Journal of the International Association of

Buddhist Studies Volume 24 • Number 1 • 2001

MINORUHARA In memoriam J.W. de Jong

JINHUAJIA Doctrinal Reformation of the Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism

NADINE OWEN Constructing Another Perspective for A j aI).W s Fifth-Century Excavations

PETER VERHAGEN Studies in Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Hermeneutics (1) Issues of Interpretation and Translation in the Minor Works

1

7

27

of Si-tu PaI).-chen Chos-kyi-'byun-gnas (1699?-1774) 61

GLENN WALLIS The Buddha's Remains: mantra in the Manjusrrmulakalpa 89

BOOK REVIEW by ULRICH PAGEL Heinz Bechert [et a1.]: Der Buddhismus I: Der Indische Buddhismus und seine Verzweigungen 127

Treasurer's Report 2000 135

The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (ISSN 01 93-600XX) is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. It welcomes scholarly contributions pertaining to all facets of Buddhist Studies. JIABS is published twice yearly, in the summer and winter.

Address manuscripts (two copies) and books for review to: The Editors, JIABS, Section de langues et civilisations orientales, Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2, CH-IOI5 Lausanne, Switzerland.

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© Copyright 2001 by the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc.

EDITORIAL BOARD

Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub Tom J.F. Tillemans Editors-in-Chief

Robert Buswell Steven Collins Collett Cox Luis O. G6mez Paul Harrison Oskar von Hiniiber Roger Jackson Padmanabh S. Jaini Shoryu Katsura Donald S. Lopez, Jr. Alexander Macdonald D. Seyfort Ruegg Robert Sharf Ernst Steinke lIner Erik Ziircher

Editorial Assistant: Yves Ramseier

nABS 24.1

Contributors to this issue:

Dr nA Jinhua was Associate Professor at Xi amen University in 1993-94. She then obtained her PhD from the University of Colorado at Boulder in 1999, and has been Assistant Professor at the City University of Hong Kong since 2000. She has published four books in Chinese (two as co­authors), two books of translation, and more than twenty articles in both English and Chinese.

Lisa Nadine OWEN is a doctoral candidate in the Art & Art History Department at the University of Texas at Austin. Her research interests center on India's rock-cut monuments and she is currently writing her dissertation on the Jain caves at Ellora.

Born in 1963 in Bonn, Ulrich PAGEL is currently Lecturer in the Language and Religion of Tibet and Middle Asia at the School of Oriental and African Studies (London). Before joining SOAS in 1999, he held appointments at the University of Washington (Seattle), where he was Assistant Professor of Tibetan Studies in the Department of Asian Languages and Literature, and at the British Library (London), where he was curator of the Tibetan manuscripts in the Oriental and India Office Collections. His main research interest focuses on the trans­mission of the Tibetan Kanjur, Mahayana literature and Tibetan histo­riography.

Pieter Comelis VERHAGEN (1957) is University Lecturer for Buddhology and Tibetan at the Department of Languages and Cultures of South and Central Asia, Leiden University, the Netherlands. His main publications include A History of Sanskrit Grammatical Literature in Tibet, vol. 1, Transmission of the Canonical Literature (Leiden 1994) and vol. 2, Assimilation into Indigenous Scholarship (Leiden 2001) as well as several series of articles on the indigenous traditions of Sanskrit and Tibetan grammar in Tibet. He is currently working ona research project on the language-related concepts and principles underlying Buddhist hermeneutics, under a grant from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (N.W.O.).

Glenn WALLIS is Assistant Professor of Buddhism and Indian Religions at the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia, U.S.A.). His specialization is medieval Indian Buddhist ritual literature.

In memoriam

J.W. de Jong (15.2.1921-22.1.2000)

MINORUHARA

Professor J.W. de Jong, the Emeritus Professor of South Asian and Buddhist Studies at the Australian National University and co-founder with F.B.J. Kuiper in 1957 of the Indo-Iranian Journal, died of cancer on 22nd January 2000 at the age of 78. In September 1999, he had undergone a major operation which did not, however, cure the ailment that had been afflicting him since January 1998. His death was announced to the world by his pupil Royce Wiles, who wrote an obituary in the Canberra Times of 4 February 2000.

Born in Leiden on 15 February 1921, J.W. de Jong was educated in the University of Leiden during the period 1942-1945, reading Chinese as his main subject, and Japanese and Sanskrit as his secondary ones, under such renowned scholars as J.J.L. Duyvendak, lPh. Vogel and F.D.K. Bosch. However, the period when he was at the University was during the Second World War and the research atmosphere in the Netherlands was not entirely favourable to his course of study. Therefore, immediately after the war, he went to Harvard (1946), where he studied under W.E. Clark and began a life-long friendship with D.H.H. Ingalls. Later, he spent three years (1947-1950) in Paris with Paul Demieville where he learnt, among other subjects, Tibetan. Having obtained his Ph.D. in 1949 in Leiden, he also learnt Mongolian and was thus fully equipped for the philological and textual study of Buddhism. The fact that he was gifted with linguistic talents is best illustrated by the legendary story that the young de Jong mastered Danish because he needed to read a single reference work in Buddhism written in Danish. In the same way he proceeded to learn Italian and Russian. As a matter of fact, he wrote a lengthy article, entitled "Recent Russian Publications on the Indian Epic" (Adyar Library Bulletin 39 (1975): 1-42). His command over various languages, both Eastern and Western, was the basis for his critical attitude to the study of original texts.

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24. Number 1 .2001

JIABS 24.1 2

In 1956 he was appointed to the newly established professorial chair in Tibetan and Buddhist studies based in the Kern Institute, but in 1965 he moved to Canberra, when the Faculty of Asian Studies of the Australian National University invited him from Leiden and A.L. Basham from London. He taught there until his retirement in 1986. Under his academic supervision, Buddhist scholars such as A. Yuyama, G. Schopen, P. Harrison and A. Saito completed their doctoral disserta­tions.

His scholarship as a specialist of Buddhist philology seems to have been already prefigured in his Leiden doctoral thesis of 1949, which was later published in book form, entitled Cinq chapitres de La Prasanna­pada(1949). As D. SEYFORT RUEGG remarks (Indo-Iranian lournaL43 (2000): 314), it is a philologically meticulous and philosophically well­informed translation, accompanied by an edition of the Tibetan version, of chapters xviii-xxii of Candrakirti's great commentary on Nagfujuna's Madhyamakakarikas. In the same way, his later writings for fifty years were characterized by strict text-critical scholarship, occasionally based upon manuscript material, but always fully equipped with biblio­graphical information, and often testifying well-balanced philosophical insight. However, his critical scholarship is best illustrated by the enormous number of reviews he wrote, which amount to 700 out of his 870 writings. He used to extensively read research monographs, as soon as they were published, with remarkable rapidity and accuracy, and wrote reviews furnished with critical remarks and additional information. Some of the reviews extended to almost 20 pages (i.e. Indo-Iranian Journal 11 (1968): 36-54 etc.); they were more important than the original and became indispensable for further scientific research.

De long's extensive reading also resulted in his writing and re-writing historical surveys of Buddhist studies, surveys which took final form in his book, entitled A Brief History of Buddhist Studies in Europe and America, published in 1997 by the Kosei Shuppan, Tokyo (pp.I-183). There he surveyed Buddhism, known for the first time to the West in the writing of Clement of Alexandria of 200 AD, and becoming an object of scientific research in the eighteenth century. His description extended to the present day, ending at 1990. With his command of many languages, classical as well as modem, he produced similar sorts of surveys of the Mahabharata and the cultural contact between Greeks and Indians. The former took form in a lengthy article entitled "The Study of the

HARA 3

Mahiibhiirata, A brief survey" (Hokke Bunka Kenkyu 10 (1984): 1-19 and 11 (1985): 1-21), and the latter in "The Discovery of India by the Greeks" (Asiatische StudienlEtudes Asiatiques 27 (1973): 115-142) . . De Jong is also recognized as a unique figure who was able to mediate

Buddhist studies, Eastern and Western. As he learnt Japanese in Leiden as a secondary major, he was able to read with remarkable speed and accuracy a number of Japanese publications of Buddhist Studies. His contribution in this respect was immense, for he regularly introduced Eastern Buddhist achievements to the West, while training East Asian Buddhist students along the lines of the age-honoured philological tradi­tion of the West. In a sense he is to be compared to such scholars as G. Biihler and H. Liiders in Sanskrit and Indian Studies who, while them­selves studying Indian texts, trained eminent Indian scholars in the methodology of Classical Philology. In effect, he was able to continue and enhance, in the second half of the twentieth century, the tradition established by the French school as it was represented by S. Levi, L. de La Vallee Poussin and E. Lamotte in the first half. As these scholars in the past had J. Takakusu and S. Yamaguchi as their collaborators in Japan, de Jong was lucky to have similar counterparts such as N. Tsuji, G. Nagao, Y. Ojihara and M. Hattori in Japan.

It was in 1963 that de Jong first visited to Japan and attended the annual meeting of the Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies, where he gave a special lecture on the history of Indian asceticism and another with P. Mus on Borobudur. From that time on, he came to Japan once every ten years, that is, in 1973, 1983 and 1993; his last visit was in the autumn of 1996 as a guest professor at the International College of Advanced Buddhist Studies. In gatherings of Japanese Buddhist scholars he kept insisting on the need for a critical edition of the Taisho Tripi!aka, citing several example passages. Such an edition is only possible in this country; it is to be regretted that few of our Buddhist specialists appreciated his proposals.

Since the present writer has had another opportunity to write in detail about de Jong's writings (TohOgaku 100 (2000): 301-309) and an excellent outline of de Jong's scholarly contributions has been written by the Tibetologist and Mahayana Buddhist specialist, David SEYFORT RUEGG (Indo-Iranian journal 43 (2000): 313-317), below we will only give a list of his publications in their original book form in chrono­logical order.

JIABS 24.1 4

His publications written either in English or French amount to 871 according to' our calculation; they can be broadly classified into the following five categories: books (17), articles (86), reyiews (700), translations (2) and others (contributions to Bibliographie bouddhique and Revue bibliographique deSinologie, various obituaries, prefaces to his friends' books, etc.). Nonetheless it is not always an easy task to ascertain the exact number of his writings, for the same books were sometimes published twice in different parts of the world (India and Japan) and his books have been translated into various languages. Furthermore, some of his articles and reviews have been twice collected and published in book form. Thus, we have Buddhist Studies by 1. W. de long edited by G. SCHOPEN (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press 1977) and Tibetan Studies (Indica et Tibetica 25, Swistal-Ordendorf 1994) by DE JONG himself. Of these, the former contains 27 articles and 39 reviews and the latter consists of 6 articles and 25 reviews with an obituary of G.N. de Roerich. Again, his own bibliography was published twice in the Hokke Bunka Kenkyu, first in vol. 14 (1988), nos. 1-532, and then in vol. 25 (1999), nos. 533-824. But we also have the l. W. de long Bibliography 1949-1973 published by the Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University (date not given), which we find again at the end of Hirakawa's Japanese translation (pp.162-208) of de Jong's A Brief History of Buddhist Studies in Europe and America (Tokyo 1975).

