The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 39 (1995)

EDITORIAL

THE LIMITS OF FREEDOM

by VETON SURROI

The first time I physically met a Chechenyan, he was already dead. I was passing through anexclusive neighborhood in London and saw several ambulances which had surrounded abeautiful house while the police had stopped the traffic. In the evening news, I found out thatthe man (in reality there had been two) who was being transported to the hospital, was acitizen of the former Soviet Union, and the next day's newspapers referred to them as twoChechenyans, people of suspicious wealth.

The later explanations spoke of an organized crime network of the Chechenyans in London.And, as the Interpol would state not only once, the Chechenyans are somewhere on the top ofthe organized crime in Western Europe, be it drugs or arms smuggling. A characteristicwhich, it seems, had entered the police computers, was the brutality with which theChechenyan mobsters eliminate their opponents and debtors from the act of living.

Since three years ago, Western Europe links the name of the Chechenyans to mobsters andGeneral Dudayev, a former general of the Red Army who proclaimed the independence ofChechenya from the Russian Federation in times when Gorbachev was confused with thewhole process of the disintegration of the USSR. But, most likely, the massacre which hashappened in Chechenya will eliminate the image of mobsters and will bond the name of theChechenyans to more general synonyms of the world's politics.

For example, the Russian President Yeltsin considers it the last bastion of separatism. Hislogic is simple: if the secession of Chechenya is allowed, then the other autonomous republicswithin the Russian Federation should be allowed. For the Russian opposition, which in thesemoments has had outstanding principled posture in the inter-ethnic conflicts, Chechenya is atest for democracy: the use of arms against one people to solve a political problem wouldmean the fortification of the military apparatus in Russia proper. Further on, the opposition,which doesn't support the independence of Chechenya, reveals a simple calculation:Chechenya could be conquered by the death of the Russian soldiers, enormous expenses ofthe budget which has to be fulfilled with additional printing of money, ie. inflation, thereforeeconomic and political instability.

Could this be an internal affair? No. At least because the issue of human rights, the issue ofthe rights of the Chechenyan people is an issue which goes beyond the borders of Russia.Even more, we are facing a historical process which transcends the frames of one state: theindependence of people from the big imperialist projects. Yesterday it was the disintegration

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of the Soviet Union and the Yugoslav mini-model, today the issue is Chechenya, tomorrow itmight be Tibet or maybe another part of the Indian sub-continent.

Silencing the problem or evaluating that "these issues are surpassed", were not proven wrongonly in the cases of yesterday, but also in the present ones. The Chechenyans fought Russiaalmost the whole past century, in this century, in times of Stalin, they were forciblytransported to different parts of the USSR, but here they are, and they believe in theirfreedom.

The world has entered a phase in which it must give a reply to a complicated question: whereare the limits of the freedom of the peoples?

KOSOVA

ABSOLUT KOSOVA

by ASTRIT SALIHU

Absolut Vodka promotes its products in the most famous magazines of the world,"Newsweek", "Time" and "Die Spiegel", etc., through a conceptual ad of continuance andcontext. Thus, Absolut is known in all the biggest cities or metropolises of the world. We canfind it in Swiss watches, the pigeons of Venice's square, the Madrid guitar, the ruined Berlinwall, the gambling tables of Monte Carlo and the music notes of Vienna. Absolut is known inevery town and vice versa, in each Absolut you can recognize a town. All ads containsomething from the identity and the image of those towns. There is no way not to feelmarginalized by the fact that we are not part of the places which would identify AbsolutVodka or in which the Vodka would identify us. Kosova of the last years can be identifiedand create its identity through the chains which suffocate a people and the absolute violencewhich is applied against them.

As much we would feel well to, at least, be part of the places which are comprised in theadvertising concept of a famous product, even by evidencing the violence and chains wecarry, that much we would develop an advertising concept if we would get rid of them, as inthe following illustration. Maybe in the future, the sign of Absolute Vodka will find itself inScanderbeg's headpiece or Tomorr's peak.

Even though our bodies and skins are developing the identity and image of Kosova in theworld, if nothing else, then why shouldn't we impose ourselves to the concept of the ad withthe Absolut violence that surrounds us.

It seems paradoxical and cynical to advertise violence, but the code of the language ofadvertising is superficial, compressed and suggestive. This doesn't explain all about Kosova.But we believe that something else, different and strong about it has been said.

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PROFILES

State Department's report on Rugova's visit

KOSOVO'S ALBANIAN LEADER MEETS WITH ACTING SECRETARY...

Ibrahim Rugova, the acknowledged leader of the 1.8 million member Albanian community inKosovo, met December 2 with Acting Secretary of State Strobe Talbott at the StateDepartment.

Rugova's long-planned visit to washington "gives us an opportunity to exchange views on arange of issues, but in particular on the human rights situation in Kosovo," the deputyspokesman said. Kosovo is a province in Serbia.

Shelly recalled that the U.S. has often expressed serious concerns about the human rightssituation in Kosovo and has publicly warned against any "spill-over" of fighting fromelsewhere in the former Yugoslavia.

...AND MRS. ALBRIGHT

Following is the text of a question taken and response given December 2, released by theDepartment of State Office of the Spokesman:

(Begin text)

QUESTION: Can you give us a readout of Madeleine Albright's meeting with Dr. IbrahimRugova of Kosovo?

ANSWER: Ambassador Madeleine K. Albright met with Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, chairman ofthe League of Democrats of Kosovo (LDK), on Friday in her State department office. Dr.Rugova noted conditions kin Kosovo, including what he described to be the arrest of 100policemen of Albanian descent and the alleged death by torture of one of them. Dr. Rugovastressed his commitment to nonviolence and called for an international civilian administrationof Kosovo.

Ambassador Albright stated that the United States supports Dr. Rugova's pacifist approach tothe situation in Kosovo. She affirmed that we are very supportive of autonomy for Kosovobut not independence. She assured Dr. Rugova that Serbia-Montenegro will not be fullyreintegrated into the international community until the autonomy of Kosovo is restored.Ambassador Albright further stressed the importance of strict protection of human rights inKosovo and the need for the CSCE long-duration missions to be permitted to return toKosovo.

(End text)

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Attack against Rugova

JEAN KIRKPATRICK, FORMER US AMBASSADOR TO UN, ABOUT RUGOVA:

The Albanian public was especially attracted to the publication of a part of the interview of ahigh American official Eduard Danich given to Zagreb's "Vecernji List", in Tirana's daily"Koha Jonë". This newspaper concentrates on the part in which Danich speaks of Rugova andhis impressions from a meeting with him in the United States.

In an interview given to the Croatian daily "Vecernji List", a high ranked official of theAmerican administration, Eduard Danich, speaking of the American predisposition to helpthe Croats, Bosnians and Albanians, among others, mentions the following: "I was participantof the lunch organized in honor of the leader of the Albanians of Kosova, Dr. IbrahimRugova. The reception was organized such, as if it were for a head of state. There were manypersonalities of the American political life: Jean Kirkpatrick, senators, congressmen, theeditor in chief of Washington Post, and many others. Only words in general. What a mistake.After the lunch, Kirkpatrick approached me and said: "Poor guy. He doesn't understandanything about politics. It will be very hard for us to help them".

(Part of the interview published by "Vecernji List" /Zagreb/ and "Koha Jonë" /Tirana/).

