josko caleta - trends and processes in the music culture of the dalmatian hinterland

7/23/2019 Josko Caleta - Trends and Processes in the Music Culture of the Dalmatian Hinterland

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Josko Caleta

Trends and Processes in the Music Culture of the Dalmatian Hinterland

The basic intention of this paper is to draw attention to the processes and changes taking place in the music practice of

the Dalmatian Hinterland. The music culture of this part of Croatia is characterized by specific style of music-making,

which has been retained up until the present day by the people who live in this rural region, or originate from it.

The specificity of this system, described in literature as a style of narrow intervals (Bezic, 1981:33), untempered singin

orthe most primitive phase of Croatian music (Dobronic, 1915:3,25), can be observed on diverse levels. In this case, Iam interested in music practice, which comprehends music in both the performing and the social context. Music practic

represents not only organized sound but also the level of the music phenomenon as a system made up of the following

components: the music model, the manner of performance, the context of the conception and use of music, performers,

the context of music-making, and the mode of its reception and evaluation (Baumann, 1989:82). Practice is a respective

category whose "other pole is a global, abstract entity, most frequently referred to as a system" (Ceribasic, 1997:7). Themodern understanding of the theory of practice is unified in acceptance of all three sides of the theoretical triangle:society is a system; the system is powerfully restrictive; and the system can be created and deconstructed by human

action and interaction (Ortner 1994:402).

All the conclusion are based on research to date and my personal fieldwork. My aim is to broaden and to explain the

specificity and endurance of a music system which is slowly disappearing, taking into account the broad cultural, socia

and historical context, that is, the cultural model which represents a network of mutually linked, acquired and learnt

mechanisms that act upon each other, inherited individually or as a group, and subsequently passed on (Baumann,

1989:82). In this, I join the majority of ethnomusicologists who, particularly from the 1980s, have been showing

increasing "interest in the study of processes and of music as process rather than simply as a product" (Nettl, 1992:381

1.Historical Overview - Official Reports and Travel Accounts2.Historical Overview - Ethnomusicological insights3.The Music System4.Processes in Music Culture (Social Yugoslavia Period)5.In the Guise of 1990s6.Public Performances of Contemporaneity7.Endnotes8.References9.Sources

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1. Historical Overview - Official Reports and Travel Accounts

The Dalmatian Hinterland, an integral part of the southern Croatian region of Dalmatia whose music culture I am

studying, has been the scene of tumultuous historical events, which have directly influenced the music culture of itspeople. It is largely inhabited by a population called Morlaci [Morlachs or Morlacchi] orVlaji [Vlachs or Wallachs] wh

engage in cattle breeding for a living. The term Morlacchi was first mentioned in documents in 1352 (Novak, 1971: 58Gulin, 1997: 82), both as a toponym and as the name for the native population, first Romanized and then Slavenized,

which is distinctive on several levels: it designates Christians (as opposed to Muslims), peasants (as opposed to urban-

dwellers), and inhabitants of hinterlands (as opposed to the coastal and island populations) (Gulin 1997:82) (1). It is a

fascinating to learn how many wars have swept through this relatively small region over the last two thousand years,how many people have settled there, moved away or simply disappeared, and how many cultures have left their traces i

the population which is of Illyrian, Romanic and Slavic origins. One must not omit the religions, which have beenpresent in this region throughout history - polytheism, Roman Catholicism, Christian Orthodoxy and Islam. The traces

of that can be witnessed even today in villages whose names such asIslam Grcki andIslam Latinski (2) designate

inhabitants of diverse religious and, indirectly, of diverse ethnic affiliation. However, these factors did not influence

their mutually very similar modes of communication through music.