Books

1. Cinq chapitres de la Prasannapada (Paris: Paul Geuthner 1949). 2. Mi la ras pa'i rnam thar: texte tibetain de la vie de Milarepa (s-Gravenhage: Mouton 1959). 3. Nagarjuna Mulamadhyamakakarikal} (The Adyar Library Series 109) The Adyar Library and Research Centre 1977. 4. The Story of Rama in Tibet: text and translation of the Tunhuang manuscripts (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner 1989). 5. Textual Remarks on the Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata (Pallavas 42-108) (Tokyo: Reiyukai Library 1979). 6. Lin Li-kouang, A. Bareau, P. Demieville and J.W. de Jong: Dharmasamuccaya: compendium de la [oi, Pts 1-2 (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve 1946-69), Pt 3 (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve 1973). 7. A Brief History of Buddhist Studies in Europe and America (Tokyo: Kosei Publishing Company 1997). Its earlier versions were translated

HARA 5

into Japanese by A. HIRAKAWA (Tokyo 1975) and reprinted in India twice under the same title (Varanasi: Bharat Bharati 1976 and Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications 1987). 8. Buddha'sWords in China (Canberra 1968) (The 28th G.E. Morrison Lecture in Ethnology).

As is evident, among these eight, 1,3,5,6 are related to Buddhist texts and 2,4 are more concerned with Tibetan Studies proper. Beside these, we have two volumes of his articles as we have mentioned above, and in 1982, his colleagues in Canberra compiled his felicitation volume, to which 35 of his colleagues and friends from all over the world contributed articles:

9. Indological and Buddhist Studies, Volume in Honour of Professor J. W. de long on his sixtieth Birthday, edited by L.A. Hercus, F.B.J. Kuiper, T. Rajapatirana, E.R. Skrzypezak (Canberra 1982).

All these academic activities of J.W. de Jong as described above should be remembered by all Buddhist scholars, Eastern and Western, whose task consists in continuing and furthering the line which was cultivated by the doyen of international Buddhist scholarship.

International College for the Advanced Buddist Studies 5-3-23 Toranomon, Minato-ku, Tokyo

Minoru Hara

JINHUAJIA

Doctrinal Reformation of the Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism*

Hu Shi iW~ asserts that "Chinese" Chan proper first took on complete shape in the Hongzhou #HI'I school.l This assertion has been generally accepted, and the Hongzhou school is regarded as the beginning of "classical" or "golden-age" Chan. However, when discussing exactly what marks the beginning of this new type of Chan, or in other words, what kind of reformation Mazu Daoyi )i!Hll.ll[ - (709-88) brought to the Chan tradition, there have been quite different explanations. YANAGIDA Seizan 1P~E8~w posits that the most salient characteristic of the Hong­zhou school is that it is a Chan of everyday life and a religion of humanity.2 IRIYA Yoshitaka A~~r.:D regards the ideas, "function is identical with [Buddha-]nature" and "daily activities are wonderful functions," as the core of Daoyi's teaching.3 John McRAE assumes that "encounter dialogue" distinguishes the "classical" Chan of Mazu from the "pre-classical" Chan of the Northern, early Southern, and Niutou schools.4 Bernard FAURE takes the disappearance of one-practice samiidhi (yixing sanmei -11"':::'$\C) as "an indicator of the 'epistemologi­cal split' that opened between early Chan and the 'classical' Chan of the

* I thank Professors Paul W. Kroll, Terry Kleeman, John McRae, Dr. Sarah Horton, and the anonymous examiner for their suggestions on draft versions of this article.

1. HU Shi: "Da Tang Yongtong xiansheng shu" ~~mm7t±~ (1924), in Hu Shi ji til§~~, ed. Huang Xianian 1i~:q:. (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue 1995), p. 60.

2. YANAGIDA: Mu no tankyii: Chiigoku zen 1I!€0)l5Ii*:$~t' (Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten 1969) pp. 145, 163.

3. IRIYA: "Preface" to Baso no goroku ,\'!H§.O)~~ (Kyoto: Zenbunka kenkyujo 1984).

4. McRAE: "Encounter Dialogue and the Transformation in Ch'an," in Paths to Liberation: The Marga and Its Transformations in Buddhist Thought, ed. Robert E. Buswell, Jr. and Robert M. Gimello (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1992), p. 357.

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24. Number 1.2001

JIABS 24.1 8

ninth century."5 Each of these scholars insightfully focuses on an impor­tant aspect ofMazu's reformation, yet the full dimension of the doctri­nal development of the school still awaits further explorati9n, which is the aim of this article.

1. "Ordinary Mind Is the Way"

Earlier studies defined the expression, "the mind is the Buddha" (jixin shi fo f(P{d~d~) as the core of Daoyi's teaching. 6 However, in his To Godai Zenshashi m'.li {-\t.!j[*.'iE, SUZUKI Tetsuo ~t*mftt presents plentiful evidence to indicate that this expression was not taught only by Daoyi, but had been a rather popular teaching since Huineng ~f3~.(638-713) According to Suzuki's analysis of the sources, the Chan masters before Daoyi who may have illustrated this teaching include Huineng and his disciples Benjing ;2fs:1¥-, Shenhui t$f\r (684-758), Huizhong ~J~ (d. 776), Huairang 'I"~ (677-744), and Xingsi 1'JJ~ (d. 740).7

SUZUKI further posits that, though Daoyi at the beginning of his career also taught that "the mind is the Buddha," after he moved to Hongzhou, in order to fend off attacks from outside the Chan circle and to correct abuses inside the school, he used an alternative expression, "neither mind nor Buddha" (feixinfeifo ~FJc,'~F~).8

The idea that "the mind is the Buddha" can be viewed as the major teaching of the Southern tradition since Huineng. SUZUKI is quite right when he indicates that it is not Daoyi's core teaching, but his reason for Daoyi's alternative expression, "neither mind nor Buddha," lacks reliable evidence. He mentions the frequent defamation of Daoyi by the abbot of Da' an monastery **~ in Hong prefecture, recorded in the Zutang ji *iI.';§t~, and also Nanyang Huizhong's criticism about "the mind is the Buddha," recorded in the lingde chuandeng lu ~1m1.~~. However, the Zutang ji does not relate any specific content of the

5. FAURE: The Will to Orthodoxy: A Critical Genealogy of Northern Chan Buddhism (Stanford: Stanford University Press 1997), p. 69.

6. For example, Nukariya Kaiten mm-:fr'i'R:7(, Zengaku shisoshi tJIL~,~J;1l.5I::, Tokyo: Meicho kanka kai 1969, pp. 436-7.

7. SUZUKI: To Godai Zenshushi (Tokyo: Daita shuppansha 1984), pp.376-7, 383-4. The sources he cites also indicate that some earlier masters, such as Baozhi _lit (428-576), Fu Dashi w::k± (497-569), Huike ~"i'iJ, and Daoxin mffi (580-651), had begun this teaching. However, the true authors and dates of the sources cited remain questionable.

8. SUZUKI, To Godai Zenshashi, pp.377-82.

JIA 9

abbot's 'slanders.9 Huizhonghimself also advocated that "the mind is the Buddha," and did not really criticize it. 10 The abuse of this expression by others, another reason offered by SUZUKI for Daoyi' s abandonment of this expression, in actuality appeared only after Daoyi's death. I I

Daoyi's alternative expression, "neither mind nor Buddha," was also not a new doctrine, but rather suggested an application of the Madhyamika nondualism, which had already appeared in the teachings of various Chan lines earlier than the Hongzhou school. I2

Daoyi took over these two teachings of early Chan, "the mind is the Buddha" and "neither mind nor Buddha," and used them as expedient means (upaya) to guide learners. The lingde chuandeng lu records a conversation between Daoyi and an anonymous monk:

A monk asked, "Why did you preach that the mind is the Buddha?" The master [Daoyi] answered, "To stop little boys from crying." The monk asked, "What would you say when they have stopped crying?" The master replied, "Neither mind nor Buddha." The monk asked, "If someone other than these two kinds of people comes, how would you guide him?" The master answered, "Tell him it is not a thing." The monk asked, "What would you do if someone in the know suddenly comes?" The master replied, "Then teach him to comprehend the great Way."13 .

Thus, both sayings were used only to guide beginners (crying young­sters);14 when more advanced learners came, he guided them directly to understand the great Way. Daoyi's major disciples understood this quite well. For example, Panshan Baoji filll.fSf instructed his own disciples:

If you say that "the mind is the Buddha," you have not now entered the myste­rious subtlety. If you say "neither mind nor Buddha," you are still attached to the extreme rule of pointing to traces. As for the one single Way of going beyond, a thousand sages would not transmit it. 15

9. Zutangji (Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1996), 14.304.

10. See Zutang ji, 3.78.

11. See Jingde chuandeng lu (Sibu congkan), 7. lOb; Zutang ji, 15.338.

12. Such as the teachings of the Southern, the Niutou, and the Shitou schools.

13. Jingde chuandeng lu, 6.2b.

14. The metaphor of stopping youngsters' cry is seen in the Mahilparinirviina-sutra, T. 374, 12: 485c, Mahilpriijiiiipiiramitii-sutra, T. 220,7: 1l04c, and so forth.

15. Zongjing lu *~~, T. 2016,48: 944c; Zutangji, 15.330; Jingde chuandeng lu, 7.5b. Other disciples of Daoyi, such as Damei Fachang *~l'!1j!;, Nanquan Puyuan l¥LijH!f Jjj, and Funiu Zizai {fUi:: §::{E, also had similar sayings; see Zutang ji, 15.336; Jingde chuandeng lu, 7.8b-9a; Zutang ji, 16.351; Jingde chuandeng lu, 7.5b.

JIABS 24.1 10

Then, what is the "one single Way of going beyond that a thousand sages would not transmit"? It should be the teaching that "ordinary mind is the Way" (pingchangxin shi Dao :ljZ1¥.;JL\~En. Daoyiyreached to the assembly:

If one wants to know the Way directly, then ordinary mind is the Way. Ordinary mind means no intentional action, no right or wrong, no grasping or rejecting, no terminable or permanent, no profane or holy. The sutra says, "Neither the practice of ordinary men, nor the practice of sages - that is the practice of the Bodhisattva." Now all these are just the Way: walking, staying, sitting, lying, responding to situations, and dealing with things. 16

YANAGIDA is insightful in singling out that "ordinary mind is the Way" as Daoyi's core teaching. 17 However, his interpretation of "ordinary mind" seems somewhat contradictory. On one hand, he says that it is a complete mind including both ignorance and enlightenment:

The characteristic of the new Chan Buddhism created by Mazu is to regard the complete, actual activities of mind as manifestations of Buddha nature. I 8

The so-called "ordinary mind" is such a complete mind. It includes all ignorance and enlightenment, without partiality for either side. I 9

On the other hand, however, he asserts that "ordinary mind" should not contain ignorance but simply emphasizes the down-to-earth tendency of subjective aWakening:

It does not mean that the mind is the original mentality that contains both igno­rance and enlightenment, but rather the most substantial and common mind, the down-to-earth tendency of the subject. We can say that it makes the traditional idea of original or absolute enlightenment subjective and active.20

Sometimes, he simply identifies Daoyi's new slogan with the old saying that "the mind is the Buddha."21

YANAGIDA's confusion is understandable. Daoyi's teaching itself contains various orders of meaning, and even his closest disciples understood it in quite different ways. It covers at least three orders of

16. Jingde chuandeng lu, 28.9a. Cf. the translations of Bavo LIEVENS, The Recorded Sayings of Ma-tsu, trans. Julian F. PAS (New York: The Edwin Mellen Press 1987), p. 89; CHENG Chien, Sun-Face Buddha: the Teaching of Ma-tsu and the Hung-chou School ofCh'an (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press 1992), p.65.

