jim rogers quantummagissue15 lowres
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The New Global Balance
Jim Rogers
Brazils Concerns
QFINANCE
Sir Howard DaviA Reserve CurrencyCorporate GovernanceChina and the United StatesWilliam Keega
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Contents
24
QUANTUM FINANCE IN PERSPECTIVE
Aice f QFINANCE
UNINtENdEd CoNsEQUENCEs/30
Paul Wharton
HoldINg tHE CUrvE/45Andrew Milligan
doNt blAmE tHE Fog/58Justin Fox
QFINANCE is a fnancial knowledge base and reerence
source created by the QFC Authority and Bloomsbury
Publishing PLC. See www.qfinance.com
1Quantum - Finance In Perspective - Issue 15
lEssoNs to bE lEArNEd/4The fnancial crisis was the nadir o the WashingtonConsensus, but the speculative culture is still very much
with us, says William Keegan.
rollEr CoAstEr/8Jim Rogers, one o the worlds shrewdest investors,graphically lays out his view o the new global economic
order in a special interview with David Smith.
AmErICAN Hot/12Conrad de Aenlle insists that the United States hasthe underlying strengths to resist the challenge to its
supremacy rom rapidly developing rivals.
tAlkINg rEvolUtIoN/18China may be slowly moving towards greater
international participation but, says David Smith,it will insist on doing so on its own terms.
rEsErvE posItIoN/24Bretton Woods may fnally have had its day, arguesBrandon Davies, and the reserve currency system urgentlyneeds modernising.
mEEtINg oF mINds/34The recent economic meltdown has led to irresistible
demands or broader participation in the regulatoryprocess, says Sir Howard Davies.
sEttINg tHE stANdArd/39International Financial Reporting Standards arespreading round the world but at a comparatively
slow pace. Victor Smart reports.
CorporAtE powErs/52As ownership models become increasingly diverse, FahadToonsi analyses the strengths and weaknesses o diering
methods o corporate governance.
ANotHEr CUp oF CoFFEE/62In a letter rom Brazil, Brian Caplen says the nationsnew status as a world power has led to a major spending
spree that may not be sustainable.
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Contributors
Brandon Davies is senior non-executive director o Gatehouse Bank
plc and Premier European Capital
Limited, a private capital company,
as well as chie executive o his owncompany dRisk.biz Limited. He has
more than 35 years o experience in the
banking sector.
Sir Howard Davies has beenthe Director o the London School o
Economics since September 2003.
From 1997-2003 he was the frst
Chairman o the Financial Services
Authority, and rom 1995-97 Deputy
Governor o the Bank o England.
Justin Fox is editorial director othe Harvard Business Review Group
and author oThe Myth of the Rational
Market: A History of Risk, Reward, and
Delusion on Wall Street. He also writes
a blog or hbr.org and is a contributor to
Timemagazine.
Paul Wharton is chie investmentstrategist or Deutsche Bank Private
Wealth Management UK. He is
responsible or economic and market
strategy and the income-orientedportolios, and serves on the UK and
the global investment committees
o Deutsche Bank Private Wealth
Management.
Brian Caplen has been editor oThe Banker since 2003. He joined
the Financial Times Group in 2000
rom Euromoney, where he had been
executive editor or fve years. He
also worked as a business editor and
journalist in Hong Kong and the Middle
East or 10 years.
QUANTUM FINANCE IN PERSPECTIVE. TRADEMARK REGISTRATION IN PROGRESS. QATAR FINANCIAL CENTRE AUTHORITY 2011.
All rights reserved. No part o this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any orm or by any means, electronic or otherwise, without the prior permission o the copyright holder.
Quantum magazine is published quarterly by Camel5 Publishing o London (the Company) on behal o the Qatar Financial Centre Authority (QFC Authority). Whilst the Company makes all reasonable eort to
ensure that inormation contained in articles (inormation) is accurate, complete and not misleading, no warranty, representation or undertaking o any kind whatsoever is given by the Company or QFC Authority. The
Company, QFC Authority and its representatives shall not be liable, directly, indirectly or howsoever or any loss or damage suered or incurred by any party using or relying upon the inormation. Further, no liability
whatsoever is accepted or any er rors, omissions or statements contained in the inormation. Accordingly, all third parties accessing, using and/or relying upon the inormation expressly undertake to car ry out their own
due diligence and independent verifcation o the accuracy and completeness o the inormation.
Contributors
Fahad Toonsi is a manager in theRisk Assurance Services department
o PwC, specialising in corporate
governance and the measurement
o perormance and efciency levels
o frms, boards o directors and
governance systems.
Andrew Milligan is head o global strategy at StandardLie Investments, having worked previously at the British
Treasury, Lloyds Bank, and Smith New Court as an international
economist. He was chie economist at New Japan Securities
Europe, and director o economic research and business risk
at Morley Fund Management.
Conrad de Aenlle writes investment columns and eaturesor The New York Times and International Herald Tribune among
other publications.
William Keegan is the senior economics commentatoro the London Observer, with more than 25 years experience
covering international business and fnance.
Victor Smart is a communications specialist in thebusiness, fnancial and accounting sectors. He is a contributor
to the Economist and Financial Times.
David Smith has been Economics Editor o the London
Sunday Times since 1989, where he writes a weekly column.He is the author o several books.
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QUANTUM
Editorial
Editorial
The days when the United States and Europe dominated the globaleconomy and set the rules or how the fnancial system operated are
gone, almost certainly or ever. But it is ar rom clear how those
demanding a place at the top table, including India, China, Brazil and
Russia, intend to exercise their power.
In this issue o Quantum Finance in Perspective, a quarterly
magazine published on behal o the Qatar Financial Centre Authority,
we examine this New Global Balance.
In the United States, says Conrad de Aenlle, many bankers and gurus
still believe that the countrys undamental strengths give it a strong
chance o remaining economically supreme and playing the leading role
is setting the rules or international markets.
This view is orceully rejected by Jim Rogers, one o the worlds
shrewdest global investors. In an exclusive interview, he argues that there
is now a huge historic move (in economic power) rom the United
States to Asia, exacerbated by a fnancial crisis and the mistakes made
by politicians.
Rogers has no doubt that fnancial power has already shited
away rom Washington and that, while the fnancial crisis has accelerated
the process, the prime cause has been the Wests slide into
indebtedness.
That debt has been fnanced by creditor nations, headed by China and the extent to which Beijing wishes to exercise its economic power
will be critical to the development o the new global balance.
David Smith says there has been a recent change in attitude. Two
years ago, China appeared to be backing calls or the IMFs Special
Drawing Right (SDR) to replace the dollar as the worlds pre-eminent
currency. Today, says Smith, the enthusiasm or reorm appears to have
cooled, perhaps because analysts have pointed out that a gradual
approach is the best way o preserving the value o its huge and growing
dollar reserves.
The advocates o change to the SDR, headed by Frances President
Sarkozy, remain as loud as ever. The banker Brandon Davies argues that
the fnancial architecture designed at Bretton Woods has now passed its
sell-by date and the reserve currency system may need to be resdesigned
rom scratch.
Chinas current stance suggests that this is unlikely to happen in
the short term but the act that Beijing can now tip the balance either
way shows just how ar and how ast real power is shiting away rom
the West.Q
The New Global Balance
EDITORIAL BOARDSir Graham Boyce
Rajat Gupta
Lord Jacob Rothschild
Sheikha Hanadi Nasser Bin Khaled Al-Thani
Sir Kenneth Warren
Sir John Stuttard
PUBLISHERSarah MacInnes
+44 7879 473 221
EDITORNigel Dudley
+44 208 670 1922
DEPUTY EDITORSStephen Carriere
+974 496 7784
Akshay [email protected]
+974 496 7783
DESIGN/PICTURE RESEARCHMarcus Baron
PRODUCTION MANAGERHannah Martin
F I N A N C E I N P E R S P E C T I V E
z
For subscription please visit our website
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Historyis BackThe changing balance of global economic power should not come as
a surprise to economic historians. But although it is a fundamental
shift, the speed of the transformation should not be exaggerated,
saysWilliam Keegan.
