace toplace and from time to time.The two

traditions,

polar

opposites,

have been

described

in the

literature

as

a

structural

system

of dichotomous

perspectives

thatmake

up

social

life.

They

reflect

not

only

different ersions

of

understanding

Islam,

but also

a

much

broader?sociological,

geographic,

and

gender?social

division. For

a

long

time

this

division

has

been

considered

as

contributing

to

the

categorization

and

interpretation

f

societies

in

the

Muslim

world,

even

those that

differed

greatly

from

one

another.

The

distinction

between the

great

and

little

traditions

mainly

relates

to

how

religion

is

regarded

and

implemented;

it s

not

merely

theological

but

also

includes

the

way

traditional

healing

is

categorized

and valued. In

general,

traditional

healing

has

a

number

of

characteristics which

identify

it

with

the

little

tradition:

the

absence of

canonized

texts

and

of

official

routes

of

initiation and

an

intensive

focus

on

healing.

Nonetheless,

there

are

perceived

distinctions

between

men

and

women

traditional

healers.

Male

healers

are

identified

as

belonging

to

the

great

tradition,

whereas

women

healers

are

identified

with

the

little

tradition. 11 en

healers

are

considered

as

part

of

the

religious

establishment and

as

emissaries

of

God. Some

of

them

claim,

legitimately

or

not,

to

possess

religious

education,

and some even undertake religious positions within the community. Thus, they

represent

the

social order

and its

moral

values

and

enjoy

high

social status. In

contrast,

women

healers

are

afforded

a

marginalized

position

by

the

religious

establishment.

Their

training

is

informal

and,

while

some

inherit

their

practice

from

their

mothers,

others

claim

to

be

recruited

by

the

supernatural.

Women

healers

are

less

identified

with

the

use

of

holy

writings,

and

most

of

their treatment

practices

have

an

oral

and

magical

nature.

They

are

viewed

as

representatives

of

the

feminine,

popular,

and oral

traditions,

deviating

from

the

official

written

ideologies

and

thus

considered

inferior nd

marginal.



13/24

38

JOURNAL OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

In

recent

years,

though,

the structural nd

judgmental

characters of the research

have somewhat faded. The

early

dichotomous

perspective

was

abandoned

in

favor of

a

new,

holistic

one

maintaining

that these

two

traditions

intermingle

and

complement

one

another.

This

new

approach

abandoned the

focus

on

the

orthodox

Islam that characterized the

earlier

research,

which

was

historical,

oriental,

and

theological

and,

for the

most

part,

commissioned

by

male

researchers.

It

adopts

an

anthropological viewpoint

and

concentrates

on

the

dynamics

between

the

traditions

in

different

ultures

(Boddy

1989;

Lambek

1993;

Rothenberg

2004;

Sengers

2003;

Tapper

and

Tapper

1987).

A

few

Arab

women

researchers

(Abu

Lughod

1986;

Abu Zahra

1997)

also adhere

to

this

perspective,

learning

beliefs and

ceremonies

that

were

ofFlimits

to

male scholars.

In

the

past

these

were

interpreted

s

deviations

from

the

great

tradition,

but

currently they

are

perceived

within

thewider

social

context.

Following

this

tendency,

thenext section of this article will view these

transformations

in

treatment

practices

of


women

healers,

which reflect

the

current

dynamics

in

this

society.

TRANSFORMATION

IN THE

TREATMENT

PRACTICES

OF

WOMEN HEALERS

In

addition

to

the

described

differences

between

the

treatment

practices

of

women

andmen healers, therespondents' narratives indicate that change is taking place

in

the

treatment

practices

and

roles

of

women

healers.

Traditional Palestinian

women

healers

are

abandoning

the treatment

of

naturally

caused

problems

and

increasingly

tending

to treat

problems

whose

cause

is

considered

supernatural;

they

are

also

exchanging

natural

treatment

practices

for

those

characterized

as

supernatural

or

even

religious.

Furthermore,

they

are

slowly

adopting

treatment

practices

identified

as

masculine.

