Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

1

LautSchriftSprache III

Terzo convegno internazionale di grafematica storica Sala Convegni della Banca Popolare, Via San Cosimo, 10

Verona 25-28 settembre 2013

Variation within and among writing systems: old & new concepts and methods in the analysis of ancient written

documents

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

2

LautSchriftSprache III Variation within and among writing systems: old & new concepts and methods in the analysis of ancient written documents Third International Conference on Comparative Historical Graphemics // Dritte internationale Tagung zur vergleichenden historischen Graphematik // Terzo Convegno internazionale di grafematica storica comparata Verona 25 – 28 September 2013 Comitato Scientifico: Paola Cotticelli Kurras, Kerstin Kazzazi, Alfredo Rizza, Gaby Waxenberger

Organizzazione: Paola Cotticelli, Alfredo Rizza Collaboratori: Roberta Meneghel, Stella Merlin Dipartimento di Filologia, Letteratura e Linguistica – Università di Verona www.lautschriftsprache.net Redazione web: Alfredo Rizza email: alfredo.rizza@lautschriftsprache.net

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

3

Programma

Mercoledì 25 pomeriggio

ore 14-14.30: Warming-up/benvenuto

ore 14.30: Inizio dei lavori: sessione anticipata medievale-umanistica

ore 14.30-15.15: Alena Fidlerova, Phonetics, phonology and writing system reform in late medieval Bohemia

ore 15.15-16.00: Marco Maulu, Soluzioni grafematiche nel condaghe di San Pietro di Silki (XI-XIII sec.)

Pausa – sessione antichistica

ore 16.30-17.15: Sarah Bernard, Sur la piste des alphabets anatoliens entre les mondes grec et sémitique: diverses adaptations possibles

ore 17.15-18.00: Michaela Zinko / Christian Zinko, Bemerkungen zur sidetischen Schrift

ore 18.00-18.45: Isabelle Klock-Fontanille, From semiotic to linguistic: from hieroglyphic and cuneiform writings of Anatolia to Greek alphabet

Conclusione della prima giornata

Giovedì 26

ore 9.00 Seconda sessione: saluti delle Autorità / sessione antichistica

ore 9.30-10.15: Annick Payne, Adopting a second writing system: Anatolian Hieroglyphs

ore 10.15-11.00: Anja Busse / Shai Gordin, Some remarks on graphic variation in Hittite scribal circles

Pausa

ore 11.30-12.15: Anna Marinetti / Patrizia Solinas, Conservazione e innova-zione fra ottimizzazione e ideologia nelle tradizioni alfabetiche derivate dall’etrusco

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

4

ore 12.15-13.00: Massimiliano Marazzi, Linear B: Ungeeignete Schrift oder graphische Strategie?

Pausa pranzo

ore 15: Terza sessione: sessione antichistica

ore 15.00-15.45: Carlo Consani, Considerazioni sul grado di adeguatezza della scrittura lineare B

ore 15.45-16.30: Marta Muscariello, Lineare A e lineare B: questioni aperte ‘vecchie’ e soluzioni ‘nuove’

Pausa

17.00-17.45: Sabine Ziegler, The decipherment of some recently found ostraca from Post-Roman North Africa: The "micro-linguistic" analysis

17.45-18.30: Billie J. Collins, Animal Terms in Hittite Cuneiform: Sound, Script, and Scribal Jargon

18.30-19.15: Gerfrid Müller, Space concepts - Raumkonzepte

Conclusione della seconda giornata

Venerdì 27

ore 9.00: Quarta sessione: sessione germanistica

ore 9.00-9.45: Fabrizio Raschellà, ‘Z’ in Icelandic. The vicissitudes of a letter over the centuries

ore 9.45-10.30: Michelle Waldispühl, Runeninschriften und Verbrüderungs-bücher im Spektrum medientheoretischer Schriftinterpretation

Pausa

ore 11.00-11.45: Christiane Zimmermann, Schreibvarianten und Schreib-traditionen in den Runeninschriften im jüngeren fuþąrk

ore 11.45-12.30: Andreas Nievergelt, Kürzungen im Althochdeutschen

ore 12.30-13.15: Annina Seiler, Irish influence on early Old English spelling?

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

5

Pausa pranzo

ore 15: Quinta sessione: sessione generale

ore 15.00-15.45: Daniel Solling, Die Entwicklung der Getrennt-, Zusammen- und Bindestrichschreibung von Substantivkomposita im Deutschen zwischen 1550 und 1710

ore 15.45-16.30: Paolo Pellegrini, Suoni e segni negli antichi volgari italiani: due esempi (veronese e abruzzese).

Pausa

ore 17.00-17.45: Vittorio Springfield Tomelleri, Sprachliche und kulturelle Implikationen im sowjetischen Diskurs: Die Latinisierung der ossetischen Schrift

ore 17.45-18.30: Terje Spurkland, Graphemes and diacritics

ore 18.30-19.15: Federico Giusfredi / Alfredo Rizza, Rank-Frequency based models and the case of short corpora

Conclusione della terza giornata

ore 20.30 Cena sociale presso Trattoria il Bersagliere, Verona.

Sabato 28

ore 9.00 Sesta sessione: sessione teorica

ore 9.00-9.45: Gaby Waxenberger, From Graph to Grapheme: Phonological Possibilities and Methodological Limitations

ore 9.45-10.30: Alessia Bauer, Orthophonic writing: a different kind of 'perfect fit'?

Pausa

ore 11.00-11.45: Kerstin Kazzazi, Between universality and individual creativity in spelling – examples from multilingual language acquisition and historical writing systems

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

6

ore 11.45-12.30: Elke Ronneberger-Sibold, Mixing different scripts in word creation: Examples from Farsi and Chinese

ore 12.30-13.15: Paola Cotticelli Kurras, Conclusions

Ore 13.15-13.30 Chiusura dei lavori

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

7

Abstracts

Orthophonic writing: a different kind of 'perfect fit'?

Alessia Bauer

In my paper about post-Reformation Icelandic I would like to consider two of the proposed reflections and promote a reconsideration of the concept of 'perfect fit' in a particular context of communication. Furthermore, I would like to propose an analysis of the relationship between phonetics and writing systems in the codicological context of the private manuscripts of Iceland in the above-mentioned period. My context of study will be a wide group of semi-literate people. Concerning the literacy rate of Icelandic people in post-Reformation time, we can observe that it was much higher than in the rest of Europe. However, the majority of people could not attend the official school and had to find alternative access to an education program. Hence, a disparity between the orthographic norm as taught in official education and the textual documents we have arose, a sort of 'imperfection', due to an orthophonic reproduction of the language. For, on the other hand, another kind of 'perfect fit' was created at this time, namely a nearly 1:1 correspondence between the spoken and the written language. These texts represent no difficulty for communication, probably because writers and recipients shared the same kind of literacy and education. Through the testimony of the semi-literati we gain an insight into a phase of the Icelandic language which was and still is very conservative from the orthographic point of view, and therefore does not reflect the phonetic/phonological developments (for example the diphthongization of <é> to [jɛ], probably concluded in the 14th century, which is still today conventionally spelt as <é>, but was written <ie/je> in the period of time under consideration.