At the same time, even those
members o older generations who
ought to have known better seemed
to be too wedded to the amiliar, and
resistant to the idea that we had by no
means witnessed the end o history.
Certainly, the Bretton Woods system
had broken down in the early 1970s,
and the prevailing view was now that
markets knew best, and that there was a
limit to the desirability o intervention
by governments.
Western economies have not always
dominated the global economy. Indeed,
at one time China and India dwared
the economies we are accustomed to
describe as advanced. Thus, in the
late Angus Maddisons remarkable
workThe World Economy A Millennial
One o the more interesting and
benecial consequences o the 2007-
2009 nancial crisis and its atermath
is the rediscovery o economic and
nancial history. With the rise o
mathematical economics and the so-
called ecient markets hypothesis,
the study and practice o economics
became divorced rom its historical
roots.
There was a generation o university
graduates, alumni o business schools
and trading practitioners who had
never lived through a recession,
let alone had any knowledge o a
Depression, and who genuinely
seemed to think that the nancial
markets had discovered the economic
philosophers stone.
Perspective, it was estimated that in
1820, shortly ater the Napoleonic
Wars, China accounted or a third
o world GDP, Europe a quarter and
the United States less than 2 per cent.
Indias share was 16 per cent.
The proportions changed
dramatically in the course o the 19th
and 20th centuries. There were trade
cycles, banking crises and periods
o very sharp decline but on average
world GDP grew year by year. The
really interesting contrasts were
between the periods 1913-50 and
1950-73, when average annual growth
o output went up rom 1.85 per cent
to 4.91 per cent.
This latter, largely Bretton Woods,
period was truly the nearest we got
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to a golden age o growth. And, as
Keyness biographer Robert Skidelsky
pointed out in Keynes, The Return o
the Master, there was a sharp decline
in economic growth rates between the
Bretton Woods period almost 5 per
cent a year and the post-1980 period(1980-2009) when average growth
was 3.2 per cent.
It is noteworthy that there were
no global recessions during the
Bretton Woods period, and no ewer
than ve during the so-called (post-
1980) Washington Consensus years.
These ve included the big one
the recession caused by the nancial
crisis o 2007-08, the consequences
o which are still with us. This is
important when assessing possible
uture economic trends, because there
can be little doubt that policymakers
in the rising economic powers
headed by China, India and Brazil
have ully taken on board the deects
o the Washington Consensuss
emphasis on the putative wonders o
deregulation and maximum reedom
or nancial markets.Two events stand out as reasons
why the emerging economic powers
can be orgiven or concluding that
the western emperor has no clothes
the Asian nancial crisis o 1997
and the more recent Great Recession.
Washington was still triumphally
imperialist in international monetary
matters in 1997, and eectively vetoed
a proposal or an Asian Monetary
Fund.
As a result the Chinese and other
Asian countries, having seen what had
happened to deenceless developing
nations in the ace o volcanic capital
fows, decided that this should never
happen again. They built up their own
reserves, giving them not only ample
ammunition to deend themselves
against speculative raids on their
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currencies, but also massive sovereign
wealth unds, which enabled them to
invest abroad in both nancial and
physical assets, including supplies o
raw materials.
The nancial crisis was the nadir
o the Washington Consensus. Theemphasis had been on price stability
rather than control o credit creation.
The boom in asset prices was noted,
but policymakers reused to take any
responsibility. Financial markets were
allowed to speculate themselves out o
any trust in one another.
The western-dominated G7 and
International Monetary Fund went
along with all this indeed became
vocierous cheerleaders. Meanwhile
China adopted a cautious approach,
picking and choosing what it regarded
as the more useul aspects o market
capitalism, but remaining a lot
more communist than all those
western commentators celebrating
the collapse o communism seemed
to notice.
What has become increasingly
obvious is the sheer economic clouto China, whose economy has grown
by some 10 per cent a year on average
or the last two decades, while nal
domestic demand in the advanced
economies (broadly the OECD area)
grew at 2.9 per cent a year rom 1992
to 2001, and 1.5 per cent a year rom
2002-2011.
But we still lived in the world
where the economic clout o the G7
mattered most. People talked about
the rise o China; but, or all its
ormidable size, it was in global terms
a relatively small economy. I shall
never orget, or instance, a senior
Japanese policymaker telling me in
1997 just what a small proportion
average Chinese living standards were
o Japans. And they still are, although
the gap has narrowed.
There should o course be nothing
surprising about a large gap between
the growth rates o advanced and
developing economies. Indeed, some
analysts can be disingenuous, i not
naive, in contrasting such growth
rates. But the interesting thing is that,
with its maniestly mercantilist trading
policies, its nancial power as a result
o the accumulation o all those
currency reserves and its increasing
demands on world resources, China
has become a major some would say
the major infuence on the course o
the entire world economy.
Thus China may still be only hal
the size o the US when it comes to
economic output less than hal by
ordinary measures o GDP, more than
hal when measured by purchasing
power parity. Nevertheless, at the
margin and economists love talking
about the margin it is enormously
important, with hardly a day going by
when its infuence on the course o
commodity prices is not being cited in
the nancial press.
Some lessons have been learned;
but only some. As I write, the top
bankers are still awarding themselves
massive bonuses despite the act
that they have been bailed out by the
taxpayers. The speculative culture is
still very much with us, not least in the
commodity markets.
One ashionable theory is that
or a decade there was a Faustian
bargain between China and the West
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The nancial crisis was the nadir o the
Washington Consensus. The emphasis had beenon price stability rather than control o creditcreation. The boom in asset prices was noted, butpolicymakers reused to take any responsibility.
Financial markets were allowed to speculatethemselves out o any trust in one another.
(still dominated by the US), with the
West enjoying cheap goods (with
employment suering at home), but
ailing to realise that demand rom
the Asian manuacturing powerhouse
would drive up the price of commodities
and threaten stagfation slowgrowth but imported infation.
So ar there has been nothing
remotely resembling the stagfation
o the 1970s. The US Federal
Reserve has remained haunted by
the spectre o defation. Meanwhile
the new British coalition government
has superimposed a defationary
programme on an economy that has
shown ew signs o recovery rom
recession.
The eurozone too is in serious
trouble that is to say, peripheral
economies such as Greece and Ireland
are on the edge, while Germany, with
its strength in manuacturing and
exports, prospers. Germanys happy
secret is that other members o the
eurozone, such as Italy, can no longer,
within a single currency, devalue their
currencies to boost competitiveness.
The political will behind the
eurozone project is not to be
underestimated, even i membership
eventually proves too much o a strain
or some o the peripheral nations. It is
also interesting that, as China watches
developments, its policymakers give
the impression o wanting to assist
the eurozone by investing in it asa counterweight to all the nancial
investment they have made in the US.
But, in international economic
governance, the time has surely
come or the heavy presence o the
European Union on the IMF Board to
be reduced, and ar greater weight to
be given to the likes o China, India
and Brazil.
Few would have expected, back
in the early 1980s, that in 2011 the
eurozone would be by ar the IMFs
biggest customer or unds. It is ironic
that Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the
now-departed managing director o
the IMF, was able to play a crucial
role in assisting the eurozone, while
encouraging those who believed that
the structure o the IMF and World
Bank ought to refect the undamental
shits in economic power.
Strauss-Kahn recognised that the
limits o the Washington Consensus
placed more emphasis on the
importance o employment, and
acknowledged the need at times or
capital controls. Moreover, his was a
powerul voice in supporting the scal
and monetary stimulus o 2009. But
whether the Fund itsel will have learntits lesson remains an open question,
given the strict conditions being
applied to the eurozone bailouts.