VIOLENCE

AN ABSOLUTE STATEMENT: THE STORY OF A POLICEMAN

Koha exclusively publishes the text of the manuscript of Avdi Mehmedoviq's interrogationminutes, in the most recent process against the former Kosova policemen, members of theIndependent Trade Union, which is an authentic description of the arrests, accusations andevents. The integral text is published, with the consent of the defending attorney of theaccused.

Elaborated on November 24, 1994 at 16,30 hrs., in the Regional Court of Prishtina.

Investigating Judge: Danica Marinkovic

Public Prosecutor: Jovica Jovanovic

The accused: Avdija Mehmedovic

minutes taken by: Court's typist

The accused Avdija Mehmedovic has been taken to the Court in the afternoon, therefore theCourt communicated him the grounds of suspicion, based on the criminal charges of theMinistry of Internal Affairs of Serbia (MIAS), the department of State Security, he wasinformed about his rights during the procedure that he is not obliged to defend himself, norreply to the asked questions, to use his mother tongue during the interrogation and the right hehas to chose his attorney who can be present during the interrogation, after he was asked said:

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I want to appoint attorney Bajram Kelmendi from Prishtina as my defending attorney, whowould be present during my interrogation, while I will defend myself in Serbian, which Iknow well.

The Court informed attorney Bajram Kelmendi by phone that the accused has appointed himas his defending attorney in this procedure, and who declared he would be in Court withinshort.

At 16,40, attorney Bajram Kelmendi came to the Court, and the interrogation of the accusedcontinued.

First, the accused requests to consult his attorney and the Court allows him this, but inSerbian. The accused consulted his attorney about there was any possibility to have hisinterrogation take place tomorrow at 8 o'clock, because he is in no position to present hisdefense, because he is very much exhausted physically and mentally, for the organs ofinternal affairs have mistreated him physically, because he is sleepless and because he had notbeen eating regularly, which causes him cramps in the stomach.

Since the attorney tells him he has the right to request the postponement of the interrogationbecause of the above reasons and that the Court must respect his request, because the accusedmust, by all means, be concentrated and fit during his defense, and in the concrete case therequest of the public prosecutor for investigations doesn't exist, but there is only the paper oncriminal charges pressed by MIAS, the investigating judge ascertains that the accusedrequests the postponement of the interrogation until tomorrow at 8 o'clock, because he isphysically and mentally tired. The attorney reacts to this and requests that it is written downthat the accused requests the postponement because he is exhausted mentally and physically,because he was physically mistreated by the organs of internal affairs, because he is sleeplessand the cramps in the stomach due to the irregular meals, therefore the Court also includesthis part of the statement of the accused in the minutes.

Then the Public Prosecutor declares that he has nothing against the postponement, but asksthe Court to start the interrogation at 11 o'clock the next day, so he can write the request forthe initiation of the investigations against the accused until then.

The Court decides: the interrogation of the accused is postponed till November 25, 1994, at11 o'clock.

After this, the accused asks the Court whether he could consult his attorney again, and theCourt allows him. The accused asks his attorney: does he have the right, once he is back inprison, to press criminal charges against those people who have mistreated him physically,while the attorney replies to him that he has the right, and that he himself will press thecriminal charges and that he would only have to sign it.

After this, the accused approaches the Investigating Judge and asks: Can you guarantee thatfrom this moment and till 8 o'clock in the morning I will not be mistreated in prison.

The Investigating judge smiles and without dictating the question to the typist says: YouAvdija ask too much. The Court gives no guarantees, but no one will touch you.

Then the accused signs the minutes and two guards take him back to prison.

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On November 25, 1994 at 11,45 hrs. the interrogation of the accused Avdija Mehmedoviccontinues in the presence of his attorney Bajram Kelmendi and the deputy Regional PublicProsecutor Jovica Jovanovic.

The accused was read the request of the Public Prosecutor for the initiation of theinvestigations, and then he declared:

I understood the request and I wish to present my defense.

I have graduated from the High Police School and the Military Academy. First I had beenteacher at the Police School in Vushtrri, and then I worked in the sector of public security ofthe Secretariat of Internal Affairs of Prishtina, as chief of defensive preparations' sector.

I was dismissed from the sector in September 1990, against my will. After my dismissal, Ibecame member of the TU of the former employees of the internal affairs, within the Unionof the Independent Trade Unions of Kosova (UITUK). Therefore, we have established a TUbranch of the former employees of Internal Affairs, which were dismissed, within theUITUK. Our premises were close to the premises of the UITUK. In our premises we hadsome equipment: a fax machine, a computer, a photocopier and a typewriter. Beforehand, wehad organized our founding convention on July 24, 1990 and later we organized the regularconventions. I was one of the most active members of the TU. In the meetings that we held,apart from me, other people mentioned in the request for the initiation of the investigations,as representatives from the field - from the other towns of Kosova attended the meetings. Onemeeting was held in the building of the UITUK, but since the police would break-in ourpremises too often, search them and confiscate our equipment and documentation (they tookaway two computers, for one they issued a receipt and the other one they stole, for they didn'tissue us any receipt on the confiscation), then we decided to organize our meetings outsidethe premises - in apartments. Therefore, the police didn't give us back the confiscatedcomputers, nor the documentation, and that was the reason why I presented criminal chargesagainst the police. We were often called to "informative talks", and I personally had beensummoned to those talks.

When we started working, we had in mind the general situation in the former Yugoslavia: thewar in Croatia, later in B&H, therefore we were fearing that the military conflicts would betransferred to Kosova. Thus we started collecting data on who is given weapons, where theweapons are stored, etc., and especially we had in mind Seselj's, Arkan's and Basri Pllana'sparties in Kosova. So, we were gathering data and information about the militaryorganizations of: Seselj, Arkan and Basri Pllana's Association.

Jonuz Tërstena and myself were gathering data in the whole of Kosova, and the data wascoming from the field. Thus, the data from Mitrovica was provided by Bedri Tahiri and SelimÇitaku, from Gjakova by Shefqet Beqa and Sejfullah Sahatçiu, from Gjilan by Halit Rexhepi,from Ferizaj by Reshat Maliqi and Fadil Hyseni, from Prizren by Adem Shala and RexhepOruçi and from Pejë by Vllaznim Gashi and Mehmet Gjoci.

Data coming from the field was diverse, including the repression against our colleagues whowere exposed to the repressive measures of the Serbian police, starting from the summons forinformative talks, physical mistreatment, searches, evictions and up to the killing of ourcolleague. The other kind of facts were related to the issue security in incidental situations.Thus we have data about the construction of an underground object close to Komoran

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(Gllogovc) which stores poison and that this building is taken care of by armed people, or forexample the fact that the MIAS has armed the Albanians of the Berishë village aiming atusing them for reciprocal clashes and thus start conflicts of big dimensions. These facts werepresented in our meetings, which were attended by the people mentioned in the request forthe initiation of the investigations, but also by other people. Jonuz and I would go to the fieldthroughout Kosova and in the meeting we had with our colleagues presented these facts andwe have spoken to the people who had sent us these facts. We held one meeting at BlerimOlloni's sister in law's apartment, and another one in a private house in Jabllanica St. We hadrented an apartment in which we had put the computer and the fax and it was Jonuz whousually used them. I was not able to use the computer, but as I was instructed by Jonuz, I'dwork on it sometimes.