17. YANAGIDA, Mu no tankya, pp.145-62.

18. Ibid., p.157.

19. Ibid., p.153.

20. Ibid., p. 150.

21. Ibid., p. 152-3.

JIA 11

mutuillly reinforcing and sometimes conflicting meaning. Someone once asked Zhangjing Huaihui 1;[tHJ[,~. (756-815), one of Daoyi's major disciples: "Is the Dharma-gate of mind-ground transmitted by the

. patriarch the mind of Thusness, or the deluded mind, or neither true mind nor deluded mind?"22 These three questions are quite acute, deriving from the three orders of meaning implied in Daoyi's "ordinary mind." Each in turn requires careful analysis and response.

The fIrst order of "ordinary mind" answers the question whether it is the mind of Thusness. As cited above, Daoyi said, "Now all these are just the Way: walking, staying, sitting, lying, responding to situations, and dealing with things." These are the spontaneous activities of daily life, not involving evil or defIlement. As YANAGIDA explains, this kind of "ordinary mind" is "the most substantial and common mind, the down-to-earth tendency of the subject." It is easily understood as the true nature of human beings, as well as the pure mind of Thusness or Buddha-nature. As a matter of fact, several of Daoyi's major disciples understood it in this way. The Jingde chuandeng lu records an interest­ing conversation between Dazhu Huihai *~.m and a Vinaya master:

A certain Vinaya master, Yuan, came to ask, "Reverend, do you still make efforts in your cultivation of the Way?" The master replied, "Yes, I do." Yuan asked, "How do you make your efforts?" The master answered, "When I feel hungry, I eat food; when I am tired, I sleep." Yuan asked, ''Everyone always does that. Are they making the same efforts as you?" The master answered, "No, they are different." Yuan asked, "Why are they different?" The master said, "When taking food, they do not eat, but ponder over hundreds of matters. When sleeping, they do not sleep, but worry about thousands of affairs. Hence they are different."23

The pondering and worries of other people come from a deluded mind, and the spontaneous eating and sleeping are the manifestations of a pure mind. Pang Yun .1.1, a lay disciple of Daoyi, composed the following Chan verse:

No-greed surpasses giving alms;

No-delusion surpasses seated meditation.

No-anger surpasses observing precepts;

No-thought surpasses seeking causes.

22. Jingde chuandeng lu, 7.3b.

23. Jingde chuandeng lu, 6.6a.

1!f€~JJ!II;fJJ1iI!! wutanshengbushi 1!f€.JJ!II~. wuchishengzuochan 1!f€~JJ!II~~ wuchenshengchijie 1!f€~JJ!II*~ wunianshengqiuyuan

· JIABS 24.1 12

Manifesting all activities of ordinary men,

I sleep at ease at nights.24

~J;Ji.fL~$ jinxiar,fanjushi

W**~I!B! yelaianlemian

Here the "three poisons" - greed, delusion, and anger - are excluded from the activities of ordinary men. Thus, to Huihai and Pang Yun, "ordinary mind" is close to the fundamental true mind (benzhenxin *~IL') or the pure mind of self-nature (zixing qingjingxin §'[j:m1'J 1L') advocated by the patriarchs of pre-classical Chan. In this order, Daoyi's teaching that "ordinary mind is the Way" is identical with the teaching that "the mind is the Buddha," as YANAGIDA has noted.

The second order of "ordinary mind" answers positively the question whether it was neither true mind nor deluded mind. As cited above, Daoyi said, "Ordinary mind means no intentional action, neither right nor wrong, neither grasping nor rejecting, neither terminable nor permanent, neither worldly nor holy. The sutra says, 'Neither the practice of ordinary men, nor the practice of sages - that is the practice of the Bodhisattva. '" The first three pairs of negation are variations of Nagarjuna's famous Eightfold Negation. 25 The last pair is a citation from the Vimalakfrti-nirde§a,26 which is also famous for its teaching of nondualism. In the stupa inscription for Daoyi, Quan Deyu Ti~iJl!4 (761-818) also mentioned that Daoyi taught his followers about "the gate of no-differentiation and no-gradation."27 Daoyi applied the Middle Way theory of the Madhyamika teaching to negate all dual differentia­tions: true and deluded, right and wrong, rejecting and grasping, perma­nent and terminable, holy and worldly, and so forth. The teaching of "neither mind nor Buddha" discussed above can be seen as an alternative express~on of this second order of "ordinary mind."

The third order of "ordinary mind" answers the question whether it is the deluded mind. The entry on Fenyang Wuye 171fl.®~~ in the Zutang ji records:

[Wu]ye asked, "As for the literature of the three vehicles, I have already roughly understood their meanings. I heard that the teaching of the Chan school is that

24. Zutang ji, 15.349.

25. Nagiirjuna, Miidhyamika-siistra, T. 1564,30: 1c.

26. T. 475, 14: 545b.

27. "Tang gu Hongzhou Kaiyuansi Shimen Daoyi Chanshi taming bingxu" ~i!&~1'i'1~5G~EF~m-t¥gffij::&~#ff;, in Quan Zaizhi wenji tift~x~ (Sibu congkan), 28.2a.

JIA 13

'the mind is the Buddha,' but I am really unable to understand it." Daji [Daoyi] replied, "This very mind that doesn't understand is it, without any other thing."28

"This very mind that doesn't understand" is the mind of ignorance and delusion. Daoyi directly identified it with the Buddha or Buddha-nature. This is a new' idea in the history of Chan and of Buddhism, by which Wuye is said to have awakened immediately. Later, he passed it on to his own disciples, "The Patriarch came to this land ... only for transmit­ting the mind-seal, to certify the delusive nature of all of you. Those who get it do so regardless of being ordinary or sage, foolish or wise."29 Daoyi further preached:

Self-nature is originally perfect. If only one does not get hindered by either good or evil things, he is called a man who cultivates the Way. Grasping good and rejecting evil, contemplating emptiness and entering concentration, all these belong to intentional action. If one seeks further outside, he strays farther away. 30

These words can be explained in two ways. It can be seen as emphasiz­ing the no-attachment of mind. But it also can be interpreted as "self­nature" or "ordinary mind" is the complete, substantial mind of good and evil, purity and defilement, enlightenment and ignorance, and it is unnecessary to grasp good or reject evil intentionally. Some disciples of Daoyi also expressed the second implication. Huaihui said, "Neither dismiss phenomena to accord the mind, nor reject defilement to obtain purity."3! Daowu m:'IN said, "Defilement and purity stay together, as water and wave share the same substance."32

This interpretation is also consonant with Zongmi's *W (780-841) description of the Hongzhou school. Zongmi summarized its doctrine as "whatever one has contact with is the Way, and one should let the mind be free", and further explained:

The idea of the Hongzhou school is that the arising of mind, the movement of thought, snapping fingers, twinkling eyes, all actions and activities are the function of the entire essence of Buddha-nature. All greed, anger, delusion, the

28. Zangning J:$, Song gaoseng zhuan *~{I!I'1$ (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 12.247. Also see Zutang ji, 15.344; Jingde chuandeng /u, 8.2a.

29. Zongjing lu, T. 2016,48: 943a.

30. YANAGIDA, ed., Shike goroku, Goke goroku [9*~~, 1i*~~ (Kyoto: Chiigoku shuppansha, 1983), 3b. Cf. the translations of PAS, Recorded Sayings ofMa-tsu, p. 86; CHENG, Sun-Face Buddha, p. 63.

31. See QUAN Deyu, "Tang gu Zhangjingsi Baiyan dashi beiming bingxu" gtJ:~ 1i&~B~*gjjjJil\!~#ff, Quan Zaizhi wenji, 18.14a.

32. Song gaoseng zhuan, 10.233.

JIABS 24.1 14

creation of good and evil, enjoyment of happiness, and suffering of bitterness are Buddha-nature. 33 .

The two points implied in this passage, the ordinary psycho-physical activities are the functions of Buddha-nature, and the complete, ordinary mind of good and evil, enjoyment and suffering is Buddha-nature, clearly elucidate Daoyi's teaching. Although we have not found ~n any sources that Daoyi said the "three poisons" were the manifestation of Buddha-nature, his disciple Qianqing Mingjue TJ::W~1t did openly say: "The dharmas of ten evils, five heinous offences, delusion, greed, anger, and ignorance are all manifested from the tathagata-garbha and origi-nally are Buddha."34 .

This is a significant reformation in the development of Chan and Buddhist thought. Buddhist doctrine in general regards ignorance as the root of all sufferings and rejects the three poisons and other unwhole­some activities. Within the Mahayana movement, the tathagata-garbha theory holds that all sentient beings possess tathagata-garbhaIBuddha­nature, which is covered by adventitious ignorance and delusion so that it is even unknown to its owners. Based on this view, the various lines of early Chan made every effort to pacify, maintain, contemplate, or look into the pure fundamental mind/nature (anxin *Jl,,, shou benzhenxin ~ *;~l~>l,,, guanxin aJl,,, jianxing ~t±).35 On the other hand, the Ma­dhyamika theory denies making an absolute commitment to anything, not even to the Buddha or Buddha-nature. Following this doctrine, some lines of early Chan advocated "no-thought" (wunian ifll!i;fr,), "no-mind" (wuxin ifll!iJl,,), or "no-affair" (wushi ~$) in order to free the mind from emotional and intellectual attachments.36 The first order of Daoyi's "ordinary mind" is in accordance with the former doctrine, which was influenced by the tathligata-garbha thought, and the second order of

33. Zongmi, Zhonghua chuan xindi Chanmen shizi chengxi tu .p.l'JC.,:tfu~F~gili

~*!iHfiiJ, z. 110: 870b. 34. Zongjing lu, T. 2016,48: 945a.

35. Those were advocated by Daoxin, Hongren 5fJfi!.. (601-74), Shenxiu t$:* (d. 706), and Huineng. For detailed discussions, see OGAWA K6kan/NliiJklt, Chiigoku nyoraizo shiso kenkyii .pI3JYD*~J!!.t&tWfJt (Tokyo: Bukky6 shorin nakayama shobO, 1976),394-5; David W. CHAPPELL: "The Teachings of the Fourth Ch'an Patriarch Tao-hsin," Early Ch'an in China and Tibet, ed. Whalen Lai and Lewis R. Lancaster (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press 1983): 95-7; McRAE, Northern School, 135-6,208-9; FAURE, Will to Orthodoxy, 60-1.

36. Those were advocated by the Southern, Baotang, Niutou, and Shitou schools.

flA 15

"ordinary mind" with the latter doctrine, which was influenced by the Madhyamika theory. In the third order, however, Daoyi set aside both doctrines, transformed absolute Buddha-nature into complete, substantial human mind that contains both purity and defilement, and identified an ordinary mari with the Buddha. As his disciple Baoji said, "The complete mind is the Buddha, and the complete Buddha is a man. When a man and the Buddha are without difference, then there is the Way." Danxia Tianran f}~7(~, a disciple of both Daoyi and Shitou Xiqian :qliJ[::ffi"~ (700-90), said, "If you want to recognize Sakyamuni, then this old ordinary man is him."37 From "the mind is the Buddha" to "the man is the Buddha," though only a word different, is a critical reforma­tion. Indeed, the various lines of pre-classical Chan had made strong efforts to shorten the distance between ail ordinary man and the Buddha. In Huineng's and his disciples' teaching of "the mind is the Buddha," this distance had been nearly negated. Only a single last step was left -the mind was still limited within the scope of its intrinsically pure nature, excluding the defiled mind. If one kept this last step, the essence of the Indian tathiigata-garbha theory would still remain. When this last step was overridden, with complete, substantial, ordinary mind, includ­ing both purity and defilement, becoming Buddha-nature, with no difference between an ordinary man and the Buddha, thereupon Chinese Chan took shape.

