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The Way of Tea: A Symbolic Analysis

Author(s): Dorinne KondoSource: Man, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Jun., 1985), pp. 287-306Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2802386 .

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THE WAY OF TEA: A SYMBOLIC ANALYSIS

DORINNE KONDO

HarvardUniversity

The Japanese tea ceremony can be understood as a precisely structured sequence in whichformal featuresare constitutive of meaning. Though culturally constructed meaning must informany understanding of the rite, this alone cannot account for the tea ceremony's symbolic power.

This internalreading focuses on key formal features:sequencing; the role of multiple media; andpatterning or redundancy. Analysis reveals that sequencing is symbolised through: i) a constantcontrastbetween the ritualandthe mundane;2) the use of boundariesto markthese differences; 3)the sensible qualities of objects and substances used in the ceremony, and their transposition intovarious sensory media; 4) the occurrence of homologous structures and sequences. The inter-action of the sensory media effects a homology of code, constituting one source of redundancy.Together with the repetition of sequences, this redundancy intensifies meaning and acts ascontrastive background for minute but significant changes that may occur. Through its orches-tration of sequence and pattern, the tea ceremony articulates feeling and thought and creates adistilled form of experience.

The tea ceremony presents a unique challenge to the anthropologist, for the

essence of tea and of Zen is said to elude logical, discursive analysis.Zen favours

experience and intuition over intellection, and although the tea ceremony has

given rise to a long tradition of scholarly exegesis, the Zen arts1continue to

emphasise the primacy of transcendencethrough a-logical, non-verbal means.2

This dialectic of experience and native exegesis is at one level unassailable and

must play a key role in any attempt to understandthe meaning and symbolism

of the ceremony.

Yet, culturally constructed mcaning cannot exhaustively account for the teaceremony's symbolic power. While remaining mindful of the Zen masters'

warnings, we will nonetheless attempt to analyse the tea ceremony as a

structuredsequence directed toward a 'telic or performativeoutcome' (Tambiah

I973: I99). I assume that ritual is, among other things, a communicative and a

performative act. This focus on the 'inner frame' (a) complements studies of the

way of tea and of Zen aesthetics, which deal exclusively with culturallyconstructed meaning (e.g., Ludwig I974; Sen I979; Okakura I964) and (b)

explores the application of linguistic/semiotic models to the analysis of se-

quence, the use of multiple media, and the role of patterning or redundancy in

ritual.3 Careful attention to the formal featuresof the tea ceremony will enableus to delineate the movement of this complexly structured symbolic process,

aimed towards a change of state in the actor's thought and feeling.

Man (N.S.) 20, 287-306



288 DORINNE KONDO

I

Tea ceremonies may be held on a variety of occasions, depending on the season,

the time of day, the school of tea, etc. The principal schools areOmote and Ura

Senke, with Sekishuiand Enshuias major variants;the differences among them

are generally minor, such as details of folding a tea napkin.4

One can participate in ceremonies in a number of ways. The first is tea as

okeiko, taking lessons. So natural and effortless when performed, the rite is in

fact minutely prescribed, from the smallest details of movement to the creation

of larger sequences. The tea student begins with basics such as how to walk and

how to wipe a teabowl, andprogresses to simple forms such as the informal bon

demae tea ceremony where a tray is used) and the various forms of usucha, he

thin tea ceremony. Acquisition of skills is markedby certificatesattesting to thelevel of expertise attainedin the ceremony. The more variants one masters, the

higher one's rank.5

Chakai, tea gatherings, are another context in which ceremonies are per-

formed. A tea organisation may rent out the grounds of a temple or a restaurant

and hold a day of ceremonies. A schedule is published, with several different

ceremonies taking place simultaneously. Participants-usually members of the

organisation-may attend the rites of their choice. The hosts are all selected in

advance, sometimes performing publicly in order to demonstrate the attain-

ment of a high rank. A recitalor aconcert would be a close analogue. I have also

participated in tea ceremonies held as part of some festival or celebration. Forexample, during a 'Cultural Festival', my teacher's students were asked to

prepare and serve tea for any passersby who might want to act as guests. First

and foremost, however, the tea ceremony is a highly ritualised version of the

host/guest interaction, and aheightened expression of the emphasis on etiquette

inJapanese culturein general.6 It embodies the appreciation of formalised social

interaction the importance, for example, of learning tatemae, he graces neces-

sary to maintain harmonious social interaction.7 The theory is that mere good

intentions are insufficient; one must know the proper form in order to express

one's feelings of hospitality effectively.

The following description is of such a host-guest interaction, focusing on asingle variantof the many types of tea ceremony. The account is basedprimarily

on written sources-manuals of tea, if you will-and to a lesser extent on

informants' statements and my own experience as a student of tea. It is the

full-length, formal, midday rite (shogochaji) asting from three to five hours.

Because of its length, the years of expertise required to host such a gathering,

and the expense and preparation involved, it is not the most commonly

practised variant-forms of the usucha,or thin tea, ceremony are-but I have

selected this chaji or analysisbecause it is considered the 'standardchajiby which

all others are created' (Palmer I976: 7I). Moreover, trainingin tea is designed to

make the student capableof hosting such a ceremony.

Focusing on a single 'ideal typical' ceremony seemed desirable for two

reasons. First, since my concern is to explore the implications of an internal,

semantic analysis, this 'standardchaji'as describedin tea manuals and as taught

to pupils, casts into relief the structure, form andsequence of the rite, providing



DORINNE KONDO 289

a text to penetrate from within. Secondly, although precise details of the

ceremony may vary according to type and to context, this form constitutes a

basic orchestral 'score', realised in slightly different ways in each performance.In my experience as a student of tea and according to informants' statements,

both culturally constructed meaning (especially Zen aesthetics) and the sym-

bolic orchestration of the ceremony do appear to shape the attitudes of partici-

pants in highly significant ways. Accordingly, for the purposes of this article,

questions of indexical or pragmatic meaning (tea as conspicuous consumption, a

domestic art, etc.) are left in abeyance. An exhaustive analysis would of course

include these various levels of semantic and pragmatic meaning, both at a

particularpoint in time and as they change over time (see, e.g., Tambiah I979).The intent, then, is to focus on a single variant, as an illustrative object for the

methods used to deconstruct the ritual, and as a potential point of entry intoother such 'texts' (cf. e.g., Barthes I974). The particular version described is a

shogochaji n the style of the Ura Senke school, performed with the ro, or sunken

hearth, used between November and April.8

II

Zenrei Guests are generally invited to the ceremony a week in advance, and

ideally the principal guest pays a call on the host (zenrei)to accept the invitation

(Sen I979: 62).