Some Remarks on Graphic Variation in Hittite Scribal Circles

Anja Busse / Shai Gordin

Many modern written languages have their prescribed orthographic rules which are often themselves set in writing. In contrast, it is more difficult to identify such patterns in ancient languages, like the logo-

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

8

syllabic writing system of Hittite Cuneiform which exhibits graphic variation. Thus far it has been possible to observe some graphic conventions, but our knowledge about their application as well as about deviations from these patterns in Hittite scribal circles is still limited. In our paper we would like to present an outline of types and reasons for scribal errors in Hittite Cuneiform and show how the scribes emended their texts. Subsequently, we will propose possible conscious deviations and intentions for their graphic implementation.

Animal Terms in Hittite Cuneiform: Sound, Script, and Scribal Jargon

Billie Jean Collins

The origin, function, and use of logograms in Hittite cuneiform have been the subject of two important, recent studies. These works have raised many questions about the transmission and adaptation of logograms in the Hittite writing system, the factors that determined their use as against phonetic writings, and the language in which the logograms were read, among others. Building on this work, I propose to examine the orthography of animal terms in Hittite cuneiform, a class of words that was singled out for logographic representation. I will examine such factors as phonetic complementation, text genre, scribal habits, and paleography in order to address the following questions: Why were some animal names written with logograms or both logographically and syllabically, and others only syllabically? How is this class of logograms distributed in the texts chronologically and across genres? To what extent were they adapted to a form or meaning distinct from Mesopotamian cuneiform? And what did the logographic writings signify for the author and for his audience?

Considerazioni sul grado di adeguatezza della scrittura lineare B

Carlo Consani

0. Ci si propone di riflettere sulla communis opinio che considera la scrittura lineare B come un sistema grafico altamente imperfetto nella resa della lingua greca o di un suo dialetto: tale affermazione potrebbe trovare un relativo fondamento se il sistema scrittorio in questione venisse considerato astrattamente in rapporto alle caratteristiche

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

9

fonologiche e fonotattiche del greco miceneo. Tuttavia, se si risponde all'invito contenuto nel punto .2 del call for papers di LautSchriftSprache3, il giudizio di supposta imperfezione della lineare B necessita di una radicale riconsiderazione. Nella fattispecie, quando ci si proponga di determinare il grado di appropriatezza di una scrittura come la lineare B è indispensabile tenere conto di due ordini di fattori, uno di carattere strutturale, l'altro di natura più ampiamente semiotica. 1. Per quanto attiene il primo aspetto (livello strutturale) è necessario rendere conto di due elementi di inadeguatezza che non sono stati sufficientemente distinti: il primo è quello relativo alle caratteristiche del repertorio grafico, un aspetto connesso con l'origine stessa della lineare B e con la sua derivazione dalla lineare A. Il secondo attiene invece alle 'spelling rules' messe a punto dagli scribi/funzionari per rendere una lingua ricca di gruppi consonantici, come il greco, attraverso un silla-bario a sillabe aperte; questo secondo aspetto è ovviamente indipendente dall'origine della scrittura e dipende invece dalle strategie scrittorie seguite dagli utenti della scrittura per gli specifici scopi cui questa era destinata. 2. Quest'ultimo punto si collega direttamente con una riconsiderazione della lineare B in prospettiva semiotica, cosa che implica la valoriz-zazione dei seguenti parametri: a) circuito emittente-destinatari(o), in rapporto ai ruoli che le figure tradizionalmente definite come 'scribi' ricoprono all'interno dell'organiz-zazione burocratica dei regni micenei; b) il tipo di circolazione delle informazioni contenute nelle tavolette; c) le modalità di utilizzazione della scrittura nel contesto palaziale; d) la qualità del prodotto dell'attività scrittoria in riferimento all'accura-tezza esibita e, rispettivamente, alla tipologia dei lapsus e degli errori scrittori rilevabili nella documentazione disponibile. 3. Se si combinano in un quadro complessivo gli elementi che emergono dai precedenti punti .1 e .2, cercando di coglierne le reciproche connes-sioni, è possibile giungere ad una conclusione notevolmente diversa da quella richiamata all'inizio sulle pretese inadeguatezze della scrittura lineare B: infatti, la specifica scelta di dotare i testi micenei di un duplice livello di notazione, fonografico in grafia sillabica e sematografico, pro-duce una notevole ridondanza che va di pari passo con l'impiego di 'spelling rules' molto economiche. Questa particolare strategia, che si

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

10

segnala come unica nel panorama delle scritture lineari dell'Egeo antico, rende la lineare B uno strumento perfettamente adeguato alla redazione di testi di natura economica dalla valenza tutta interna al sistema di economia redistributiva propria del mondo miceneo, di testi, cioè, dalla circolazione limitatissima in una società caratterizzata da una literacy estremamente ridotta. 4. Il quadro sopra delineato potrebbe trovare completamento: a) nell'analisi della distribuzione delle informazioni attraverso i due ca-nali della scrittura sillabica e dell'apparato sematografico in una qualsiasi tavoletta (si pensi a KN Ca 895+fr come particolarmente significativa); b) in sintetici confronti esterni con la lineare A da una parte e con il sillabario cipriota dall'altra, volti a far emergere con ancor maggiore evi-denza la singolarità delle scelte adottate dagli scribi micenei.

Phonetics, phonology and writing system reform in late medieval Bohemia

Alena A. Fidlerová

The paper will deal with an anonymous Latin treatise called customarily Orthographia Bohemica and ascribed to M. Jan Hus (approx. 1370–1415), Czech religious reformer and scholar burnt to death during the Council of Constance. This treatise (written probably between 1406 and 1412, preserved in one abridged 15th century copy discovered in 1827 and one brief excerpt from another, unpreserved manuscript discovered at the beginning of the 20th century) treats individual Czech sounds, their combinability at the beginning and at the end of a word and in some cases also their pronunciation and appearance in other languages (Church Slavonic, Hungarian, Hebrew, Croatian, Polish, German, Greek etc.). On this basis it suggests a reform of the existing Czech writing system (so called digraphic orthography) using diacritical signs. By means of eliminating all digraphs (except <ch> present already in Latin writing system) and establishing one-to-one (or a “perfect fit”) relation between phonemes and graphemes it aims at rationalization and facilitation of reading and writing processes, as well as saving on writing material (for this purpose it also suggests using abbreviations similar to those common in writing Latin). The aim of the paper is to summarize briefly the contents and importance of the treatise and unanswered questions it still poses and then to concentrate on its possible inspirations