The ones who have worked on the collection of the data and facts, have tried, in the majorityof the occasions and for a long time, to establish a contact with the responsible at the MIAS,in order to present them these facts and jointly try to prevent the explosion of armed conflictsin Kosova, the distribution of drugs and other harmful things, aiming at defending all nationsand nationalities in Kosova and not only the Albanian people, but the representative of theMIAS never accepted to receive us.

I know Mehmet Lumi, Lorenc Selmani and Enver Prekadini. I have thought of it and I havealso spoken to them about their inclusion in our activities, but finally I was told that they arenot suitable for the job, nor ready to do it.

I don't deny it, and I acknowledge as my statement the one given to the organs of internalaffairs, apart from some facts which were ascertained by them in the text and which don'tstand. I don't agree to the terms: security center, security service, organizing unit or heads ofdepartments (services), because they never existed. We are only people who were engaged ingathering data, and people who have sent us the data from the field. We have presented thesefacts in our contacts with foreign delegations which visited Kosova and in press conferences,and thus we have informed the international public too about the repressive measures againstthe Albanian people in general and against us, former policemen, in particular. Besides this,we wanted to use these facts for the criminal charges to be presented to the War Tribunal inThe Hague, and we contacted the Interpol to get instructions about the person these chargesshould be addressed to.

Our third meeting dealt with the facts we gathered on the collaborators of the MIAS, whichwere filed in a floppy disk. Jonuz and I filed the names.

In February 1993, I don't recall the exact date, I took 10 battery portable radio-stations fromJonuz Tërstena. Jonuz gave them to me. We have distributed them to different towns ofKosova, one in each town, two in Pejë and three in Prishtinë. One, I kept for myself. I hadalso three or four channels of frequencies which are used by the Service of Public Security ofthe MIAS. The portable radio stations were distributed by me, one to Bedri Tahiri, one toShefqet Beqa and to other seven colleagues in Kosovan towns. None of us knew to properlyuse these stations, because we had no instructions of use, therefore they served us only toreceive messages. I would listen to the frequency of the Public Security in Prishtina. I stressthat for this job we would receive at least 500 DEM per month, and the money was gatheredby me from our workers employed abroad.

Jonuz Tërstena is in Poland since two months ago, visiting his brother who has suffered a

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traffic accident. He has the floppy disk. He can come back here only if he is giveninternational guarantees for his personal safety. I have indications that he is in danger, that hecan be eliminated by the MIAS (the judge refuses to ascertain this sentence in the report, andas the defending attorney insists, this sentence too is included in the report). Jonuz Tërstenacan come here only with my consent and the conditions that I will determine. (The accuseddeclares that he is negotiating about this with the organs of the State Security, therefore statesthat the criminal procedure will be interrupted soon and that he will be released as soon as thecontents of the disk are revealed and this was not included in the report, while the attorneyreacted by telling the accused that he never worked for the organs of internal affairs, or, if heworked, then he was only a fireman, and afterwards reacts the prosecutor, saying: I don'tbelieve what you are saying will be done Avdija, but also based on what your two colleaguesdeclared last night when interrogated).

We are willing to hand over the disk with the condition that a copy remains in our possession.When the Service of State Security will have the disk in its possession, we will be set free,because it will be clear what had we been doing and it is not dangerous for Serbia, The diskcontains also compromising data for the Serbian police.

Asked by the attorney, the accused replies: I was arrested on November 20, 1994 at 11o'clock. During the para-penal procedure, I was subjected to physical torture by the organs ofinternal affairs. Even last night, when my interrogation was postponed, I was physicallytortured by the prison guards. There is no service of State Security nor Public Security, thereare no organizing centers and there were no functions of heads of departments, chiefs, etc.

Asked by the Public Prosecutor, the accused declared: the physical violence applied againstme didn't influence the statement given to the Court. Yesterday, I requested the postponementof the interrogation because of the fact that I was physically and mentally exhausted, becauseI was sleepless, because I haven't been eating regularly, because I had cramps in my stomach,and not that much because of the use of violence.

As proposed by the Public Prosecutor, the Court showed the accused parts of the statementmade by Selim Çitaku, while the accused declared that this statement is not true and containsmany insinuations and is full of imprecise details.

Thus the interrogation of the accused ended and the accused signed the report (minutes)without any remarks.

signed by

The Accused: Avdija Mehmedovic

Investigating Judge: Danica Marinkovic

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RETURNEES

NEW DAYS OF YELLOW RIBBONS

by SEKI RADONCIC/AIM/Podgorica

Even though the Federal Government has, since the midst of the past month, adopted the"special instructions on the possibilities to enter Yugoslavia", which in a totally inhuman waydiscriminates its own citizens and violates the fundamental human rights, there were noreactions of the democratically oriented public.

The government which didn't even care when its citizens fled the country breathlessly, withthis "decree", which many compare to the days of the yellow ribbons, wants to clearly try andprevent the return of those citizens. Some, based on this, conclude that this is the continuationof the ethnic cleansing, ie. it is in fact its legalization.

According to these instructions, "the entrance to FRY will not be allowed to those peoplewho have requested asylum in the places where they presently reside; the ones who havepassports with serial numbers belonging to the seceded republics of the Former Yugoslavia;to bearers of Yugoslav passports (people of Muslim and Croatian nationality), whose place ofresidence according to the passport is outside the FRY; to bearers of Croatian documents andpersons holding Muslim passports of the so called Bosnia and Herzegovina".

Rade Ratkovic, member of the Presidency of the Montenegrin Helsinki Committee,comments:

"While all serious states of the world take care of their citizens wherever they are, theseinstructions violate drastically the human rights, because this is a discrimination against oneown's citizens. The fatherland is obliged to accept its own citizens. The Western countries tryto return the asylum-seekers, but this regime proves, as many times before, that it doesn'twant to communicate with the world, but applies sanctions even against its own citizens. It isclear that this is an illegal and amoral restriction of the rights of a large number of citizens".

The Federal government adopted the instructions in order to, as its representatives say,"prevent the massive entrance of the false refugees inside the country". The Government, inother words, was preoccupied with the fact that the Western countries, which hold, accordingto the informations at the government's disposal, "over 200 thousand false refugees, out ofwhich 95% are Albanians" are now trying to bring back these citizens of Serbia inMontenegro back to their lands.

Mehmet Hajrizi, member of the Presidency of the LDK, says that they have been informedabout the decision of the Government from the media, and adds: "at first sight, it seems as ifthis ban and recommendations are of administrative nature, but in essence they are of deeppolitical nature and in function of ethnic cleansing of Kosova. It is known that the majority ofthe Albanians fled Kosova due to the police repression and tortures, trying to evade the draft,because of the lack of employment, etc. Now their return is being prevented, while on theother side, the colonization of Kosova is proclaimed with hundreds thousands of Serbs, themajority of them coming from the Former Yugoslavia. It is clear that such a decision of thegovernment aims at the change of the ethnic structure of the population of Kosova.

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While the Federal Government operates with data of about 200 thousand Albanians, theAlbanian alternative confirms that the number is much bigger. In one of the last issues of"Monitor", Academician Rexhep Qosja stressed that under Milosevic's rule alone, about 600thousand Albanians fled Kosova. It this were true, then the question arises - is this the wayhow the Serbian regime, this time through the Federal Government, is trying to conceal theexact number of the emigrated Albanians?

