Constructing Mathla’ul Anwar’s Identity:A Study of K.H. Mas Abdurrahman’s

Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz

Abstract

Texts purposely composed by an individual member or a group of people, frequently serve as a defining reference consisting of symbols and sets of doctrines for a particular group or community. Through these symbols along with sets of formulated doctrines, the group concerned defines their own identity. The texts were thus not only treated as a source of reference for their advocates but also function to differentiate their adherents from others as well as to show their resistance against the pressures from outside powers. In this study, I would like to analyze the work of K.H. Mas Abdurrahman, the founder as well as the supreme teacher in Mathla’ul Anwar, titled Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz (the religiously acceptable acts in dealing with the corpses) composed around 1930. This work was to be the first and most complete treatise with regard to issues of religious thought developed in Mathla’ul Anwar in its early decades prior to the times of Indonesian Independence. This book thus functioned to set up the basic characters of self-identity of Mathla’ul Anwar.

Introduction

The topic of the significance of the texts in Mathla’ul Anwar’s religious thought development firstly came to my mind as my Ph.D. research progressed. I was astonished by the fact that Mathla’ul Anwar has experienced dynamic changes of its religious outlooks. The currently prevalent pluralistic picture of religious practices among its members could not be seen as the “genuine” character of Mathla’ul Anwar rather as the product of long encounters between various religious

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ideas advertised among elements of its members. This temporary conclusion was mainly resulted from my interviews with some senior figures of Mathla’ul Anwar who mostly stated that the current religious outlook of Mathla’ul Anwar, which many young leaders assumed as the ideal one for such a plural organization as Mathla’ul Anwar, has far betrayed the pure teachings firstly laid by the founders. This statement brought me to be more focused on the development of religious outlook of Mathla’ul Anwar since its inception. I fortunately discovered that there were at least three religious texts that could show how the lively modification of religious thought occurred in Mathla’ul Anwar, Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz written by K.H. Mas Abdurrahman in 1930, Ishlahul Ummah Dalam Menerangkan Arti Ahli Sunnah Wal-Jama’ah by K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar published in 1969 and Khittah Mathla’ul Anwar composed in 1995 by members of the Fatwa council. Closely observing, there are some different or even conflicting opinion on several issues. For instance, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman strongly emphasized the loyal adherence to the existing four mazhab of Islamic law, while K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar objected this notion and at the same time emphasized the role of the ijtihad (independent thinking on particular religious questions). For the discussion on K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar’s book, I have written an article titled Introducing New Religious Ideas to Mathla’ul Anwar: K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar (1939-1973) that would be published soon by the Kopertais IAIN Walisongo Semarang. So, in this time, I would like to give full attention to K.H. Mas Abdurrahman’s work. Mathla’ul Anwar: A Brief Description

Mathla’ul Anwar was founded in 1916 in Menes, about 30 km from the capital of the Pandeglang district of Banten, by a number of local religious scholars (kiyai), among them were prominently Kiyai Haji (K.H.) Tubagus Muhammad Soleh, K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin, and K.H. Mas Abdurrahman1(his brief biography will above all be revealed in the next section). All of these three religious men with different noble titles were descendants of the royal family of the Dutch exterminated Islamic kingdom of Banten2. K.H. Muhammad Soleh was the supreme leader of the pesantren of Kananga where hundreds of pupils coming from different parts of regions, including Lampung and Bogor, studied religious subjects. He was also celebrated as the faqih due to his

1 Other names of the founders of Mathla’ul Anwar were kiai Tegal, K.H. Abdul Mu’thi, Kiyai Soleman Cibinglu, K.H. Daud, kiyai Rusydi, kiyai. Entol Danawi, K.H. Mustaghfiri, kiyai Saiman, K.H. Muhammad Rais, and K.H. Entol Ismail, Pengurus Besar (PB) Mathla’ul Anwar, Sejarah dan Khittah Mathla’ul Anwar, Jakarta: PB Mathla’ul Anwar, 1996, p. 10. See also Tim Penyusun, Mathla’ul Anwar dalam Perspektif Sejarah Gerakan Islam di Indonesia, a paper presented at the Seminar on the History of Mathla’ul Anwar, May 1991, p. 16.2 The old Banten nobility consisted of four categories. First, descendants of the sultans; these were called as Tubagus. The second was descendants of those who had been given the title Raden by the Sultans due to his loyal services. The third was Mas attributed to those who allegedly had genealogical connection with two legendary figures, Ki Jong and Ki Jon, who, according to the tradition, were among the first converts to Islam in Banten. Finally the title of Entol, which was and is common in Menes, was ascribed to descendants of Raden Gugur Paganjur, who, according to the tradition, was a prince of the Hinduism based Majapahit kingdom who fled to Banten and had a grandson, Raden Andong, who converted to Islam before the first ruler of Banten, Maulana Hasanudin, and helped the proliferation of Islam in South parts of Banten. In Banten society, those who held both noble status and religious reputation would attain high respect from the populace and therefore became very influential. The choice of most of the noble descendants to live in remote areas, including Menes, following the collapse of the Islamic sultanate of Banten were usually described as a protest against the annexation of the infidel ruler of the Dutch force. Thus, this political choice gave them more influential power before the villagers. Michael Charles Williams, Communism, Religion and Revolt in Banten, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies Monographs in International Studies Southeast Asia Series Number 86, 1990, pp. 50-52.