Arrival In classic tea gardens, the guests arrive at the gate, where the paving

stones have been sprinkled with water, a signal for them to enter. They proceed

to a room called the yoritsuki, n the outer garden, where they change clothes and

put on clean split-toed socks. From there they advance to the waiting room or

machiai,andawait the restof their number. Ifit hasnot alreadybeen determined,

they select a principal guest (shokyaku)who is first in order, and a final guest

(tsume)who brings up the rear. In each instance a special knowledge of the

ceremony is desirable. If there is an assistant to the host, the guests may be

served osayu,hot water to which a delicate flavouring may be added (Ishikawa1976: 67). The guests view the scroll, flowers and implements displayed in the

machiai, waiting area, and then proceed to the koshikakemachiai,or waiting

arbour. The host returns to the tea room, leaving the gate to the inner garden

slightly ajar,and the guests follow in single file, setting out on the garden pathof

stones. This is glossed explicitly in some works as the pathinto enlightenment. 9

When the last guest reachesthe inner roji,s/he shuts the middle gate. Inthe inner

garden, the guests advance to the stone basin, or tsukubai,o purify their mouths

and hands with water.

Seki-iriThe next phase of the ceremony is calledseki-iri, literally, entering intoone's seat. Leaving the sandals propped against the wall of the tea room, the

principal guest crawls through the nijiri-guchi literally, the crawling-in en-

trance)with a crouch and slide motion. The extremely small size of the entrance

is said to inculcate humility.

The principal guest then proceeds to the tokonoma, r alcove, kneeling before



290 DORINNE KONDO

it to view the scroll hung there. This work of artand the tea flowers that appear

there later, set the mood for the occasion. The principal guest then proceeds to

his/her seat, as each guest examines the scroll. The last guest shuts the door of

the nijiri-guchiwith a click, a signal for the host to appear.

Shozumi (Arrangingof Charcoal)"0The host, waits in the mizuya (small prep-

aration area adjacent to the tea room) until the guests are in place and then

appearsat the host entrance to exchange formal greetings with the guests. The

host then returns to the mizuya and brings out charcoal, tongs, and incense

burner, andbegins to smooth the ashesin the brazier nto apattern.After the fire

is started, the contents of the incense burner are emptied into the brazier. The

guests admire the fire, then the principal guest asks to see the incense holder,

which they all examine in sequence as the host retires to the service area. S/hereturns to retrieve the incense holder and to announce that 'afrugal meal' will be

served."

Kaiseki s food for the tea ceremony. 12 Each guest is given a small individual tray

with a bowl of rice, one of soup, and perhaps a dish of vegetables and/or fish,

though other foods may be offered in addition. Sake is also served. Kaiseki

should be fresh, natural, and appropriateto the season, and portions should be

small. The host does not partake, but may stay to serve the guests sake. S/He

retires again to the mizuya until they finish eating. The guests eat, wipe their

bowls and chopsticks with small squaresof paper they have brought along, andwhen finished, sharply click their chopsticks on the tray, a signal for the host to

remove their utensils. Omogashi,moist sweets, are then carriedout in lacquer

boxes, one sweet per box, and after the guests partakethey retire to the waiting

arbour.

NakadachiThe interlude here is called nakadachi-'middle standing'-a chance

for the guests to stretchtheir legs. They may talk quietly andenjoy the beauty of

the garden. A gong calls them back to the teahut, and they enterexactly as they

did before.

KoichaThe next segment is the realheight of the tea ceremony: the preparation

and drinking of koicha,thick tea. The scroll in the alcove has now been replaced

by a chabanatea flower) arrangement.The guests admire the arrangement, take

theirproper places, principal guest in the seat of honour near the alcove, 13 and sit

quietly as the host brings in separately: i) water jar (mizusashi); ) tea bowl, tea

scoop, tea caddy; 3) receptacle for waste water (kensui), id stand, and bamboo

dipper. The host purifies the caddy and scoop by wiping them with the tea

napkin, rinses and wipes the bowl, andpreparestea. These minutely prescribed

acts are performed with a graceful economy of motion. The guests watch in

complete silence. This is considered the climax of the ceremony.

The guests then partake of the thick tea, drinking in sequence from a single

bowl, the principal guest first, the tsume,or final guest, draining the bowl,

wiping it, and returning it to the host. The haikenor examination follows, a

question-answer session between the principal guest and the host, centring on



DORINNE KONDO 29I

the names and historical associations of the various tea implements. With the

completion of the haiken and the removal of the utensils, the koichasegment

concludes.

Gozumi At this point there may be a rebuilding of the charcoal fire, a process

called gozumi, paralleling the first lighting of the fire, shozumi. Replacing the

incense is a small tray or tabako-bon, earing a piece of charcoal in a cup, and a

bamboo 'ashtray', as well as a pipe and a tiny amount of tobacco. 14

UsuchaThe usucha egment follows. The sequence of actions parallelsthatin the

koichaceremony, with the following key differences: a) Usucha tself is a less

concentrated form of the same tea;it is thinner and lighter and can be whipped

into a froth, while koichamust be kneaded and then stirred. b) The specific teautensils for usuchaare defined as more informal, though not necessarily less

replete with historical associations. c) Higashi-light, dry sweets eaten with the

fingers-are served, and one eats them while one's tea is being made. This

contrasts with the formal presentation of omogashin lacquer boxes. Omogashi

are eaten with a special pick before partaking of koicha.d) More conversation is

allowed during usucha.e) Instead of sharing a single bowl of tea, each guest

drains the bowl and then examines it. If desired, the guest may request

additional servings of tea. In brief, usuchas more informal, lighter and freerin

tone.

When all guests have partaken, the principal guest asks the host to end the

ceremony. At this point the guests examine the tea container and the tea scoop,

as the host removes the other utensils in the reverse orderfrom which they were

initially carried nto the room. The examination completed, the host returns to

answer questions about the utensils. The ceremony closes with formal greetings

(aisatsu),with both sides expressing their appreciation. The guests leave the

room, principal guest last, and close the door of the niiri-guchi. They then turn

to face the tea house, as the host opens the nijiri-guchiand silent bows are

exchanged. This is the okurirei,or farewell. The host remains waiting until the

guests areno longer in sight, andthen closes the door. On the following day the

chief guest should call informally upon the host to express the group's appreci-

ation (Palmer I976: 77).

III

The aesthetic sensibility informing the way of tea traces its roots through Zen

Buddhism, to Chinese Ch'an Buddhism and Taoism. Tea ceremony, like other

Zen arts, is a religious/aesthetic/philosophical 'way' (injapanese, michior do; n

Chinese, tao).This di, an elusive concept to define, could be glossed as 'the inneressence of reality' (Bellah I957: 6i). Accordingly, the 'way' of tea, like the other

Zen master arts, is more than mere artisticor technicalproficiency: it is a path to

Enlightenment.

According to Zen doctrine, Enlightenment is mu-emptiness or nothingness.