"It is clear that such a restrictive regime of returns, as the Government claims, of the falserefugees, affects mostly the Kosova Albanians and the Sandzak Muslims, but also theVojvodina Hungarians", says Rasim Ljajic, Secretary General of SDA Sandzak, andcontinues: "In the past two years and a half, we believe that around 70 thousand people havetemporarily left Sandzak, and that a part of them has even requested temporary residencecalled "Duldunge".

The fact that the Government is aiming at the change of the demographic structure is provenby the provisions of the same decree regarding Yugoslav citizens (Muslims and Croats)whose addresses are outside the FRY.

In regard to Sandzak, the majority of them come from the bordering territories with Bosnia.The decision of the Government is motivated first of all by "political" (demographic) reasons,and all of it comprises the determination of local authorities in Sandzak to start theconstruction of housing facilities exclusively, as it is stated, for cadres of Serbian nationality.

Andras Agoston, Chairman of the Democratic Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (DAVH),evaluates that between 35-40 thousand Hungarians have fled Vojvodina. "We have beenlooking for this decree for so long, but we can't find it. It is clearly and internal act. All weknow about it, we found out from the media. We are awaiting for concrete examples of itsapplication, ie. to have people coming to us, and then start a concrete action", says Agoston.

Even though the regime wants to show the special instructions of the Federal Government asan aim to not allow the Albanians to come back, the decision is general, therefore it can beconcluded that it will be applied against all those who don't carry Serbian blood and thosewho are not ideologically suitable. For example: the most famous Montenegrin refugee,writer Jevrem Brkovic, was granted asylum in Croatia. If these instructions are followedstrictly, then he too, on these grounds, will be denied the return to Montenegro, at least aslong as this government is in power!

According to Natasa Kandic, Director of the Humanitarian Law Fund in Belgrade, theseinstructions of the Government are a clear violation of the constitutional provisions. Sheclaims that she has informations that the passport control at the Belgrade airport is takingplace immediately on the way our from the airplane.

"According to the practice, it is clear that this is not an isolated action, but proves that this is adeterioration and a new course towards the ones who come back. The Instructions are anillegal means, and the sole fact that the Government adopts instructions and not laws, makesthem illegal means" - concludes Kandic.

But the ones in power in Serbia and Montenegro, it seems, however, do care about the humanrights of the asylum-seekers.

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Thus the Federal Government obliged the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs "to inform theUNHCR in Geneva and the other competent international organizations about the intentionsto repatriate the false refugees and the violation of human rights of those people".

The principled Government, however, didn't approach the international organizations to startactions of prevention of the violation of human rights of each individual - and enable them tolive in their own country. Nevertheless, Milorad Ivanovic, Chief of the Directorate ofConsular Matters in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, declared that "FRY is not evading theconstitutional rights to accept all of its citizens". He, also, added that "the Yugoslav side isnot in a position to, in such a short notice, beside 500 thousand refugees from the FormerYugoslavia, accept other 200 thousand false refugees".

Ivanovic also clarified that the Yugoslav side is negotiating with Switzerland and Sweden andis planning conversations with Germany, and is expecting "complete data on the identity ofthe people coming back to their property in Yugoslavia". But, in order not to have the Westthink that "the false refugees" will be deprived of their assets in this way, Ivanovic states thatit is also discussed about the dynamics of the return of the "returnees" back home. Naturally,he also expects the concrete financial assistance of the mentioned states.

The return of the large number of asylum-seekers back home, without any doubt, wouldchange the ethnic composition of the population, especially in Kosova, whilst the return ofSerbs, Montenegrins, Muslims, and Hungarians would change (ostensibly) the electorate inSerbia and Montenegro, because it is logical to suppose that such people who fled the countrybecause of the actual government, would not vote for it. Such a serious government doesn'tforget such a "small" detail.

The Western countries, choosing between the enormous expenses they have for Yugoslavasylum-seekers (accommodation, social assistance, health-care assistance, even employment)and their forced return back home, picked the second option; even though thus they questiontheir own evaluation that there are violations of human rights in Serbia and Montenegro.

They could explain their decision with the fact that they don't want to be accessories to ethniccleansing which Belgrade is conducting. But, as it seems, they forget their principles becauseof money.

"The Special Instructions" started to be applied. Therefore, Ivanovic's statement aims atsoftening the reaction of the international public.

Or maybe it could be interpreted as a message to the West, that if Belgrade is forced to applythis decision, then the West proper will be forced to pay the highest price, without any doubt.

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MACEDONIA

ALBANIANS (WON'T) CHANGE THE POLITICAL COURSE

Abdurrahman Aliti, vice-chairman of the Parliament of Macedonia and Chairman of PPDtalks about the ascertainment on the inefficaciousness of the politics of Albanians, the idea toleave the parliament and other forms of organization.

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

The events at the end of the year in the Republic of Macedonia - the foundation of theUniversity of Tetova and the reaction of the police organs towards this act, as well as thearrest and expulsion of the Kosova Albanian MPs who declared the Kaçanik Constitution,imposed this interview with Abdurrahman Aliti, vice-chairman of the Parliament ofMacedonia, in which his party, the PPD, is represented by 10 MPs. It also participates in theGovernment with four ministers.

ALITI: The changes which you have mentioned are part of a change of the global politics inthe region. I believe that this is the starting point of the new direction of the politics towards,about and regarding Albanians. I also think that I am not wrong to say that some momentswere taken advantage of, according to me, very marginal ones, to show the force againstAlbanians, to prove that in a determined moment and in concrete circumstances, theGovernment in Macedonia, most probably as agreed with external factors around Macedonia,can prevent the Albanians from their concrete political actions. They took advantage of themoment to, for example, take the foundation of the University as an act against the state ofMacedonia, as an act which threatens its integrity, the Macedonian national being, everythingthat its Macedonian, even though none of these stand, if those are arguments. The mere factthat the ruin of a small building was conducted under the surveillance of strong police forces,proves that this was not just ruining a building, but a demonstration of force to intimidate theAlbanians and warn them to be much more careful in their next actions. Also the close-downof the borders with Kosova and Albania, the prohibition of entering or leaving the countryimposed on journalists, activists, the people who deal with culture, art, science, etc. provesthat in the global plane, the policy towards Albanians, not only of Macedonia, has changeddrastically and that we are referring to the strengthening of the North-South axis, which hasalways been historically harmful for Albanians, in Macedonia, Kosova and Albania. Fromthis aspect, I believe that the change of the political course of the Albanian political factor inMacedonia is inevitable.

KOHA: But in the meantime your party became part of the Government of Macedonia!

ALITI: The participation in the government of Macedonia is only a sign of good will, that theAlbanians here are determined to use the democratic means, the institutions of the system tosolve the problems. The prevention of having this functioning as a determination, obliges usto revise our political course. It is implied that we will have to think well about the correctionof this global political course, in conditions in which we will ascertain (and, unfortunately,we are doing this!) that our politics so far has not yielded much, even worse, has not givenany results. Therefore it is inevitable to globally change our political course. Now it is only amatter of what direction will our political activity head towards. If someone thinks that thesolution is leaving the governmental coalition, I would say that this would be the easiest thingto do, because only a statement would be enough, only a decision of the Presidency of the

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PPD to withdraw the ministers and the other post-holders from the state administration inMacedonia would do. Therefore the question is not when should we leave, why and how, buthe question is: what shall be done after we leave, what political means should be used infunction to advance the position of the Albanians here. The question is: once you are out,where and how should it be acted further on? Then, there are ideas about leaving theParliament, for obvious reasons and we, for the time being, are not far from the idea. Thisidea is deep in our minds, its present in our conversations; it is something that can occur verysoon. But, we must have a vision, a concept: what after leaving the Parliament. If we leave,according to the logic already seen in the Former Yugoslavia, we must constitute an Albanianparliament with the present Albanian MPs and some others, who will be elected, and startfunctioning in another modus of the political organization of the Albanians in Macedonia.