To gain a better perception of Hinterland culture I began, at the outset, to examine travelogues and

official reports from the 18th and 19th centuries. The original objective of these writings was political in nature - to

inform their writers' governments (either Venetian or Austro-Hungarian) about the way of life of the people livingalongside the unstable Venetian-Ottoman border, and to try to predict what their reactions would be in the event ofmilitary operations. The reports usually speak of three groups who live in the region islanders, coastal-dwellers (Boduland mountain-dwellers (Morlaki, Vlaji). The last one are depicted as having the typical characteristics of Rousseau's

imaginary "noble savage" (Gulin, 1997: 84): they are strong, tough, hearty - but sincere, hospitable, honest, noble, and

reliable.

Carnival group from village of Gliev (Sinj)

European readers discovered the culture of the Dalmatian Hinterland at the end of the 18th


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century through a travel accounts. The term Morlacchism infers the European reception of information on the Dalmatia

hinterland of the 18th century, that is, of its customs, beliefs, the way of life of this population, and their music culture

(3). Alberto Fortis' Viaggio in Dalmazia [Traveling Across Dalmatia] and its chapterManners of the Morlacchi, dating

from 1774, and Ivan Lovric's Biljeske o putu po Dalmaciji opata Alberta Fortisa [Notes on the Journey Across Dalmat

by the Abbot Alberto Fortis] dating from 1776, were the first capital works of this kind of literature. They contained

detailed descriptions of the life of the Morlachs and were translated into several European languages. This barbarianpeople was described with terms such as natural, untouched by civilization and unspoiled, old, original, uneducatedan

inverted, hospitable, warm,fond of weapons,fatalistically orientedandsuperstitious (4). Reading these texts one canlearn about the Morlacchian stance towards music, which was part of their everyday lives. The most common founds in

these works are descriptions of singing and situations in which there is singing. All the authors emphasized the attitudeof the Morlachs towards singing, which they practiced with enthusiasm:

"they sing when they travel, eat, work or speak, you can always hear them singing... traveling by day,

and particularly at night, all the Morlachs always sing, but when there are a lot of them together, they

usually singing alternately" (Lovric, 1948 [1776]: 65).

The writers admired the Morlach songs full of lively images and imagination, which had a powerful effect on the souls

of listeners. All the writers of that period gained the same impression of this music - a wild and primitive, undefined

music style, which could not be compared with the music phenomena they were used to. While Fortis noticed "a unique

phenomena of poetry and music" (Fortis, 1984 [1774]:185), Yiarte described their music-making as an "amorphous

artistic phenomenon" (Yiarte in Dobronic, 1915: 8), Noe's impression was of "something which cannot be described"(Noe in Dobronic, 1915: 8), Petter describes "music different from yodeling and piping" (Petter, 1857: 200), while

Carrara "noticed oriental elements" (Carrara 1846: 183) in this mountain folk singing. As a man whose origins were inthese areas, Lovric showed a meticulous approach to the singing and music-making of the Morlachs, also describing th

behavior of listeners during the performance and their attitude to other musics:

"Their ears - as regards harmony - are organized in such a way that in order to feel comfortable with

music they need sound such as that which they have become accustomed to by habit, and this habit

has become part of their nature. And the truth of this can be seen in the fact that Italian music of the

highest level is boring to them, in just the same way that Morlach music is boring to Italians" (Lovric,

1948 [1776]: 194) (5).

Lovric also criticized Fortis about his failing "... to notice that some customs are changed" (Lovric,1948: 58). Lovric

saw change in many aspects of life, and also recognized the time dimension (then - in olden times, recently - today),

claiming that some customs had changed, while others had been "abolished". Besides, Lovric emphasized changes mor

in the possession aspect than Fortis did - those changes reflect in cultural as well as in social life.

More attention to style and the music traits of singing is given by researchers at the end of the 19th and beginning of

the 20th century, although they did not discuss the changes in music forms and music-making during that period.