Zen ideals include qualities such as mushin, selflessness or detachment, and



292 DORINNE KONDO

munen,muso, reedom from allideas andthoughts. Efforts to master the intricate

discipline of tea or another Zen art constitute a process of self-realisation,

whereby one so thoroughly incorporates the form that it-or other worldly

concerns, such as the desire to perform well-no longer requires one's con-

scious attention. This is the state of 'emptiness'. Through tea or another Zen art,aperson may be said to attain the states of y-gen or kotan yuigen o kyochi,kotanno

kyjchi o tassuru).Yugen s a term associated closely with No drama. It bespeaks

the evanescence and pathos of life, hinting at the eternal andinfinite. It is subtle

elegance and profundity. Kotan is defined as seasoned simplicity, when every-

thing unnecessary (e.g., worldly thoughts and cares) has fallen away, leaving

only the essential core.

The pathway to this state lies in action and intuition; logic and elaborate verbal

exegesis are correspondingly downplayed. For example, in tea, as in all themaster arts, instruction has little in common with Western didactic methods;

instead, one learns through observation, imitation, illustration, and perform-

ance-that is, through non-verbal means. 5 This form of learning is thought to

be exceedingly difficult, a hardship, for unless one undergoes hardship (kuro)

one cannot become a maturepractitionerof the art.Hardship polishes the soul as

well as one's technique. To attain the state of kotantherefore requires years of

practice, discipline, even mental and physical suffering.16 Mastery may take an

entire lifetime but consciousness of technique and painstaking years of practice

dissolve in the pure action of creation.17

But perhaps the Zen doctrine bearing most directly on the tea aesthetic is theemphasis on the mundaneas a sphere of action and a source of beauty. The

Buddha nature, hence the path to Enlightenment, is to be found in every sentient

being and in the most everyday activities.18 Extending this exaltation of the

mundane to the aesthetic realm, Zen describesafusion of opposites in which the

beautiful and the ordinary are no longer distinct. This leads to the aesthetic

appreciation of imperfection and poverty, of sabi and wabi. Inasmuch as the

qualities can be defined, sabiis the beauty of the imperfect, the old, the lonely,

while wabi is the beauty of simplicity and poverty (Hasumi I964: Si; Ludwig

I974: 47). So closely are these qualitiesassociated with the tea ceremony that the

ceremony of the great master Sen no Rikyu was called wabicha,or wabitea.19

Typically, bothJapanese and Western scholars analyze the tea ceremony as a

method of self-realisation (e.g., Suzuki I970; Herrigel I953) and/or in terms of

the Zen aesthetic (e.g., Suzuki I970; Okakura I964). These explanations are

compelling-even unassailable. Zen philosophy and aesthetics form the con-

sciously held attitudes of the tea adept, and enactment of the ceremony gives life

to these beliefs. Yet, there are key questions traditional philosophical and

aesthetic approaches do not explore. Are there 'rules' that would enable us to

account for the sequencing of the ceremony? Why is there a seemingly inordi-

nate amount of repetition? How do the various media-auditory, visual,

gestural, olfactory, gustatory-interact, and do they do so in some intelligible

way? What dictates the pre-eminence of koicha s the most formalsegment of the

ceremony? A formal semantic analysis that addresses such questions must be

based on a thorough grounding in ethnographic detail, while going beyond

native exegesis to illuminate more precisely the structure and sequence of the



DORINNE KONDO 293

ritual and how these in turn act persuasively to generate a feeling of exceptional

experience.

IV

Like narrative, ritual is an unfolding, a sequence of movement with tensions,

climaxes and directionality. The ritual process must create a ritual domain, '. . .

by seducing participants nto involvement with its form and . . . [by] propelling

the now-transformed participantsout into life' (Peacock I969: I72).

I will argue that in the tea ceremony, the principalsymbolic devices account-

ing for the movements of the rite are: i) a constant contrast between the ritual

and the mundane and degrees thereof; 2) the use of boundaries to maintain these

differences; 3) the sensible qualities of objects and substances used in the

ceremony and the transposition of these qualities into various sensory media; 4)

perhaps most important, the repetition of sequences and the occurrence of

homologous structures, objects, actions, as the principalmeans of signifying the

progression of the ritual.

A logical point of departurefor analysis is the physical, spatial arrangement of

the tea gardenand hut. The gardenis an especially salient feature, for it is the first

apprehensible signal that one is entering the ritual world. Consequently, it must

prepare the participant, beginning to restructure his/her attitude appropriately.

A diagram of the garden follows. It should be noted that, like the many

variants of the tea ceremony itself, tea gardens also differfrom one another. Thechoice of a particular arrangement ultimately lies with the host.20 However,

though certain details may vary, the basic structure of the inner and outer rojidoes not change; moreover, the impression imparted by each section of the

garden must differ, with the outer garden more normal and ordinary, the inner

more set apart from the everyday world.

First, the garden itself is demarcated from the outside world by the gate.

Upon entering, guests find the gardenin turn is divided into the inner and outer

roji,or dewy path. The outer rojicomprises two principalstructures, the machiai

or waiting room, and the koshikakemachiai, the waiting bench or waiting

arbour. The former is enclosed and floored with tatamimats, the latteris roofedbut open. Near the koshikakemachiai s the privy or setchin,used primarily for

display; it may be inspected if the guests so desire, as it, too, has been purified

andpreparedfor the guests' aestheticenjoyment. The pathin the outer gardenis

direct, generally a paved stone walkway, and is thus primarily functional or

utilitarian. The only real criterion for the outer roji is that it be scrupulously

clean. The gardenis pleasant, with a free, light atmosphere, andflowering trees

may be allowed there (Allan Palmer, personalcommunication). The outer roji s

a preliminary step into ritual time.

As one moves into the inner garden, the atmosphere shifts to one of serene

tranquillityandharmony with nature.Everything in the inner gardenreflects aninduction into the ritual domain. Guests may no longer speak loudly, nor may

they touch upon frivolous topics of conversation, for presumably they have left

their earthly concerns behind. The path is irregular and divided, to provoke

aesthetic interest andleisurely contemplation. Ferns,small plantsandtrees, and,



294 DORINNE KONDO

K

INNER ROJI

c~>c~c2 c?c-,co

<:~PZc HD63n <:Dc7c)

F E OUTER ROJI

0S~~

A Gate

B Entry

C Yoritsuki

D Machial (waiting room)

E Setchin (privy) D

F Koshikake machial (waiting arbour)

G Middle gate

H Stone lantern B

I Crouching basin

J Chiriana(dust hole) A

K Nijlrl-guchl (crawling-in entrance)

Thespatialarrangementf atypical eagarden.

especially, moss, are in evidence; no flowering plants are allowed. Everything

must be simple and artless, 'things such as grow wild in the hills' (Kuck I940:

I98-9). The feeling of the inner gardenis one of wabi and sabi.