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superior expertise in matters of Islamic law3. Of the founders of Mathla’ul Anwar, he was recorded to be the most senior as well as charismatic figure. It was thus plausible that K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin firstly met him to introduce a new idea about the importance of the foundation of a modern based association before publicly announcing it. The second central initiator was K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin, a son of the former sub-district head of Menes. Since his early age, he had been active in a variety of political activities, including his participation in the creation of the first Sarekat Islam (Islamic league, or SI) in Bogor in 1909. He was who at the outset introduced the idea of a sort of a modern based format of an association to local leaders in Menes. His renowned wide experience in political movements at the national level gave other leaders no choice but to assign to organize all matters related the setting up a modern organization and at the same time held him as the first general chairman of Mathla’ul Anwar until his death in 1937.

The economic as well as political deprivation of Bantenese that brought about moral hazards amidst the society following the collapse of the Banten sultanate was to be one of the major motives that drove Bantenese kiyais to unite their line in the formation of the more effective tool in supervising their respected communities. Another frequently stated argument was that Bantenese kiyais were highly aware of the risky threat to the long already operated system of Islamic education, in Banten, in particular. Based on these facts, Mathla’ul Anwar, since its inception, focused on two main fields, the amplification of Islamic missionary activities (dakwah) and the creation of a graded based system of Islamic education institutions (madrasah) to make it a lucid distinction from the pesantren that still employed two popular methods of learning, bandongan and sorogan4. In the early structure of the central executive board of the organization, both fields were dealt with separately by the only created two divisions, each of them led by Kiyai Sulaiman of Cibinglu and K.H. Mas Abdurrahman respectively.

In the following years, the focus for the improvement of already applied system of Islamic education seemed to be more dominant since Mathla’ul Anwar succeeded in creating hundreds of madrasah in 1930s in a number of regions, particularly Pandeglang, Southern part of Lebak, Serang, Tangerang, Bogor, Karawang and Lampung. Graduates of the central madrasah in Menes played major roles in expanding the madrasah either through their own initiative by setting up a new madrasah or being recruited by local communities to run new or already founded madrasah. In 1936, there were more than 40 madrasah scattering in those areas associated with Mathla’ul Anwar5.

From 1916 up to 1920, Mathla’ul Anwar operated three one-year classes ranging from A, B, and I. In 1920, it expanded its number of classes into seven one-year classes consisting of A, B, I, II, III, IV, V. In 1927, K.H. Entol Junaedi who just returned from his study in the Al-Azhar University, Cairo, proposed a further expansion of the number of the classes. His reform idea was thus materialized as Mathla’ul Anwar in the same year started to operate the nine one-year classes A, B, I till VII. These nine one-year classes continued until 1950 when a newly reformed system of schooling introduced by the newly independent Indonesian government replaced it. Although

3 Interview with K.H. A. Wahid Sahari, a grandson of K.H. Tubagus Muhammad Soleh, 7 August 2003.4 Sorogan was a personal method of study in which a student personally studied a certain subject usually a specific classical Islamic book under a direct guidance of a teacher. Meanwhile, bandongan or halaqoh or weton was a grouping method of study in which “a group of students ranging from five to five hundreds people passively listened to a teacher who read and translated and frequently explained particular Arabic texts”. In both methods of study, there was no a distinctive classification based on ages and intellectual capacities. All pupils from a variety of ages could take part based their own consideration. Zamakhsyari Dhofier, The Pesantren Tradition: The Role of the Kiyai in the Maintenance of Traditional Islam in Java, Arizona: Monograph Series Press Program for Southeast Asian Studies Arizona State University, 1999, p. 11. 5 PB. Mathla’ul Anwar, Sejarah dan Khittah …, p. 16.

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Mathla’ul Anwar since 1928 politically and socially affiliated with the Nahdlatul Ulama (the Resurgence of Religious Scholars, or NU), it did not adopt the educational system regulated in this traditionalists association. In the 1938 national congress held in Menes, Banten, the NU issued a new system of schooling ranging from Madrasah Awwaliyah (two years), Madrasah Ibtidaiyah (six years), Madrasah Tsanawiyah (three years), Madrasah Mualimin Wustha (two years), and Madrasah Mua’limin Ulya (three years). Students who wished to complete their study in those madrasah would spend thirteen years of study6.