This reformation immediately drew serious criticism from more con­servative quarters both inside and outside Buddhism. Nanyang Huizhong was the ftrst to launch an attack:

Some have different names but the same essence, and some have the same name but different essences. Therefore they are abused. For example, Bodhi, Nirvana, Thusness, Buddha-nature, these names are different, but their essence is the same. True mind and deluded mind, Buddha wisdom and mundane wisdom, the names are the same, but the essences are different. It is because the south[ern doctrine] wrongly taught deluded mind as true mind, taking thief as son, and regarding mundane wisdom as Buddha wisdom. This is like confusing fish eyes with bright pearls. These things cannot be taken as the same and must be distin­guished.38

37. Jingde chuandeng lu, 14.6a.

38. Jingde chuandeng lu, 28.1b-3a.

JIABS 24.1 16

This statement was made sometime during the years 772-5, and its target was Daoyi's teaching.39 Huizhong appreciated Daoyi's expression, "neither mind nor Buddha," 40 but could not tolerate t~at he "taught deluded mind as true mind." This is because while the former did not betray the prajiiii teaching, the latter made a reformation of the pre­classical Chan tradition.

Soon after Huizhong, criticism from outside the Chan movement also arose. Liang Su ~;r (753-93), a Confucian as well as a follower of the great Tiantai master Zhanran m~ (711-82), sharply condemned Daoyi's new idea:

Among today's people, those who have the right belief are very rare. Among those who open the gate of Chan, some use the teachings that "there is no Buddha or Dharma" and "no matter whether evil or good" to transform the people. Mediocre people run after them, and fellows with lustful desires go in and out of their halls. The gentry regard these words as the supreme [understanding], which will never be replaced, so that personal desires need not be abandoned. Consequently, people go to their gates like flying moths darting into bright candles, or broken rocks dropping down an empty valley .... This kind of harm is the same as [that done by] the host of demon and heresy.41

This treatise was likely written in 781,42 a few years after Daoyi went to Hong prefecture and established the Hongzhou school. The alleged teaching of "no matter whether evil or good" and of affIrming personal desires accords with the third order of Daoyi's "ordinary mind." Liang Su complained that this teaching betrayed the orthodox doctrine of Buddhism, and because it attracted numerous followers, it exerted a destructive effect on Buddhism.

39. See~ISHII Shiido E#{~m,"Nanyo Echii no nanpo shiishi no hlhan ni tsuite" m~1Il;&,(7) m:n* ~(7)m*u f~'01r'-C, ChUgoku no bu/ckyo to bunka: Kamata Shigeo hakushi kanreki kinen ronsha r:p~(7)~~~)t1r.: .EB1UjEiW±~M~ ~~~ (Tokyo: Daizo shuppansha 1988), pp. 315-44; "Nansozen no tongo shiso no tenkai: Kataku Shine kara Koshiishii e" r-?Hj~t¥(7) iJill'm-Jl!¥,lW\(7) ~mJ: 7i1f~~1r ;6~t:>~1N*"', Zenbunka kenkyujo kiyo tJI!)t1r.lVf~FJT#.a~ 20 (1990): 136-8; JIA Jinhua, "Mazu Daoyi: A Complete Biography," Taiwan Journal of Religious Studies 1.2 (2001):119-150.

40. See Jingde chuandeng lu, 28.1b-3a.

41. Liang Su, ''Tiantai famen yi" 72#~r~iii, in Quan Tang wen ~~)t (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 517.lSa/b.

42. See Kanda Kiichiro ~83~-~~, "Ryo Shuku nenpu" ~.1f.~, in Tohiigaku ronshU: Tohii gakkai soritsu nijugoshanen kinen *:n*~~: *:n*1r~U.:lz:.= + 1i)l!f] 1f.#.a~ (Tokyo: Toho gakkai 1972), pp. 270-1.

nA 17

A little while later, there came Zongmi's criticism. Although he stood in the sectarian position of the Heze school, he fiercely criticized the Hongzhou thought as representing the most serious challenge not only to the Huineng-Heze line but also to the whole Buddhist tradition.

Now, the Hongzhou school says that greed, anger, precepts (ifla), and concentra­tion (samadhi) are of the same kind, which is the function of Buddha-nature. They fail to distinguish between ignorance and enlightenment, the inverted and the upright. ... The Hongzhou school always says that since greed, anger, com~ passion, and good are all Buddha-nature, there could not be any difference between them. This is like someone who only observes the wet nature [of water] as never changing, but fails to comprehend that, since water can both carry a boat or sink it, its merits and faults are remarkably different.43

Zongmi attacked the Hongzhou teaching for equating greed and anger with compassion and good, taking ignorance as enlightenment, and inverting right and wrong. The danger of this teaching was not only ethical but also doctrinal. The metaphor of water-nature implies a warning that the Hongzhou teaching might sink the boat of Buddhism. This, as we will see, is definitely not an overreaction.

From Liang Su to Huizhong and Zongmi, from outside to inside, the critics aimed at Hongzhou school's identification of the entire mind of purity and defilement with Buddha-nature. This fact in turn shows that this identification was truly a significant reformation in the doctrines of Chan and Buddhism.

The above analysis of Daoyi's teaching, "ordinary mind is the Way," reveals that the "ordinary mind" is more complex than might at first be apparent. Its first two orders of meaning comprehend the "Dharma-gate of mind-ground" of the Chan tradition, the "dualism" and nondualism advocated by early masters. Its third order of meaning, however, develops and reforms Chan traditions in its unconditional identification of substantial mind with Buddha-nature, an ordinary man with the Buddha, so as to make Chan Buddhism a religion of humanity, as YANAGIDA Seizan puts it. On the one hand, it affirms the value of the entirety of human being and human life, representing a humanistic and pragmatic turn in Chan and Buddhist tradition. On the other, it changes the Buddha back to a man, reducing his holy aura, and establishing a new relationship of equality between the Buddha and an ordinary man.

Nevertheless, a dangerous seed of self-deconstruction was at the same time planted into the body of Buddhism, as warned by Liang Su and

43. Zongmi, Chengxi tu, Z. 110: 875a/b.

JIABS 24.1 18

Zongmi. If there is no difference between the Buddha and an ordinary man, or between transcendental and mundane worlds, the attractive power of Buddhist belief would be reduced, and the existing ground of Buddhist religion would become questionable. Tianran dared to sit astride the neck of a statue of a Bodhisattva, and burned a wooden image of Buddha to warm himself, saying: "As for the one single word, Buddha, I never like to hear it."44 Later, descendants of the Hongzhou school did even more astonishing activities to abuse the Buddha and ridicule the patriarchs.45 Accompanying the attainment of a free mind was a tendency to religious self-deconstruction.

2. Inherent Enlightenment and No-Cultivation

The purpose of cultivation and enlightenment in Mahayana Buddhism is to make one a Buddha. If one is unconditionally identified with the Buddha, he is inherent enlightened and needs no cultivation. Consequently, Daoyi further advocated inherent enlightenment and rejected cultivation. .

[Enlightenment] intrinsically existed and exists at present. It does not depend on the cultivation of the Way and seated meditation. Neither cultivation nor seated meditation - this is the pure Chan of Tathagata.46

Out of an ethical concern and criticism, Zongmi summarized the Hongzhou teaching of no-cultivation as follows:

If one understands that this is spontaneous and natural, he should not arouse the intention to cultivate the Way. Since the Way is the mind, one cannot use the mind to cultivate the mind. Since evil is also the mind, one cannot use the mind to cut off the mind. Neither cuts off evil nor cultivation, but freely follows one's destiny, that is called liberation.47

44. lingde chuandeng lu, 14.5aJb.

45. Some scholars explain these abusive activities as an impact of Madhyamika thought. See, for example, Hslieh-li Cheng, "Zen and San-Iun Madhyamika Thought: Exploring the Theoretical Foundation of Zen Teachings and Practices," Religious Studies 15 (1979): 355-6. Since the three orders of the "ordinary mind" are mutually reinforcing, the idea of "neither mind nor Buddha" under Madhyamika impact may indeed have been one of the reasons. However, con­sidering the fact that the schools of Madhyamika thought or those mainly under its influence, such as the Sanlun (Three Treatises) and the Niutou schools, did not lead to such abusive activities, this influence may not be a major reason.

46. lingde chuandeng lu, 28.7b.

47. Zongmi, Chanyuan zhuquanji duxu *,~~~*1!lIl}j:;, T. 2015,48: 402c.

nA 19

The spontaneous state of human mind is the Way or Buddha-nature. It is inherently enlightened, without depending on cultivation and seated meditation. What one needs to do is simply follow his destiny freely and practise daily activities spontaneously. As a result, all traditional forms of Chan practice, such as seated meditation, pacifying the mind, maintaining the fundamental true mind, contemplating the mind, or transcending thought, became useless. Yaoshan Weiyan ~!lflf:E{M', a disciple of both Daoyi and Xiqian, called precepts (Sfla), concentration (samiidhi), and wisdom (prajfiii) as useless fumiture.48 Tianran said, "Here in my place is no Way to be cultivated, and no Dharma to be certified. "49

Furthermore, under Daoyi' s advocacy of inherent enlightenment, the gradual/sudden paradigm of Chan awakening also became meaningless. Daoyi said: "It is in contrast to ignorance that one speaks of aWakening. Since intrinsically there is no ignorance, awakening also need not be established."5o Zongmi criticized that though the Hongzhou school was close to the gate of sudden awakening, it totally betrayed the gate of gradual awakening. 51 However, Daoyi ultimately denied any kind of awakening. Awakening presupposes ignorance and delusion. Since an ordinary man is the Buddha, intrinsically lacking any ignorance and delusion, awakening is nowhere to be found, no matter whether it is sudden or gradual.

Nevertheless, just as the idea, "ordinary mind is the Way," covers at least three orders of meaning, the Hongzhou school's concept of culti­vation and awakening is not as simple as might at first be thought. It sways between no-cultivation and cultivation, no-awakening and awak­ening, in accord with the various orders of "ordinary mind."

First, in the highest order of "ordinary mind," theoretically and ideally the Way needs no cultivation, and a man needs no awakening, because the mind is the Way and an ordinary man is the Buddha. However, most men do not know that the spontaneous state of their mind is enlighten­ment itself, so they still need to be awakened through a distinctive

48. Zutangji. 4.104; Jingde chuandeng lu. 14.9b.

49. Jingde chuandeng lu. 14.6a. A similar speech is also cited by Zongjing lu. T. 2016,48: 844a.

50. Shike goroku, Goke goroku, 4a.

51. Zongmi, Chengxi tu, Z. 110: 875b.

JIABS 24.1 20

teaching method. This method. is the so-called "encounter dialogue," which McRAE defines as foilows:

The spontaneous repartee that is said to take place between master and student in the process of Chan training. This type of communication includes both verbal and physical exchanges that are often posed in the form of sincere but misguided questions from the Chan trainees and perplexing, even enigmatic, responses from the masters. 52 .

Hu Shi asserts that this method was first used by Daoyi.53 This assertion has been generally accepted, though some scholars have indicated that antecedents of encounter dialogue were apparent earlier in the Chan tradition. 54 The forms of encounter dialogue used by Daoyi'include illogical, nonconceptual rhetoric, beating and shouting, various kinds of physical gesture, illocutionary signs, and making use of daily essen­tials.55 The awakening attained through encounter dialogue is intrinsi­cally sudden and thorough, as Daoyi said: "When ignorant, it is the ignorance of one's own inherent mind. When awakened, it is the awakening of one's own inherent nature. Once awakened, one is awakened forever, never again becoming ignorant."56 The intuitive, spontaneous, and nonconceptual nature of encounter dialogue derived from the nature of the awakening defined by the Hongzhou school. It, in turn, justifies the Hongzhou Chan's distinctive identity and its claim of being an independent transmission of Buddhism.