For economic historians the
changing balance o economic power
in the world should not come as a
surprise. But an historical perspective
also suggests that one should not
exaggerate the speed o change. The
US, notwithstanding the re-emergence
o China, will remain a ormidable
orce in the world economy or decades
to come. Its policymakers leaving to
one side those who support the Tea
Party have been right to concentrate
on warding o a Depression. In the
longer run, the decit, which is seen
as a sign o weakness, can in theory
be xed by a combination o
renewed economic growth and scal
adjustments. Whether the US has the
political will to hold to such a strategy
is an open question. Q
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Global investor par excellence Jim Rogers
believes that the 30-year boom in fnance
is over, but that new opportunities beckon
elsewhere. In this special interview orQuantum, he explains his vision o the
uture to Daid Smih.
Rider onthe StormI anybody should know about the
new world order, it is international
investment guru Jim Rogers. Hisconversation is littered with historical
reerences. Everything he says is
jargon-ree, though there is a weight
o accumulated investment knowledge
behind it. It is hard not to come away
convinced.
Interviewing Rogers, now 68, is
an exhilarating roller-coaster ride.
Speaking rom his oce in Singapore,
he doesnt mince his words. Wheres
the world going? The worlds going to
hell, isnt it? Yet minutes later he will
say: Im wildly excited about some
things I cant tell you how excited
I am. But Im very pessimistic about
others, Were in a period o great
historic change.
He explains: In the 1920s and
1930s there was a huge historic move
rom the UK to the US, exacerbated by
a nancial crisis and mistakes made by
politicians. Most o them didnt notice
it at the time. Now were in anotherhuge historic move rom the United
States to Asia exacerbated by a
nancial crisis and the mistakes made
by politicians and again, most o them
dont notice it.
Financial power has already shited
away rom America, rom Washington,
not as a result o the nancial crisis
though that has accelerated the process
but o the Wests long-run slide into
indebtedness. Debt and credit are
central to the way Rogers views the
world.
The large creditor nations in the
world are China, Korea, Japan, Hong
Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. Sure,
people see that something is happening
in China and in Asia. But look at the
whole thing thats been going on at the
IMF, he says, reerring to the upheaval
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Through history weve had long
periods when the nancial types were
in charge, and weve had long periods
when the producers o real goods were
in charge. In the 50s, 60s and 70s
Wall Street and the City o London
were backwaters. Virtually nobody
went there or cared about them.
I was at Oxord in the 50s and
my dons used to say: We dont have
anybody like you here. Nobody cares
about the City. The City is irrelevant to
the world, irrelevant to the economy.
That was the status o the City and Wall
Street. Believe it or not. when I rst
went to Wall Street in the 60s, a big
day on the New York Stock Exchange
was three million shares. These days
they trade three million shares beore
people get up or breakast.
leading to the departure o Dominique
Strauss-Kahn. The question has been:
Which Frenchman or Frenchwoman
will head the IMF? The world is
moving to Asia, quickly, and people
dont understand it, he says.
I wrote recently that the Nobel
Prize or economics was established
in 1969 and in that time nobody rom
Asia has ever won it. The West has gone
down the tubes in that time. The world
is heading east. Go east young man, go
east young woman.
That is a theme we will return to
in the conversation, but Rogers has
another story central to his view o the
world. The 30-year boom in nance is
over, he argues, particularly as far as Wall
Street is concerned. Making things and
growing things will make a comeback.
But not, he suggests, or long.
The nancial community is going
into decline, he says. Let me give
you some statistics. In 1958 America
produced 5,000 MBAs per year.
Nobody else produced any. Last year
America produced over 200,000
MBAs as well as the tens o thousands
in the rest o the world.
That kind o competition in
nance, at a time when debts are
staggering and when governments are
coming down very hard on bankers
and investment bankers the laws, the
taxes, the regulations means nance
is going to be a terrible business over
the next 30 years.
Finance is now the wrong place to
be, he insists, and agriculture is the
new growth area. But in his view the
Iriw
JIM RogeRS, InveStMent bIkeR
Jim Rogers co-ounded the Quantum Fund
with George Soros as long ago as 1973,
making enough money by 1980 to take time
out to travel the world on his motorcycle.
Thus was born the investment biker.
Over many years he travelled the world on
two wheels, riding through six continents
including Arica. When China was still highly
suspicious o oreign visitors, he rode through
it more than once on his trusty bike.
In the late 1990s and early 2000s, he
entered the Guinness Book o World Recordsor a journey o more than 150,000 miles in
a specially-built Mercedes in the company o
his wie.
So Rogers has seen the world as well as
invested all around it. Today he is chairman
o Rogers Holdings and Beeland Interests.
He is known as a raging commodity bull, his
own Rogers International Commodities Index
monitoring the ups and downs mainly ups in
recent years o global commodity prices.
Famously, Rogers voted with his eet our
years ago, selling his mansion in New York
and moving to Singapore. Even beore the
fnancial crisis had done maximum damage
to America, he was convinced the worlds
centre o gravity was shiting rapidly away
rom his own country (he is a native o
Baltimore).
His book, A Gift to My Children, publishedtwo years ago, written or his two young
daughters, contains lessons on lie and
investing. He advises his daughters to learn
Chinese and beware o boys. He also advises
them not to ollow the crowd. Following the
crowd is not something you could ever accuse
Jim Rogers o doing.
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Iriw
that I can oresee in the longer term
replacing the dollar on a permanent
basis. But it is a blocked currency, so
it is almost absurd to bring it up right
now.
Jim Rogerss views can seem
pessimistic, particularly to Americans,most o whom do not share his view
o their countrys decline. Maybe, as
he would say, they just have not yet
got the message. He insists he is not
downbeat. Indeed, his voice sings with
enthusiasm about what he sees are the
opportunities that will open up in the
coming years.
In 1807 i youd moved to London
youd have had a wildly exciting lie
while other parts o the world collapsed
the Austro-Hungarian Empire was in
serious decline, France was in serious
decline. I you had moved to New York
in 1907 you would have seen some
phenomenal opportunities.
There are great opportunities
now, but you are going to see some
institutions that have been around or
a long time declining just as always
happens in periods o great change.Lehman Brothers had been around or
150 years its gone. Bear Stearns had
been around 80-90 years its gone.
Harvard is essentially bankrupt. Who
was it who said: The old order changes,
bring on the new? I youre in the new
youre going to make some staggering
ortunes.
I suggest to him that it eels like the
creative destruction coined by Joseph
Schumpeter, the Austrian economist;
the radical changes that breathe new lie
into capitalism. He agrees. In China
theres the concept o Yin and Yang
disaster and opportunity are two aces
o the same coin. In a catastrophe there
are always opportunities or those who
adapt and who are alert. Thats why Im
wildly optimistic about some things
and I hope I can adapt to them.Q
and it cuts demand. I suspect it will
with this one too.
The long-term trend, however,
is up. The commodity super-cycle,
identied early by Rogers, is intact.
His belie in China is well known.
More surprising perhaps is that, unlikemost commentators, he does not see
India in the same light. Having visited
India many times on his travels
and or proessional reasons he is
unconvinced. I urge people to fy to
India and drive across it a couple o
times, he says. I dont think they
would be quite so enthused. I you
could only visit one country in your
lie you should go to India man-
made and natural sights, ethnic groups
and religions, women winning beauty
contests and men who are incredibly
smart. But they are incredibly
chauvinistic, they are anti-capitalist. I
youre not in bed with the right people
youre not going to do well. It is a
bureaucratic nightmare.
Rogers is also worried about Indias
debt. Historically, i you have 90
per cent debt to GDP, thats a pointater which it is very dicult to grow
dynamically.
As or China, the Peoples Republic
is in the vanguard o the huge shit
towards Asia that he expects. The
uture shape o the international
monetary system is a key actor.