KOHA: Something similar to Bosnia?!

ALITI: Most likely. But the realization of this idea must not be done only by one Albanianpolitical subject in Macedonia, and the consensus of the political parties here is not enough,but a consensus of all Albanian political subjects in the Former Yugoslavia is necessary,including the consent of the Albanian state. Because the consequences of such anorganization in Macedonia, would not only be reflected inside Macedonia but outside itsborders too. I think that there must be a deeper analysis of this, in order to determine theAlbanian political course in the future. Otherwise, any other action I would refer to aspolitical dilettantism and non-productive, before all for the Albanians themselves.

MACEDONIA

SHKUP IN LATIN AMERICA

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

A week before the end of 1994, which will be remembered by a list of "D" days, in timeswhen the spirits had not been calmed after the ruin of a building destined for the University ofTetova and when the list of all "wounds" caused by this action had not been completed yet, onDecember 24, the Macedonian police undertook an action, whose consequences will be longanalyzed.

On this day, in the first hours after midnight, the Macedonian police started an action in thestyle of the Latin-American policemen and arrested 19 MPs of the former Assembly ofKosova, including the Speaker and two correspondents of "Bujku" and "Rilindja" inMacedonia, who had been residing in Macedonia since May 1992. After their arrest and theso called informative talks, which lasted up to 60 hours, the eighteen of them and "Rilindja's"correspondent Bedri Sadiku were deported from Macedonia and were handed over to theorgans of Serbia. The Speaker of the Assembly, Ilijaz Ramajli was given the possibility tochoose between being handed over to the Serbian authorities or the "voluntary" exile, andthus he chose Albania as the new country of asylum. "Rilindja's" correspondent and formervice-premier of Kosova, Ramush Tahiri, after being interrogated for 60 hours, was released.He was the only one to escape deportation, because his wife and children are citizens ofMacedonia. After he was set free, Tahiri declared that he had identified two policemen whointerrogated him (Jordan Najdovski and Bexhet Bexheti), announcing also that his family

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would press charges against the Macedonian authorities. However, immediately after this, onFriday, the assistant of the Minister of Internal Affairs of Macedonia, Bexhet Bexhetideclared that he hadn't participated in this action and that he didn't know anything about theaction. I would have been asked, he said, "my opinion would be the contrary". Unofficially,we found out that in the concrete case Bexheti didn't act as an inspector.

The last news is that "Rilindja's" correspondent Bedri Sadiku, after being forcefullyrepatriated to his place of origin, fled to Tirana. The reason stated is that the "informativetalks" he was subjected to made his stay in Presheva impossible.

The Albanian public in Macedonia asks why has this thing happened?

It is to be stressed that the Macedonian public, as well as the Macedonian officials, have beentrying to ignore and relativize the whole matter by explaining it as a "part of the regularactivities of the police which has to do with aliens who have no residence permits". TheMacedonian media, which are famous for always having first hand information about thepolice actions, remained "blind and deaf" this time. On the other hand, the media in Albaniangave a lot of space to the event. But, the information was incomplete for there was no officialexplanation. As the time passed by, the postures of the police evolved. Differing from the firstdays when the police denied any arrests, one day after the deportation, on Tuesday, December27, the adjoint secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Dime Djurev, admitted that there"had been several arrests and deportations of FRY citizens", adding that there are noinformations about the deportations of the MPs, because, as he stated, the Macedonian policedoesn't know a thing about any MPs from Kosova. We make no difference between thealiens, but the only thing that interests us is whether they have residence permits or not, saidDjurev.

The game of the Macedonian authorities with the fate of 21 citizens of Kosova lasted almosttwo weeks, ie. until January 5, 1995, when "Rilindja's" journalist and former vice-premier ofKosova, Ramush Tahiri, who is for the time being still in Shkup, sent an open letter to theMinister of IA of Macedonia, Dr. Lubomir Frckovski, in which he reveals some details whichhad been known to the public by following the media.

In this letter, he reminds the minister that the Kosova MPs were residing in Macedonialegally, based on the agreement of the highest authorities of Kosova and Macedonia.

However, even before this letter it was very clear that these people, especially thecorrespondents of "Bujku" and "Rilindja" were not unknown to the police. On the contrary,both of them had a regular accreditation issued by the Ministry of Information of Macedoniaand the Parliament of Macedonia, in which they were allowed to enter and assist the sessionsas any other journalist.

This by itself speaks of the fact that in this recent affair we can't say that it is an ordinaryaction of the police, but that these deportations are linked to the daily politics. This wasproven by the fact that Bedri Sadiku had a residence and working permit which would expireon March 29, 1995.

The fact that these arrests took place only one week after the inauguration of the University ofTetova and the claims of the journalists that this had been one of the exploited topics duringthe informative talks and the circumstances in which this action took place, fully justify the

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speculations about the connection between the deportation and the University.

The other question which imposes itself is, what was the purpose of this action?

It is clear that there was no practical reason, but it seems that the main goal was thepsychological effect which aims at proving that the Macedonian police will not hesitate to useall the means to "safeguard the constitutional and legal order", etc., and this message, first ofall, is directed to the Albanians in Macedonia. Lately, there have been rumors that"Macedonia will not allow the solution of the Albanian issue on its territory". Parallel to theevents in the past two weeks, the distribution of the Tirana issue of "Rilindja" in Macedoniawas banned, and this throws another light to these events.

These activities of the Macedonian authorities are often commented as a part of the activitiesof Serbia towards the creation of a Balkan's Confederation where Macedonia would have therole of the key which opens the doors in the North-South relations. Even though it is hard toargument such a supposition, nevertheless the impression among the Albanian public remainsstrong.

Right now, the reply of Minister Frckovski to Ramush Tahiri is expected. It is to believe thatregardless of whether he will or how will he reply to it, Frckovski's reaction will give someanswers to the dilemmas.

INTERVIEW

RAMUSH TAHIRI, journalist and former vice-premier of Kosova

A FILTHY ACTION WITH A POLITICAL MESSAGE

interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: You and the delegates of the Kosova Assembly were arrested by the Macedonianpolice, a part of them were deported to Serbia...What, according to you, made theMacedonian authorities take this, for many, unexpected step?

TAHIRI: I was arrested in my familial apartment in Shkup, on Saturday, December 24 earlyin the morning. I didn't know that somebody else had been arrested until I was released onMonday, December 26, after 14 hrs. I suspected that my colleague Bedri Sadiku had beenarrested, because the police searched our office and confiscated the documentation. I foundout about the arrest of the MPs and their deportation to Serbia from the inspectors, who useda civilian vehicle (registration plates SK 247 FG) to take me back home. They told me that Iwas not the only one to be arrested, but the same fate was of the MPs; that they had beendeported and that the press had been writing about it. They told me that it would be better if Igave no statement to the press but just tell say that I was interrogated about my wife'scitizenship.