These

tendencies

are

more

evident

among

the

urban

healers. The

narratives

of

the

Bedouin

women

healers

indicate that

most

of

them

still tend

to

treat

physical

ailments,

in

particular

fertility roblems

and childhood

diseases;

they

continue

to

explain

many

problems

as

deriving

from

natural

causes

and

to

use

natural

treatment

practices.

In

contrast,

the narratives

of

the

women

healers

residing

in

culturally

mixed cities indicate

that

they

rarely

treat

physical

and mental

problems

but

rather

focus

on

life's

hardships.

They

concentrate

on

treatingproblems

whose

causes

are

considered

supernatural,

utilizing supernatural

treatment

practices

and

tend

to

adopt

masculine

treatment

practices

more

often than their

Bedouin

counterparts.

The differences

between

the

urban

and

theBedouin

women

healers

point to the different evels of change present in the treatmentpractices described.

Therefore,

it

an

be assumed

that

it

is

originated

by

wider

processes

that

ffect

not

only

traditional

healing

but

rather

the Palestinian

society

in

Israel

in

general.

Owing

to

advances

inand

increasing

access

to

biomedicine

by

thePalestinian

population

in

Israel,

especially

in the

mixed

Jewish-Arab

cities

in

the

country's

center,

the

use

of traditional

medicine

for

the

treatment

of

physical

ailments

is

decreasing.

Healers

who

treat

physical

ailments

such

as

bone

setters

and

those

who

treat

snakebites

(Al-Krenawi

2000;

Havakouk

1985)

are

disappearing;

these

problems,

like

many

other

characteristic

of

childhood,

are

increasingly



14/24

TRADITIONAL


39

treated

by allopathic

medicine.12

Nonetheless,

the literature indicates thatmental

health

concerns

still fall under

the

purview

of

traditional

medicine,

although

the

respondents'

narratives

indicated

that

those

coping

with

mental

illnesses,

especially

in

the

cities,

are

also

increasingly turning

o

allopathic

medicine.13

Thus,

the

change

marking

the traditional

Palestinian

woman

healer's activities

may

be

summed

up

as a

decrease

in

her involvement

with

physical

and mental ailments

and

an

increase

in

her

involvementwith life's

hardships,

particularly

in

the realm

of romantic

problems.

Her

activities

in the

physical

realm

are

being pushed

aside

in

favor of

biomedicine,

and her

activities

are

increasingly

based, instead,

in

the

supernatural

realm.

Gradually,

the

weight

of

naturally

caused

problems

(climate

and

dietary

concerns)

is reduced

while

the

woman

healer,

especially

the urban

one,

is

perceived

as someone

who

almost

exclusively

treats

problems

caused

by

the supernatural,which allopathic medicine fails todiagnose and heal.

In

dealing

with such

problems,

the

woman

healer,

particularly

in

the urban

context,

abandons

the

naturally

based

treatment

practices

(medicinal

herbs

and

massage)

and

adopts supernatural

treatment

practices

such

as

amulets and

spells.

These

tendencies reflect

wider

processes

occurring

among

Palestinians

in

Israel

today.

The

government's

relocation of Bedouins

to

permanent

settlements

in

the

Negev

and

the increased

urbanization

in

the

country's

center

contributed

to

the

transformation

n

the economic roles of

women.

The abandonment of

herding

and

agriculture, inwhich women in thepast took part,mostly owing to the Jewish

expropriation

of Palestinian

lands,

and

the

fact

that

increasing

numbers

of

men

participate

in

wage

labor have

in

fact

quarantined

women

into

their homes. As

a

result,

much of the

popular

knowledge

about medicinal

herbs has been lost.

This

process

is

taking place

at

a

slower

pace

in

the Bedouin

society

and

at

a

relatively

fast

pace

in

the

country's

center,

to

the

point

where

one

of

the urban

woman

healers, Zarifa,

who

acknowledges using

medicinal

herbs,

claimed

to

have

learned about themfrom books.