China, like a lot o other people, is
worried about the dollar, he says. I
dont have much condence in SDRs
(IMF Special Drawing Rights) because
paper money is bad enough, much less
ctitious paper money. Who knows i
the world collapsed tomorrow, thats
probably what they would use out o
desperation. I the US ell into the sea
tomorrow they would use the euro, but
I dont expect the euro to be around or
too many more years either.
China has got the only currency
US is ill-prepared. In America the
average age o a armer is 58. America
produces virtually no agricultural or
mining graduates every year. Theyre
all studying or MBAs to go into
nance.
One o Rogerss central investmentthemes is that commodities are a buy.
The other side o that is that bonds,
and in particular Western government
bonds, are to be avoided. He scos at
the idea that bonds should be seen as a
sae haven in the coming years.
We have a bull market or
commodities, no matter what happens
to governments, because supply issues
are problematical and demand is up,
he says. The US is now the largest
debtor nation in the history o the
world, and you have the debt sky-
rocketing at the same time as the US
and others are printing huge amounts
o money. This kind o thing has always
led to problems in bond markets and
higher interest rates. So were going
to have higher infation and higher
interest rates.
What about commodity-basedeconomies? Is he as bullish on those
as he is on commodity prices? And
are not commodities always hugely
cyclical: prone to booms but also
spectacular busts? It depends on how
commodity countries are managed,
he says. Canada has been much better
managed than the United States or
the past couple o decades. Congo,
however, has lots o natural resources
but Im not putting a lot o money into
Congo. But even the badly-managed
ones are going to be doing better.
Weve had many long bull markets
in commodities in the past, ollowed by
bear markets. I would have to examine
my own head i I said it (the bull
market) was permanent. It could be.
Always in the past, as prices go high,
it brings in new supply, or substitution,
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Stateso
Flux
Some ear that the United Statess status as
global economic leader may be in jeopardy as
developing nations expand rapidly. But those
in the know insist that Americas undamentalstrengths mean it will remain economically
supreme. Ca All weighs the
evidence.
Mark Twain amously said that
reports o his death were greatly
exaggerated. That was in 1897, just
beore the arrival o what became
known as the American Century. As
observers around the world in 2011
ponder whose century the next one
will be, the perceived odds against a
second coming or the United States
appear to be lengthening so much so
that Uncle Sam might be inclined to
invoke the authors remark, albeit out
o exasperation.
But just how accurate are
the metaphorical obituaries? The
commentators who view American
leadership in the past tense point to
numerous signs o waning power
and inuence in global economic,
fnancial and political aairs. The rise
o emerging economies and other
examples o rapid expansion have been
making news while in the US, fscal
and current account defcits and the
nations obligations to oreign creditors
are predominant.
Looking at just the last three or our
years, the naysayers have plenty to say
nay about. American banks did not
corner the market in stupidity, but the
worldwide fnancial crisis and recession
were largely made in the USA. Perhaps
more importantly, critics argue, the
economy does not have much to show
USA
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In terms of American dominance ofglobal affairs, I think it passed in 2007. Thats
my estimate of when leadership switched toAsia. It would have happened graduallyover ten to 20 years, but the crisis and our
handling of it hastened it. Kal S-Kua, TCW, a Aca subsay f t Fc bak Sct Gal.
or the various measures used to try
to revive it, most notably quantitative
easing, the Federal Reserve programme
to buy Treasury bonds with reshly
printed cash. The result, they say, is
a shrivelling o American leadership
abroad.In terms o American dominance o
global aairs, I think it passed in 2007,
said Komal Sri-Kumar, a strategist at
TCW, an American subsidiary o the
French bank Socit Gnrale. Thats
my estimate of when leadership switched
to Asia. It would have happened
gradually over ten to 20 years, but the
crisis and our handling o it hastened it.
and resentment and a source o
potential fnancial calamity in part
because o its impact on the dollar and
the act that the US Treasury and others
are on opposite sides o the mother o
all oreign exchange trades.
The US needs to make sure thebanks are OK and (authorities) want to
export more through a cheaper currency,
but they dont want it to happen all at
once, observed Jerome Booth, research
director o Ashmore Group, a London
und manager. Emerging market
central banks bee is that the dollar is
going to depreciate quickly. They would
be OK with (urther quantitative easing)
However even those like Paul
Bracken, a proessor o management and
political science at Yale, who accept that
US power and inuence has diminished
as rivals in the developing world get
stronger, question whether American
economic might has diminished asmuch as others think. No question,
compared to the 1990s, US political
inuence in the world is lower, he said,
but with the economy its much less
clear.
Long-term economic data compiled
by Haver Analytics and Citigroup
Investment Research highlight one
clear loser, and it is not the United
USA
US inuence appears to be moving
in an inverse relationship with the fscal
defcit. The need to borrow trillions o
dollars has reduced Americas economic
power, Sri-Kumar believes, and also its
power o persuasion. We had the moral
authority to advise Latin American
countries in the 80s and 90s, and we
advised Asia in 97 and Russia ater the
deault o 98, he recalled. Every time
we said what the correct policy was
to get out o a crisis. Everywhere I go
today, Im asked why the US doesnt
ollow the advice they gave us.
The defcit is a ocal point o doubt
i there were a big fscal adjustment at
the same time, but i not theres a risk
that theyll stop buying Treasuries.
Sri-Kumar expresses similar
disdain or Washingtons currency
management. A decade o debasement
o the dollar and no policy on the
currency has made the rest o the world
look urgently or a replacement, he
remarked. That has gathered more
strength than I had anticipated. When it
speeds up, it will increase interest rates
and reduce our dominance over the rest
o the world because we wont be able
to print our way out o a crisis.
States. The 15 countries that made up
the European Union ater the 1995
enlargement accounted or 31 per cent
o global output in 1970, the same as
the United States, their fgures show.
The American proportion dipped to
28 per cent in 1982 and held steady
through 2009, the last year in the study.
Europes share o the pie declined
steadily and markedly, to 22 per cent,
while mainland Asias share quadruped
to 12 per cent.
The US economy has held up
well because it has many undamental
strengths the ones that helped it
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become so dominant in the frst place
to accompany its shortcomings.
The latest edition o the World
Competitiveness Yearbook, compiled
by the International Institute or
Management Development, a Swiss
business school, ranked the UnitedStates third, pipped by Singapore and
Hong Kong but well ahead o such
pretenders to the role o global leader
as China, ranked 18th, India (31st) and
Brazil (38th).
The US has weathered the risks
o the fnancial and economic crisis
thanks to the sheer size o its economy,
a strong leadership in business and an
unmatched supremacy in technology,
a study detailing the results said.
Also working in Americas avour are
such actors as a wealth o raw materials,
a socially and geographically mobile
society and a culture o risk-taking that
produces continual innovation, both
the technological sort alluded to in the
competitiveness study and others that
enhance commercial and industrial
productivity. Observers who believe
that the US has not lost its mojo arguethat short-term negatives are obscuring
these long-term positives.
It is certainly true that the
scope o the fnancial crisis and our
policy responses havent engendered
overwhelming confdence in our
national judgment, acknowledged
Kori Schake, an associate proessor
o international security at Stanord
University. The same is true o our
debt and defcit spending. But I think
the people arguing that America is in
decline dramatically underestimate
the resilience o our economy.
That resilience and the qualities
underpinning it engender a sense o
trust and security throughout the world,
in her view, that will outlive present
misgivings. The dollar is the paramount
reserve currency because people have
aith in the continued growth and
innovation and transparency o the
American economy, she said.
Schake would eel more comortable
i she could add fscal rectitude to the
list. She hopes that Washington will get
its house in order. We should come up
with a credible plan to pay down our
debt and spend less than we owe, she
counsels. Thatll do more to restore
the vitality o the American economy
and prestige o American power than
any other policy choice, oreign or
domestic.