The principalfeatureof the inner gardenis the water basin, or tsukubai.Water

is the purificatory agent parexcellencenJapanese culture, and it is representedin

the inner garden by the water in the basin which the guests use to purify

themselves.21 Thus the presence of water, and the wetness of the garden and its

structures, is a metaphor for freshness, naturalness and purity.

Just before entering the tea room, the guests pass a hole in the earth, called

chirianaor 'dust hole'. This is filled with clippings of trees and plants, and

symbolises the 'receptaclefor the dust of the world' (Ishikawa I976: 6i).

Clearly, the passage from the outer to the inner garden is ajourney through

physical and symbolic space, advancing from the mundane to the ritual.22



DORINNE KONDO 295

Boundaries and mediating structures contribute to the evocation of a 'world

apart'. Before the participantsset foot on the roji, they must enter through the

gate and advance to the yoritsuki. Unlike everyday life, where one would

announce one's entrance into the foyer with an 'excuse me', during the tea

ceremony the gate is left open and water sprinkled on the paving stones signals

that the guests may enter. (Ishikawa I976: 56;Sen I979: io). This is recapitulated

at the middle gate and at the entrance to the tea room; in each case the door or

gate is left slightly open, again a signal to the guests that they may proceed into

the next part of the tea gardens. The middle gate is a boundary markerdirectly

mediating between outer andinner gardens. At the outset it is left half-closed, to

maintain a relation of contiguity between the outer and the inner gardens, to

symbolise that they share the same qualities. Yet, the gate cannot be flung wide

open, lest this leave the inner gardentoo vulnerableto the relative worldliness ofthe outer. When the final guest passes through the gate, s/he shuts it firmly. This

symbolically closes off ritual space from the mundane.23Again, once the final

guest enters the tea room, the door is firmly shut with a click, to seal off all

reminders of the outside.

Mediation also takes place on the level of the buildings of the garden. The

machiaiand the tea room itself form a homologous pair; each is small, enclosed,

tatami-lined,and a scroll hangs in each. Again, meaning arisesthrough contrast.

The machiai s informal, lighter and airierthan the tea room. A smoking tray, a

sign of informality, is displayed there, whereas no smoking is allowed in the tea

room. In the tea hut, the symbolic connotations of tea served there contrast withthe purificatory but still comparatively mundane osayu,or hot water. Near the

gate, however, deep in the outer garden and almost in the inner one, is the

koshikakemachiai waiting arbour), another mediating structure. Physically, it is

placed almost between gardens, though it is considered part of the outer roji.And unlike the machiai tself, it has no precise analogue in the ceremony. It is

open and thus differs from either the tea hut or the machiai, o allow the guests to

enjoy the beauties of nature. In the space between the machiaiand the tea room,

the beauties of the garden must preparethe participantfor entry into the ritual

world proper. The koshikakemachiaiis thus a midpoint in the symbolic

continuum from the mundane to the ritual: not quite a building, not quite thegarden, but something of both.

The following table summarises the differences between the various parts of

the garden:

Outside Mediator Outergarden Mediator InnerWorld

Gate Waiting room Waiting arbor Tea roomYoritsuki Hot water Gate Tea

Flowers MossTrees FernsDirect path Indirect

Fire WaterUtilitarian Aesthetic

Physical SpiritualMundane Ritual

Mundane Ritual



296 DORINNE KONDO

Thus, movement from the outside world into the tea garden is a step into the

ritual world; movement from one part of the garden to the other is a further

progression into the domain of ritualtime and space. This both strips the guests

of their worldliness and envelops them in a ritualatmosphere of sabi/wabi.

The meaning of any single element is opaque when viewed in isolation, but

acquires significance when contrasted to its analogues in other parts of the

ceremony and to the mundane world outside. Relative formality/informality is

symbolised through the exploitation of differences and similarities among

features. The tea garden stands in contrast to the world outside; in the garden

itself, the outer garden was this-worldy and informal, the inner formal. The

same principles apply not only to the induction of the participant nto ritual time

but in the easing of symbolic intensity and the return into the mundane world.

One example would be the building of the firstfire (shozumi)andthe building ofthe second fire (gozumi). Shozumi is a prelude to the koicha egment, the formal

climax of the ceremony; thus there is a logical imperative to renderthis part of

the ceremony relatively formal. The mood is set with the slow patterningof the

ashes in the brazier and the burning of incense to fill the airwith the fragranceof

spirituality. During the second building of the fire, no such carefulpatterningis

necessary; indeed the segment can be omitted altogether. The host may bring

out cushions to make the guests more comfortable and carries out the smoking

tray. One recalls that this was last seen in the machiai.Thus, though the guests

are forbidden to smoke in the tearoom, the smoking tray signifies informality;it

represents the act of smoking, an informal activity, and it is metonymicallyassociated with the structures of the outer garden and the outer world. This

recapitulation of elements createsformality and aspiritual,contemplative mood

in shozumi, and an informal atmosphere in thegozumi, a quick descent from the

intensely formal symbolism of koicha. Accordingly, in juxtaposing the two

separated sequences of shozumi and gozumi, the significance of each, their

relative formality or informality, is clarified. Moreover, examining the rela-

tionship of segments occurring in sequencealso enables us to illuminate their

respective meanings. The positioning ofgozumi after the solemn koicha egment

highlights the worldliness of the former and the formal mood of the latter. In

short, the entire ritual moves along the axis of relative this-worldliness orother-worldliness, and systematically uses the devices of metaphor, metonym

and contrast to communicate those differences.

V

Now that certain basic symbolic mechanisms informing the tea ceremony have

been identified, what of the movement of the sequence as a whole? The

progression is encoded in a seemingly chaotic concatenation of modes. Rather

than focusing on all of them simultaneously, we will trace one threadthrough-out the entire sequence: the auditory channel andthe role of silence, signals, and

verbal v. non-verbal symbolism in conveying an impression of increasing and

then decreasingsymbolic intensity. The auditory mode is one that immediately

presents itself for analysis, for two reasons. First, the pre-eminence of non-



DORINNE KONDO 297

verbal over verbal expression is ageneral theme injapanese culture. 4 Secondly,

this general emphasis is carried over into the realm of Zen doctrine and

aesthetics.25

In this cultural context, it is not surprising that in the tea ceremony the

progressive induction into ritual time is reflected in an increasing emphasis on

non-verbal modes of communication. The climax of each segment-the pat-

terning of the ashes, the preparation of both koichaand usucha-is always

performed in utter silence. And the koicha egment, in its entirety the symbolic

apex of the ceremony, is the most silent and solemn of all the major sequences.

But the situation is more complex than a simple equation between silence and

the ritualworld, noise and the mundane, might indicate.