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

11

and sources. Up to now, several sources of proposed diacritical marks (a dot – punctus rotundus – above letters the pronunciation of which differs from that in Latin, and an accent – gracilis virgula – above long vowels) have been suggested (dagesh in Hebrew, abbreviated jer in Croatian Glagolitic script, acute in Greek loanwords in Latin, Irish diacritics, Latin <i> with a dot, occasional accents in some older Czech manuscripts etc.), but up to now only few hypotheses have been proposed concerning possible sources of the way it treats sounds, their combinability and their pronunciation. Although some distant parallels (De litteris by Terentianus Maurus, De enuntiatione litterarum by Marius Victorinus, Icelandic First Grammatical Treatise, Codex Bernensis 417, Orthographia by Parisius de Altedo etc.) have been identified, only one source of more or less direct inspiration has been suggested, namely the works of grammarians teaching in Paris (Petrus Helias and especially Joannes de Dacia). This assumption is supported by the fact that there existed quite an intensive cultural exchange between France and Bohemia since the reign of John of Luxembourg and that it was not exceptional for young men from Bohemia to study at the Sorbonne. However, as the parallels between these works and Orthographia Bohemica are quite loose, this suggestion does not seem to be persuasive enough and the inspirational sources of this influential work (it laid foundations not only of present Czech orthography, bur it influenced also writing systems of several other, mostly Slavonic languages, e.g. Slovene, Croatian, Polish or Hungarian) still remain rather a mystery. The paper will suggest another, up to now not mentioned possible inspiration. Selected literature: Balász, János. Zur Frage der Typologie europäischer Schriftsysteme mit lateinischen

Buchstaben. Studia Slavica Academiae scientiarum Hungaricae IV, 3–4 (1958), 251–291.

Bartoš, František Michálek. K Husovu spisku o českém pravopise. «Jihočeský sborník historický» 18 (1949), 33–38.

Bursill-Hall, Geoffrey L., Speculative Grammars of the Middle Ages. The Doctrine of Partes Orationis of the Modistae. The Hague: Mouton 1971.

Fredborg, Karin Margareta. Speculative Grammar. In: Peter Dronke (ed.). A History of Twelfth-Century Western Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988, 177–195.

Law, Vivien. The history of linguistics in Europe from Plato to 1600. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

12

Libera, Alain / Rosier, Irène. La pensée linguistique médievale. In: Sylvain Auoux (ed.). Historie des idées linguistiques II. Liège: Mardaga, 1992, 115–186.

Mareš, František Václav, Emauzské prameny českého diakritického pravopisu, in: Z tradic slovanské kultury v Čechách, Praha: Univerzita Karlova, 1975, 169–172.

Nechutová, Jana / Šlosar, Dušan / Večerka, Radoslav (ed.), Čítanka ze slovanské jazykovědy v českých zemích. Brno: Univerzita J. E. Purkyně, 1982.

Otto, Alfredus, Johannis Daci Opera. Hauniae: Gad, 1955. Pinborg, Jan. Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter. Münster Westfalen,

Kopenhagen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Verlag Arne Frost-Hansen, 1967.

Pleskalová, Jana. Jan Hus a nabodeníčka. In: Světla Čmejrková / Ivana Svobodová (ed.), Oratio et ratio. Praha: ÚJČ AV ČR, 2005, 283–287.

Pleskalová, Jana / Krčmová, Marie / Večerka, Radoslav / Karlík, Petr (ed.), Kapitoly z dějin české jazykovědné bohemistiky. Praha: Academia, 2007.

Raumer, Rudolf von, Gesammelte sprachwissenschaftliche Schriften. Hildesheim: Olms, 2004.

Rosier, Irène, La grammaire spéculative du Bas Moyen-Age. In: Sylvain Auroux (ed.), History of the language sciences: an international handbook on the evolution of the study of language from the beginnings to the present. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000, 541–550.

Schröpfer, Johann, Hussens Traktat „Orthographia Bohemica“. Die Herkunft des diakritischen Systems in der Schreibung slavischer Sprachen und die älteste zusammenhängende Beschreibung slavischer Laute. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1968.

Seelmann, Emil, Die Aussprache des Latein nach physiologisch-historischen Grundsätzen. Heilbronn: Henninger, 1885.

Sirridge, Mary / Rouge, Baton, The Science of Language and Linguistic Knowledge: John of Denmark and Robert Kilwardby. In: Sten Ebbesen (ed.), Sprachtheorien in Spätantike und Mittelalter. Tübingen: G. Narr, 1995, 109–134.

Šembera, Alois Vojtěch (ed.), Mistra Jana Husi Ortografie česká. Wien: Leopold Sommer, 1857.

Thurot, Charles, Extraits de divers manuscrits latins pour servir à l'histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge. Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1964.

Vidmanová, Anežka, Ke spisku Orthographia Bohemica. «Listy filologické» 105 (1982), 75–89.

Rank-Frequency based models and the case of short corpora

Federico Giusfredi / Alfredo Rizza

In this communication we go back to our previous work(*) and try to better define some problems connected with the computational analysis of ‘rest’-corpora. We would like to explain what is rank-frequency, why

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

13

and how is it an interesting tool to analyze deciphered and undeciphered ancient written corpora. (*) Giusfredi / Rizza, Zipf's law and the distribution of written signs, in Cotticelli Kurras,

P. (ed.), Linguistica e filologia digitale: aspetti e progetti, Alessandria: dell'Orso, 2011, pp. 87-99.

Between universality and individual creativity in spelling – examples from multilingual language acquisition and historical writing systems

Kerstin Kazzazi

Taking up the second theme proposed for this conference, I would like to explore the concept of the 'perfect fit' from a comparative perspective that seems both unusual and fruitful. By juxtaposing empirical data from a case study of a trilingual child and examples of the use of the runic script for different Germanic languages with regard to, e.g., the notation of pre-consonantal nasals or the possibility of allophonic writing, an attempt will be made to distinguish between possible spelling universals and spellings which depend on specific conditions, such as external language contact, individual multilingualism, contact of scripts etc. In a corpus of spontaneous, pre-alphabetisation writing data from a five-year-old growing up with German, English and Farsi, there was substantial evidence for the omission of pre-consonantal nasals in all three languages, e.g., <take> Gm. Danke, <muki>, Eng. monkey, <kabz> Farsi personal name Kambiz. Similarly, there are several instances of the same phenomenon in runic writing, e.g. <kaba> 'comb' in various inscriptions. The latter has been interpreted as evidence for the loss of pre-consonantal nasals in the Germanic idioms represented in these inscriptions. However, in light of the child data, a more plausible explanation may be to regard this phenomenon as a kind of spelling universal to the effect that pre-consonantal nasals are often not written due to their low saliency. In the child data, this universal is applied to all three languages the child knows; in the runic data, we witness a kind of entrenchment of this spelling at least in the Scandinavian material, maybe even coming close to a rule, a stage already reached in other historical writing systems such as the Cuneiform writing system for Old