The

above-mentioned

change

in

the

treatment

practices

of

traditional

Palestinian women healers in Israel isnot limited to the transformation rom the

natural,

physical

realm

to

the

supernatural

one

but

also involves the

adoption

of

treatment

practices

conventionally

identified

s

masculine.

From

the

respondent's

narratives,

it

becomes

apparent

that this

phenomenon

has

three

expressions,

manifested

more

frequently

among

the

urban

women

healers.

Most

of the

women

healers

claim,

similarly

to

men

healers,

that

they

believe

in

theMuslim

God,

depend

on

him

for their

healing,

and work

as

his

representatives.

They

present

their

initiation

revelations

as

if

they

had

occurred

during

a

dream

or

through supernatural entities,described as positive angels rather thannegative

demons.14

The

women

healers

describe

themselves

as

Muslim

believers

who abide

by

the

religion's

commandments

and,

in

particular,

the

duty

to

pray

and

to

fast

during

Ramadan.

One

woman

healer

described herself

as

someone

who

prays

constantly ;

another

claimed

she has

carried

out

the

Haj

Commandment

seven

times,

while

other

women

healers,

who

have

not

yet

achieved

the

Haj,

hope

to

do

so

in

the

near

future.

Furthermore,

traditional

Palestinian

women

healers who

do

not

carry

out

the

religious

commandments still

claim

to

believe in

and abide

by

the

moral

commandments of

Islam.

Most

of

them

deny

practicing

witchcraft,

even



15/24

40 JOURNAL OF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

though

their

narratives indicate

they

are

well versed

in

its

ways.

They

deny

any

activities considered

irreligious

or

immoral and

present

themselves

as

working

in

healing

as

a

result

of

a

divine

calling

or

altruistic

reasons.

Women healers

often

situate theMuslim

God

in

the

center

of the

discourse

concerning

their ork

and

minimize the

contacts

they

have with other

supernatural

entities,

as

described

by

theBedouin

woman

healer

Majda:

IfGod

allows

me

to

tell,

I

speak.

If

he

doesn't,

I

can't. I

don't know what is

written,

what iswritten in the coffee_At

night

I

ask

God

to

allow

me

to

succeed.

From

God

I

derive

my

intuition.

If

I

see

the

person,

I

know

what

his

problem

is.

From

God,

I

look and

know what

his

problem

is.

Moreover,

women healers

claim,

similarly

to theirmale

counterparts,

that

they

heal

with the

help

of the

Koran.

Nonetheless,

in

contrast to

men

healers,

whose

associations

with the

body

of

texts

are

the result of

years

of

study,

women

healers,

and

particularly

those

who

are

illiterate,

base

their

affinity

with

the

texts

on

an

alternative

basis,

which is less

religious

and

more

magical.

They

chant the

holy

text

from

memory,

scribble

onto

amulets

faulty

words

and

passages,

or

literally

mbody

the

text

using

their

wn

bodies,

as

described

by

the

Bedouin

woman

healer Nora:

I speakwith my lips but I can't write.... I remember, I have images, but I

can't

write

them....

My problem

is

that

I

can

speak

but

I

can't read....

I

also

can't

write

so

I

only

remember the book.

The

women

healers

frequently

mention

the

phrase

to read

and describe

how

they

chant

verses

from

the

Koran

over

the

patients

and command

them

to

swallow,

inhale,

or

to

anoint

themselves

with

water

in

which the

verses were

dissolved. Some

of the

women

healers also

claim

that

they

use,

similarly

to

male

healers,

magic

formulas

written

in

special

books.

Although

these formulas

are

not

religious

per

se,

they

enjoy

the

special

value attributed towritten texts.The

women

healers

primarily

use

them

for

amulets

whose

purpose

is

to treat

serious

problems

derived

from

witchcraft.

Importantly,

although

they

themselves

often

chant

rather than

read

texts

during healing,

women

healers

adopt

the

popular

belief that

the influence of

thewritten

text is

stronger

than

that of chanted

text

and thus

that the

written

word

provides

the

most

appropriate

medium

for

esoteric

knowledge

and actions.