In 1929, Mathla’ul Anwar established a self-regulating madrasah for girls. Mathla’ul Anwar rejected the idea to integrate different sexes in the same classroom. The madrasah building was located outside the complex area of that for boys. For the director of this madrasah, Mathla’ul Anwar appointed Hajjah (a title attributed to a female pilgrim) Siti Zainab, a daughter of K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin as well as a daughter-in-law of K.H. Tubagus Muhammad Sholeh. Other female figures, chiefly Nyi Kulsum and Nyi Aisyah, assisted her in operating the activities of the madrasah as teachers as well as administrators. Under their leadership, the madrasah grew rapidly as hundred of students, mostly coming from areas of Menes took part. However, the internal ruptures in 1939 as the immediate impacts of the controversial election of the general chairman of Mathla’ul Anwar obstructed the fast development of the madrasah. Hajjah Siti Zainab whose brother, K.H. Entol Junaedi, lost in the election totally withdrew from Mathla’ul Anwar as a political protest. Her withdrawal from the organization meant that she also resigned from her position in the madrasah. Her departure from the chairmanship of the madrasah exerted huge influences over not only the development of the madrasah but also the existence of the madrasah. Educational activities in the madrasah ceased and therefore Mathla’ul Anwar closed it down in 1944.

Mathla’ul Anwar’s political activities formally started in 1945 as it took part in the creation of Masyumi. However, its political involvement through its leading figures had actually begun long years before 1945 as they associated themselves with the SI in the early of 1915 before withdrawing their membership in 1928 due to the growing hegemony of the reformist groups in the central leadership of the SI. Some of the Mathla’ul Anwar’s leaders also took part in the communist inspired rebellion in 1926 because of which they, including K.H. Tubagus Muhammad Soleh, were arrested and jailed7. Their separation from the SI and the continued surveillance over their political activities by the Dutch government as the immediate consequence of the failed uprising convinced them to join a non-political inspired association, the NU, in 1928 as K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin for the first time attended the NU’s National Congress in Semarang, addition to their close affinities in religious outlooks as well as to personal relation between K.H. Mas Abdurrahman and K.H. Hasyim Asy’ari. Furthermore, the intimate friendship between both leaders had significantly contributed to convince members of the to select Menes as the host of their 1938 National Congress8. For more than twenty years, Mathla’ul Anwar kept its solid cultural and political links with NU before it decided to end its mutual relation in 1952 when NU opted to make its own

6 Mahmud Yunus, Sejarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, Jakarta: Penerbit Mutiara, 1979, pp. 241-242.7 Michael Charles Williams, Communism …, p. 241. See also Else Ensering, “Banten in Times of Revolution,” Paris: Archipel 50, 1995 and E. Gobée, Sumitro and Ranneft, “The Bantam Report,” in Harry J. Benda and Ruth T. McVey (eds.), The Communist Uprisings of 1926 – 1927 in Indonesia: Key Documents, Ithaca: Cornell University, 1960.8 Anonymous, Menapak Jejak Mengenal Watak: Sekilas Biografi 26 Tokoh Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta: Yayasan Saifuddin Zuhri, 1994, pp. 76-78.

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political party independent from Masyumi9, to which most of the Mathla’ul Anwar’s leaders preferred to politically vote for10.

As discussed earlier, one of the fundamental reasons of Mathla’ul Anwar’s departure from the SI in 1928 was the growing influence of the reformists’ groups along with their religious ideas in the central leadership of the SI. Mathla’ul Anwar under the direction of K.H. Mas Abdurrahman on the other hand had established its own specific religious ideas that were very much similar to those exemplified in the NU, although with some slight emphasis in matters related to the appreciation of local rituals and Sufism. Mathla’ul Anwar at that time was renowned to be the staunch opponent of the reformist group. For instance, its militant followers in 1940s attacked the only center of Muhammadiyah in the village of Kaduhauk, Menes11. K.H. Mas Abdurrahman ever forbade his pupils to read the Bulughul Maram, a short compilation of the Prophet tradition that was largely used within the reformists’ study clubs12. To strengthen his religious outlook among his followers in particular and Bantenese in general, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman also had wrote a book titled Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam Al-Janaiz aimed at providing a comprehensive source of religious reference for Mathla’ul Anwar’s members.

Biography of the Author The author of this book was K.H. Mas Abdurrahman who also wrote other small books, such as Al-Takhfif on the basic Arabic grammar, Nahwu Jamaliyah, a concise of the Al-Jurumiyah, Miftah Bab Al-Salam on some problems of Islamic law, and Fi Arkan Al-Islam wa Al-Islam briefly explaining the theology of the Ahl As-Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah. Of these books, Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz to be the most popular text as the majority of his pupils, I interviewed about their masters’ religious thought, frequently referred to it in comparison with his other books.