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

14

Persian. In all these cases, the specific languages involved and the language knowledge of the individual writer are of no significance. On the other hand, there are also instances in both sets of data of extremely creative idiosyncratic spellings which can only be based on that particular writer's knowledge of his or her language(s): This would explain, e.g., the differentiation of the German allophones [x] and [ç] by the letters <R> and <F>, respectively, in the child data, as it could be due to the fact that Farsi only has one of these sounds, namely [x], leading to multilingual phonetic awareness that goes below the phonemic level. In the Old English runic inscriptions, we find a newly created rune ® for an allophonic k-sound on only one inscription, the Ruthwell Cross, which is situated in an area of possible Celtic language contact, again pointing to specific knowledge as the basis of this spelling. Both types of spelling seem to represent ways of creating not a phonemic, but a phonetic 'perfect fit' between what the speaker considers phonetically salient information and its notation. However, the cognitive basis for these types differs, which is why in the one instance we find comparable data in several of the world's writing systems, while the other is restricted to just one instance/writer. These observations may be of relevance for the creation of a typology of spelling principles according to their universality.

From semiotic to linguistic : From hieroglyphic and cuneiform writings of Anatolia to Greek alphabet.

Isabelle Klock-Fontanille

The traditional approach to the study of writing is ordered around two axes: (1) a methodological point of view, strictly historical, teleological and ethnocentric (centered on Western alphabets, considered the final stage); (2) a definitional point of view, a representative conception of writing: the only function of writing is to transcribe speech. However, I believe writing cannot be reduced to a system of signs and functions. Through the semiotic approach, we can exceed the traditional approach, in particular by reintroducing the iconic component that belongs intrinsically to writing. But the two conceptions are not mutually exclusive: writing, any writing whatsoever, has an intrinsic iconic dimension and a linguistic dimension, it would be artificial and even difficult to separate. Moreover, if we re-

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

15

examine the history of writing, (1) the iconic component is intrinsically part of writing and gradually has been removed or hidden, and at the same time (2) the phonetic component has always existed. It would be naive to try to separate text and image, language recognition and iconic recognition, or more accurately assign text to glottic function and image to iconic, semiotic recognition. Indeed, whatever the system - alphabetic, syllabic, ideographic (to use the traditional typology) - there is a common ground between writing formants and iconic formants. A dialectic can then be established between the two: in some cases, one can see how developed the iconic potential of writing and / or scriptural potential of image, in others the two terms are separated, in others integrated. I propose to describe and to model this intersémiose, this dialectic between the visible and the readable: how the two terms are orchestrat-ed? how they are stabilized to reach a configuration in which the parties are involved in a consistent manner? what function can be given to each of these terms? how each type does lead to generating meaning and to a perception of world? Non-alphabetic civilizations are civilizations of inscribed space, as much or more than of verbal notation. The hieroglyphic writings are thus characterized by an intertwining of semiotic modes. That is why I will study particularly the Anatolian hieroglyphic writing. But the cunei-forms will hold me also, especially when they were used and adapted by Hittite scribes to transcribe the Hattian language. I will look also changes that Phoenician signs underwent when they were transmitted to the Greeks.

Linear B: Ungeeignete Schrift oder graphische Strategie?

Massimiliano Marazzi

Seit der Entzifferung der Linearschrift B wurde immer wieder behauptet, dieses Schriftsystem sei für die Notierung der griechischen Sprache ungeeignet. Die Struktur des Systems an sich, mit seinen überwiegenden Zeichen für offene Silben sowie seine orthographischen Konventionen wirken in der Tat völlig inadäquat für die glottische Wiedergabe der griechischen Lexeme. Bei einer näheren Betrachtung entsprechen jedoch solche Bewertungen einer ganz bestimmten Darstellung von Schrift und Schriftsystem,

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

16

nämlich dass Hauptaufgabe jeglicher Schrift eine genaue phonologische Wiedergabe der durch sie festgelegten Sprache sei. Eine solche „alphabetozentrische“ Repräsentation der Schrift scheint aber - wie schon von mehreren Schriftanthropologen behauptet wurde - der funktionellen Mehrschichtigkeit der schriftlichen Notierung nicht ange-messen. Nach einigen kurzen methodologischen Bemerkungen über eine „integrierte Annäherung“ zum Akt des Schreibens werden Funktion, formale Eigenschaften und diagrammatische Strategien der mykenischen epigraphischen Dokumentation gründlich dargestellt. Dadurch wird gezeigt, dass die mehrmals behauptete „Unangemessenheit“ der Linear-schrift B nur scheinbar ist und die gemeinte Unfähigkeit der mykeni-schen Schreiber, die griechische Sprache durch ihr Schriftsystem mit seinen orthographischen Konventionen glottisch wiederzugeben, in der Tat einer bestimmten Schreibstrategie entspricht.

Conservazione e innovazione fra ottimizzazione e ideologia nelle tradizioni alfabetiche derivate dall’etrusco

Anna Marinetti / Patrizia Solinas

Dal punto di vista delle attestazioni epigrafiche l’Italia preromana presenta caratteristiche particolari in quanto ambito relativamente chiuso, del quale le fonti storiche consentono di conoscere in modo abbastanza dettagliato sia la storia avvenimentale sia quella socio-culturale e in cui, per secoli, hanno convissuto in rapporti reciproci varie tradizioni grafiche. Proprio per le dimensioni ridotte del contesto e per la quantità controllabile della documentazione, l’Italia antica può essere vista come una sorta di laboratorio in cui si identificano fenomeni che, in altri ambiti, con documentazione quantitativamente e qualitativamente di ben altra portata, appaiono in termini meno definiti e definibili. Il presente contributo vuole evidenziare, nella fenomenologia varia dell’adattamento dell’alfabeto etrusco per notare nell’Italia antica lingue diverse dall’etrusco, fatti di conservazione e di innovazione grafica che si spiegano non tanto con finalità di ottimizzazione quanto piuttosto in relazione al ‘prestigio’ dei modelli, o a scelte culturali, o a motivazioni ideologiche di affermazione di identità.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

17

Soluzioni Grafematiche nel condaghe di San Pietro di Silki (XI-XIII sec.)

Marco Maulu

Il condaghe di San Pietro di Silki è un registro di possedimenti appartenenti all'abbazia benedettina fondata nell'omonima località del Giudicato di Torres fra i secc. XI e XIII, oggi compresa nell'abitato di Sassari. Il documento, attualmente custodito nel codice membranaceo n. 95 della Biblioteca Universitaria di Sassari, risulta particolarmente interessante per la ricostruzione della vita e l'organizzazione sociale iso-lana dell'epoca. Si tratta di un complesso di schede compilate da più mani in una carolina tarda dal ductus elegante con rubriche ornate di rosso per quanto concerne la parte di più recente redazione e da una gotica corrente con influenze toscane per quella più datata. La lingua è una scripta logudorese che sarà nostro scopo indagare dal punto di vista grafematico, ponendola in relazione con alcuni altri testi coevi, sì da poter chiarire quali siano gli usi indigeni e quelli foranei (cf. ad es. l'oscillazione fra ki e chi nel relativo 'che'), oltre a distinguere le differenti soluzioni adottate diacronicamente nella composizione del registro.