That is a major part o Sri-Kumars
prescription, too, but hes not holding
his breath with the presidential election
less than 18 months away. Necessary
fscal changes might cause a steep
recession and hit the stock market, he
said. That might be political suicide,
but it would help the economy, and
thereore American stature, in the
long run. You have to pay the piper,
he said. The more we keep (the
economy) going through temporary
stimulus, the more well have to pay a
price or it.
One way or US authorities to
obtain a discount is to be more gracious
USA
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One act o 21st-century economic lie
could limit a decline in US supremacy over
the very long haul and possibly even reverse it
at some point: persistently rising commodity
prices. Thats what Jeremy Grantham, chie
investment strategist
o the Boston und
manager GMO and
a widely respected
fgure in investment
circles, believes is
occurring.Grantham contends
that we now live
in a dierent, more
constrained, world in
which prices o raw
materials will rise
and shortages will be
common. He points
out that more than a
century o decliningi n l a t i o n - ad j us ted
commodity prices has
been undone in just
the last decade.
He attributes the
strong, abrupt course
correction to accel-
erated demand rom
developing countries, especially China, and
fnds that the level o price rises makes itextremely unlikely that the old trend is still
in place. In what could be the makings o
an economic Greek tragedy, Grantham warns
that these conditions will retard long-term
growth rates in the developing world.
Mature countries are bound to suer as
The CommodiTieS ConUndrUm
well, but less so, in his view, and the US
economy could be particularly resilient. One
point in its avour, perhaps paradoxically,
is that Americans are wasteul; that leaves
plenty o scope to conserve and to adjust
demand as prices
rise. The US has
plenty going or it on
the supply side, too,
he points out.
The US is, o
course, very wellpositioned to deal
with the constraints,
Grantham explains.
First, it starts rich,
both in wealth and
income per capita,
and also in resources,
particularly the two
that in the long run
will turn out to be themost precious: great
agricultural land and
a pretty good water
supply. The US is
also well endowed
with hydrocarbons. All
other countries should
be so lucky.
Americas status as global economic leader
may be in jeopardy, but how much progressare the would-be usurpers making? Growth in
developing countries has been impressive, but
some authorities on international relations
point out that it comes o a very low base
and warn that maintaining the momentum will
be no mean eat. They havent yet made the
USA
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in dealing with allies and adversaries and accept
a more even distribution o power within global
organisations, notably the International Monetary
Fund, a body where they have the power, i not
necessarily the right, to veto any decision.
Who is going to ask us to shape up, Sri-
Kumar said. The IMF cannot. Emergingeconomies have capital surpluses. Are we going
to ask China and Brazil to fnance the US defcit
when they essentially have no seat at the table at
the IMF?
The indications are that the US is more willing
to listen more careully to the views and demands
o the newly powerul economies o Asia. The
US government is trying to adapt the post-war
system to accommodate the rise o new powers,
he said. Its now working through the G20, not
just the G7. US authorities are also in avour o
UN Security Council seats or India and Japan, he
noted, although not straight away.
Booth, at Ashmore, expects the developing
world to be more orceul in global policy arenas.
The G13 countries are starting to become more
assertive, pressing their agendas on currency
and global monetary system reorm, he observed.
Emerging economies have been pushing or voting
reorm at the IMF too.
How should American ofcials respond?One view is that Washington will be in a better
bargaining position i it recognises that the US
is in a worse position than beore. The US has
the most bargaining power, but or the frst time
China has some too, Booth argues. Better to
sit down and negotiate with China than get
completely worked up and do something stupid.
I Im the US, I need to realise I can no longer
dictate what I want and have (other countries) all
over to do it.
By going with the ow and settling into a sedate
middle age, Booth believes, the US should continue
to thrive and to play the leading role in setting the
rules or international markets and organisations,
despite all the reports to the contrary. The US
is discovering the way the rest o the world has to
deal with problems, he said. Its not the end o
the world. Were all gaining; its just that emerging
markets are gaining aster. The US remains the
most powerul country on earth.Q
tricky transition to idea-generating economies,
says Kori Schake, an associate proessor o
international security at Stanord. Theyre still
manuacturing predominantly.
Paul Bracken, a specialist in global business
strategy at Yale, agrees. He sees the rapid
development in some countries as being
achieved by emphasising quantity over quality.
He wonders how sustainable it will be. China
has had a relatively easy problem in economic
We now live in
a different, more
constrained, world
in which prices of
raw materials will
rise and shortageswill be common.
management so ar because the sources o
growth are manuacturing and moving people
rom the countryside to the cities, he explained.
Even the Soviets were growing under those
conditions in the 1930s.
Growth rates in emerging economies aremuch higher than growth rates in the West
during the Industrial Revolution, he adds, so
theyre going to hit social and environmental
limits a lot aster. What they do with that
depends on a lot o actors in the uture that I
dont know.
USA
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ProceedwithCautionHopes that China may be prepared to
countenance liberalisation and the opening up
o its fnancial sector are likely to be dashed,
says David Smith. Risk aversion and caution
will remain its watchwords as it defnes its new
global role.
A couple o years ago, it all seemed
airly clear. At a time when the world
economy was teetering on the brink
o collapse as a result o the global
nancial crisis, Beijing appeared to
be taking the lead on reorm o the
international monetary system.
Ater years in which calls or
reorm usually rom France had
allen on dea ears, suddenly the
worlds second largest economy was
in the vanguard o the demand or
change. Zhou Xiaochuan, governor
o the Peoples Bank, the Chinese
central bank, set out a vision o
reorm very much along the lines
proposed more than 60 years earlier
by John Maynard Keynes at the
Bretton Woods conerence in 1944.
Instead o an international
monetary system based on the dollar
the model chosen at Bretton Woods
in preerence to Keyness version
the Peoples Bank governor gave a
powerul hint that Beijing preerred
to shit the ocus on to the Special
Drawing Right (SDR), the IMFs
currency basket. Just as America
was on course to be replaced as the
worlds biggest economy by China,
so the dollar would lose its global
pre-eminence. That, it seemed, was
Chinas vision and it was dramatic.
Fast orward to late March 2011
and the scene was set or a specially
convened G20 high-level seminar
China
z
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China
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China doesnt think that theres
really much room or progress in the
G20 under France, said Zhang Ming,
an economist at the Chinese Academy
o Social Sciences. The government
has become more realistic in pushing
instead or yuan internationalisation,
something it can achieve itsel. It is
not as enthusiastic as beore about
getting into the currency reorm
issue.
Chinas approach to international
monetary reorm will exasperate those
who think it is time the country adopted
a more aggressive international role
Flying metaphorical kites is not (Chinas)style. Something has changed. Its enthusiasm
for reform has cooled, perhaps because analystshave pointed out that a gradual approach is
the best way of preserving the value of its hugeand growing dollar reserves.
long-term and complex, he said.
Ocial guidance was that the
Peoples Bank governors analysis two
years earlier had been exploratory,
even academic, rather than a
programme or action. It may even
have been deliberately provocative
in the ace o Washingtons criticism
o Beijings currency policy, with the
aim o showing that the world may
not be as permanently dependent on
the dollar as America likes to think.
That, however, is not the way China
operates. Flying metaphorical kites is
not its style. Something has changed.
managed should be included in
the SDR.
Chinas unwillingness to see the
renminbi attain reserve currency
status, and certainly Beijings
unwillingness to promote it as in any
way a rival to the dollar, remains. So
what does China want?
The current ocial ocus is on
the gradual internationalisation o
the renminbi, by which it is meant its
greater use in commercial transactions
and in some third party activity.
Chinas Ministry o Finance has been
actively promoting the currencys
in Nanjing, China, to discuss
international monetary reorm. While
China was host, the French president
Nicolas Sarkozy was in the chair as
president also o the G20. Sarkozy
was maintaining the Elyse Palace
tradition o wanting a shake-up o thesystem and an end to its dominance
by the dollar.