52. McRAE, "Encounter Dialogue," p. 340.

53. Hu Shi, "Zhongguo Chanxue de fazhan" r:p ~t'~i¥J~~ (1934), in Hu Shi ji, p.260.

54. Se~ Nukariya Kaiten, Zengaku shisoshi, pp. 408-13; McRAE, Northern School, pp.91-7.

55. For detailed discussions on Daoyi's application of various forms of encounter dialogue, see Yinshun £'PJIIW, Zhongguo Chanzong shi r:p~t!/!*'St: (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian 1992), pp.410-1; YANAGIDA, "Goroku no rekishi: Zen bunken no seiritsushiteki kenkyii" MJ~O) M.'St:: t!/!)(ii\0) RX;:ll.'St:i'I"JlVf~, TohO gakuhO :~ltiJ~¥R 57 (1985): 517-8; Whalen LAI, "Ma-tsu Tao-i and the Unfolding of Southern Zen," Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 12.2-3 (1985): 177-80; Robert E. BUSWELL, Jr., "The 'Short-cut' Approach of K'an­hua Meditation: The Evolution of a Practical Subitism in Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," in Sudden and Gradual: Approaches to Enlightenment in Chinese Thought, ed. Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1987), pp.334-8.

56. Jingde chuandeng lu, 28.7b. See also McRAE, "Encounter Dialogue," p. 354.

JIA 21

Second, in the "lower" orders of "ordinary mind", not only awakening is necessary, but also various traditional forms of cultivation are still applicable. Daoyi taught his disciples:

The Way needs no cultivation, just not defiling it. What is defilement? When one has a mind of birth and death and an intention of action, all these are defilement. 57

If one simply lacks a single thought, then he cuts off the root of birth and death and obtains the supreme treasure of the Dharma-king.58

If you understand the holy mind, there is never anything else. 59

Thus, in order not to defile, one still needs the expedient means of "no­thought" and "no-affair", "empty" of any conceptual and intellectual attachments. Some of Daoyi's disciples did apply experientially these two expedients. Pang Yun said, "No-thought is better than seeking causes. "60 Daowu said, "When even one single thought does not arise, then Buddha-mind is seen."61 Baoji said, "If the mind has no affairs, myriad dharmas will not emerge."62

Moreover, not only did some internal expedients of pre-classical Chan continue to be applied, but also various traditional forms of external practice, such as seated meditation,. reciting scriptures, observing precepts, and making offerings, were still practiced within the Hongzhou school. For example, Huaihai often asked his disciples to keep the mind indifferent, like wood or stone.63 This state of mind is actually a kind of samadhi. The lingde chuandeng lu records the following anecdotes:

One day, [Weijian ,[t9!] was sitting in meditation at the back of Mazu' s Dharma hall. When the Patriarch saw him, he blew twice in his ear. The master [Weijian] emerged from meditation. When he saw it was the Reverend, he entered medita­tion again. 64

One day, Mazu asked the master [Zhizang ~~], "Why don't you read sutras?" The master answered, "How could sutras make a difference?" Mazu said, "Although this is so, later you will need them for the sake of others."65

57. lingde chuandeng lu, 28.6b.

58. Shike goroku, Coke goroku, 3b.

59. Ibid.,4a.

60. Zutang ji, 15.349.

61. Song gaoseng zhuan, 10.233.

62. Zutang ji, 15.330.

63. lingde chuandeng lu, 6.l2b/3a.

64. Ibid.,6.7b-8a.

65. lingde chuandeng lu, 7.2b.

JIABS 24.1 22

These anecdotes show that seated meditation was still practiced in Daoyi's hall, and he required his major disciples to read scriptures in order to teach others. Weiyan, who did not allow otht:rs to read the scriptures, often read them himself. 66 In the famous story of watching the moon, when Mazu asked what should be done then, Zhizang said that it was better to make offerings to the Buddha, and Huaihai said it was better to practice cultivation. 67 Baoji was famous for his "extraordinary seriousness in observing precepts throughout his life."68 Huaihai's "Regulations of the Chan School" (Chanmen guishi t~r5m~) even established harsh punishments for those who broke the Buddhist precepts and monastic disciplines.69 .

3. The Ultimate Realm: The Return to the Human Realm

Since the late Han, both Buddhism and religious Taoism had grown rapidly in China, and both reached their golden age in the high Tang. The holy realms of both religions became the ultimate pursuit of numer­ous followers. Then, from the mid-Tang, there came a humanistic turn in Chinese intellectual history. Mazu Daoyi's Hongzhou school marked the beginning of this turn and displayed a self-deconstruction in the religious world. YANAGIDA says: "The Buddhist standing point of Linji is its absolute recognition of the fundamental value of the human being."7o However, this recognition was initiated by Daoyi, and Linji Yixuan was simply his best follower.

While transforming absolute Buddha-nature into substantial human mind and the Buddha to an ordinary man, Daoyi affirmed that the entirety of daily life is of ultimate truth and value.

Since limitless kalpas, all living beings have never left the samiidhi of Dharma­nature, and they have always abided in the samiidhi of Dharma-nature. Wearing Clothes, eating food, talking and responding, making use of the six senses, all activities are Dharma-nature. 71

66. Ibid., 14.7a, 9b.

67. Ibid.,6.11a.

68. Zutang ji, 15.331.

69. See Jingde chuandeng lu, 6.l4b-5b.

70. YANAGIDA: Mu no tankya, p.167.

71. Shike goroku, Goke goroku, 4a. Cf. the translations of PAS, Recorded Sayings of Ma-tsu, p. 88; CHENG, Sunjace Buddha, p.64.

llA 23

If you now understand this reality, you will truly not create any karma. Following your destiny, passing your life, with one cloak or one robe, wherever sitting or standing, it is always with you.72

Daily activities of ordinary life are equated with the ultimate reality of Dharma-nature. The Buddha becomes a man again, and the holy realm turns back to the mundane world. The Way manifests itself everywhere in human life, and Buddha-nature functions in every aspect of daily experiences. Ordinary men are liberated from their former karma in limitless kalpas; they spontaneously practice Chan in daily life and attain personal and spiritual freedom, "indulging their nature, being carefree, following causes, and acting unrestrainedly."?3 Indeed, from early Chan's "pacifying the mind," "maintaining the mind," or "contemplating the mind" to Hongzhou school's "indulging one's nature" and "letting the mind be free," a great change undoubtedly happened. This is the true liberation of humanity in the development of Buddhism, as YANAGIDA

indicates: "After Mazu, the characteristics of Chan demonstrate the strong significance of life; it is a religion of humanity born in the vast expanse of Chinese land."?4

In order to verify this new idea of an ultimate realm, Daoyi applied the paradigms of absolute/phenomena and essence/function to supply its ontological ground:

The absolute (li) and phenomena (shi) are without difference; both are wonderful functions. All are because of the revolving of the mind, and there is no other principle. For example, though the reflections of the moon are many, the real moon is not manifold. Though there are many springs of water, the nature of water is not manifold. Though there are myriad phenomenal appearances in the universe, empty space is not manifold. Though there are many principles being spoken of, the unobstructed wisdom is not manifold. Whatever is established, it all comes from the One Mind. One can construct it or sweep it away; either way is wonderful function, and this wonderful function is oneself. It is not that there is a place to stand where one leaves the Truth, but the very place where one stands is the Truth. This is the essence of oneself. If it is not so, then who is one? All dharmas are Buddha-Dharma, and all things are liberation. Liberation is Thusness, and all things never leave Thusness. Walking, staying, sitting, and lying, all are inconceivable function, which does not wait for a timely season.75

72. Jingde chuandeng lu, 28.7b.

73. Daowu's words, in Zutang ji, 5.115.

74. YANAGIDA: Mu no tankyu, p.145.

75. lingde chuandenglu, 28.7a. Cf. the translations of PAS, Recorded Sayings of Ma-tsu, p. 89; CHENG: Sun-Face Buddha, p. 66.

.JIABS 24.1 24

Daoyi first identified the phenomenal with the absolute. Their relation­ship is that" of many and one, which is inseparable and unobstructed, many being one, one being many. The absolute is manife~ted in each of the manifold phenomena, and each of the manifold phenomena possesses the value of the absolute. Daoyi then assimilated this paradigm to the essence/function paradigm and identified function with essence in the same way. Finally, he attributed the essence to One Mind, or Buddha­dharma, or Thusness, to affirm that all functions are of true value and are liberation themselves. Since everything that occurs to the individual is a manifestation of the functioning of his intrinsic Buddha-nature, the daily life he experiences is identica:l with the ultimate experience of Buddhist enlightenment and liberation. In other places, Daoyi used the mmJi pearl as a metaphor. The mmJi pearl changes in accord with the colors it touches. When it touches the color blue, it becomes blue; when it touches the color yellow, it becomes yellow, though its essence is lack of coloration. Hence "seeing, listening, sensing, and knowing are originally your intrinsic nature, which is also called intrinsic mind. It is not that there is a Buddha other than the mind."76 As Buswell insightfully points out, here lies the conceptual divide of early and classical Chan: instead of contemplating and seeing the interna:l essence of the true mind, Daoyi stressed that it is through the external functioning of the mind that its essence is seen.?7

Critics of the Hongzhou school did not miss this doctrine of "function is identica:l with Buddha-nature." Nanyang Huizhong was again the first to criticize it:

If we take seeing, listening, sensing, and knowing to be Buddha-nature, Pure Reputation [i.e., VimalakIrti] should not say that the Dharma is separate from se!!ing, listening, sensing, and knowing. If one practices seeing, listening, sensing, and knowing, then these are seeing, listening, sensing, and knowing, not seeking the Dharma.78

Huizhong cited the Vimalakfrti-nirde§a to verify the differentiation of the psycho-physical functions from Buddha-nature. Later, Zongmi further attacked Daoyi on the basis of the essence/function paradigm. He

76. Zongjing /u, T. 2016,48: 492a. A large part of this speech is also attributed to Qingyuan Xingsi in the same book, T. 2016,48: 940b. Considering Zongmi's attack (see below), this speech is likely by Daoyi. See YANAGIDA, "Goroku no rekishi", p. 490.

n. BUSWELL: "The 'Short-cut' Approach of K'an-hua Meditation," p. 34l.

78. Jingde chuandeng lu, 28.1b.

nA 25

picked up the metaphor of the mal}i pearl used by Daoyi. The nature of the pearl is intrinsically perfect and luminous, but when it comes into contact with external objects, it reflects different forms and colors. When it reflects the color black or other colors, its entire surface appears black or as other colors. The Hongzhou school would aver that this very blackness, or blueness, or yellowness, was the pearl, and did not know those colors were all delusion and empty. Zongmi objected that the Hongzhou school collapsed essence into function and did not realize the difference between them, therefore they did not really see the essence of the true mind. The fact that they defined all activities of daily life, no matter good or evil, as Buddha-nature represented a dangerous anti­nomianism.79 While Zongmi was quite right in indicating Daoyi's faulty logic that collapsed essence into function and the antinomian tendency that might result from this teaching, he was nevertheless unable to see that behind the intentional faulty logic was Daoyi's dedication to recognize the ultimate value of the colorful activities of the human realm.