Later I found out that my colleague Bedri Sadiku was banned the entrance to Macedonia forthe following five years, although he had an accreditation, a residence and a working permit.One day before he was arrested, he had taken his family in and had gotten them a residence

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permit for one month.

I don't know which were the reasons that lead the Macedonian authorities to make this move.I knew they could have done this anytime, since the residence of the MPs in Macedonia wasagreed upon between the leaderships of Kosova and Macedonia, and the Macedonianauthorities had the addresses and phone numbers of all the delegates, and their arrest wasdone according to that data. Why was violence necessary, why the handcuffs, why were theirpassports ruined, why were the members of the their families banned the entrance inMacedonia for the following five years, this was probably evaluated by the Macedoniansthemselves.

KOHA: It is said that there was no agreement and that the matter of residence was notsolved?

TAHIRI: It would be naive to think so. And very irresponsible, if it comes from the officials.The MPs who proclaimed the Republic of Kosova, after the multi-party elections in Kosova,when the constitution of the new parliament was expected and their return to Kosova, theywere given temporary residence in Macedonia, concretely in Shkup , in June 1992.

The responsible for them was Aleksa Donev, one of the assistants of the minister of IA ofMacedonia. All the passports of the Former Yugoslavia (some of them had expired) as well asthe list with the personal facts, addresses and telephone numbers in Shkup. Also, all delegateshad Donev's office and private home numbers, and they called him in case there wereproblems with the Macedonian organs. The MPs, a part of them, had Croatian passports(which had also expired) and Albanian passports they used to travel outside Macedonia. It istrue that their residence was not regulated legally. This was not wished, it was not possibleand it was not allowed either. They were residing based on an agreement and they weresupposed to leave based on an agreement.

KOHA: And the accredited journalists?

TAHIRI: Since two years ago, we were accredited by the Ministry of Information ofMacedonia (even though it didn't exist as a ministry) and the Parliament of Macedonia. Basedon these documents, anyone can get a working and residence permits which are evidenced inthe passport. My colleague Bedri Sadiku had regulated all of these, I hadn't. I was part of theagreement, since I used to be member of the Government of Kosova. I would have to leaveMacedonia for reasons of security or others, when time would come. Otherwise, my wife andchildren are citizens and residents of Macedonia, and I could have regulated my status on thisground and thus get and alien's ID card, if I weren't the one I am and if I were a simplecitizen. I had the legal right to regulate my status, but I had no practical way to do it.

KOHA: So, everyone left apart from you?

TAHIRI: There are still 14 delegates residing in Macedonia who have not been harassed bythe police. Even though my family lives here, I have to leave. I was told that I will be allowedto visit my family occasionally. I was threatened and finally told that I will not be deported toSerbia, but to Albania. The intervention of the PPD postponed my deportation. Otherwise theofficial documentation, newspapers, personal notes, typewriter, cassette player, photo-camera,my apartment and office keys, photographs, suitcases etc., and I wasn't given any proof aboutthe confiscation nor about the interrogation which lasted 60 hours.

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KOHA: You wrote an open letter to the minister of Internal Affairs of Macedonia. Why?

TAHIRI: It was the only thing I could do. I explained the reasons in the letter. I believe thewhole thing is a filthy job. It could have been done by the state anytime and is in no way asuccess. They arrested the people according to the list. Who was not in the determinedaddress, simply escaped detention. They were handed over to Serbia against their will, eventhough, as in the case of the Speaker, they could have been deported to Albania. There was noconcrete accusation, the MPs didn't do anything which would incite the Macedonians to actthus. Simply, they could do it and they did it. They wanted to relay a message to Kosova onthe delegates' backs.

KOHA: In an interview, the Macedonian minister of interior declared that the correspondentswere confiscated secrete documents.

TAHIRI: This is not true. There were only materials gotten from the services of theParliament. Among them there was the Internal Affairs Law as well as other laws which werein parliamentarian procedure.

If he was referring to me, then they found documents from my work in the Government ofKosova, drafts and materials of two and a half years ago, therefore old documents, but therewere no filed documents in my possession, for none of the members of the government hadthe right to have them. They must be filed elsewhere. Conditionally, the police had no right tolook into these documents, because it was not entitled to do so and, according to theagreement, it enjoyed immunity. This was a treason of the Macedonian authorities and state.As such, this case is without a precedent and for a long time it will be a stain in theconscience of the Macedonian state.

KOHA: Even "Rilindja" was banned in Macedonia?

TAHIRI: Yes, since the University of Tetova was established on December 17. This speaks ofa coordination of actions to prevent the communications among the Albanians. This alsospeaks of the posture of the Macedonians towards the Albanian issue, towards the Albanianstate and Kosova. There is every kind of Serbian press in Macedonia, but no one would dareto ban the distribution of the Serbian press or expel their correspondents, and even less arrestthem!

KOHA: Which is the political background then?

TAHIRI: It could be a warning to Rugova about his statement regarding the University ofTetova. Even though I didn't see it as a disputable statement, because he was supporting theUniversity, as an expression of the will of Albanians, but also in accordance to theMacedonian constitution and laws, and it is known what are those laws like. It could also be awarning to the PPD. It can also be a sign of the radical change of the Macedonian policytowards Kosova, which sees the independence of Kosova as a threat to Macedonia, and theinfluence on the Albanian population here. This is how the recent Macedonian steps in theinternational scene can be explained.

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KOSOVA

PIONEER GOING TO WAR...

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

On December 22, "Bujku" published on the first page a communique of the Ministry ofEducation, Science and Culture of the Republic of Kosova which "warns that newspapers,magazines and books which were being sold in schools, are not part of the regular curriculum,apart from "Pionieri" magazine" and that "the managements of the schools are ordered to stopany purchase or sale of unverified materials".

A communique which was not signed by anyone, still arises the dilemma about whatmagazines does it refer to, and which were not verified by the Ministry of education. Maybethe reaction of the ministry might be reasonable, but the least it could have been done is toprecise which are the disputable magazines. At the same time, there is a doubt about whatissue of "Pionieri" has been verified and approved by the Ministry as a part of the regularcurriculum, for in each issue of this magazine, a list of very disputable contents, which are notsuitable for any curriculum nor the innocent world of children, can be found. However, therehave been other publications for children in Kosova, which could be compared in theircontents and standards. But it seems that this is the reason why the communique of theMinistry of Education which prohibits the distribution of other magazines was published.

The communique articulates a stiffness and non-tolerance towards competence even in themagazines for children. And such a communique should not have been published, especiallyhaving in mind that "Pionieri" does not have an approach which should make us proud. Notonly that it doesn't fulfil the basic needs of the children in regard to information aboutliterature, but it is often burdened with elements which easily traumatize children. Themotives of the authors of this magazine, even though patriotic, make part of a anachronic andprimitive way of taking patriotism. Aiming at inciting the feeling of patriotism and love forthe fatherland in children, they have chose a completely erroneous path. From the richthesaurus of the Albanian verbal culture, in the last page of old sayings, children are offered,for example, the following: "The wedding needs meat, war needs blood", "Who does not feardeath, victory will gain", "Freedom has its roots in blood", "When the weapon is taken away,honor is taken away", "Who decides to die, he'll win in war", "Courage turn the bulletaround", "The brave, even with one bullet, always departs with honor", etc. The Albanianchild who will read these old sayings full of blood, death and weapons, has no chance toescape, apart from his every-day life, from anxiousness and darkness. Instead of games,colors, aphorisms, humoresques, etc. children are served war, blood, death, andsado-masochist verses. If to all this we add the lack of colors, the bad socialist-realistillustrations which are dominated by the sparrow and flowers, and are not lacking or armedsoldiers, then the full impression is that this is a magazine which shouldn't find any space inthe curricula and should not be sold as an obligatory literature in schools in Albanian.