Space concepts – Raumkonzepte

Gerfrid W. Müller

Alles Schreiben beginnt mit einer leeren Fläche. Seit Jahrtausenden plagt Autoren die Angst vor dem sprichwörtlichen weißen Blatt. Die Antike übte sich in der Aemulatio, in der Romantik wartete man auf den Hauch der Inspiration. Fließen die Gedanken, geraten sie bei der Formulierung ins Stocken. Wurden die Gedanken endlich in Sätze geknetet, sind diese auf der leeren Fläche anzuordnen. Wie wird der Raum genutzt? Woran orientiert sich der Schreiber? Welches sind die richtigen Proportionen? Und was hat das mit dem Text zu tun? Ein kursorischer Streifzug durch Zeiten und Kulturen soll den Blick schärfen, um Raumkonzepte der Keilschriftkulturen besser zu verstehen.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

18

Lineare A e lineare B: questioni aperte ‘vecchie’ e soluzioni ‘nuove’

Marta Muscariello

Il dibattito scientifico sulle due scritture lineari egee dell’Età del Bronzo presenta varie questioni ancora aperte: la prima, di ‘vecchia’ data ma ancora non accettata pacificamente né in modo soddisfacente dalla comunità scientifica (e soprattutto proprio dagli specialisti del settore), è la questione della leggibilità della lineare A. La lettura dei sillabogrammi A secondo il valore dei rispettivi omografi B si è imposta da sé, come un fatto ‘naturale’, dopo la decifrazione del miceneo, ma è stata in seguito oggetto di attenta riflessione da parte di L. Godart e J.-P. Olivier, che negli anni ’70 hanno stabilito l’illiceità dell’applicazione automatica dei valori fonetici micenei alla scrittura lineare usata dai Minoici. Nel 1999 M. Negri e C. Consani sono giunti, dopo più di dieci anni di ricerche stimolate dalla messa in discussione dell’identità dei valori A:B, a dimostrare su solide basi scientifiche la piena leggibilità della lineare A. Ripercorrere questo dibattito significa anche identificare diverse problematiche collaterali, fra le quali di particolare rilevanza appaiono la questione delle differenze fra i centri scrittorii palaziali micenei e, soprattutto, il punctum dolens dell’adeguatezza grafematica della lineare B per la notazione della lingua greca, anche questo ‘vecchio’ campo di riflessione che ha conosciuto importanti sviluppi recenti sul rapporto fra la sillaba e i sillabogrammi e fra la leggibilità dei testi e il contesto della loro fruizione.

Kürzungen im Althochdeutschen

Andreas Nievergelt

In den althochdeutschen Quellen sind vielerorts - vor allem in Glossen und besonders häufig in Griffelglossen – unvollständig geschriebene Wörter anzutreffen. Was auf den ersten Blick wie eigenartige Ab-kürzungen aussieht, erweist sich bei näherer Betrachtung als viel-gestaltiges und funktional komplexes Phänomen. Einzelne Aus-formungen können mit zeitgenössischen lateinischen, wenige andere mit modernen Kürzungsverfahren in Zusammenhang gebracht werden. Daneben aber zeigen sich zahlreiche eigenständige Formen wie bei-

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

19

spielsweise die unbezeichnete Kürzung eines ganzen Wortes auf einen einzigen Schlussbuchstaben. Die Kürzungen im Althochdeutschen bilden einen noch wenig er-forschten Sonderbereich in der althochdeutschen Schriftlichkeit. Am Deutschen Seminar der Universität Zürich (Lehrstuhl Prof. Dr. E. Glaser) läuft seit Anfang 2013 ein SNF-Projekt zu ihrer Erforschung. Das Referat bietet einen Einblick in das Material und seine Problematik und berichtet aus den laufenden Arbeiten.

Adopting a second writing system: Anatolian Hieroglyphs

Annick Payne

The Bronze Age Hittite Empire is well known for its thousands of clay tablets, written in cuneiform. Yet for reasons unknown, a second, highly pictorial writing system was created, today known as Anatolian Hieroglyphs. We can only speculate why the Hittites adopted a second writing system, yet its appearance in the wake of monumental self-representation by Hittite kings seems to suggest a link with the icono-graphy of power. This paper will examine possible reasons for pro-moting the Hieroglyphic writing system, considering its functionality, its powers of communication, its relationship with cuneiform and its status in society.

Suoni e segni negli antichi volgari italiani: due esempi (veronese e abruzzese).

Paolo Pellegrini

Una manciata di esempi problematici di rapporto suono grafia in veronese antico (in riferimento ai testi che ho appena pubblicato) e di dilemmatico scioglimento di compendio in un sonetto marchigiano-abruzzese di metà Trecento.

‘Z’ in Icelandic. The vicissitudes of a letter over the centuries.

Fabrizio D. Raschellà

The letter ‘z’ has been used, with different values and functions, in the Germanic languages since the very beginning of their written tradition

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

20

and is still in use in some of them. Icelandic is perhaps the Germanic language which has made the most idiosyncratic use of this letter. Originally employed to denote any phonemic cluster combining a dental and a sibilant consonant, its use – and consequently its grapho-phonemic status – has become more and more variable and unstable in the course of time. Only in modern times it has received definite normalizing rules, but, paradoxically, this happened only after its phonetic value had come to coincide with that expressed by the letter ‘s’, i.e. when the phonological rules that accounted for its application had already become obscure and no longer retrievable without a clear understanding of the underlying morphological structure. This fact is among other things at the basis of its official removal from the Icelandic alphabet in 1973. The paper aims at reviewing the main stages of the history of this letter in Icelandic writing from the earliest manuscript evidence up to the present, particularly focusing on the grapho-phonemic relationships underlying its varying use over time.