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2. Historical Overview - ethnomusicological insights

The Czech researcher and collector, Ludvik Kuba, was the first to annotate chromatic tunes and

instrumental melodies from the Dalmatian Hinterland (Kuba, 1899: 4). Kuba differentiated samacko andputnicko - solo singing and two-part male and female singing, characterized by quite clear chromatic

intervals, prevailing seconds, unison and minor thirds. Kuba also drew attention to newly-emergingtransitional forms in which "all the fog regarding rhythm and periodicity is blown away and an endless

trill gives way to a cut-off and full tone" and the appearance of tempered major key singing (Kuba, 1899

8). Jerko Bezic joined in this opinion (Bezic, 1968: 213) at the end of the 1960s, suggesting the existence

of two parallel music worlds, that is, bi-musicality - acceptance of new influences at the same time as themaintenance of the existing manner of music-making.

Cobansko, samacko pjevanje (mp3 file, 92 kb, 0.31 min)

Stani mala na opanke moje (mp3 file, 76 kb, 0.25 min)

The term ojkanje which is use for the manner of singing in this region was put forward by the musicologist and

composer, Antun Dobronic (1915: 1). According to Dobronic, ojkanje (oykanje) is the "music language" in which "ther

is no sign of clearly defined intervals" differing from urban music with its "embryonic nature and amorphisms"

(Dobronic, 1915: 2) . Ojkanje is the local term for the music type characterized by singing on the vowel o or the oj (oy)

aj (ay), orej (ey) syllables in the manner found in the majority of music genres in this region. Dobronic regarded

ojkanje as "untempered singing", suggesting that this manner of singing was "the most primitive phase of our [Croatian

music art" (Dobronic, 1915: 3, 25).

The theory that ojkanje singing is probably pre-Slavic - an Illyrian stratum in traditional music - is also put forward inthe work of Cvjetko Rihtman (Rihtman, 1958:99). Jaap Kunst, too, in his study of cultural and historical relations

between the Balkans and Indonesia suggests the hypothesis that the cultural stratum to which ojkanjebelongs makes uppart of the ancient "Neolithic-Megalithic culture" which is "older than Sumerian and Babylonian, Illyrian and Greek,

older than the Sythian, Slavic, Indian, Chinese and Arabian cultures" (Kunst, 1953: 310).

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3. The Music System

According to data collected from the available literature, particularly travelogues, official reports and ethnographic and

ethnomusicological research, the inhabitants of the region are not familiar with the term music in the western sense ofthe word. The corresponding terms they use aresinging and playingwhich have the same meaning as music. When

making arrangements between themselves about singing and when describing the form, they use their own terminologyto describe the role of the singer -goni, vata, konta [leading, catching, counting]; for dynamic -slaba pisma [weak song

as opposed tojaka pisma [strong song], rhythmic procedures -otegnuto pivanje [slow singing], brzo pivanje [fast

singing], as well as the formal structure of the tune -duga [long](rera) and kratka [short](rera).

The melodies are based on limited tone sequences, largely chromatic, with intervals whose size does not correspond to

present tempered system. A large number of vocal forms is polyphonic in structure, in a texture in which the major

second interval dominates. Tunes often end in a major second perceived as a consonant interval. There are several styleand several music forms within them.

The ganga female singers

The song - that is, a vocal performance and vocal-instrumental singing to agusle accompaniment dominates in relation

to instrumental performances. Vocal performance is socially accepted by both genders , while instrumental

performance as a rule is connected with men. Songs differ in texts but not in music form. Singing of a new text (in

decasyllabic couplets) to the same or a similar music form is regarded as a new song. It is also possible to perform

several times one and the same song (with the same text) with variation of the music form and the textual model, aswell as the tone relations. This leads one to think that the function of the tones in relation to one another cannot be

precisely explained as part of the enclosed music system, without reference to the structure of the pertaining social andcultural system (Blacking, 1974: 75).

The concept of performance does not entail a process of prior practice and coordination. Each performance has just tha

character and it can be adjudged as being good or inferior (tanko [too thin], visje [high], ne slaze [out of sync]).

Performance requires a certain attitude, position and order among the singers, many of whom cover one ear with their

hand as they sing. The performance is evaluated by both singers and listeners, who usually concur in their opinions of

the performance. Both groups aspire to a preconceived harmony, equally enjoying their particular functions - the singeris pleased to be able to enjoy his own singing, just as the listener does, who actively listens and evaluates the

performance. One of the pre-conditions for a good performance is loud singing which requires certain physical effort,

which is exceptionally pleasing to both singers and audience.