K.H. Mas Abdurrahman was born in 1875 in the village of Janaka, Menes. His father, K.H. Mas Jamal, was the leader of a small pesantren in Janaka and was a descendant of the two legendary figures, Ki Jong and Jon, among the first converts to Islam in Banten. From his father’s lineage, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman held a right to add the title of Mas to his name as a sign of his noble status. His grand father, who was an official at the Banten sultanate, fled the capital of the Banten sultanate when the Dutch force annexed the sultanate in the early of the nineteenth century. He, then, lived in a remote village, called Jenaka, of the Haseupan mountain areas, where K.H. Mas Abdurrahman was later born13.

K.H. Mas Abdurrahman’s early religious education was under the direction of his father. Then, he like other “wandering” santri (pupils) sought higher learning to a number of teachers with different expertises on religious subjecs. First, he studied the basic Arabic grammar to K.H. Shohib of Kadupinang, Menes. He then travelled to pesantrens located outside Menes region as he studied the science of the Qur’an in the pesantren of K.H. Ma’mun in Serang. He then took a long journey to the pesantren of kiyai Afif in Sarang, Central Java, where he learned the higher Qur’anic studies. K.H. Tubagus Bahri of Purwakarta, West Java, gave him special trainings on Sufism and tarekat

9 For more details about this event, see Abdul Azis Thaba, Islam dan Negara Dalam Politik Orde Baru, Jakarta: Gemma Insani Press, 1996. 10 K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar was a member of parliament from Masyumi and K.H. Muslim Abdurrahman was also elected in the 1955 general election as a member of parliament of the Pandeglang district from Masyumi.11 Tim Perumus, Mathla’ul Anwar …, p. 25. 12 Interview with K.H. Ma’ani Rusydi, 19 July 2002.13 M. Nahid Abdurrahman, K.H. Abdurrahman: Pendiri Mathla’ul Anwar tahun 1916, Rangkasbitung: Penerbit Tawekal, n.d., p. 2.

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practices. In 1903, his father died in Mecca while performing the Hajj. Two years after the death of his father, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman went to Mecca where he sought his father’s grave as well as studied Islamic teachings to several religious teachers there, including Syekh Ahmad Khatib of Minangkabau and Syekh Mahfudz of TerMas. In Mecca, he made acquaintance with some of the future prominent religious leaders from Indonesia, such as K.H. Hasyim Asy’ari, one of the founding fathers of the NU. In 1915, due to a strong request from K.H. Tubagus Muhammad Soleh who sought a young figure to run the madrasah system of schooling, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman returned to Menes and soon became the director of education affairs in Mathla’ul Anwar14.

As the director of education affairs, K.H. Mas Adurrahman had powerful position not only in matters related to the improvement efforts of the madrasah but also religious discourses as well as internal political decision, particularly following the death of two most senior leaders of Mathla’ul Anwar, K.H. Tubagus Muhammad Soleh dead in 1927 after being jailed by the Dutch government and K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin suddenly died in 1937. For instance, he had unlimited authorities in all processes of teachers’ recruitment. He was also the only arranger of the curriculum applied in the madrasah in which he introduced a number of secular subjects such as arithmetic, Latin alphabet, geography and Islamic as well as world history in the early of 1930s15. While, in religious discourses, he held a weekly general study held in every Thursday and Friday and obliged to all teachers and senior students to take part16. His position in directing religious viewpoints in Mathla’ul Anwar could be compared to that of A. Hassan in Persis where he was regarded as the supreme professor in religious notions. The death of K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin left K.H. Mas Abdurrahman as the only powerful figure in Mathla’ul Anwar. His absolute political influence was clearly demonstrated in the 1939 congress in which he appointed his loyal pupil, K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar, who was just only 27 years old, as the general chairman expelling K.H. Entol Junaedi, a son of K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin, a graduate of the Al-Azhar University Cairo and more popular among members of Mathla’ul Anwar17.

K.H. Mas Abdurrahman was also active in political movements at the national level. He along with K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin founded the SI’s branch in Menes in 1915 in which the former acted as the chairman of the religious advisory board and the latter was the chairman of the executive board18. Under their leadership, the SI of Menes played prominent roles in the progress of the SI in Banten, which was predominantly in the hand of local aristocrat families that were scarcely influential among peasants. K.H. Mas was frequently requested by the board of the SI of Banten to give speeches stirring villagers to join the association. For instance, in the public meeting held on February 8, 1920, by the SI, he spoke about the importance of supporting the association from religious perspectives and closed his speech by declaring that becoming a member of the SI was one of the important examples of showing obedience to God19. After withdrawing from the SI in 1928, he joined the NU at the same year. Actually, his active participation in this kaum tua association had been started earlier as he himself attended the meeting of the foundation of the NU in 1926. He along with K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin founded a new branch of the NU in Menes in which like in the SI the latter was the general chairman of the executive board and the former was the general chairman of the Syuriah20. In the NU’s circle, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman held high reputation as he 14 Ibid., pp. 3 – 6. 15 Interview with H. Rafi’udin of Bojong, 20 July 2002.16 Aceng Abdul Qodir, Biograpi KH. Mas Abdurrahman Mengenai Didaktik Methodiknya Dalam Pendidikan Agama Islam, Unpublished Undergraduate Thesis, Cikaliung: Sekolah Tinggi Agama Islam Mathla’ul Anwar (STAIMA), 1999, p. 59.17 Tim Perumus, Mathla’ul Anwar …, pp. 45 – 46.18 Mimbar, 20 October 1919.19 Mimbar, 20 October 1920.20 Anonymous, Menapak Jejak Mengenal Watak …, p. 74.