Mixing different scripts in word creation: Examples from Farsi and Chinese

Elke Ronneberger-Sibold

My paper deals with the combination of different writing systems in graphically hybrid Farsi and Chinese word creations: In the Farsi creations, the (slightly modified) Arabic alphabet representing Farsi phonemes is combined with the Latin alphabet representing English or (rarely) French phonemes. In the Chinese creations, Chinese logographic characters are combined again with the Latin alphabet with English (occasionally also with other “Western”) sound values. My material comes from a larger project concerning word creation in German, Farsi and Chinese. These languages were deliberately chosen because of their important differences as to their linguistic types and their writing systems. Word creation in this context refers to all techniques for the production of new lexemes (and to the resulting lexemes themselves), which are not covered by the productive rules (or models) of regular word formation. It includes not only the coining of entirely new words not based on any previously existing linguistic elements (German Urschöpfung), but also extragrammatical operations such as shortening or blending lexemes or

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

21

phrases. Unlike with regular word formation, the linguistic input of word creations is obscured to various degrees. Therefore, besides its obvious phonological aims, word creation has the function of “fine tuning” the morphosemantic transparency of words according to their communicative purposes. Mixing different writing systems in the same word contributes to this function in the written code. Two basic communicative purposes better served by words with a more or less reduced transparency than by fully transparent ones are the disguise of certain concepts for various reasons, on the hand, and the evocation of certain prestigious associations, on the other. Disguising prevails as a purpose in in-group slangs of young people or other, more specific social groups on the Internet, the creation of prestige in the language of advertising, especially in names of firms and products. The techniques of mixing different scripts are manifold: Some basic techniques are the following:

• In a linguistically hybrid word, the English part is written in Latin letters, the Farsi or Chinese one in the respective scripts.

• A linguistically homogeneous word is partly written in one script, partly in another.

• Only certain features of the respective other script are borrowed, e.g., certain characteristic correspondences between phonemes and graphemes, or the direction of writing.

• The graphical form of letters or characters is modified so that it resembles the letters or characters of the respective other script.

• Letters of the respective other script are used not with their own sound value but with the sound value (in Chinese also with the semantic value) of their name. (This is also possible with Arabic numerals.)

In my paper, this typology will be exemplified, refined and set in relation to different communicative purposes. It will be shown how a linguistic community disposing of different languages and writing systems makes creative use of these particular possibilities of code mixing.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

22

Irish influence on early Old English spelling?

Dr. des. Annina Seiler

It has been a matter of debate in how far Irish scholars influenced learning in the South of England in the late 7th century (cf. Herren 1998). This paper focuses on one particular aspect of this question – namely whether Irish spelling had an influence on Old English orthographic practice, as has been claimed by scholars such as Oliver (1998) and White (2000). The question will be investigated on the basis of an analysis of the orthography of the “Corpus Group” of glossaries, especially the Epinal glossary (Épinal [Vosges], Bibliothèque municipal MS. 72 [2]). The “Corpus Group” of glossaries does not only include some of the oldest extant sources of Old English, it also bears witness to scholarly activity in Canterbury and the South of England in the late 7th century: some of the glosses can be traced back to the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian in Canterbury (Lapidge 1986). Irish influence is clearly attested by a couple of Irish forms in some of the glossaries. The spellings of the Old English interpretamenta of these glossaries differ markedly from later Old English orthography: The most notable difference lies in the fact that the typical Old English characters wyn and thorn are rare. The Epinal glossary mainly employs the digraphs <uu> and <th> instead, and also <ch> rather than <h> for the velar fricative. The use of <th> and <ch> strikingly parallels Old Irish spelling practice (cf. Harvey 2011), which makes Irish graphemic influence plausible. However, since these features are also present in contemporary Merovingian sources, the similarities are probably not the result of straightforward borrowing from Old Irish spelling practice. Herren has suggested that it was, in fact, Theodore and Hadrian who were responsible for establishing Latin as a spoken language in Anglo-Saxon England (1989). I will argue that Latin, the “father tongue” of the European Middle Ages, is also the source of continuing correspondences among the developing writing systems of the respective vernaculars. References: Harvey, Anthony, Reading the genetic code of Early Medieval Celtic orthography, in E.

Glaser, A. Seiler, M. Waldispühl (ed.), LautSchriftSprache: Beiträge zur ver-gleichenden historischen Graphematik, Zurich, 2011.

Herren, Michael W., Scholarly contacts between the Irish and the Southern English in the seventh century, «Peritia» 12 (1998), 24-53.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

23

Lapidge, Michael, The school of Theodore and Hadrian, «Anglo-Saxon England» 15 (1986), 45-72.

Oliver, Lisi, Irish influence on orthographic practice in Early Kent, «NOWELE» 33 (1998), 93-113.

White, David L., Irish influence and the interpretation of Old English spelling. Ph.D. Austin, Texas (2000).

Die Entwicklung der Getrennt-, Zusammen- und Bindestrichschreibung von Substantivkomposita im Deutschen zwischen 1550 und 1710

Daniel Solling

In this talk I will show the results of a study that investigates the changes in whether compound nouns were closed (written as one word), open (written as separate words) or hyphenated in Early New High German between 1550 and 1710. Due to the fact that there were no orthographic norms in the German of this time, graphematic phenomena in this period of the German language are very fruitful to examine. The study is based on a corpus of 249 sermons in 90 different postils. Since the study aims to show a diachronic development, the corpus texts originate from six time windows centered around the years 1550, 1570, 1600, 1620, 1660 and 1710. The results show a general development from 1550, when around 80% of the occurrences of compound nouns were written as one word, to 1620, when this way of writing dominated almost entirely. In the texts from the last two time windows, the hyphenation spreads, and by 1710, nearly two thirds of the instances of compound nouns were written with a hyphen. The study also shows that the geographical origin of a text is of lesser importance for the writing of compound nouns as one word, separate words or with a hyphen. However, the distinction between genuine compound nouns (a compound noun with the modifier in an unmarked case) and artificial ones (a compound noun with the modifier in an oblique case) seems to be of greater relevance. The artificial compound nouns are closed to a lesser extent in the period between 1550 and 1620 and hyphenated to a higher extent from 1660 onwards than the genuine compound nouns. In the talk, which will be given in German, I will propose some explanations for the shown development.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

24

Graphemes and diacritics

Terje Spurkland

Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies, University of Oslo The concept of grapheme is normally defined as the smallest distinctive unit of a writing system. Graphemes may be analyzed as consisting of a set of distinctive and non distinctive graphic features. If you exchange one distinctive feature with another, you get another grapheme; if you exchange non distinctive features, you get allographs of the same grapheme. A diacritic is commonly held as a graphic addition to a written symbol to create a new symbol from a pre-existing symbol. Translated to graphemic theory this should imply that a diacritic might serve as a distinctive graphic feature added to a grapheme to make a new grapheme. The graphic features of a grapheme normally have no connection with the phonemic/phonetic reference of the grapheme. A one-to-one correspondence between grapheme and phoneme does not imply any relation between the graphic features of the grapheme and the phonetic features of the related phoneme. In medieval runic script there is, however, at least one instance where a distinctive graphic feature, introduced as a diacritic, is perceived as an expression of a distinctive phonetic feature. The diacritc in question is a “dot” added to the runic character and we get a grapho-phonological relation <± dot> → [±voice]. Once this connection was established, it called for a restructuring of the graphemic system of runic script. May such an evidence effect the definition of the grapheme as “the smallest distinctive unit” of a writing system? Would it have any implication for the discussion about the relational and the autonomous concept of the grapheme?