I he was expecting Chinas
wholehearted support, however, he
was disappointed. Wang Qishan,
the Chinese vice-premier, did his
best to correct the impression that
his country was pressing or rapid
reorm. The reorm process will be
Its enthusiasm or reorm has cooled,
perhaps because analysts have pointed
out that a gradual approach is the best
way o preserving the value o its huge
and growing dollar reserves. Even
on the narrow question o including
Chinas currency, the renminbi, in theSDR basket, no progress was made
in Nanjing.
The Chinese authorities,
having appeared at one stage to be
enthusiastic, pulled back rom even
that, not least because Timothy
Geithner, the US Treasury Secretary,
said only currencies that were truly
fexible in other words not tightly
use in regional trade transactions,
not least by oering tax rebates, and
recently issued an RMB6-billion
bond in Hong Kong to promote its
use in settlements.
The lesson, i it were needed, is
that China will proceed with caution.What China wants when it comes
to international monetary reorm is
not to rock the boat too much, while
heading o external criticism o the
undervaluation o her currency. That
means Frances hopes o a strong ally
or reorm in the remaining months
o her G20 presidency will almost
inevitably come to nothing.
China
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to go with her increasing economic
clout. That, however, is the Chinese
way. Gradualism is the watchword.
Change will occur, but rushing it will
benet nobody; neither China nor her
international partners.
As always with China, reading
between the lines o the ocial ve-
year plans can be useul. The latest,
the 12th, presented by Premier
Wen Jiabao in his state o the nation
address in March 2011, was notable
or two things. The rst was the
explicit setting o a lower target or
growth, averaging 7 per cent over
the ve-years (2011-15) o the plan.
The second was the pledge to make
that growth more equitable and
sustainable.
The growth target can be taken
with a pinch o salt. The 7.5 per cent
annual growth target or the 11th ve-
year plan (2006-10) was comortably
exceeded, despite the global nancial
crisis and recession. Successive
Chinese leaders have learned to
promise less than they deliver.
The other aims are more
interesting. In theory Chinese
growth, driven more by domestic
consumption, should also be more
balanced. A promise to raise the
minimum wage by 13 per cent a
year 84 per cent over the period o
the plan will spread the benets o
growth more widely.
Again, however, Chinas
approach is evolutionary rather than
revolutionary. Stephen Green, an
economist with Standard Chartered
in Shanghai, said there was nothing
in the plan to suggest a big shit in
the structure o the economy or a
signicant narrowing o Chinas
current account surplus. Theres
China
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absolutely no sign that the percentage
o investment in GDP is slowing. And
there are no signs o liberalisation o
the service sector to allow the private
sector to take a bigger share o the
economy, he said.
Indeed, one eect o the globalnancial crisis may have been to
make the Chinese authorities even
more cautious about aspects o
liberalisation. Hopes among Western
banks o an opening-up o Chinas
nancial sector and an end to the
dominance o state-controlled or
semi-state banks were disappointed
by the ve-year plan, which set out
no such prospect. From Chinas
perspective, the crisis demonstrated
the advantages o having built-in
checks and balances in the banking
system. While the rest o the world
was reeling, China was relatively
immune.
Late last year, China hosted
another high-level meeting, this time
on macro-prudential regulation in
Shanghai, which was attended by
representatives o the IMF and mostleading economies. Zhou Xiaochuan,
the Peoples Bank governor, this time
on less controversial ground, oered
his diagnosis o why China had come
through the crisis successully.
The Chinese nancial system
has basically withstood the shocks
o the recent crisis because rst,
continued economic growth has
created a benign environment, he
said. Second, ater the Asian nancial
crisis, joint stock reorm o state-
owned commercial banks enhanced
their overall strength and resilience
and strengthened the oundation or
nancial stability. Third, the nancial
legislation system and supervision
ability has improved. Fourth, the
nancial market, including delivery
o services and product innovation,
was not sophisticated, and this helped
ward o crisis.
The last point, and the implied
criticism o over-sophisticated
nancial products as a source o
instability in the West, is particularly
interesting. Liberalisation will occur
at a pace o Chinas choosing. There
is a parallel with Japan in the 1980s,
which came under heavy international
pressure to open up nancial services
to outsiders. China is likely to take
even longer. On this, as on so many
other matters, China will do things
her own way. And that may not be the
way the rest o the world wants.
Even then, the Chinese authorities
are aware o the dangers, which range
rom global economic imbalances
to asset bubbles and excess liquidity
including in China itsel and
potentially destabilising structures
and products within the banking and
nancial system.
In the past ew years, many
nancial institutions are oering
China
TRADE SURPLUS ($bn)
Source: Capital Economics.
Unadjusted
Seasonally-adjusted (including
for Chinese New Year)
50
40
30
20
10
0
-10
50
40
30
20
10
0
-10
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
CONSUMER PRICES (% y/y)
Source: Capital Economics.
Headline
Core (excl. food & energy, excl.
food only before Jan. 2006)
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
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cross-sector and cross-market
products; nancial share-holding
companies have established complex
internal structures and moved into
diversied businesses; new types
o nancial institutions are heavily
involved in the nancial market
activities, said Zhou Xiaochuan.
Banks and other nancial
institutions will be even more closely
monitored than in the past. China is
also ully committed to introducing
a macro-prudential regime
supplementing the regulation o
individual institutions with system-
wide counter-cyclical rules on capital
and credit supply.
The recent history o China,
certainly since the Asian nancial
crisis o 1997-98, has been one o risk
aversion. The global nancial crisis
threw up the threat o systemic risk.
The message rom the authorities
is that every action will be taken to
counter that threat in the uture.
That means regulating more strictly
an already tightly regulated nancial
system. China is determined to move
slowly on big-picture reorm, and to
keep things rmly under control.
That applies to the nancial
system and it applies more generally.
The investment banking communityis going to have to get used to the rise
o Chinese rms with both domestic
and global ambitions. Some o that will
be achieved by acquisition Lenovos
acquisition o IBMs personal
computer division a ew years ago
was a pioneer in that respect and
some by other means.
For years, China has been accused
o stealing technology rom the West.
Now the process is being ormalised.
An aspect o the previous ve-year
plan that is only now coming to
ruition has excited much comment
and concern, the intention being
to substitute indigenous sources o
supply or imported technology.
With the aim o doubling research
and development spending to 2.5 per
cent o GDP over the next decade,
the plan identied 11 key sectorsand 27 breakthrough technologies,
including coal liqueaction,
genetically modied crops, deep-
sea mining, quantum physics and
stem cell research. The rst 16
mega projects are now taking
shape, intended to replace imports
with indigenous innovation,
though innovation based on oreign
technology. They will, according to
Xi Heping, an ocial at the Ministry
o Science and Technology, reorm
traditional industries and develop
high technology manuacturing.
China is moving into a new
phase o economic development. No
longer will it be a branch economy
or Western multinationals. Quietly,
without anare, China is changing
her role.Q
China
RENMINBI/DOLLAR EXCHANGE RATE
Source: Capital Economics.
Renminbi stronger
G20 Summit
Hu visiting US
US-China dialogue6.45
6.50
6.55
6.60
6.65
6.70
6.75
6.80
6.85
6.45
6.50
6.55
6.60
6.65
6.70
6.75
6.80
6.85
Jan 10 Apr 10 Jul 10 Oct 10 Jan 11 Apr 11
POLICY RATES (%)
Source: Capital Economics.
Required Reserve Ratio (major banks)
12m Benchmark Lending Rate
12m Benchmark Deposit Rate
24
20
16
12
8
4
0
24
20
16
12
8
4
0
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
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Lqudt
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The Bretton Woods global nancial architecture
has been remarkably long-lived and its demise
has requently been orecast. This time though,
argues Bd Dv, the reserve currency
system may nally need to be redesigned rom
scratch.