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was included into one of the twenty-six most respected leaders in the history of the NU as could be seen in the book published by the Saifudin Zuhri Foundation in 1994 along with other high-ranking leaders such as K.H. Hasyim Asy’ari and K.H. Wahab Hasbullah21.

The Jawi Script in the al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz

As mentioned earlier, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman wrote the Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz in the form of the Jawi script with Sundanese as its language medium. Only in quotations from the Qur’anic verses, Prophet’s sayings, and classical books composed in Arabic did the author write fully in Arabic. In composing the text, the author also used the harakat. This was to be considered as a rare case in Banten since Bantenese were seen to have been familiar with Arabic script and, thus, with the Jawi script. It was also clearly realized by the author who saw Bantenese had far deviated from the true doctrines of Islam. The author pointed out the decline of religious life in the Banten society. According to him, people had been deeply indulged in syncretism combining truly Islamic practices with local traditions as could be seen in matters related to the procedures dealing with the deceased as the main topic of the book.

There was no clear information about the time he spent to finish writing this book. What was clearly mentioned was that he completed this book in the year of 1349 Islamic calendar or around 1930 AD. Related to the use of the Jawi script, it is very important to underline the year of composing the text since the Colonial government had attempted to restrict the production of texts, including religious ones, in the Jawi script. The author’s insistence of using the script showed his resistance towards the political pressures of the government. In Banten where hundreds of resurgences widespread, religious leaders, one of the elite classes within the society, provided the ready leadership for resistance. Following the total collapse of the Banten Sultanate in 1832 by the Dutch authority, religious teachers took refugees to remote areas and led people’s uprisings. The last well- known outburst was in 1926 when the Communist inspired both Bantenese, including religious teachers, to take part in the uprisings. In this event, some religious teachers of Mathla’ul Anwar such as K.H. Tubagus Muhammad Sholeh, Kiyai Rusydi and Kiyai Abdul Hadi Bangko acted as the rebellion leaders. Unable to oppose the government through physical clashes as in the case of the 1926 clashes, the author of the book took another way, maintaining the use of the Jawi script as a form of resistance.

The al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz was however the last text within Mathla’ul Anwar that was written in the Jawi script. After the proclamation of Independence and the new government used the Latin as the official script, Mathla’ul Anwar’s authors such as K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar, the general chairman of Mathla’ul Anwar from 1939 up to 1973, used the Latin script in composing his books like Ishlahul Ummah dalam menerangkan arti Ahli Sunnah wal Djama’ah published in 1969.

Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam Al-Janaiz: Defining Religious Borders

The year of completion already mentioned above conferred some important clues about the historical backgrounds of the composing of this religious textbook. One of them was the rapid growth of the influence of Mathla’ul Anwar as it was able to expand its Islamic mission outside the borders of Menes sub-district or even of Pandeglang district, including some villages of Serang like Kepuh and Sadatani22 and Gunung Sugih of Lampung23. The missionary expansion was in most of the cases followed by the creation of the madrasah that was later set up as Mathla’ul Anwar’s local branches. At the centre of the organization, in 1929 Mathla’ul Anwar succeeded at founding a new 21 Anonymous, Menapak Jejak Mengenal Watak: Sekilar Biografi 26 Tokoh Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta: Yayasan Saifudin Zuhri, 1994, pp. 73 – 87.

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school for girl separated from that for boys. The rapid development of both Islamic missionary activities and madrasah brought about the rapid increase of Mathla’ul Anwar’s followers. This new development had forced Mathla’ul Anwar at the central level to take some steps particularly in the improvement of the curriculum along with more rigid rules on the creation of a madrasah as well as the availability of a sort of guidance on religious questions. Under these circumstances, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman composed the Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz. Unlike his previous texts such as Al-Takhfif about Arabic grammar, Ilmu Tajwid, Nahwu Jamaliyah, a concise of Al-Jurumiyah were projected as the main references for students in the madrasah24, the Al-Jawaiz was set up for public interest since it was not taught in the madrasah. Instead, K.H. Abdurrahman discussed this book in his weekly religious gathering in his two mosques in Soreang and Cikaliung followed by people25.