Beginning from a sharp demarcation from the mundane (a non-verbal

signal-the open door-at the entrance to the house) which signifies entry intoan 'exceptional' domain, emphasis shifts from verbal channels to increasingly

non-verbal modes. The initial emphasis is on human interaction; e.g., conver-

sation is permitted, and bows (albeit silent ones) are exchanged at the middle

gate. This is reversed when the guests actually enter the tea room. They first

bow, not to the person of the host, but to objects: the scroll, the brazier and so

on. In Japan, objects in general are not considered atomistic entities, but

extensions of people (cf. Bachnik I978; Kondo I982). These objects are sym-

bolic extensions of the host, but that acknowledgement is first transmitted

indirectly, heightening this connexion between person and object.

This reversalis perpetuated, moreover, in other specific contexts throughoutthe ceremony. The host is always signalled through 'percussion' as opposed to

speech.26 The noise of the tea room door as it shuts tells him/her that the guests

have completed their entry. The click of the chopsticks on the trayindicates that

the guests have finished their meal. After the interval the guests aresummoned

back to the tea room by a gong, and not by a personal greeting from the host.27

Here, an initially social, and hence more informal interaction between persons

contrasts with the entry into the ritual domain of non-verbal sounds, and

especially, silence.

It is interesting to note thatritualisedverbalisations-primarily questions and

polite formulae-are uttered at certain junctures, generally to admire andcomment upon the art objects used during the ceremony. This creates within

each major segment (shozumi, koicha,usucha,etc.) small increments in symbolic

tension, climaxes and denouements. The first involves a combination of verbal

exchanges and non-verbal acts; the climax occurs entirely in silence, with the

sequence eventually shifting back to the verbal, and thus more informal, mode

in the denouement. For example, after the intensely solemn preparation and

drinking of koicha, he verbalisationsinvolving the presentationof the tea bowl,

the questions surrounding the tea utensils, in factsymbolically mark awinding-

down of the ritual. From the climax of koichapreparationto a less formal, more

social question-and-answer session that is less bound and fixed, one moves to

the even more informal usuchapreparationand the still more informal questions

and answers following that. Accordingly, the progression of the ceremony

forms a steady decompression from the periods of heightened symbolic inten-

sity. At this point, then, we can summarise the functions of auditory signs in



298 DORINNE KONDO

the tea ceremony:percussive-signalling; verbal-social, relatively informal;

silence-symbolic intensity, the height of ritual time.

The contrast between verbal and non-verbal modes as one pivot of the

syntactic structure of the ritual begins to articulate he process of movement, but

in order to understandmore precisely the sequencing of the ceremony, one must

focus upon the central opposition of ritual v. mundane, and its metaphorical

representationin the sensible qualities of the substances and the objects used in

the tea ceremony.

VI

In examining the role of substances in the ceremony, three features are high-

lighted: i) setting apart the ritual from the mundane; 2) the similarities anddifferences in consecutively occurring sequences; 3) creating significant con-

trasts between similar but discontinuous partsof the ritual (first and second fires,

osayu-kaiseki-koicha-usucha).his is a movement from the metaphorically

mundane to the metaphorically ritual and back again.

First, many of the substances used areparticular o the ceremony itself and are

only infrequently found in other contexts. For example, among the foods,

kaiseki s by definition a tea ceremony meal. This type of refinedcuisine can also

be found in restaurants that specialisein such elegant delicacies, but its primary

association is with the way of tea. Ceremonial sweets form another specialised

category. Both omogashiand higashiare ritual terms, and both are beautifulaesthetic creations, smaller and more elegant than the usual everyday confec-

tions. One could conceivably use regularsweets in the place of proper omogashi

or higashi when I was a student of tea, we did this to economise, asteaceremony

sweets, being specialities, are expensive); equally, one could buy tea ceremony

sweets to eat at home. Yet the chief function of omogashiand higashi is

ceremonial.

Similar arguments could be advanced for the non-food substances. The tea

itself is associated chiefly with the ceremony, symbolised in the special ritual

terms koichaand usucha.Both areforms of matcha,powdered green tea. Usucha,

thin tea, might be served to guests informally, but to my knowledge, koicha-athick, concentrated form of matcha-is rarely, perhaps never, encountered

outside the context of the ceremony. Of the other non-food substances,both are

in some way special. Osayu,hot water, is not commonly consumed in everyday

life. Sake is one of the typical Shinto offerings to the gods andis found in many

Shinto rituals; thus it has sacral connotations. Accordingly, both food and

non-food substances create a symbolic cleavage between the ritual and the

mundane.

Substances also symbolise the movement of the ceremony. On entering the

tea room, for example, the sequence begins with fire, air and incense (rendered

special by the connotations of incense as a substance) and moves toward

increasing intensity with the eating of the fresh foods, drinking of the strong,

alcoholic sake, eating the moist sweets, and performing another ablution with

cool, fresh water.28 The entire first half of the rite is aslow, elaboratepreparation

for the climax of koicha;t is thought that to drink this thick tea without proper



DORINNE KONDO 299

fortification might be dangerous. After the climax, the ceremony moves again

to the element of fire and of tobacco smoke, not incense, signalling amuch more

informal mood, and then to the eating of dry sweets (informal because they can

be picked up and eaten with the hands) and the drinking of weak or thin tea.

Several points are important to note: i) Purification with cold water always

precedes entry into the tea room, and in each case presages a significant

heightening of the ritual atmosphere. 2) The core of the ceremony could be said

to correspond to metaphorical spirituality, and the cultural significance of the

substances used: sake, moist sweets made especially for the tea ceremony, the

purificatory cold water ablution, and then the thick tea. All these occur in

sequence, together, and thus form a 'bundle of relations' with considerable

symbolic impact. 3) The pre-eminence of koicha an be explained in terms of the

metaphorical qualitiesof

thesubstance

itself.29 Tea

symbolises the introspectivequalities associated with Zen: an awakening of the senses and a contemplative

atmosphere (Watts I957: I90; Suzuki I970: 298).

Though not perfectly symmetrical, it is as though the ritual begins from the

core and works outward, so that the sequences on either side of the climactic

episodes recapitulateone another. There is a reversal from one half to the other,

as the sequence itself builds to a high point, bringing together elements in a

certain order. Inthe process of re-entry into the mundane, the opposite sequence

is followed. Not only is this demonstrated at the general level of major

sequences, it occurs within each segment; e. g., when the host takes utensils out

of the room in the reverse order from which they were first brought in.The ritual also makes full use of similar segments occurring in discontinuous

partsof the sequence. Take, for example, the partakingof food anddrinkduring

the ceremony. Here, the similaritiesprovide a contrastive ground for the salient

differences mong these segments. The relative formality of these sequences

(osayu,kaisekiand sake, omogashi nd koicha,higashiand usucha)s highlighted in

juxtaposition, symbolising the progressive induction and releaseof the partici-

pant. In osayu,no foods areserved, and the drinkitself is nothing but hot water,

though some delicate flavouring agent can be added. This, then, is a 'weak'30

drink-different from everyday Japanese beverages and hence signalling an

entry into ritual time, but not concentrated, hence not symbolically powerful.Sake, which follows, is powerful and strong, and thus symbolically more

intense than osayu. It holds dual associations, with social, hence more mun-

dane, activity on the one hand, and as a common featurein the Shinto (not Zen)

religion.31 Koichasingifies its strength even in its heavy texture. It is a thick

distillate of a natural product, powdered tea leaves, and thus is imbued with

these qualities in highly concentrated form. It is a substance peculiar to the

ceremony itself. Usuchapartakes of these same qualities, but in less intense

fashion. It is slightly less special, as it is a less concentrated form of the same tea.