Lost inthe Woods
The international currency system
is a product o the past, says Hu
Jintao, Chinas president. And itis hard to argue that it is up to the
challenge o dealing with the current
nancial situation. Today the size
o a number o countries surpluses
and decits on their oreign trade
accounts and associated unding
issues has become an additional
source o potential instability in
nancial markets.
There is, though, little consensus
about the causes o the continuing
banking crisis and the degree o
responsibility attributable to the
dollar-based reserve currency system.
The conventional wisdom that poor
incentives in banks encouraged
excessive leverage and risk-taking,
along with the creation o complex
products that no one really understood,
does not tell the whole story.
This explanation relies on the idea
that supply creates its own demand,
whereas any economist holds tothe belie that supply responds to
demand. Why then was there such a
broad-based global demand or US
dollar-based assets that appeared
to oer low risk and relatively high
returns, certainly when compared to
US Treasuries.
The build-up o excessive
surpluses as a number o countries
seek to gain rom the current reserve
currency system means that these
countries need to purchase US dollar
assets to und the US decit the
counterpoint to their surpluses or
investment purposes and to nance
growing levels o world trade.
The incentives or innovative
bankers to create and or many
global nancial institutions to buy
such assets are obvious, as the US
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The BreTTon WooDs sysTem
The World War II allied powers wanted to
create the oundations or post-war prosperity.
They assembled in Bretton Woods or a
conerence dominated by the US Treasurys
representative, Harry Dexter White, and
the British Treasurys representative, John
Maynard Keynes.
Dexter White proposed a system o
exchange rates semi-xed against the US
dollar, which itsel would be convertible into
gold. The establishment o an International
Stabilisation Fund to manage the systemwas executed in a way that placed the entire
burden o maintaining the balance o trade on
the decit nations. It would impose no limits
on the surplus that successul exporters
could accumulate. The eventual outcome,
which was very close to the US position,
was the establishment o the International
Monetary Fund and The World Bank.
The proposal or an international
organisation to encourage ree trade wasblocked by the US, but eventually the General
Agreement on Taris and Trade (GATT) treaty
and the World Trade Organisation (WTO)
achieved the same objective. Much o the
system still survives, though the system o
semi-xed exchange rates did not.
Under pressure rom nancing the war in
Vietnam, the US abandoned gold convertibility
in 1971. As a result the semi-xed exchange
rate system became a semi-foating ratesystem, though a number o emerging market
countries eectively xed their currencies
exchange rates to the US dollar, while a
number o European Union member countries
created a single currency area with the euro.
The British backed a very dierent model
to the American system that was eventually
adopted. Keynes proposed a system that
would encourage both debtor and creditor
nations to take action to adjust their
economies. A global bank, called the
International Clearing Union (ICU), would issue
its own currency (the Bancor), which would
be exchangeable with national currencies at
xed exchange rates; it would become the unit
o account between nations, which means it
would measure a countrys trading position.
Keynes proposed a
system that would
encourage both debtor
and creditor nations to
take action to adjust
their economies.
The aim was to secure creditor adjustment
and debtor discipline. All international
transactions giving rise to surpluses or
decits in the balance o payments would
be settled through clearing accounts at the
ICU, while countries central banks would buy
and sell their currencies against debits and
credits with the bank.
Each country would have an overdrat
acility in its ICU Bancor account equivalentto hal the average value o its trade over a
ve-year period. Countries should clear their
Bancor accounts at the end o each year so
that they had neither a trade decit nor a
surplus.
To achieve this, any country with a trade
decit equating to more than hal o its
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trade decit must be balanced by US dollar
investments. Triple A-rated bonds that pay well
above US Treasuries have obvious attractions in
these circumstances.
I this argument is valid, then the incentives
that created the current crisis will not go away
just because the capital or the liquidity o banksis being increased. Banks are not the cause o
the crisis but bit-part players in a much bigger
global currency game driven by the perverse
incentives built into it and seen to have been
built into it 70 years ago.
Moreover the need to change the global
currency system is ar more pressing than
anyone is willing to admit, as unless this happens
the orces that created the nancial crisis are
going to re-emerge. The only conclusion one
can draw is that the underlying cause o the
nancial crisis is the global reserve currency
system, which was based on the Bretton Woods
agreement in 1944 (see box).
While it is clear today that Bretton Woods is
no longer t or purpose, the same could not
be said in the atermath o World War II when
its deciencies were to a great extent disguised.
The underunded International Monetary Fund
placed ar too much emphasis on orcing decit
countries to devalue and rapidly defate theireconomies. The World Bank, similarly short o
unds, was unable to ulll its role as a signicant
source o capital injection or countries requiring
reconstruction and development.
However these problems were masked, rst
by the massive injection o investment rom the
US Marshall Plan and the willingness o US
companies to invest abroad (in the ace o ull
employment in the US), and then by the move
to foating exchange rates. Today the US has
moved rom being the worlds biggest creditor
nation to the worlds biggest debtor, and it no
longer has ull employment.
The systemic deciencies became clear
during the emerging market crisis in 1982 in
Latin America and 1997 in Asia. The emerging
market economies responded by xing their
exchange rates to the US dollar at levels that
ensured their competitiveness and consequently
they have amassed very high levels o reserves.
Bancor overdrat allowance would be charged
interest on its account, be obliged to reduce
the value o its currency and to prevent the
export o capital.
There would be similar pressures on
surplus nations, as any country with a Bancor
credit balance o more than hal its overdrat
acility would also be charged interest, be
obliged to increase the value o its currency
and to permit the export o capital. I, by the
end o the year, its credit balance exceeded
the total value o its permitted overdrat, thesurplus would be conscated.
In Keyness ICU-based system, any nation
with a surplus would thus be incentivised to
eliminate its surplus by exporting capital to
decit countries, thus reducing their decit.
Keynes believed that the system proposed by
White would lead to countries attempting to
create a currency surplus through competitive
devaluations, and to the hoarding o oreign
exchange reserves by surplus countries.
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The SDR was created by the IMF in 1969 to support
the Bretton Woods xed exchange rate system by creating
a supplemental reserve asset. Subsequently US dollar-
to-gold convertibility ended in 1971. Two years later the
Bretton Woods system was altered signicantly, and
the major currencies shited to a foating exchange rate
regime; the SDR became a potential claim on the reely
usable currencies o IMF members.
Today the SDR basket consists o the euro, Japanese
yen, pound sterling, and US dollar. In addition to its role as
a supplementary reserve asset, the SDR also serves as
the unit o account o the IMF and some other internationalorganisations.
The SDR is calculated as the sum o specic amounts
o the our basket currencies valued in US dollars, on the
basis o exchange rates quoted at noon each day in the
London market.
The basket composition is reviewed every ve years
by the Executive Board to ensure that it refects the
relative importance o currencies in the worlds trading
and nancial systems. In the most recent review last
November, the weights o the currencies in the SDR basketwere revised, based on the value o the exports o goods
and services and the amount o reserves denominated in
the respective currencies held by other members o the
IMF. These changes became eective on 1 January 2011.
The next review will take place by 2015.
speciaL DraWing righT (sDr)
These consequences are similar to
those eared by John Maynard Keynes,
who argued at Bretton Woods in 1944
that the system proposed by the
US Treasurys Harry Dexter White
would result in countries attempting
to create a currency surplus throughcompetitive devaluations, and in the
hoarding o oreign exchange reserves
by surplus countries.
Indeed the evidence today is that
Bretton Woods created a system which
encourages and allows the reserve
currency country to run persistent
and large decits. However, countries
holding these US dollar reserves are
exchanging their goods and services
or pieces o paper that represent
claims on uture US production (or
tax receipts, though this amounts to
the same thing).
There is a point at which the
ability o the US to honour these
claims certainly at the same real
rate o exchange at which they were
accumulated is called into doubt.
And it looks as i that point has
now been reached. But there is noagreement as to what to do. Politicians,
most notably in France and China,
are calling or a new Bretton Woods,
but none o them has put orward a
cohesive solution.