Sprachliche und kulturelle Implikationen im sowjetischen Diskurs: Die Latinisierung der ossetischen Schrift.

Vittorio Springfield Tomelleri

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der in der bisherigen Forschung eher vernachlässigten Frage der Latinisierung der ossetischen Schrift, welche

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

25

1922 erfolgte und bis 1938 andauerte, als die Rückkehr zur kyrillischen Schrift vollzogen wurde. In den meisten einschlägigen sowjetischen und postsowjetischen Publikationen wird diese Erfahrung als eine missglückte, wenn auch notwendige Übergangsphase auf dem Weg zur Herausbildung einer kodifizierten Sprachnorm angesehen; sie stellt dagegen ein äußerst wichtiges Phänomen in der Geschichte der osteuropäischen Kultur dar, auf der Mikroebene der ossetischen Sprachgeschichte sowie auf der Makroebene der sowjetischen Sprachpolitik. Als besonders wichtig und ergiebig, sowohl im linguistischen als auch im kulturhistorischen Sinne, erweist sich die um den Alphabetwechsel geführte Debatte, an der sich prominente Vertreter der ossetischen Kultur mit Begeisterung und Einsatz beteiligten; dabei wurden sehr schnell sprachwissenschaftliche Überlegungen durch ideologisch be-haftete Argumentationen ersetzt. Anhand konkreten Materials soll dieses kurze aber nichtsdestotrotz hochinteressante Kapitel aus der Geschichte der ossetischen Sprache in seinen unterschiedlichsten Implikationen untersucht und womöglich er-hellt werden. Auswahlbibliographie Alborov B. A., Istorija osetinskich pis’men, Vladikavkaz 1929. Alpatov V.M., 150 jazykov i politika 1917-2000. Sociolingvističeskie problemy SSSR i

postsovetskogo prostranstva, Moskva 2000. Ælborty B., Iron fysty damyhætæ (Osetinskie znaki pis’ma), Dzæudžyqæu 1929. Bigulaev B.B., Kratkaja istorija osetinskogo pis’ma, Dzaudžikau 1952. Bocuaty E.E., Iron fyssynad æmæ orfografijy istorijæ cybyr zonynægtæ, in Iron nyxasy

kul’turæ æmæ stilistikæ, 3-ag činyg, Dzæudžyq’æu 2006, 156-176. Crisp S., Soviet Language Planning 1917-1953, in M. Kirkwood, Language Planning in

the Soviet Union, London 1989, 23-45. Frings A., Sowjetische Schriftpolitik zwischen 1917 und 1941. Eine handlungstheoretische

Analyse, Stuttgart 2007. Dzagurov G.A., Novaja osetinskaja grafika (na latinskoj osnove), Vladikavkaz 1923. Glück H., Sowjetische Sprachenpolitik, in H. Jachnow et al. (1984 ed.), Handbuch des

Russisten. Sprachwissenschaft und angrenzende Disziplinen, Wiesbaden 1984, 519-559.

Imart G., Le mouvement de “Latinisation” en U.R.S.S., «Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique» 6 (1965) 2, 223-239.

Isaev M.I., Sociolingvističeskie problemy jazykov narodov SSSR (Voprosy jazykovoj politiki i jazykovogo stroitel’stva), Moskva 1982.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

26

Jachnow H., Die sowjetischen Erfahrungen und Modelle der Alphabetisierung, in H. Günther & O. Ludwig, Schrift und Schriftlichkeit/Writing and Its Use, 1. Halbband/Volume 1, Berlin-New York 1984, 803-813.

Martin T., The Affirmative Action Empire. Nation and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939, Ithaca-London 2001.

Musaev K.M., Alfavity jazykov narodov SSSR, Moskva 1965. Simonato-Kokochkina E., Alphabet «chauvin» ou alphabet «nationaliste»?, in P. Sériot /

A. Tabouret-Keller, Le discours sur la langue sous les régimes autoritaires, Lausanne 2004, 261-275 [= Cahiers de l’Institut de linguistique et des sciences du langage 17 (2004)].

Smith M.G., Language and Power in the Creation of the USSR 1917-1953, Berlin-New York 1998.

Zak L.M. / Isaev M.I., Problemy pis’mennosti narodov SSSR v kul’turnoj revoljucii, «Voprosy istorii» 2 (1966), 3-20.

Keywords: Ossetisches Alphabet, Sprachpolitik in der Sowjetunion, Schrift und

kulturelle Identität

Runeninschriften und Verbrüderungsbücher im Spektrum medientheoretischer Schriftinterpretation

Dr. des. Michelle Waldispühl

Mein Beitrag ist im Rahmen der unter Punkt 2. aufgelisteten Fragestellungen zu verorten. Es soll darum gehen, bei der Analyse und Deutung von Schrift neben den schriftformalen und sprachlichen Aspekten auch mediale Ansätze mit einzubeziehen. Die Schrift wird in einen breiteren Handlungskontext gestellt und die in der Schrift vermittelte Sprache unter Einbezug der Situationalität ihrer Überlieferung betrachtet. Ein Ziel dabei ist, das historische Schriftverständnis im Licht ihrer möglichen konkreten medialen Verwendung zu sehen. Die Schwierigkeiten und Chancen einer solchen Interpretation werden an der Verschriftung fremdsprachiger Personen-namen in karolingischen Verbrüderungsbüchern und an südgerman-ischen Runeninschriften veranschaulicht.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

27

From Graph to Grapheme: Phonological Possibilities and Methodological Limitations

Gaby Waxenberger

The first character of the last sequence of the Loveden Hill Urn inscription (ca. 400-600) has been seen as an h, although it has been argued that it is an unusual h.

Moreover, the runes of the inscription have been regarded as carelessly cut [Page 1973: 184; Odenstedt 1980: 25; Nedoma 1991-1993: 115; Looijenga 1997: 165; Parsons 1999: 55] and therefore it is difficult to decipher them.

Thus the sequence [.]lA[.] has been seen as hlāf ‘bread’ [Odenstedt 1980: 30], hlāw ‘tomb; mound’ [Nedoma 2004: 435]; hlæ‾ ‘grave’ [Bammesberger 1991: 127; see also Eichner 1990: 325] and as a “perhaps incomplete” personal name “Hlæ” [Bammesberger 1994: 17 quoting Robinson (personal correspondence: 18.2.1992)]. Another pivotal point is the dating of the urn. If an early date is assumed, the rune A denotes not only [a], [æ] but also [æ:] and [a:]. This circumstance has a great impact on the first and even more so on the third sequence. For as a consequence, [.]lA[.] might be seen either as hlæ‾ w which may be interpreted as the allophonic phase of the i-umlaut of ā [see Campbell 1959: §636; SB 1965: §288], but it may as well render non-mutated hlāw [see Bammesberger 1990: 69]. The readings [a:] and [æ:] as in hlāf, hlāw, and hlæ‾ f are only possible if Loveden Hill is dated before ca. 500 (see Waxenberger forthcoming). More importantly, after a new autopsy of the Loveden Hill inscription with a microscope camera in 2012, I do not think that the first rune of the last sequence is an unusual form of h.

s§§§§þAAAAbAAAAd 2 þi{c/u}w 2 hlAAAA[.]

siþa/æba/ææææd 2 þi{c/u}w 2 hlæ/a[.]