There were at least two main goals of the writing of this book. First, the author aimed at acknowledging the true doctrines of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah on matters related to the death along with particular processes dealing with the corpse. In elaborating this important subject, he referred to “famous and reliable books from the religious scholars of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah”26. The issue of who was the true followers of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah was actually hotly debated at the time, particularly between advocates of both kaum tua mostly associated with the NU, including Mathla’ul Anwar, and kaum muda generally associated with Muhammadiyah (followers of Prophet Muhammad’s teachings) and Persatuan Islam (the United of Islam, or Persis)27. It was clearly interesting to learn from K.H. Entol Muhammad Yasin’s statement when he publicly declared the joining of Mathla’ul Anwar to the NU. He said that, “members of Mathla’ul Anwar no longer had any affiliate links with the Partai Sarekat Islam (Islamic League Party, or PSI), a new name for the previous SI, but had moved their bond to the NU.”28 He issued this declaration since the PSI as stated earlier was in the hands of the reformist groups that were considered to be no longer true followers of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah. The second aim was that the death was the last phase of human’s life and was therefore prominent in presiding over one’s fate in the Hereafter. In other words, the falsity in dealing with the corpse could turn one’s fortune in the Hereafter. K.H. Mas Abdurrahman was furious witnessing the fact that in Banten society, ritual processes dealing with a corpse based on true Islamic doctrines were intermingled with a variety of superstitious practices. As a matter of the fact, the Prophet had clearly said that, “every single superstitious act would bring to error.”29 Furthermore, people paid little attention over these sanctified procedures. Therefore, he said that, “in my society, people showed low attentiveness towards this matter that made me worried that they would not achieved perfect accomplishment

22 K.H. Mas Abdurrahman along with his son, K. Abeh Abdurrahman, K.H. Abdul Latif and Hj. Zainab in 1918 expanded Mathla’ul Anwar’s influence in both villages of Kepuh and Sadatani. They firstly established a new school in 1920s. Interview with H. A. Riyadi Kepuh, 8 August 2003.23 K.H. Ahmad Asrori was the first and most important figure in introducing Mathla’ul Anwar in Lampung and the first place he arrived was Menggala, Tulang Bawang in 1930. Interview with K.H. Badri, the current general chairman of Mathla’ul Anwar of Lampung province, 17 September 2003.24 Aceng Abdul Qodir, Biograpi KH. Mas Abdurrahman …, pp. 52 – 57.25 Ibid.26 K.H. Mas Abdurrahman, Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz, Menes: Jam’iyah Mathla’ul Anwar, 1349 H (1930 AD?), p. 4.27 For detail elaboration, see Howard M. Federspiel, Persatuan Islam: Islamic Reform in Twentieth Century Indonesia, Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesian Project, 1970 and Akhmad Minhaji, Ahmad Hasan and Islamic Legal Reform in Indonesia (1887-1958), Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Montreal: Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University, 1997. 28 Tim Perumus, Mathla’ul Anwar …, p. 28.29 K.H. Mas Abdurrahman, Al-Jawaiz …, p. 46.

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even on those that were categorized as obligatory procedures let alone on recommended measures along with all forms of etiquettes”30.

In this book, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman not only elaborated all materials related to the ritual procedures dealing with the deceased but also touched some issues having close relation with death. He started by discussing about sickness and death from theological perspectives. He simply adopted the ideas advocated by the Asha’arite theology school. He explained that God with His Might and through His divine law had determined all human’s fates in this world, including sickness and death. The only way to face one’s fortune is through showing passion and full of acceptance. Furthermore, one should believe that through giving bad luck to His believers God showed His mercy as He forgave all sinful acts previously conducted by the latter. In short, misfortune should be seen as a sort of test from God to His beloved believers31. K.H. Mas Abdurrahman then talked about the ethical obligation for other Muslims to visit their brothers who were ill as well as about the appropriate manners done during this visit such as presenting delicious foods, entertaining as well as praying them to recover soon32.

After long talking about matters related to sickness, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman then entered to the central issue of ritual processes in dealing with the corpse. There were four steps that should be correctly carried out by the family of the deceased as well as neighbouring families. First, they should immediately take him bath with all delicate set of rules. Second, the body of the death must then be covered with white and winding sheets of dress, except for those died as martyr or other religiously acceptable reasons. Third, all attendants, particularly men, should perform a special prayer for the death. Finally, the burial of the death was the closing process in dealing with the death33. The author in elaborating those procedures also handled the issue of the status of women in this sacred ceremony. He explained that women were not recommended to take part in escorting the corpse to the grave. Moreover, the author more inclined to forbade them to do so not only in the time of burial but also in other times without being accompanied by members of their close families since their existence would only generate sinful malignancy. He strongly criticized local religious leaders who were keen to accompany women without having family ties in visiting the grave. He further accused some of those kiyais enjoyed this sinful opportunity34.