In conclusion, the core of Daoyi's teaching, "the ordinary mind is the Way," covers at least three orders of meaning. The first two orders comprehend two major teachings of pre-classical Chan tradition, namely "the mind is the Buddha" or the pure mind of self nature, and "neither mind nor Buddha" or nondualism, which are respectively based on Indian tathagata-garbha thought and Madhyamika theory. The third order of ordinary mind affirms that ordinary mind is the spontaneous state of human mind, which is a mixture of good and evil, purity and defilement, and enlightenment and ignorance. These three orders are mutually reinforcing and sometimes conflicting, but the third order is the most innovative and significant. It reforms Chan and Buddhist tradi­tion by its unconditional identification of complete, substantial human mind with absolute Buddha-nature. Based on this new perspective of the relationship between human mind and Buddha-nature, Daoyi further advocated inherent enlightenment and no-cultivation, and designed a

79. Zongmi, Chengxitu, Z. 110: 872a-4b. See Peter N. GREGORY: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 236-44. In the same text, Zongmi also introduces a critical distinction between two levels of function, the intrinsic function of self-nature (zixing benyong § tt*ffl) and the responsive function in accord with conditions (suiyuan yingyong I\l!~H!U!D, and relates them to the teachings of the Heze and Hongzhou schools respectively.

I.

nABS 24.1 26

new mode of Chan discourse, the encounter dialogue, to guide learners. In addition, he took the' essence/function paradigm to assume that psycho-physical functions are identical with Buddha-~ature and that daily activities are all wonderful functions, in order to recognize the ultimate truth and value of human life, as well as to supply an ontological ground for his new doctrine. All these made Chan Buddhism a religion of humanity and marked the final shaping of Chinese Chan proper.

LISA NADINE OWEN

Constructing Another Perspective for AjaI).ta' s Fifth-Century Excavations*

Since its British "discovery" in 1819,1 AjaI,lta has been accorded a privi­leged place in many studies of Indian art. Not only are its spectacular pictorial programs the earliest surviving examples of Indian Buddhist painting, but Ajal)ta also lays claim to being the fIrst monastic complex to enshrine large anthropomorphic Buddha images inside its viharas.2 Although the inclusion of Buddha images is often acknowledged as an innovative feature at the site, the significance of excavating a shrine within the monastic residence to house such images has not been fully investigated. Instead, most scholarly attention focuses on how Ajal)W s shrine imagery demonstrates that the site's fifth-century viharas are mature "Mahayana" excavations. The designation of Ajal)ta as a fully developed "Mahayana" site has also resulted in its positioning as the "original source" from which later sites such as Aurailgabad and Ellora ultimately derive. This in turn has fostered the impression that these later excavations are necessarily Tantric or esoteric. Furthermore, com­parisons between Ajal)ta and only later sites that have similar features, specifically Buddha images, have perpetuated the strict categorization of the caves by both date and proposed sectarian affiliation. Due to these "restrictions," many scholars have not viewed AjaI,lWs rock-cut architec­ture in light of earlier excavations.

In this essay, I will look at the fifth-century viharas at Ajal)ta from a perspective which incorporates a consideration of how they continue and

* This essay is extracted from my Master's thesis, "Locating the Buddha: AjaI).Ws Place in Western India's Rock-Cut Excavations," (University of Texas at Austin 1997) written under the supervision of Janice Leoshko and Gregory Schopen.

1. The caves were "discovered" in 1819 by a company of officers in the Madras army who were in the area hunting tigers. Although the officers involved did not publish an account of their findings, one of them, John Smith of the 28th Cavalry, scratched his name above a Buddha painted on one of the interior pillars of Cave 10.

2. Although the term vihiira is often translated as "monastery," I am using it as a convenient gloss for the monastic residence hall.

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24. Number I .2001

nABS 24.1 28

further develop elements foundin some earlier vihiiras in western India. These vihiitas, dating from the second through fourth centuries C.B., are found at the sites of Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Mahac;t~ I have chosen this select group of caves primarily for their floor plans which are similar in arrangement to those found at Ajar!!a. These early vihiiras, are however, rarely compared to the fifth-century caves at AjaQta primarily because they contain rock-cut stu pas and have consequently been identi­fied as late "HInayana" excavations. Nonetheless, recent investigations into documented conceptions regarding stupas reveal that structural stu pas were thought of in terms of an actual living presence) This in turn suggests a closer symbolic connection between stu pas and images of the Buddha than has usually been thought, at least in terms of making his presence manifest. Thus the inclusion of stupas in these early vihiiras may foreshadow, at least conceptually, the Buddha images in the fifth­century vihiiras at AjaQta. However, it should be noted that I am not proposing a linear, systematic development or attempting to demonstrate a direct artistic dialogue between these early caves and AjaQta's fifth­century excavations. What I am suggesting is a more conceptual link -that the concern for housing the Buddha's presence within the monastic residence is not solely a fifth-century phenomenon, rather the way it is manifested at AjaQta is innovative.

In order to locate AjaQta's place within the tradition of cave excava­tion in western India, it is useful to first examine the floor plans of the site's fifth-century vihiiras. As constructed space is never value-free, an investigation into how AjaQta's monastic community conceived and created its place of residence may reveal what was of primary impor­tance to those who lived there. Out of the seventeen "completed" fifth­centufY vihiiras at the site, there are at least fourteen residences that closely resemble one another in terms of architecturallay-out.4 Although

3. Vidya DEHEJIA, ed.: Unseen Presence: The Buddha and Siifichf (Mumbai: Marg Publications 1996); and Gregory SCHOPEN: "Burial 'Ad Sanctos' and the Physical Presence of the Buddha in Early Indian Buddhism: A Study in the Archreology of Religions," Religion 17 (1987): 193-225.

4. The term "complete" is an admittedly subjective term as the majority of caves at Aj~!a are "unfinished" inone way or another. However, I am referring primarily to their general state of excavation, not decoration. The fourteen fifth-century vihiiras that I will be referring to in this essay are Caves 1,2,4, L6 (Lower 6), U6 (Upper 6),7,11,15,16,17,20,21,22, and 23. However, it should be noted that the shrine Buddha for Cave 23 was never carved.

OWEN 29

anyone of these fourteen caves can be analyzed in detail, Cave 1 might serve as a representative example as it is perhaps the best preserved vihiira at the site (Fig. 1).

The excavation consists of three component parts: a pillared veranda, the main hall· or "courtyard" with individual residential cells, and a shrine carved deep into the back wall of the hall. There are three entrances leading into the main hall, the central doorway being both the largest and most fully decorated with an elaborately carved and painted doorframe. Two large windows flank this entrance, providing light into the hall. Other architectural features of Cave 1 include the remains of a small pillared porch projecting from the center of the veranda, a carved architrave, and at least four residential cells excavated on either side of the cave. Measuring approximately 64 feet square, the main hall of Cave 1 contains twenty rock-cut pillars and fourteen residential cells. Five cells are carved into each of its side walls while the back wall contains only four. Excavated between these four cells is a pillared antechamber leading into a larger cell or shrine.

The significance of this floor plan is readily apparent particularly when compared to one of Ajal).ta's earliest vihiiras, Cave 12, dating from ca. 100 B.C.E. to 100 C.E. (Fig. 2). As in most residences excavated during this early period, Cave 12 is a simple quadrangular hall. The hall measures approximately 36 feet square and contains four residential cells in the back and side walls. Although the facade is destroyed, remaining evidence indicates that it probably had a narrow pillared veranda with a single central entranceway leading into the main hall. The only decora­tion inside the hall consists of a row of candrasillas carved alongside and above the doorway of each cell.

Compared to Cave 12, the fifth-century vihilras reveal major changes in both the conception and excavation of residential space. These changes are particularly evident in the back of the vihilra which empha­size the cell located in the center of the back wall. What had earlier been a row of indistinguishable monks' cells now presents a hierarchical arrangement of spaces with the back central cell enlarged, embellished, and preceded by an antechamber. Furthermore, housed in this back central cell, or shrine, is a rock-cut sculpture of a Buddha (Fig. 3).

Though anthropomorphic Buddha images were commonly made since the first century C.E., it is generally accepted that they were not incor­porated into rock-cut vihilras until the fifth century. The relatively late appearance of the Buddha image inside the monastic dwelling has

JIABS 24.1 30

prompted scholars, such as Gregory SCHOPEN, to investigate possible explanations.5 SCHOPEN suggests that the inclusion of the Buddha image in post-fourth-century excavations reflects a concern for tdentifying and locating the Buddha as a juristic personality - a concern that is indicated in Buddhist donative inscriptions and land grants dating from the fourth through fourteenth centuries. Though these records cover a broad geographical and chronological range, a reasonable number have survived from the rock-cut caves in western India. As these inscriptions document transactions of land and other gifts to the Buddha, the language used is precise in identifying him as a recipient of property.

In many of these inscriptions, the Buddha is legally recognized as the "head" of the community of monks - buddhapramukha1!l bhik~u­

sa1!lgha1!l. Similar expressions using the term pramukha ("head") are also found in sixth-century documents that describe other important individuals as the "head" of a specific corporation or legal entity, i.e., groups that are "headed by the banker"6 or "headed by the elders."7 Thus, whether in reference to the Buddha himself or to other "legally recognized" individuals, these inscriptions indicate that the term pramukha was not used as a symbolic title or appellation. If this is indeed the case, as SCHOPEN suggests, then it seems probable that the Buddha was considered to be not only the legal "head" and conse­quently, the legal "owner" of a monastery, but that he also was believed to be living in that monastery. Thus, the Buddha as the "head" of the monastic community is literally carved in stone.

The conception of the Buddha as a living "person" within the monastic complex at Ajal).!a is not only suggested by the inclusion of rock-cut images but also by the site's dedicatory inscriptions. Although the

5. Gregory SCHOPEN: "The Buddha as an Owner of Property and Permanent Resident in Medieval Indian Monasteries," Journal of Indian Philosophy 18 (1990): 181-217.

6. This particular expression ("the council of citizens headed by the banker") is found in an inscription from Nagarjunakol).qa and is discussed by Gregory SCHOPEN in his article, "The Buddha as an Owner of Property": 190-9l.

7. The full expression, translated by SCHOPEN, reads, "to the inhabitants of the district headed by the elders of the village and district officer," and is found in a land grant from Andhra Pradesh. See Gregory SCHOPEN: "The Buddha as an Owner of Property": 190; and S.S. Ramachandra Murthy: "Hyderabad Museum Plates of Prithivi-Sri-Mularaja," Epigraphia Indica 38 (1969): 192-195, esp. 194, line 15. For additional examples of the term pramukha in epigraphical mate­rial see Gregory .sCHOPEN: "The Buddha as an Owner of Property": 210 n. 37.

OWEN 31

expression buddhapramukhaf[! bhik~usaf[!ghaf[! does not appear in these records, the Buddha's exalted position as the "head" of the monastic community is nonetheless evident. For example, the dedicatory inscrip­tion for Cave 16 identifies the vihiira as an "excellent dwelling to be occupied by the best of ascetics" (udiiraf[! ... vesma yatf[ndra-sevyamD.8 The inscription in Cave 26 identifies the excavation as "a stone residence .,. for the Teacher" (saila-grham ... siistufL).9 The use of the term grha (residence, house, home) is significant, for Cave 26 is not a vihara but a fifth-century caitya hall. Though there are what seem to be residential cells excavated off the veranda, as well as two shrinelets with Buddha images in the left and right wings, the inscription appears to refer to the caitya hall itself as it is the object of the dedicatory inscription. Considering that the main image in the worship hall is a monolithic stilpa carved with a seated Buddha in dharmacakramudrii, the identifi­cation of the excavation as the "residence for the Teacher" seems appro­priate. This would then indicate that both types of excavations (the vihiira and the caitya hall) were places where he is present. Moreover, the fact that the Buddha is almost always referred to as a "person" in AjaJ)Ws inscriptions, i.e., the Tathagata, the Sugata, the Teacher, or the best or king of the ascetics, rather than as an "image" (bif[!ba, pratik[ti, or pratimii) further suggests the belief in his living presence within these excavations. lo

Although the Buddha's presence and position as "head" of the monas­tic community is clearly articulated at AjaI).!a, there are some earlier

8. For the Cave 16 inscription see V.V. MIRASHI: Inscriptions of the Vilkiltakas. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 5 (Ootacamund: Government Epigraphists for India 1963): 103-111, esp. 109, line 18.