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4. Processes in Music Culture (Social Yugoslavia Period)

In many important respects music is both economic and ideological practice. The process of changes in

music, the economy and ideology is characterized by tension and struggle, acquiescence and resistance,progress and loss (Rice, 1998:169). Changes in the music system of Dalmatian Hinterland during the 20t

century occurred parallely with economic and ideological changes. The economic changes can be seen inthe transformation of a cattle-breeding population living inpleme [tribal, clan] communities into a

working class or peasant population living in separate families.

Over the last century only, three major wars swept through these regions, changing borders, relations

between the ethnic communities, and the state systems.

MSF (Internatonal folklore festival) in Zagreb

The last war conflict - Domovinski rat (The Homeland War) - marked the independence of the Croatian state, setting

new borders and making changes in the economic system. The imposition of Marxist ideology and its associated

economic practice in the socialist Yugoslavia, established after World War II, provided an almost inescapable

interpretative frame within which to analyze the social maintenance of music practice.

Traditional music was interpreted by musicologists "as a cultural phenomenon existing as a thing in itself, a self-

contained system, a kind ofaction autonomous, used at the same time within the political system as a symbolic toolfor ideological manipulation" (Petrovic, 1995:60). Music-making from the Dalmatian Hinterland received a negative

connotation. According to Ankica Petrovic, widespread cultural prejudice against theganga and other rural forms was

reinforced by politicians and officials whose retorics of prosperity and development were in contradiction with

primitive and archaicganga . Petrovic's choice of theganga as her research subject was "declared to be an

inappropriate topic for study abroad" (7) (Petrovic, 1995:61).

Socialist economic practice had industrialization and urbanization as its main objective in creating the new socialistentity, and this resulted in the construction of numerous factories in the towns and cities. Industrialization and

urbanization of the coastal strip, and particularly the development of tourism, led to sudden resettlement of people fromthe Hinterland who moved to the coast in search of a more prosperous and acceptable way of life. At the same time, the

western European countries were in great demand of unqualified or poorly qualified labor which led to migrant worker

moving "temporarily" (8) to the lands of western Europe (particularly to Germany). When migrating from their villages

to the cities, mostly on the coast (and not vice-versa), people believe that they are moving to something "better (...),

more modern, and more western, in comparison to their own heritage (Pettan, 1997). Emphasizing western values,

referred to as Mediterraneanisationby S. Pettan, this happens "at the expense of their cultural traits, here synonymouswith the Hinterland heritage" (Pettan, 1997).


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5. In the Guise of 1990s

The only repertoire of old times which has persisted isguslarske pjesme (10). Theguslari are still

"famous" in their local communities, especially appreciated for their art of music making, singing and

improvising new lyrics in a new situation (kontanje).010009000003720f00000000820c00000000820c000026060f00fa18574d46430100000000000100619400

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10601040102010101030401040105010601010401040101070108010101070101080109040c00000040092900aa000000000000001d00200000000000040000002701ffff030000000000 Gusle playing (mp3 file, 89 kb, 0.3

min)

It is interesting that the stereotype of agusleplayer - an old grey- haired man with a big

mustache - is changing in practice. There is

an increasing number of young people whotake on singing and gusle playing.

Oja-noja -ojkavica

Some of my informants (Ante Juric, Zlatko Stupalo) link their beginnings with the beginning of the HomelandWar, (11) which has initiated them asgusle players.

The topics of contemporaryguslarske pjesme are primarily the recent Homeland War and contemporary political issuesbut also the "emancipation" of women (women liberation), natality and other current problems of the society we live in

and the society theguslari are performing for.

Theguslari are welcome guests in all local and regional manifestations, but also as entertainers for their friendsza

kominom [by the fireplace] or for the neighbours who enjoy listening to them.

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josko caleta - trends and processes in the music culture of the dalmatian hinterland

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