K.H. Abdurrahman then continued his writing by chatting about the local tradition dealing with the right conduct of neighbouring families of the deceased. He explained that it was those neighbouring families that must provide foods and needed things and not the deceased family. However, in Banten and elsewhere, the deceased family otherwise attempted to provide foods for all attendants. According to him, this tradition was superstitious since the prophet clearly taught that other Muslims should give needed assistance towards the miserable family. Furthermore, he also presented some other arguments about the falsity of that tradition. He said that it would great burden for those from poor families that frequently forced themselves to make debt in order to accomplish this fictitious custom. The second reason was that the late family should actually be more concerned with all matters related to the dead including finishing those four ritual processes and overtaking debts. Thus, the tradition to serve foods for visitors would only bother their main duties35.

Finally, K.H. Abdurrahman in the last section provided some advices for all Muslims to achieve what was called as the good ending of life, Husnul Khotimah, and to avoid conducts that would bring Muslims to the unexpected state of bad ending of life, su’ul khotimah. Referring to a

30 Ibid., p. 4.31 Ibid., pp. 5-7.32 Ibid., pp. 7-13.33 Ibid., pp. 13-36.34 Ibid., pp. 54-5935 Ibid., pp. 42-43.

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number of Prophet’s saying and a variety of advises of several respected Muslim scholars, he listed some conducts as well as prayers that would channel Muslims to the dreamed state36.

In elaborating those subjects, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman made a clear definition of his and Mathla’ul Anwar’s religious points of view which according to its constitution as the true followers of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah. Viewed from all arguments presented in this book. In matters of theology, the true followers of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah were those adopted the theological principles of the Ash’arite that was firstly introduced by Abu Hasan al-Ashary. Though this, Mathla’ul Anwar thus rejected other theological schools such as Mu’tazila and Shi’a. The opposing attitude towards non-Asharite theological thought was later emphasized by K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar in his book, Ishlahul Ummah Dalam Menerangkan Makna Ahli Sunnah Wal Jama’ah, published in 1969 as well as in the khittah of Mathla’ul Anwar composed in 1995. Meanwhile, in Islamic law, like other traditionalist groups, Mathla’ul Anwar recognized the obligation to adopt one of the four accepted schools (mazhab), although with the obligation to select one of them and Mathla’ul Anwar declared itself as the loyal follower of the Shafi’ite mazhab as could be clearly seen from references used in this book such as Al-Adzkar al-Nawawi, Fath al-Mu’in, Fath al-Wahab and others. Related to the issue of the mazhab’s choice, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman emphasized the idea of taqlid (blind loyalty). He saw that taqlid was religiously recommended since it was the most appropriate way to learn religious from the most respected and qualified Muslim thinkers. Yet, he blatantly opposed the idea of talfiq, selecting ways of performing religious duties from those mazhab. In other words, one should consistently apply a single mazhab on a certain rite. The talfiq was only possible as the mazhab one followed did not say anything about the subjects concerned and its notion was impossible to be manifested due to a variety of religiously sound reasons37. It seems to be slightly different from the idea of his pupil, K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar, who viewed that talfiq was religiously permissible and would impact on the status of one’s ritual practice; rejected or accepted38. In presenting his arguments, K.H. Mas Abdurrahman usually incited several verses of the Qur’an and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, sayings of the classical Muslim scholars, and in some cases he made some analogies. From this standpoint, the religious sources employed by K.H. Mas Abdurrahman consisted of the Qur’an, Sunnah (Prophet Tradition), Ijma’ (general agreement among Muslim scholars), and Qiyas (Analogy). K.H. Muslim, a son of K.H. Mas Abdurrahman and the fourth general chairman of Mathla’ul Anwar replacing K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar, saw that only the Qur’an and the valid Prophet tradition were the true source of Islamic law, while the last two sources were the products of Muslim scholars that were not absent from mistakes. Both last sources were produced through practicing ijtihad (an independent thinking on religious matters) that could be done by whoever having a qualification to do so. Though this statement, K.H. Muslim objected the idea obliging Muslims to adopt one or even all of the four existing mazhab39.

K.H. Mas Abdurrahman’s harsh attack toward certain local traditions had convinced groups of his pupils in Mathla’ul Anwar to assume that their master actually had recognized that importance of the purification of religious doctrines from superstitious addendum prevalent among Muslim villagers. However, K.H. Abdurrahman in order to purify Islam sought moderate methods by maintaining other religious practices such as talqin (a special prayer read at the end of the burial ceremony)40. It was easily predicted that after the death of K.H. Mas Abdurrahman, some of his pupils, prominently K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar, K.H. Muslim Abdurrahman and K.H. Kholid

36 Ibid., pp. 59-75.37 Ibid., pp. 50-51.38 K.H. Uwes Abu Bakar, Ishlahul Ummah Dalam Menerangkan Makna Ahli Sunnah Wal Jama’ah, Jakarta: Pengurus Besar Mathla’ul Anwar, 1969, p. 154.39 Interview with Hajjah Munjiah, 6 August 2003. 40 K.H. Mas Abdurrahman, Al-Jawaiz …, p. 38