9. For the Cave 26 inscription see the translation by B. Ch. CHHABRA in G. YAZDANI: AjalJ!il: The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions of the AjalJ!il Frescoes based on Photography, vol. 4 (London: Oxford University Press 1930-1955): 114-118, esp. 115, line 6.

10. Significantly, out of forty-one legible donative inscriptions connected with Buddha images at Ajal).ta, only two use a Sanskrit term for "image." For a convenient listing of Ajal).ta's inscriptions, including their location, content, and sources of pUblication, see Richard S. COHEN: "Setting the Three Jewels: The Complex Culture of Buddhism at the Ajal).ta Caves," (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms 1995), Appendix A, 325-383. The forty-one inscriptions are cited in COHEN as nos. 11-17, 19,23,25,26-27,29-31,33-36,48,51-54,56-61,65,70-74, 89-90, 94-96. Nos. 52 and 90 use the term bi'!lba in reference to a Buddha image.

JIABS 24.1 32

viharas in western India that also seem to make accommodations for the Buddha's presence. These viharas, located among the excavations at Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Mahag, exhibit an earli,er concern for incorporating an "image" (either a stilpa in bas-relief or a three-dimen­sional stilpa) into the monastic residence. I I Even though these stilpas are indeed different from the main shrine Buddhas at AjaI).!a - at .least in formal terms - they are nonetheless similarly housed in the back of the vihara, directly opposite the entrance to the cave.

The Early Excavations

The earliest vihara in western India to designate a space in the back wall for an "image" - in this case a bas-relief of a stilpa - is Cave 3 at Nasik. This excavation is also called the GautamIputra cave due to the reference to this Satavahana king in two inscriptions. 12 The first inscription, located on the left wall of the veranda, contains two separate grants dated in the years 18 and 24 (124 and 130 c.E.). The grant dated in the year 18 records the gift of a field by Gautamlputra SatakarI).i to the monks in residence. The second grant also records the gift of a field to the monastic community by the king along with his mother Balasrl in the year 24. The second inscription is incised on the back wall of the veranda over the left doorway. It also contains two grants, dated in the 19th and 22nd year of the king's son Pu~umavi III (149 and 153 C.E.). It is this second inscription that records the actual dedication of the cave as well as the gift of a neighboring village. 13

In plan, Cave 3 exhibits features of the standard "early" vihara including a pillared veranda and quadrangular hall with cells carved into the back and side walls (Fig. 4). The hall itself measures approximately 41 feet in width, 45 feet in depth, and 10 feet in height. A stone bench running the length and width of the cave has been left intact. There are a total of twenty cells, almost identical in dimension, which contain rock­cut beds. One cell, though aligned with the left wall, can only be entered from the veranda. This strange arrangement, coupled with the inscrip-

11. By the term "image," I am referring to any object that appears to have been the central focus of devotional activity.

12. E. SENART: "Nasik Inscriptions," Epigraphia Indica 8 (1905-6): 60-75. For the chronology of the Satavahanas, I am relying on Seshabhatta NAGARAJU's reconstruction in Buddhist Architecture of Western India (c. ~50 B. C. -c. A.D. 300) (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakash an 1981): 23, Table 2.

13. E. SENART: "Nasik Inscriptions": 60-65.

OWEN 33

tional evidence, suggests that the cave was excavated in two phases. Vidya DEHEJIA proposes that the original plan of the cave, excavated under the authority of GautamIputra Satakal1).i, consisted of the present veranda whiCh led directly to three cells carved into the rear wall and a fourth at the right end of the veranda. 14 GautamIputra's inscription regarding his grant of a field to the monks in residence (i.e. in those four cells) was incised on the left wall. The second phase of excavation resulted in the cave's present form with the dedicatory inscription on the back wall of the veranda identifying GautamIputra's mother, Balasrl, as the patron. Directly beneath this inscription is the grant dated in the year 22 whiCh records the gift of a village to the community in residence and indicates that the cave was then known as "the Queen's cave."15

Carved in the center of the back wall of this vihtira is a bas-relief of a stiipa flanked by two female devotees (Fig. 5). The figure to the left of the stiipa clasps her hands in adoration, while the female on the right holds a chauri. Carved above the devotees are a seated lion and a cakra, respectively. In the upper corners of the relief, located below twin umbrellas, are two flying figures bearing garlands. The panel itself projects from the surface of the rock indicating it was planned during the excavation of the back wall. Its location between the third and fourth cells represents the first attempt to establish an "image" in what will become the back central cell or shrine in later viharas. The absence of other images or decorative features within Nasik 3 seems to verify the significance of its presence, emphasized further by its position opposite the main entrance into the cave. Moreover, this entrance is fronted by stone steps and adorned with an elaborately carved toral}a recalling the structural gateways of the Great Stiipa at SancI. Standing on either side of the door are large attendant or guardian figures, who provide protec­tion and glorification to those in residence.

The emphasis given to the center of the rear wall in Nasik 3 also appears at another cave at the site, the Nahapana vihara - or Nasik 10 (Fig. 6). This vihtira, which was excavated slightly earlier than Nasik 3,16 is similar in both plan and dimensions. The veranda has two

14. Vidya DEHEJIA: Early Buddhist Rock Temples: A Chronology (Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1972): 95-96.

15. E. SENART: "Niisik Inscriptions"; 65-71; and Vidya DEHEJIA; Early Buddhist Rock Temples: 96.

16. It is generally accepted that this vihara was excavated prior to Gautamlputra's defeat of Nahapana. Both art historical and epigraphical evidence support this

JIABS 24.1 34

pilasters and four pillars, the latter exhibiting a wider space between the central pair. A flight of stone steps leads up to the central doorway which is flanked by two windows and two smaller doors. ,The hall itself is 46 feet wide, 45 feet deep, and 10 feet high. There are a total of eighteen cells with rock-cut beds, two of which are located at either end of the veranda. Each side wail of the hall contains five residential cells, with six carved into the back wall. Although it appears that the vihilra was not originally planned to house an "image," a shallow relief of a stiipa was carved into the back wall between the third and fourth cells. I?

The addition of this relief suggests both the importance of bri~ging an "image" into the vihtlra, and most significantly, where it should be located. As in Nasik 3, the interior hall of Cave 10 contains no other imagery, again suggesting the stiipa-relief's function as an object of devotional activity.

The actual excavation of a back central cell containing a three-dimen­sional stiipa can be found among the eight excavations at Wai. The caves are located in the village of Lohari, approximately 2.5 miles north of Wai. Due to their "early" features which include rock-cut beds and stone benches spanning the perimeters of the halls, these caves are generally dated to the third century C.E.I8 The largest of the vihtlras, Wai 2, measures approximately 31 feet in width, 29 feet in depth, and 8 feet in height (Fig. 7). There are a total of seven cells; four carved into the right wall and three in the rear of the cave. The back central cell is architecturally set off by its larger size. This cell, which houses the stiipa,I9 is also flanked by windows and there is evidence of a cell door.

Located approximately 50 miles from the excavations at Wai and along the same ancient trade route as KarlI, Bhaja, and Bedsa, is the site

sequence. There are seven inscriptions in Nasik 10. Five are found in the veranda and two are incised in the vihara's side walls. Three record the donations of N ahapana' s son-in-law Usavadata; two record those of Usavadata' s wife; one is dated in the 9th year of king Isvarasena; and one is illegible. The cave itself was donated in the 42nd year of Nahapana by his son-in-law. The two veranda cells are the gift of Usa va data's wife. See E. SENART: "Nasik Inscriptions": 78-89.

17. It should be noted, however, that the stiipa relief has been subsequently carved with an image of Siva.

18. M.K. DHAVALIKAR: Late Hfnayiina Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): 35.

19. The harmika, which has been broken off, is now placed in front of the stiipa and worshipped as a Siva liliga.

OWEN 35

of Shelarvadi. There are eleven excavations at Shelarvadi which are geographically separated into two groups: those numbered 1 to 8 face southwest while 9 through 11 overlook a valley towards the northwest.20 The monastiC complex consists of four cisterns (excavations 2, 4, 5, and 7) and seven vihiiras. In general, the vihiiras are small in dimension and have only one to four residential cells. An exception to this is the largest vihiira, Cave 8, which has a total of ten cells and is the most significant excavation for this essay (Fig. 8). Unfortunately, the veranda and front wall of Cave 8 are completely destroyed, so there is no way of deter­mining how many doors provided access into the vihiira or what the exterior decoration might have included. The hall itself measures approximately 25 feet in width, 20 feet in depth, and 8 feet in height. There are three cells excavated into the left wall,2! four cells in the right, and three in the back wall. The central cell in the back wall is a long rectangular chamber (13 x 25 x 9 ft.) which originally contained a monolithic stilpa. However, only the harmikii and a rough circular pattern on the cell floor are extant. Carved on the back wall, above the left cell, is an inscription that has been paleographically dated to the second or third century C.E.22

In plan, Shelarvadi 8 exhibits some of the features seen in the princi­pal residence at Wai. Like the Wai vihiira, the back wall of Shelarvadi 8 contains two residential cells flanking the main shrine. There are also a similar number of cells excavated in the side walls. However, there are some interesting differences between these two residences that are note­worthy. The residential cells in Shelarvadi 8, for example, lack rock-cut beds. Moreover, this excavation does not contain an interior stone bench. The absence of these features has led M.K. DHA V ALIKAR to attribute a late third to early fourth-century date for the cave.23 DHA V ALIKAR also notes that in plan, Shelarvadi 8 has some resonance with the arrange­ment of spaces exhibited in AjaI]ta's Cave 8 (Fig. 9). This particular

20. Seshabhatta NAGARAW: Buddhist Architecture afWestern India: 294.

21. The dividing wall between the first and second cell is destroyed.

22. C.C. DAS GUPTA: "No. 14- She1arwadi Cave Inscription," Epigraphia Indica 28 (1949-50): 76-77. The contents of this inscription will be examined below. Both C.c. DAS GUPTA and Vidya DEHEJIA date the inscription to the second century C.E., while Seshabhatta NAGARAW dates it to the late third century C.E. See Vidya DEHEJIA: Early Buddhist Rack Temples: 183; and Seshabhatta NAGARAm: Buddhist Architecture afWestern India: 295.

23. M.K. DHAVALIKAR: Late Hfnayiina Caves afWesternIndia: 47-48.

JIABS 24.1 36

cave at AjaI).Ja has created problems for those interested in the relative chronology of the site as it exhibits both "early" and "late" features. The location of the cave in the center of the escarpment and its proximity to the ca. 100 B.C.E.- 100 C.E. caitya hall 9, has prompted Susan HUNTINGTON to assign a first-century c.E. date to AjaI).ta 8.24 On the other hand, Suresh VASANT and Walter SPINK argue for a fifth-century date based on the small excavated antechamber, chiseling techniques, and cell door-hinges that are comparable to other fifth-century caves at the site.25 Moreover, both V ASANT and SPINK note the significance of the rock-cut bed in the back central cell, or shrine, and suggest that this feature may have supported a loose image. Whether or not this 'was the case cannot be ascertained, however, it is at least interesting to consider the possibility that either an anthropomorphic image (or a stupa-relief as at Nasik) was placed in this important cell.