However, there are alternatives.
Earlier this year Joseph Stiglitz, the
Nobel Prize winning economist,
proposed creating more Special
Drawing Rights (SDRs) so that they
could play a greater role in the global
currency reserve system and act as
a supplement to the role o the US
dollar. There is, though, the more
radical way o expanding the role
o SDRs as a replacement or the
dollar as the worlds reserve currency.
This is arguably the only way to
respond to what is already happening
in the real world.
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element o their surplus into long
term investments in both emerging
and developed economies through
their Sovereign Wealth Funds.
In addition, China has been taking
action through bilateral arrangements
to internationalise the renminbi as a
currency o account or bilateral trade
although, as the renminbi is not
reely convertible into other currencies,
this process is as yet strictly limited in
its applicability.
Moreover, there have been a
number o comments that imply that
Keyness rejected Bretton Woods
solution is being re-examined. It
appears that there is some support or
using the SDR as a so-called basket
parts o the SDR basket currency
would be regularly recalibrated, or
example according to the relative
GDP (or possibly relative per capita
GDPs) o a wide range o countries
whose currencies would comprise the
reconstructed SDR basket.
There would be clear implications
or any country growing its GDP
relative to other countries and
running a trade surplus. It would see
an increasing proportion o the value
o its reserves becoming a claim on its
own uture production, as the SDR
basket would be re-weighted towards
its currency. In those circumstances, it
would become pointless or a country
to export goods and services and
However, i this idea were adopted,
the SDR would itsel need to dier
signicantly rom its current orm,
both as to its component parts and to
its process o revaluation.
Clearly the ideas about a new
reserve currency are not yet as well
developed as those o Keynes and
White were in 1944. But we would be
deluding ourselves i we thought that
the nancial challenge today was not
extremely serious, so it is important
that new ideas are explored. There is
an old saying: I it aint broke dont
x it. Well, the current global reserve
currency system clearly is broke it
just has not broken down yet, But it
will unless we get on with xing it. Q
There is some support or using the SDR asa so-called basket currency which would
operate as a unit o account in trade. A lotdepends on how this idea is taken orward, butit could involve revisiting one very importantaspect o Keyness proposal a system thatincentivises adjustment by both defcit and
surplus countries.
Lqudt
A number o large surplus currency
countries are no longer holding their
structural surplus oreign exchange
balances overwhelmingly in US-dollar
Treasury bonds. Instead they are
beginning to diversiy their reserve
holdings, most notably into euros,as well as limited amounts o Swiss
rancs, sterling and gold. They are
also placing a signicant structural
currency which would operate as a
unit o account in trade. A lot depends
on how this idea is taken orward,
but it could involve revisiting one
very important aspect o Keyness
proposal a system that incentivises
adjustment by both decit and surpluscountries.
Each country would hold its
reserves in SDRs. And the component
incur claims on its uture production;
so such a system would pass Keyness
incentive test rather well.
But there is one signicant
dierence in that this solution is more
markets-based. This means it would
suit the greater development o andreliance on markets that is a eature
o the modern global economy and
was not a signicant actor in 1944.
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Attempts to stabilise currencies in the wake of the
monetary crisis could impose new strains on the delicate
balance of global trade, Paul Wharton of Deutsche Bank
UK examines where the fault-lines may develop.
UnintendedConsequences
One o the most signicant aspects
o the currency wars currently taking
place is that there is still a race tothe bottom, as growth economies
dependent on exports try to weaken
their currencies, even as continuing
weakness in the US dollar drives those
currencies upwards.
Clearly no exporter likes to see
their currency strengthening unduly,
since it damages their ability to sell
into oreign markets. At the moment
China and Germany seem to be the
main winners, with Germany coming
out rather better than China.
The linkage with the dollar means
that the yuan weakens as the dollar
weakens, and that helps to make
Chinese exports even more price-
competitive. However, the major
negative consequence o this is that it
creates serious infation in ood prices
in China, since the Chinese have to
spend more to buy the same amount
o grain. Food prices rose by a third
in 2010, and this in turn threatens tolead to social unrest in China. So or
them there is a very marked downside
to the second round o quantitative
easing (QE2) being implemented in
the United States.
Germany also has its diculties.
On the one hand there is a real irony
in the act that the more the European
sovereign debt crisis perturbs the
markets and weakens the euro, the more
it boosts Germanys burgeoning export
sector. On the other hand, much o the
burden or unding the bailouts alls
on Germany as the European Unions
biggest economy. However, since the
European sovereign debt issues have
very little to do with the currency
wars, one would have to say that
Germany will remain a net beneciary,
provided that the dollar doesnt
weaken too much against the euro.
Our ocial view is that we think
that China will allow the renminbi toappreciate by around 4 per cent against
the dollar in the medium term and
will allow wage costs to rise. That will
put more money into the pockets o
workers and will also help to rebalance
the global economy. We have already
seen some quite sharp wage rises in
China, and more along these lines
would be very helpul.
I China were to revalue the
renminbi, the cost o their ood imports
would drop, and it would also have the
benecial eect o making the Chinese
ocus more on domestic consumption,
since it would generate some alling o
in exports.
Manuacturers would have to look
to sell the extra capacity locally. The
Chinese labour orce is 850 million
strong, more than 20 times the size o
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the entire UK labour orce. Moreover,
economic commentators are starting
to talk about the end o the global
export model, since the big importer
o last resort, the United States, is
running out o steam. No country
can both de-leverage massively andimport strongly.
This could be good or China
in the medium term, since it should
orce them to become much more
eective when it comes to deploying
their investment cash. China has
really got to stop wasting resources.
The country looks like a late-cycle
version o the Asian tiger economic
boom, the problem there being that
ever-increasing investment generated
ever-smaller rates o return until we
were suddenly hit by the Asian crisis o
1998. All investment booms zzle out
i consumption and nal demand are
not able to keep pace with the capacity
that the investment is generating.
The most interesting element
o all these linkages which we see
particularly vividly in the currency
interrelationships is perhaps theunexpected and rather unintended
consequences o globalisation, where
everything ends up being linked to
everything else. There was, or example,
a problem in US mortgages along with
a problem about excess savings in
China generating massive capital fows
to peripheral eurozone economies. The
debt that generated cannot be revalued
away, so we now have a very ragile
global model.
The challenge or policymakers
now, as they address this ragility, is
to manage an orderly adjustment o
the major developed economies
and, in doing this, the scal stimulus
that we saw in the United States, the
United Kingdom and the European
Union, as well as in Japan and China,
is important.
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The big risk o printing cash is that it
uels rallies in paper assets.
As for the eurozone, there is no doubt
that the markets are testing its resolve,
and there are denite parallels here with
Britains unortunate experience in
trying to deend its membership o the
European exchange rate mechanism
(ERM). Everyone knows how that
ended, but it would also be wrong
to underestimate the political will in
Europe to keep the euro going.
From an investment standpoint, one
thing that emerges very strongly rom
this is that Germany will probably be
one o the saest homes or some time to
China too, i it cannot get a grip on
infation while maintaining the 7
per cent or so growth it requires to
keep the fow o new jobs in synch
with movement o people rom the
countryside to the cities. Failure here
carries a very high risk o social unrest
which, at the least, would severely
impede Chinas ability to drive global
growth in the medium term. It is a
paradox that many in the West who
regard liberal ree market capitalism as
undamental to incentivising innovation
and growth are hoping that Chinese
economic development will bail out the
global economy.
worrying set o downside scenarios.
Into this already complex mix we
now have to add the second round
o quantitative easing in the US, and
see how it will aect its relationship
with China, currency issues, and the
European sovereign debt crisis. The
interactions between all these actors
makes it next to impossible to predict
the outcome.
Market participants do not have a
clear perspective on how this is going
to end up. What we can see is that in
the rst round o quan