And, though it is not the most common beverage served to guests, one could do

so-or prepare a bowl for one's own consumption; thus, it is less purelyceremonial in its connotations. Again, the basic movements of the rite, from the

more ordinary to the more extraordinary and back again, are encoded even in

the sensible properties of the substances used in the various segments of the

ritual. Schematically represented, the ritual is divisible as follows:



300 DORINNE KONDO

Informal Formal Formal Informal

Osayu Sake Koicha Usucha

weak strong thick (strong) thin (weak)

no food kaiseki omogashi higashi

Thus the repetition, with variation, of similar sequences is a major mode of

symbolising the progression of the ritual. The similarities act as background for

the differences in meaning among these segments.

In sum, in the tea ceremony one finds many symbolic devices: i) metaphor

(wetness as a metaphor for freshness and purity, tea as a metaphor for the

ceremony itself); 2) metonym, part standing for whole, or relations of conti-

guity and proximity to (outer garden and outer world); 3) repetition of sequences

in different parts of the ceremony, compelling the mind to explore the simi-

larities and differences between these sequences; 4) position of elements in the

sequence, e.g., when the kaiseki-sake-omogashi-koichaegment takes on height-

ened symbolic intensity because these elements occur in combination. Any

taken alone would not have the same meaning; 5) an element of reversal, in

which the return to the mundane is symbolised by reversing the original

sequence; 6) contrast among segments and between ritual and non-ritual food

and drink, serving as markers of entry into the ritualdomain.32

An internal analysis of ritual should not rest at a simple tripartitestructuring

of a sequence or constructing a matrix of binary oppositions. Rather, one can

attempt to recapturewith some precision the movements of the rite. Yet even

this is far from complete. In what other ways might the participants be

compelled to feel serenely at peace?

VII

Redundancy of message among the sensory modes and the repetition of

sequences is akey rhetorical/symbolic device in the ceremony. Let us begin with

the interaction of the graphic, gestural, gustatory, tactile and verbal sensory

channels and the process of objectification, or the transposition of intangiblequalities into various sensory modes.

The performative creation of the ritual domain begins in the yoritsukiwhere

the guests put on fresh tabi, brush the dust off their clothes and change their

attire. Here, in leaving behind their everyday clothing, they physically divest

themselves of reminders of the everyday world. This progressive shedding of

worldly concerns continues during their procession in the garden and is

powerfully symbolised in the passing of the chiriana dust hole) near the tea

room. Here is one's final opportunity to brush away the pollutions and

contingencies of everyday life before entering the tea room. One last reminder

of this entry into a ritual domain is the act of removing one's sandals and

standing them up outside the hut.33 This transmutation of qualities-in this

case, pollution or this-worldliness-into physical objects and tangible proper-

ties, is one of the most compelling of performative acts. It gives ritual a

literalness that verbal communication rarelyachieves. After ridding themselves



DORINNE KONDO 30I

of mundane objects and hence 'mundaneness' in general, the participants are

ready to absorb 'ritualness'in its many forms.

Beginning with the purity, freshness and naturalness of the garden, the

transferof symbolic qualities intensifies. For example, the ritual ablution with

water not only washes away the 'dust of the world', it also metonymically

transfers the qualities of water-freshness and purity-to the persons of the

guests themselves. The crouching actions at the basin and at the entrance to the

tea room signify humility. Once again it is important to note the representation

of a mental state by an action, and the performative aspectinvolved: performing

these actions is as good ashaving the right attitude, for it should induce the right

attitude.

In the tea room the ritual atmosphere heightens. For example, incense is

burnedin the tea room, an act with religious connotations inJapaneseculture.34The tone it sets is immediately sacral and contemplative. The scrolls and the

flower arrangement set the mood and the theme for the particular ceremony,

and by viewing these art objects, the sentiments expressed through the visual

and graphic media are, ideally at least, transferredto the viewer in order to

structure his/her mental attitude. Just as a Zen painting may leave an empty

expanse of white, so the mind of the participant should achieve the same

emptiness, mushin.

The drinking of tea itself is preceded by the climactic moments of its

preparation, where the bounded movements, the graceful yet logical progres-

sion of actions, express the essence of peace and calm. In drinking the aestheticinfusion, one partakes not only of the tea and of the qualities it embodies, but of

the care, the grace and the selflessness that went into its preparation. The

viewing of the tea bowl, its asymmetry and coarseness to the touch, its

imperfections, the tea implements and their associations, all contribute further

to the symbolic intensity of the ceremony. Like the notes of a baroque score,

different symbols in different modes occur in profusion, yet move smoothly

forward in an intelligible sequence.

The interaction of various sensory media creates a multiple layering of

meanings that 'all add up to one message' (Leach I976: 41). Though there may

be qualitative and significant differences among the various sensory modes

-and I believe there are, asJakobson (I960), Langer (I942) and Levi-Strauss

(I969) have pointed out-the gathering of these elements into asingle ceremony

tends to highlight the similarities among them. Moreover, though the referents

of a single symbol may be myriad, the location of the symbol in the nexus of the

tea ceremony narrows its meaning or accents a certain meaning to the partial

exclusion of others. This homology of code among the sensory modes is one of

the major sources of the tea ceremony's symbolic efficacy and power.

What, then, of the constant repetition of actions andsequences?Iwould argue

that it provides a contrastive background for the subtle changes that take place

from one segment of the ritual to another. The basic similarity in the sequence

renders any changes all the more striking. In this case, redundancy is not

'superfluity'.35 Rather, through the subtle variations in the message and in the

media into which it is transposed, persuasive symbolic power is inevitably

intensified.36Inshort, in the teaceremony, redundancycreates an intensification



302 DORINNE KONDO

of meaning in and of itself, and it is a vehicle of meaning for the minute but

significant changes that may occur in the repetition of a sequence.

VIII

Finally, this allows something more general to be said about the nature of ritual

itself. Should ritual be a mere communicative device designed to impart a

simple, discursive message, there would be little apparent rationale for the

existence of the ritual form. Ritual 'messages' can be repetitive, prodigally so,

freely drawing upon all the sensory modes and all manner of symbolic devices.