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Abdurahman, introduced new religious ideas mostly similar to those advocated by the reformist groups in the last of 1950s and early of 1960s. Nonetheless, not all agreed to the previous conclusion, many of religious scholars in Mathla’ul Anwar still believed that K.H. Mas Abdurrahman since the early times opposed to the reformists’ ideas. Thus, this second group led mostly by senior teachers of Mathla’ul Anwar maintained K.H. Mas Abdurrahman’s “original” ideas. The second group frequently accused those of the first group to have betrayed the teachings of K.H. Mas Abdurrahman41. Conflicts on understanding K.H. Mas Abdurrahman’s religious notion culminated in 1950s as a lot of senior teachers withdrew from Mathla’ul Anwar and established their own schools, Al-Ma’arif founded in 1953 before being renamed, Ahlussunnah Wal Jama’ah in 1977 and Anwarul Hidayah set up in 195642.

Conclusion

It is suffice to conclude that K.H. Mas Abdurrahman with his powerful stature had a great authority to drive Mathla’ul Anwar’ religious identity. The use of the Jawi script seemed to show his resistance towards the pressures of the colonial government. Furthermore, for the followers of Mathla’ul Anwar, the Al-Jawaiz fi Ahkam al- Janaiz was in fact designed to function as the defining reference for them to be true adherents of the Ahl Sunnah Wa al-Jama’ah. However, his unambiguous attitude towards some local tradition at the one hand and his conservative outlook in religious thought produce different even conflicting understanding among his pupils, his successors in Mathla’ul Anwar. These conflicting religious thought becomes a dominant feature in the next developments of Mathla’ul Anwar.

Biography

Abdurrahman, K.H. Mas, Al-Jawaiz Fi Ahkam al-Janaiz, Menes: Jam’iyah Mathla’ul Anwar, 1349 H (1930 AD?).Abdurrahman, M. Nahid, K.H. Abdurrahman: Pendiri Mathla’ul Anwar tahun 1916, Rangkasbitung: Penerbit Tawekal, n.d.Abu Bakar, K.H. Uwes, Ishlahul Ummah Dalam Menerangkan Makna Ahli Sunnah Wal Jama’ah, Jakarta: Pengurus Besar Mathla’ul Anwar, 1969.Anonymous, Menapak Jejak Mengenal Watak: Sekilas Biografi 26 Tokoh Nahdlatul Ulama, Jakarta: Yayasan Saifuddin Zuhri, 1994.Dhofier, Zamakhsyari, The Pesantren Tradition: The Role of the Kiyai in the Maintenance of Traditional Islam in Java, Arizona: Monograph Series Press Program for Southeast Asian Studies Arizona State University, 1999.Ensering, Else, “Banten in Times of Revolution,” Paris: Archipel 50, 1995.Federspiel, Howard M., Persatuan Islam: Islamic Reform in Twentieth Century Indonesia, Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesian Project, 1970.Gobée, E., Sumitro and Ranneft, “The Bantam Report,” in Harry J. Benda and Ruth T. McVey (eds.), The Communist Uprisings of 1926 – 1927 in Indonesia: Key Documents, Ithaca: Cornell University, 1960.Laffan, Michael Francis, Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia: The Umma below the Winds, London: Routledge Curzon, 2003.

41 Interview with K.H. Ma’ani Rusydi, 19 July 2002.42 Interview with Suhri Usman, 7 August 2003.

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Minhaji, Akhmad, Ahmad Hasan and Islamic Legal Reform in Indonesia (1887-1958), Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Montreal: Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University, 1997. Pengurus Besar (PB) Mathla’ul Anwar, Sejarah dan Khittah Mathla’ul Anwar, Jakarta: PB Mathla’ul Anwar, 1996.Qodir, Aceng Abdul, Biograpi KH. Mas Abdurrahman Mengenai Didaktik Methodiknya Dalam Pendidikan Agama Islam, Unpublished Undergraduate Thesis, Cikaliung: Sekolah Tinggi Agama Islam Mathla’ul Anwar (STAIMA), 1999.Rais, Zaim, Against Islamic Modernism: The Minangkabau Traditionalists Responses to the Modernist Movement, Jakarta: Logos Wacana Ilmu, 2001. Thaba, Abdul Azis, Islam dan Negara Dalam Politik Orde Baru, Jakarta: Gemma Insani Press, 1996. Tim Penyusun, Mathla’ul Anwar dalam Perspektif Sejarah Gerakan Islam di Indonesia, a paper presented at the Seminar on the History of Mathla’ul Anwar, May 1991.Williams, Michael Charles, Communism, Religion and Revolt in Banten, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies Monographs in International Studies Southeast Asia Series Number 86, 1990.Yunus, Mahmud, Sejarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, Jakarta: Penerbit Mutiara, 1979.

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