Despite all this, the Ministry released the communique in which is defends "Pionieri". Or is itmaybe a personal financial interest of individuals? This shouldn't be excluded, having inmind that this magazine has received 30 thousand dollars from Soros Foundation in 1993, andin 1994 it got 10 tons of paper. If we have in mind that 30 thousand issues were sold as acompulsory literature in schools, then we are speaking of a large amount of money. But thiswouldn't be disputable if "Pionieri" would have an acceptable level and quality. It is

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concerning to understand that the communique endangers the new magazine called "Zanore"(vowel), as a magazine which doesn't aim to becoming any competition to "Pionieri".

Children could really learn something from "Zanore", starting from the visual poetry, going togeometry, computer's courses and up to rock'n'roll. It would not be surprising if it wouldjeopardize "Pionieri" on the market, but in essence it would do it only because of the qualityand the professional level and not the different manipulations as it is implied in thecommunique of the Ministry.

The instance forces Kosovan children to read a different content which has not changed sinceWW II, in times of the illiteracy courses, socialist realism and slogans. Now they havebecome national slogans. Can this value be sold to children who know about satellite TV,computers and electrical instruments?

MACEDONIA

CRITICISM EVEN BEFORE 100 DAYS

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

After deceiving the coalition partners when the new ministers were appointed, even beforethe first 100 days have expired, in all aspects, the Government of Macedonia is giving reasonsenough for criticism to the public.

"Nova Makedonija", which during the elections had been under the full control of the Leaguefor Macedonia, by reducing itself into a propaganda media, a couple of days ago published aneditorial about he Government stating: "We wanted a competent and energic government anda similar opposition. We got the Government, but based on the names of the people holdingministerial posts, we do not get the impression that there is full harmony and capability. Onthe other hand, there is no opposition." There are reasons of concern: "The democraticprocesses move very slowly in the state, but the basic principles of the civilian society havenot started functioning yet. There is stagnation in the elaboration of juridical regulations, andthus the civil rights, according the economic criteria from the socio-economic aspect, stillremain unaccomplished. Many indications prove that the Republic of Macedonia has a veryhard time coming out from the political and economic stagnation, despite the first positiveresults. We are maybe facing the most difficult period since the constitution of the state andthe multi-party democratic system". This catastrophical evaluation of the situation has neverbeen directed to the Government even by the harshest opposition.

Following the euphoria after the electoral victory of the League for Macedonia, the first test -the formation of the Government demonstrated the weakness of the coalition. There arealmost no comments in Macedonia which don't mention that the new Government is made upof new/old people of disputable capability, who got their posts in the Government thanks tothe ranking in the parties, who must thank "their party pride, political appetites and existentialneeds" for their promotion to ministers. The disagreements are now manifested even ininter-personal clashes between the leaders of the three parties of the coalition and theirpresidencies. The Government is not functioning as one of competent people, but more as aforum which gathers party activists.

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The Government found itself facing the season of strikes. The previous demonstrations infront of the Parliament building of workers whose enterprises went bankrupt and who had notbeen receiving any salaries or grants by the employment offices, are a naive option comparedto the announced strike of the workers of the Steel-Mill at the new location, the formerCentral Committee of the LC of Macedonia, the present building of the Government. In 1988,the workers of the Mill went on the streets and caused the dismantlement of the Communistregime. It was a shock for the leadership, and any demonstrations of these workers were anightmare for all the following governments. Thus, the announcement of the workers todemonstrate together with the members of their families, as well as the threat of the workersof the other big enterprises that they would join the first, forced the Macedonian governmentto do the same thing the previous ones had done - create the money to pay the salaries. Therewere no demonstrations and everyone celebrated New Year's at home. The first testdemolished the announcement of the prime-minister that he would radicalize the economicreform. Because the old recipe still works - go out on the street, you'll get your salary, eventhough 100 days before that we were told the contrary. Again politics directs the economy.

The problem of the 23 largest enterprises, whose losses are evaluated to 5% of theMacedonian GNP, and which are a direct consequence of the increased labor but poor qualityof production, is also a part of the conversations with the IMF on a stand-by arrangement. TheGovernment, which is between the requests of the IMF that all of those who can't survive inthe market, should stop working and the social tensions which would be created by thedismissed workers, offered the Parliament a draft law on the restructuring of these enterprises.The offer of the Government for the enterprises which produce losses is: privatization orbankruptcy with June as deadline - who survives June, remains, the rest go bankrupt. But thepackage foresees a moratorium of their obligations, and the debts are conserved in thefounding deposit, which means that the enterprises will start from zero and they will getinitial funding from the budget to cover the expenses of the ones who have lost the jobs. Atleast 16 thousand new unemployed will receive 33 million dollars. It is clear that thegovernment wants to stick to the diagnosis of the World Bank but at the same time approvesthe arguments of the employed that the poor results are not only consequence of their poorlabor but also of external factors, as is the non-functioning of the market, the Greek blockade,sanctions against Yugoslavia, the non-realistic interest policy, the lack of basis for structuralchanges, etc. The problem of the 23 enterprises is only a precondition for further economicreforms and the start of the path towards the restructuring of the economy. The banks, thelack of discipline in the financial and tax policies should not be discussed. The chaos isslowly taking over the economic flows. The effect of this has already been seen in someformer Socialist countries.

But, right now, Macedonia doesn't have only economic problems. The package of problemsof foreign policy and international relations are themselves a very heavy burden for theGovernment and a state of Macedonia's format. Some circles even have started discussingwhether Macedonia can subsist as an independent state, which leads to the pessimisticforecasts about entering a serious political crisis, and in which the worst options would be theruin of the state or an imposed integration in an alliance.

Over 30% of the electorate in Macedonia voted for the League and this helped the coalitionwin 80% of the seats in the Parliament. The first step proved that only Kiro Gligorov iskeeping the alliance going. It is clear that the voters voted for Gligorov and thus for theLeague for Macedonia. Thus Gligorov has fund himself before a very hard task: to use hiscapital trying to conceal the differences between the partners or to allow or not allow the

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dismantlement of the coalition. If he will opt to save the coalition, then he would have topersonally try and sort out the problems between the parties.

If he remains on the side and the coalition is ruined, then it will come out that he was "used"by the party which will get to power, and at the same time, it will be as if he deceived hisvoters who voted for the League and himself. And the differences among the partners standalmost in every issue: from the volume of investments, the process of privatization, theconcept of denationalization, and up to the solution of social issues, the "position and therole" of the police and Army. The trend of getting international support in the past years,along with such problems, could seriously endanger the inter-ethnic relations according to thepattern already seen in the Former Yugoslavia.