Folk belief may also encourage a view of ritual as rigid, convention-bound and

inimical to real, spontaneous feeling. Why, say these pragmatists, make such a

fuss over drinking a cup of tea?Perhaps the answer to these riddles lies with the Zen masters. For at least in the

teaceremony, andperhapsin other ritualsaswell, it is by becoming one with the

rules that the possibility of transcendence lies.37 The formality of ritual also

enables the participantto forget the contingencies of everyday life and frees the

mind for 'greater' thoughts.38 Ritual, then, need not be an ossified form

interfering with 'true' feeling and spontaneity. In fact, form separates the ritual

from the everyday and distinguishes the casual partaking of a cup of tea from

chanoyu, the way of tea. By its precise orchestration of sequence and the

interrelations among symbols in different sensory modes, the tea ceremony

articulatesfeeling and thought, creating a distilled form of experience set apart

from the mundane world.

NOTES

Several people have read this manuscript in draft form. I should particularly like to thank S. J.

Tambiah, John C. Pelzel, Matthews Hamabata and Vincent Crapanzano for their perceptive

comments. Of course, final responsibility lies solely with the author.1 Among themgado (the way of poetry), kyuidothe way of archery),kendo the way of the sword)

and Bushido the way of the warrior).

2 Scholars have long been sensitive to the differences and similarities among various sensorymodes (e.g., Jakobson's visual andauditory signs, Langer's discursiveandpresentationalsymbols).

As a method of representation and symbolisation, discursive language, like any mode of com-

munication-the plastic arts, music, gesture and so on-excels at certaintasks andis less suited for

others.

Roland Barthes, the structuralist literary critic, dares to imply that an art closely related to

tea-haiku-is refractory to Westernschemes of analysis: il nous resiste,perdfinalement les adjectifs

qu'un moment plus t6t on lui decernaitet entre dans cette suspension du sens, qui nous est la chose la

plus etrange puisqu'elle rend impossible l'exercice le plus courant de notre parole, qui est le

commentaire . .' (Barthes970: IIO).' See Tambiah (I979) for acomprehensive review ofthe treatment ofthese issues in the literature.4 While in Japan, I studied with a teacher of the Ura Senke school for two years, and after

returning to the United States continued lessons with another Ura Senke teacher for about six

months.

5 This is apractice common in forms of the traditionalarts; nju-do, or instance, one rises through

the different kyu, or grades, and receives certificates and other external symbols of rank, such as the

colour of the belt. Like allthe arts, however, truemasteryis anunattainablegoal; merely to approach

it takes a lifetime.



DORINNE KONDO 303

6 As such, tea tends to be studied and practised by those who value such qualities andwho possess

sufficient leisure and economic means to enjoy it; i.e., those of at least middle-class status. Regional

variations also exist, at least in folk ideology. Residents of certainareas, known for theirappreciation

of high culture (e.g., Kanazawa) are said to be more familiar with the ceremony than the average

Japanesecitizen and to frequently serve matcha, he powdered tea used during the ceremony, to their

guests, instead of the usual fareof brewed tea.

7 Another highly ritualised expression of this emphasis on formality is the schools of etiquette,

such as the Ogasawara-ryu. This is most likely an upper/upper-middle class phenomenon.

8 During my years as a pupil of tea, I attended such a ceremony once, at my teacher'shome. The

actualexperience did confirm the formal rules learnedthrough lessons and books on tea.

9 When the guests enter the tea garden, they wear their host's footgear, not their own. The roji

(tea garden), it is said, is not to be trodden by shoes 'defiled by the soil of the outside world'

(Okakura I964: 34).

10 During thefurodemae the teaceremony performed between May and October with aportable

brazier ratherthan the sunken hearth, or ro)this segment follows the kaisekimeal.11 The practice of ritual modesty is a common part ofJapanese etiquette. Here, unlike the polite

understatementof everyday life, kaiseki s in fact afrugal meal, at least in terms of the amount of food

served-though often the dishes areexpensive seasonal delicacies.

12 Its initial meaning was 'warming stone', for Zen monks would place a warm stone near their

stomachs during long hours of meditation in order to ward off hunger (Palmer I976C: 32).

13 Seating arrangements,both during the ceremony and in the wider society, are indices of status.

The seat for the person of highest status is called the kamiza, high or upper seat, and it is usually in

front of the alcove and away from the door.

14 'Regardless of the fact that the tabako-bons not actually used for smoking, it is the sign of a

relaxed atmosphere' (Palmer I976: 65).

15 For example, those who enter the Ura Senke school as disciples and students of tea undergo a

long apprenticeship, where their only instruction is to watch the teacher teaching other students.They themselves are not allowed even to touch a tea implement until the day when they are

suddenly, without warning, told to perform the ceremony in front of the teacher.16 See Kondo (I982) for a lengthier exposition of the concept of kuri.17 Suzuki (I970: 3 i) relatesa classic admonition about Zen ink painting, but the principleapplies

to all the Zen arts:'Draw bamboos for ten years, become a bamboo, then forget all about bamboos

when you aredrawing'.

18 Ludwig cites a famous Taoist aphorism to that effect: 'In bearing water and chopping wood,

there lies the wonderful Tao' (Ludwig I974: 39). Inthe teaceremony, then, Enlightenment lies in the

preparingand drinking of a cup of tea.

19The tea room itself, for example, embodies pure sabi-wabi: The tea hut is extremely bareand

almost devoid of colour. If a flower is arranged n avase, it is usually asingle, small blossom of some

quiet hue or white. The tea utensils are not of exquisite porcelainbut of coarsepottery, often a dull

brown or black and imperfectly formed. The kettle may be a little rusty. Yet from these objects we

receive an impression not of gloominess or shabbiness but one of quiet harmony and peace .

(Tsunoda et al. i958: 28I).

The aestheticof sabiandwabi s centralto anunderstandingof the ceremony, not only for the sense

of what constitutes 'tea style' in the performanceof the ceremony (grace, calm, silence, economy of

movement), but in its related arts;flower arranging, pottery, scrolls, cooking, gardens and so on.

Briefly, the same values of simplicity, asymmetry, age, roughness, austerity and monochrome

colour are observed in the ancillaryarts.The teagarden is, like allJapanesegardens, simple, peaceful

and tranquil, but it should have these qualities to a heightened degree, imparting an impression of

being shut away from the outside world. Tea gardensareusually bare of flowers, using instead less

showy plants to createaharmonious aestheticquality. The tea room is small, bare anddimly lit. Teastyle in flowers is known for its simplicity andnaturalness.Usually a chabana rrangement consists

of a single flower and a few leaves. Its distinctiveness is reflected in the verb used to describe the

process of arranging:whereas for most other styles of flower arrangingone appliesthe term ikeru to

arrange), with chabana ne must ireru-put or place into. 'Chabana s a delightful anomaly in the

sphere of ikebana. t has no rules; its charm lies in its exquisite simplicity. It cannot be taught, it can

only be felt' (Davidson I970: I0-I ).