(© The Trustees of The British Museum)

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

28

The form of the first character may be due to a damaged tool rather than to the inscriber's lack of care and precision and therefore the inscriber may have intended a different character than modern researchers seem to have detected. In my paper, I will make an attempt to sketch the type of holistic method that would be necessary to come to more confident decisions in such cases.

The decipherment of some recently found ostraca from Post-Roman North Africa: The "micro-linguistic" analysis

Sabine Ziegler

During excavations of a Roman fort at the Limes Tripolitanus near the village Gheriat el-Garbia (roughly 300 km to the south of Tripolis) in the years 2009/2010 a team of Munich archaeologists unearthed 8 ostraca written in Latin current script, but not (mainly, see below) in Latin or Greek or any other hitherto well-known language, dating from the first half of the 5th century AD. This is sure due to the associated finds in the excavated stratum. The ostraca are written in scriptio continua (except for some lists) and show a few peculiar letters or letter forms not known to Latin script in this area. Each ostracon is written in a characteristic ductus so that we can distinguish 8 scribes. One of these ostraca is long enough (roughly 150 characters) that I could take it as a starting point for deciphering. While working on these ostraca I soon saw that I had to develop a method by which as a first step I would be able to work the word boundaries out. The second step was to identify words or functional elements. This method is mainly based on the principles of linguistic typology and information or discourse structure of texts. By applying this new "micro-linguistic" method – as I named it – I could identify the language of the ostraca as a new variety of late Punic which I call "South Punic". Two of the ostraca show a mixture of Latin and South Punic words looking like short vocabulary exercises. The hitherto known Punic language varieties are attested only fragmentary and mainly in

[.] l a/æ [.] © The Trustees of the British Museum Photographs taken by RuneS

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

29

funeral or monumental inscriptions in Phoenician consonant script or (after the Roman conquest of Carthago in 146 BC) in Latin script. The discovery and decipherment of these few ostraca adds a contribution to our knowledge of this badly documented area which should not be underestimated. They show that 1. Latin scribal tradition was still vivid in Post-Roman times, 2. a regional scribal tradition had developed in this area, 3. both Latin and South Punic were spoken, and 4. they exhibit an new variety of Punic vernacular different from the fragmentary funeral and monumental inscriptions from Carthago and the neighbouring regions which increases our knowledge of late Punic. A picture detail of the "long" ostracon Literature: M. Mackensen, Das severische Vexillationskastell Myd(---)/ Gheriat el-Garbia am limes

Tripolitanus (Libyen). Bericht über die Kampagne 2009, «Mitt. DAI Rom» 116 (2010), 363–458.

M. Mackensen, Das severische Vexillationskastell Myd(---) und die spätantike Besiedlung in Gheriat el-Garbia (Libyen). Bericht über die Kampagne im Frühjahr 2010, «Mitt. DAI Rom» 117 (2011), 247–375.

M. Mackensen / S. Ziegler (forthc.), Die spätantike Besiedlung in Gheriat el-Garbia und die Entzifferung der südpunischen Ostraka (working title), «Mitt. DAI Rom» 119 (2013).

Schreibvarianten und Schreibtraditionen in den

Runeninschriften im jüngeren fuþąrk

Christiane Zimmermann

Die Gruppe der skandinavischen Inschriften im jüngeren fuþąrk ist vor allem durch die große Zahl monumentaler Runensteine geprägt, die die schriftliche Überlieferung der Wikingerzeit besonders im 11. Jh. kennzeichnen. Mit ca. 2500 von mehr als 3000 Inschriften bilden die schwedischen Runensteine unter ihnen die größte Gruppe. Die Mehrzahl der in den Inschriften überlieferten Texte zeigen eine gemeinsame inhaltliche und formale Struktur, deren Kern die Phrase „X errichtete/ließ errichten diesen Stein für Y“ (schwed. resarformel) bildet und die als Grundlage für die Klassifizierung dieser Texte als Memorial-

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

30

inschriften gelten kann. Über diesen obligatorischen Kern hinaus erscheinen wiederholt weitere Textelemente, die eine Charakterisierung der verstorbenen Person (schwed. statusmarkör), eine Fürbitteformel (schwed. förböner) und eine Signatur (schwed. ristarsignatur) umfassen können und damit fakultative Formelelemente darstellen. Im Hinblick auf die lexikalische Stereotypie dieser Texte ist das Spektrum der auftretenden Schreibvarianten auffällig. Die zahlreichen runographi-schen Realisierungen des hochfrequenten Lexems „Stein“ (im Akk. Sg.) u.a. in den Formen stan, stein, sten, stin, stn oder auch istaen machen dies beispielhaft deutlich. Als Erklärungsansatz für die Existenz dieser Varianten wird für die runischen Texte der Wikingerzeit im Allgemeinen von ausschließlich lautlich basierten Verschriftungsakten ausgegangen. Die Variation in der Schreibung könnte so als Wiedergabe regional oder auch sozial be-dingter Sprachvariation bzw. als Folge des Sprachwandels verstanden werden. Andere erklärungsbedürftige Schreibvarianten werden nicht selten auch als „Fehlschreibungen“ gewertet, die auf unterschiedliche Grade von Literalität oder auch fehlerhafte Planung bei der räumlichen Anlage der Inschriften hinweisen. In Verbindung mit einzelnen namentlich bekannten Runenschreibern oder Runenschreiberschulen zeigen sich jedoch auch Formen konsequent verwendeter Schreibvarianten, die auf runographische Traditionen jen-seits einer ausschließlich lautlich basierten Verschriftung hinweisen könnten. Dies gilt z. B. auch für wiederkehrende graphische Kürzungs-formen, die als Kennzeichen einzelner Runenschreiber interpretiert wurden. Die belegten Schreibvarianten stellen so möglicherweise ver-schiedene Typen von Schreibtraditionen innerhalb der Runeninschriften im jüngeren fuþąrk dar.

Bemerkungen zur sidetischen Schrift

Michaela Zinko / Christian Zinko

Anhand einer unpublizierten Inschrift, die im Rahmen des Projekts SIDE am Zentrum Antike der Universität Graz bearbeitet wird, werden aktuelle Daten zur sidetischen Schrift und deren Interpretation dargestellt. Weiter wird die Stellung der sidetischen Schrift innerhalb der kleinasiatischen Schriftsysteme untersucht.

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

31

vuoto

Lau

tSch

rift

Spra

che

III –

25-

28 s

ette

mbr

e 20

13

32