At the end, it should be repeated that it is unbelievable that the politicians can't see thingsfrom the start, and constantly hope that they will not suffer the same experience as the others.And all what remains for us is to keep believing in the utopia that "opening" the eyes in thisway will enable us to achieve anything.

ALBANIA

CORRUPTION, THE POLITICAL FRONT OF '95

by MERO BAZE / Tirana

Two MPs of the Democratic Party and the President of the Cassation Court are the focus ofthe Albanian political life this week, because of the request of the Public Prosecutor ofAlbania to withdraw their parliamentarian immunity. For the first time, the Speaker of theParliament Arbnori, has replied in writing to the requests, while the three accused reactedwith press conferences and public statements which reject Arbnori's assertion. The two MPs,Ruli and Uka, are accused for a scandal occurred two years ago which had to do with theexportation of wood from Librazhd, and which had been approved by the then ministers Uka,Ruli and Artan Hoxha, while the President of the Court is accused for a doubtful procedurewhich absolved a Greek citizen from the accusation of drug smuggling.

This list of corruption trials is lead by the biggest scandal involving Meksi's Government,called "Arsidi". It is expected to have four Albanian bankers and one former premier of thetechnical government face trial and explain how did one million and 600 thousand dollarsdisappear, appropriated by the French citizen Nicolas Arsidi, who had been strangelyappointed as the mediator in the negotiations about the Albanian external debts. On the otherhand, one of Meksi's former ministers, O. Shehu has been publishing for some days in a row,a dossier with accusations against Meksi and former ministers Ruli and Spaho, which impliesthe Arsidi case, investments in tourism, local corruption, etc.

It seems as if this year started covered with the fog of corruption, and only the Socialists havedeclared this as their year.

The parliamentarian group of the DP held a meeting to discuss about the immunity of itsMPs, while the two former ministers stated that they were willing to undergo theinvestigations without having their immunity withdrawn. Ex-minister Hoxha (29) is right

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now in Italy in post-graduate studies.

The meeting was characterized by an increasing nervousness which appeared due to the factthat the request came from the mysterious Prosecutor's Office. There are people in the DPwho think that this is a frontal attack against this party, while "Koha Jonë", in its latest issue,claims that Berisha has found full resistance against this action. Ruli, who stopped beingminister 14 months ago, is accused of participating in three financial scandals, in which theone involving the exportation of wood is the smallest, and where his responsibility doesn'texceed 500 US$. On the other hand, he is the main character of the "Arsidi" affair. Politicalanalysts think that this is more a political move than one against corruption, in order to stopthe rivalry which is being created inside new blocs in the DP. The opinion is that Ruli andUka will not be condemned for their real faults, but will be forced to give up the support tothe political offensive which aims at the destruction of the DP.

Nicolas Arsidi is, for the first time, mentioned officially in 1991 by the former minister ofNano's cabinet, Shane Kobreci. At that time he requested to become counsellor for foreigntrade of Albania. In 1991, Arsidi met the managers of the Albanian Trade Bank, Agron Saliuand Agim Tartari in Paris, and got appointed to the post. This mandate was later confirmed byRuli, Minister of Economy. Six months later, Arsidi met with the former Governor of theBank of Albania, Ilir Hoti, and high ranked official of the Bank, Ardian Xhyheri, where he isproposed to mediate in the Albanian external debt negotiations. Arsidi's new mandateoverlapped with Giuliano Amatto's mandate for the same task signed by former vice-premierof the Government of Stability, Gramoz Pashko. Further on, former prime-minister, VilsonAhmeti, signed another letter of authorization which confirmed Arsidi as the mediator andgave him a significant lump-sum payment, which is the essence of this scandal.

According to anonymous sources, the first job accomplished between Hoti and Arsidi wasproviding medicines worth 1,6 million US$, out of which, 300 thousand would have beendivided between Hoti, Xhyheri, Tartari and Saliu, the four of them presently in prison, andArsidi, currently in freedom. The mechanism of this appropriation was created by the TradeBank which paid 650 thousand US$ in Arsidi's account in Luxembourg through theGirocentral Bank in Vienna. It is also claimed that the bank in Luxembourg asked Arsidiabout the origin of the money, to what he presented the letters of authority.

This is the first payment out of 1,6 US$ which were to be paid to him. In December 1991,Saliu and Tartari got 160 thousand dollars each in their accounts in Luxembourg. The sameday, Saliu withdrew 2 thousand dollars from this new account. It is also rumoured that Arsidihas declared that he had deposited two packages with 650 thousand US$ each in Lugano andwhich his attorney requested to be given back to Ilir Hoti. In March 1992, Arsidi opens abank account for Hoti in Luxembourg. Hoti claims that he needed it to cover his expensesabroad, which is not logical, for he was getting subsistence allowances from the bank. Oneweek later, the former Governor requested the close-down of his account from Tirana.Finally, after complicated transactions, the virement worth 1,6 million US$ was finally paid.In March 1992, the Albanian bankers meet Arsidi again. Now it is Xhyheri who gets a currentaccount open in Luxembourg with 16 thousand dollars. The lack of justification of Arsidi'smoney by the end of April 1992, forces him to transfer back the amount to Vienna. These actshave only erased the traces of the requests of the Albanian bankers to pay 945 thousanddollars to Arsidi, which, when added to the 650 thousand he had been paid in advance, make1,6 million he was entitled to. The same sources to which magazine "Aleanca" refers to,claim that in May 1992, Saliu and Tartari withdrew additional 20 thousand dollars each from

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their accounts in Luxembourg. The same month, Arsidi pays them 60 thousand US$ each.

In October 1992, according to very suspicious statements of Arsidi, Ilir Hoti was given one ofthe parcels containing 650 thousand dollars. That month, Xhyheri requests the close-down ofhis account in Luxembourg and requests the transfer of the money to the account of theAlbanian Trade Bank. In all this chronology, decoded only by banking experts, many namesof ministers, bankers, politicians were involved and there were millions of dollars missing.

The request to withdraw the immunity to the President of the Cassation Court, Zef Brozi wasapproved only by five MPs in the Parliament. Brozi reacted immediately by organizing apress conference, and by accusing the organs of internal affairs of violating the basicprocedures in the case of the Greek citizen.

He declared that he was willing to give any explanations without losing his immunity, andthanked the MPs for their realistic standpoint in respect to the request of the Prosecutor.

Since he was appointed President of the Court, Brozi has made outstanding efforts to escapepolitical dictate and make the courts independent. Two months ago, he had a harsh conflictwith the Minister of Internal Affairs, Agron Musaraj and the deputy prosecutor FatosDervishi. He accused Musaraj of organizing a mafia network and of applying despoticmethods against the arrested.

All this marathon race between him and his opponents seems to have to do with the attemptsor rather the policy to keep the situation under the control of different clans inside the DP.But, Brozi has now many supporters even inside the DP, as it seems, because the attackagainst him could create the dangerous precedent of a huge division inside the party itself.

The "Brozi case" has been quite well used by the DP officials as a support to the process ofindependence of the Court, in order to shut down the opposition's claim regarding the "Nanocase". The fact that the DP is not using this fact to illustrate the other trials that have oftenbeen against its interests, proves that there is a lack of both the strategy against and in favor ofthe independence of the courts. All of this resembles a clash which was caused by the reddemarcation line inside the DP and the strengthening of the opposition.