Writing

of

amulets,

reading

the

Koran,

and

using

witchcraft

books

are

very popular among theurban women healers and less so among theirBedouin

counterparts

in

the

Negev,

most

of

whom

are

illiterate.

t

can

be therefore

ssumed

that

the increased level

of education

and

access

to

secular

and

religious

texts

contribute

to

the

changes

in

treatment

practices.

Among

the

Palestinians

in

Israel,

similar

to

other

Muslim

societies

(Eickelman

1992;

Horvatich

1994;

Starrett

1998),

there is

increased

access

to

education

for both

men

and

women,

primarily

inurban

centers.

Since

thedefinitions

of the

great

and

little raditions

relate

to

the

distribution

of

religious

knowledge

and written

texts,

where

there is

an

increase

in the number

of educated

individuals,

the

distinction

between the

two

becomes blurred.



16/24


HEALERS

41

Traditional

Palestinian

women

healers' narratives

indicate that

they

adopt

treatment

practices

similar

to

those

utilized

by

men

healers?reliance

on

God and

the

use

of the

Koran,

and

additional

texts

identified

as

religious.

This

can

also

be

seen as

part

of the

Islamization

process

which has

characterized

many

Muslim

societies

during

therecentdecades

(Eickelman

and

Piscatori

1996)

and

influences

Palestinians

in

Israel

as

well.

Subsequently,

healers who

are

identified

as

Koranic

healers

are

increasingly popular

and

enjoy

greater

prestige

(Beckerleg

1994;

Rothenberg

2004).

In

light

f these

changes,

traditionalPalestinian

women

healers

in

Israel,

particularly

in theurban

centers

where these

processes

aremore

strongly

evident,

integrate

an

increasing

number

of

Muslim

religious

characteristics

into

theirwork. This

religious

knowledge

enjoys

widespread validity,

and

only

a

few

are

willing

to

speak

out

against

it.

t casts

on

thosewho

use

it

moral

aura,

power,

authority, legitimacy, and prestige, all traitstowhich women healers aspire.

Thus,

the

women

healers?especially

in

urban

centers?consciously

break

away

from the

little

tradition,

identified

as

feminine,

and enter

the

great

tradition,

identified

as

masculine.

Nonetheless,

the

women

healers do

not

adopt

themasculine

treatment

practices

in

their

entirety

but

rather

choose

practices

and their relevant

applications.

For

example,

some

place

God

at

the

discourse's

heart,

yet,

in

contrast

to

men

healers

who

emphasize

His

monotheistic, distant,

and

restrained

nature,

the

women

healers have

a

personal,

direct,

and

intimate

contact

with Him.

God is

perceived by

women

healers

as

an

entity that ispresent

and

influential,

and

they

connect

with Him

on a

regular

and

frequent

basis.

This

relationship

has

such

an

intimate character that it

is

possible

to

see

in it

an

imitation

of

or

compensation

for their

relationships

with

their

spouses

or

others

in

their

community,

as

pointed

out

by

the

Bedouin

woman

healer Nora:

Of

course

I

speak

to

God.

He

is

constantly

there....

God

opened

the door

for

me

today.

He

hears

me

and

of

course

he

answers.

Whenever

I

speak,

he hears

everything.

Therefore,

although

some

of

women

healers

cross

the

boundaries

of the little

tradition,

their

penetration

into the

world of

masculine

healing

is

not

a

total

crossing

of the

lines.

According

to

social

norms,

no

woman,

not

even

an

extremely

powerful

woman

healer,

can

serve

as a

Koranic healer.

This

title is

dependant

upon

acquiring

religious

knowledge

and

obeying

the

strict

rules of

ritual

purity

and

is thus

limited

to

men.

Women

healers,

even

those

adopting

masculine

treatment

practices,

still

care

mostly

for

women

patients

and

continuously

concern

themselves with

the

domestic

realm and

the

female

body.

Nonetheless,

women

healers

are

lechenie pri palestinskite jeni

Documents