304 DORINNE KONDO

The tea bowls are of rough pottery, often uneven andlopsided; the most famous types of tea ware

(e.g., Raku, Oribe) tend to be black, dullish red, dull brown, or a combination of black and dark

green. These are purest sabi-wabi. The scrolls or paintings hung in the alcove are usually of Zen

origin; a scroll might be a laconic Zen epigram, or an ink painting. In either case, it is generally

simple black on white.

20 The wealthy might be able to afford atearoom or teagardenin theirresidences;otherwise, one

would use the grounds of, for example, a temple, or an elegantJapanese restaurant.

21 It is also represented indexically through the presence of moss, which requires a moist

environment in order to survive. Moreover, one recallsthat the name of the garden itself, the Dewy

Path, restates this association with wetness, purity, and freshness, and that the path itself is in fact

sprinkled with waterjust prior to the arrival of the guests.

22 Architect Fumihiko Maki argues that the concept of oku, the depths, characterisesJapanese

architecture (e. g., shrines, streets, arrangementof rooms in ahouse). The division of the gardeninto

inner and outer roji, for instance, is also characteristicof shrine precincts where the outer path is

relatively straight, while the inner path indirect and winding. This 'create(s) a sense of drama andritualin the process of approaching'the oku(Maki I979: 59). Here the dimensions of spaceand time

areboth implied.23 The same is true, but on aheightened level of purity andsymbolic intensity, at the nijiri-guchi.24 There are countless examples, but I shall cite only a few. Perhaps the ideal form of

communication in Japan is ishindenshin,a highly developed empathy in which mutual sensitivity

obviates the need for words. Lebra(I976: I i 5) describes this as follows: 'Words arepaltry againstthe

significance of reading subtle signs and signals and the intuitive grasp of each other's feelings'.

Studies of childhood socialisation practicesinJapan and the United States consistently point to the

greateremphasis inJapan on non-verbal interaction between mother and infant. (See, for example,

Caudill & Weinstein I969.) An ideal for masculine behaviour (indeed, for anyone) isfugenjikko,

silent action. That is, one should prove one's worth through action, not through empty words.

25 The term ma-interval, pause, space, room-is crucial here, for it is used both in everydaysocial interaction and as anaestheticconcept. Ma exists in Zen paintingsand in flower arrangements,

where the brush strokes or lines of the flowers and branches describe a space. It corresponds, in this

context, to the emptiness of muin Zen doctrine. But ma is not simply spatial;it can also signify a

pause, a silence. A conversation should have ma, appropriatespacing or intervals, to punctuate the

rhythms of speech. One is not obligated to fill the silence with words. The spacing in this case

contributes to a sense of repose. Ku, emptiness-as in the empty space of air-is an important

relatedconcept.26 Cf. Rodney Needham (I967).27 Cf. Evon Vogt I977, on the role of percussionin Zinacantecoritual.28 The five elements (wood, water, fire, earth, metal) from Chineses cosmology, undoubtedly

play a part here, and to some extent featurein exegeses of the symbolism of tea. Indeed, one could

say that preparing and drinking tea unites the five elements: wood (charcoal);water (for tea); fire;earth (tea bowl); metal (brazier).

29 Tea embodies the naturalness of sabi and wabi: a powder made of ground-up leaves, it unites

thesenatural elements with the naturalelement of water, to create arepresentation,in palpableform,

of the Japanese aesthetic. And finally, its thick texture and concentrated state are metaphorical

expressions of the intensity of the ritualexperience, here distilled into its very essence, asingle bowl

of tea. The tea is, in a sense, the ritual experience itself. In Fernandez's (I977) terms, the tea is a

metaphor that is particularly 'apt';it embodies the ideasinforming the ceremony, as well as making

logical sense in terms of the progression of the sequence.

30 'Weak' and 'strong', or rather, 'thick', and 'thin', are salient culturalcategories. In fact, 'koi'

and 'usui'('thick' and 'thin') areused in the words koichaand usucha.31 On first glance, sakemight logically be considered the climax of the ceremony; it, too, is a

strong, powerful liquid with religious connotations, and it is undoubtedly no coincidence that these

occur in close proximity to one another as part of the height of the ceremony. However, when one

recalls the connotations of each, based on ethnographicevidence and native exegesis, it is clearthat

sakeon the one hand is more social and informal, and on the other is associated with religion-but

with Shinto, not with Zen.

In this form, it is known as Omiki, the gods' sake. It is used in the Shinto wedding ceremony anda



DORINNE KONDO 305

special variety of sake s drunkduring the New Yearholidays. Inthis sense, it could be saidto be part

of the long, purificatoryprocess which takesplace before the partakingof the tea itself. Thus, sake s

both social and 'sacred' or special. The manuals on tea emphasise the socialconnotations of sake,

saying that it is offered in order to foster a friendly spirit among the participants. Indeed, Edwards

argues for a strong relationshipbetween 'sakeandsolidarity', which appears n ritualcontexts aspart

of a symbolic means of creating 'bonds between men [sic.], or between men and gods.

(Edwards I982: 703).

32 Another way of analysing the tea ceremony would be to compare it to other rituals involving

the use of stimulants, from other areas of the world. Though this exceeds the bounds of this

particular article, such a comparison might prove highly illuminating.

3 The opposition between inside and outside is asalient one inJapaneseculture. One never wears

outside shoes inside the house; insteadthese are left at the foyer which is at alower level than the rest

of the house. Only slippers, tabi, stockings-inside footwear-can be worn within the home. To do

otherwise would be a fundamental breach of etiquette;in fact it would be unthinkable, un-Japanese.

Inside/outside also signifies a 'mode' of behaviour-uchi (cf. UchiRoji)is the intimate in-group; sotois the outside, public world (cf. Kondo I982).

3 It is what one offers to the ancestors, and is sometimes thought to have curative powers; it is

also closely associated with Buddhism.35 Leach (I976) argues that patterning or redundancy helps the receiver understand the message

being communicated.

36 Through capitalising on the qualities of the particularmodes involved (e.g., the discursive

natureof language, the simultaneity of visual stimuli, the palpabilityof objects).37 This is a profound theme in Japanese culture, underlying pedagogy, definitions of person,

maturity, role fulfilment, etc. See e.g., Kondo I982.

38 Lest the reader fear that I am spinning webs of fantasy, it does seem that this feeling of

tranquillity and of losing oneself in the rules is in fact conveyed to the participants, however

implicitly or imperfectly. One informant told me of herexperience. Taking teasolely as awifely art,she kept a diaryof her feelings about the ceremony. Even at ayoung age, she felt that, once learned,

the rules allowed herto think of greater things. Indailylife minor mattersandsmall decisions absorb

one's conscious attention and energy. Ritual liberates one from the necessity of diverting energy to

these trivialities, to learn the rulesso completely thatone's actions no longer occupy one's attention.

Thus the powers of thought and feeling canbe directed toward that which is truly meaningful.

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kondo - way of tea

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