The final early site under consideration is Maha~, located approxi­mately 95 miles southeast of Mumbai. Among its twenty-eight excava­tions, dating stylistically to the second through fourth centuries c.E., two viharas - Maha~ 1 and 8 - exhibit a similar ground plan as the principal vihara at Wai.26 The vihiira numbered Maha~ 8 is only slightly smaller than the Wai excavation, measuring approximately 27 feet wide, 24 feet deep, and 9 feet high (Fig. 10). The hall has a total of nine cells; three carved into each wall. The back central cell, which once housed a three-dimensional stitpa, is the largest cell and measures approximately 15 feet square. Only fragments of the monolithic stupa are extant - the chattra, which is still attached to the ceiling, and a rough circular surface on the cell floor. Other features of the cave include rock-cut beds in the residential cells and a stone bench spanning the side and back walls of the hall.

24. Susan HUNTINGTON: The Art of Ancient India: Buddhist, Hindu, Jain (New York: Weatherhill1985): 239 n.2 and 242.

25. Suresh VASANT: "Ajanta Cave 8: A Study," in M.S. Nagaraja Rao, ed., Kusumiifijali: New Interpretation of Indian Art & Culture. Sh. C. Sivaramamurti Commemoration Volume II (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan 1987), pp.249-253; and Walter SPINK: "The Archreology of AjaI).1a," Ars Orientalis 21 (1991): 93 n.3.

26. The remaining excavations at Maha<;i include single and double-celled viharas, cisterns, and single quadrangular halls.

OWEN 37

According to M.K. DHA V ALIKAR, these features are indicative of a mid-third-century vihiira.27 However, other dates have been proposed for Maha<;l 8 by various scholars which include an assessment of the cave's epigraphical material. Incised on the back wall between the central and right residential cell is a dedicatory inscription. Seshabhatta NAGARAJU dates the cave on both stylistic and paleographi~ grounds to the late third or early fourth century C.E.28 Using the same body of evidence, but focusing primarily on the pal~ography of the inscription, Vidya DEHEJIA proposes an even earlier date of ca. 100 C.E.29 Regardless of these differences in opinion, it can at least be stated that Maha<;l 8 is another early excavation that seems to foreshadow what is found in the floor plans of AjaQ.ta's fifth-century vihiiras.

Maha<;l 1 provides further interesting evidence in regard to the Buddha's presence within the monastic residence. Located at the extreme left of the complex, Maha<;l 1 is probably the latest excavation at the site - dating stylistically to the late fourth century C.E. (Fig. 11). The veranda has six pillars and two pilasters, but only the left pilaster and adjacent pillar are finished. The square base of the pillar and the carving of the column itself which alternates between an octagonal and sixteen­sided shaft is similar to those found in the interior of AjaQ.ta's Cave 16. Based primarily on this evidence, Walter SPINK posits that Maha<;l 1 dates to the fifth or sixth century C.E.30 However, I agree with DHA V ALlKAR' s assessment that the finished pillar may actually reveal a later (ca. sixth century) re-cutting.31 As in Maha<;l8, the hall of Maha<;l1 (measuring 57 feet wide; 35 feet deep; 10 feet high) has a running bench in addition to cells. All of the cells are unfinished, with the right wall containing only chisel marks. The back wall has five cells; the largest cell occupying the central position. It is flanked by two large windows, a feature already noted at Wai.

Inside the back central cell of Maha<;lI is a square-shaped rock which I initially assumed was intended for the stiipa. However, Walter SPINK questions the practicality of blocking out a square matrix instead of a

27. M.K. DHAVALIKAR: Late Hfnayana Caves of Western India: 46.

28. Seshabhatta NAGARAJU: Buddhist Architecture of Western India: 251-52.

29. Vidya DEHEl1A: Early Buddhist Rock Temples: 182-83.

30. Personal communication with the author.

31. M.K. DHAVALIKAR: Late Hfnayana Caves of Western India: 46-47.

JIABS 24.1 38

more rounded form if a stOpa was to be carved.32 Instead, he suggests that this mass of rock may have been originally intended for an enthroned Buddha figure, similar to those at Ajru;t!ii. This .possibility is supported by the subsequent modifications made to this rock. Carved on the front face is an enthroned Buddha in pralambapiidiisana, flanked by chauri bearers. Considering that the "European pose" does not appear at Ajru;t!ii until a relatively late date,33 this revision of the rock probably dates to the first quarter of the sixth century C.E.

The excavation of this matrix in the center of the cell is identical to the placement of Ajru;t!ii's earliest fifth-century shrine Budd~as. In contrast to the latest shrine Buddhas at Ajru;t!ii (which are carved directly from the back wall of the cell), the earliest Buddhas (i.e. inside Caves 11, L6, and 17) are carved in the center of the shrine, paralleling the placement of the stupa as seen in earlier western caves. The question of whether the matrix of rock inside Mahiic;I 1 was originally intended for a three-dimensional stOpa or for an enthroned Buddha thus becomes less significant if we consider the possibility that both types of "images" may be used to indicate his presence. This leads us into an examination of one of the earliest vihiiras at Ajru;t!ii to make accommodations for a rock­cut Buddha.

AjaIJ-!ii's Cave 11

Generally acknowledged for housing one of the earliest shrine Buddhas at the site, Cave 11 :ineasures 37 feet in width and 28 feet in length and contains four central octagonal pillars (Fig. 12). There are a total of eleven residential cells, four of them with entrances from the pillared veranda. Four cells are carved into the back wall, three are located on the left·;side of the hall, while the right side contains a stone bench spanning the length of the cave. Although this vihiira exhibits ,some of the features found in other fifth-century excavations at the site, there is evidence that this may not have been the original conception. According to Walter SPINK, Cave 11 appears to have been substantially altered during excavation.34 The original intention seems to have been a simple

32. Personal communication with the author.

33. Sheila WEINER was the first scholar to note the relatively late date of the pralambapiidiisana pose at Aj~!a. See Sheila L. WEINER: Ajal)!ii: Its Place in Buddhist Art (Berkeley: University of California Press 1977): 62-3, 70.

34. Walter SPINK: "Ajal}.!a's Chronology: Politics and Patronage," in Joanna G. Williams, ed., Kaliidarsana: American Studies in the Art of India (New Delhi:

OWEN 39

square vihara with three residential cells in each of its three walls. Perhaps out of fear of penetrating the neighboring Cave 10, the excava­tion of cells in the right wall had to be abandoned. To compensate for this loss in residential space, the four veranda cells were subsequently carved as was'the far left cell located in the back wall of the hall.

Other changes also appear to have been made inside the vihara. By carefully examining the ground plan it is obvious that the shrine con­taining the Buddha image is literally a converted monk's cell. The back wall of this cell has been extended in order to carve the image, with the space of the "original" cell now functioning as an antechamber. Further evidence suggesting the conversion of this cell is the treatment of the shrine doorway. Unlike the later fifth-century excavations, the doorway of the Buddha's cell is not distinguished from those of his fellow monks by an elaborately carved and painted doorframe. The lack of this archi­tectural element, as well as a pillared antechamber, supports the early date of this cave among the fifth-century excavations.

Although Walter SPINK believes that the image and its shrine were not planned during the initial excavation, the importance of making accom­modations for such an image inside the vihara is nonetheless evident. A conscious choice was made as to where, and in which cell, the Buddha image would be carved. Although the back wall of Cave 11 was altered to have an even number of cells, the Buddha image was carved in the cell that is centered along the longitudinal axis of the cave. Its location directly opposite the entrance to the cave, visually framed by the octagonal pillars, not only mirrors the excavation of the shrine in earlier viharas, but it also suggests a similar alignment with what Michael MEISTER identifies as the "axis of access" in Hindu temple architec­ture.35 Though the caves at AjaI).!a are residences for Buddhist monks, there are interesting similarities between these two types of monuments that are rarely acknowledged. Like the Hindu temple complex, the viharas at AjaI).!a provide shelter for both the image and worshipper as well as the space where ritual and mundane activities can occur. The nature of rock-sut architecture not only furnishes the monk with a permanent residence, but alludes to his presence within the cosmic

Oxford and IBH Publishing with the American Institute of Indian Studies 1981), pp.1l2-1l5.

35. Michael W. MEISTER: "The Hindu Temple: Axis and Access," in Kapila Vatsyayan, ed., Concepts of Space, Ancient and Modem (New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts & Abhinav Publications 1991): 269-80.

JIABS 24.1 40

mountain - or abode of the gods. It seems significant that as one approaches the main shrine he is simultaneously entering deeper into the mountain.

This longitudinal axis is enhanced in some of the caves at AjaIJ.ta where there is a wider space between the central pillars of the veranda and between the central pillars of the front and rear rows within the main hall.36 Although the employment of this feature is not consistent in the caves, other methods of accentuating the "axis of access" can be found. For example, in Caves 16 and 17, the middle pillars in the front and back rows do not show a wider intercolumniation, but are differen­tiated from the remaining interior pillars. The four central piliars in Cave 16 have tall square bases, sixteen-sided shafts and ornamented bracket-capitals in contrast to the slightly tapering octagonal pillars found elsewhere in the vihara. Cave 17' s axis pillars are also more elaborately carved than the others, particularly the rear pair which are adorned with lions.

However, the most important and. prevalent architectural feature that both reinforces the visual emphasis towards the main image and marks a change in space is the pillared antechamber. Out of the thirteen viharas at AjaIJ.ta that house Buddha images in the back central cell, ten are preceded by this feature. 37 The antechamber not only emphasizes the importance of the shrine and its occupant, but also seemingly separates residential space from sacred space. The antechamber gives the shrine a greater sanctity by further removing it from the other cells. This demar­cation of space not only enhances the longitudinal axis of the cave but it implies a vertical ascent as well. The Buddha's space is further articu­lated by the ornamentation of the shrine doorway which echoes the architectural and motival elements found on the central exterior entranceway to the vihara itself. By repeating these motifs, which include mithuna couples, floral and lotus designs, and small Buddha figures, the Buddha's chamber is clearly marked. As one passes through the exterior doorway to enter the main residence hall, so too must he pass through another doorway to enter the Buddha's "residence."

36. The vihtiras that exhibit this wider intercolumniation are Caves 1,21,23, and 24. The following caves only have a wider space between the two central pillars of the veranda as they lack interior pillars or are unfinished: Caves 3, 5, 14, 22, and 28.

37. The ten caves are: 1, 2, 4, L6, U6, 7, 15, 17,20, and 21. The three that do not contain antechambers are Caves 11, 16, and 22.

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Although the longitudinal axis leading to the shrine and its image is much more clearly defined and articulated at AjaJ).ta than at Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Maha<;l, this "axis of access" is nonetheless an integral component in the early excavations. All of the stupas are in alignment with the central entrance to the cave. If the stupa is three-dimensional, it is located in an enlarged cell complete with shrine door. Though there is limited decoration inside these caves to further differentiate this back central cell from the other cells, the exterior of some of the vihiiras, particularly Nasik 3 with its door guardians and toral}a, clearly allude to the sacred presence housed inside. Thus, these early excavations suggest that the arrangement of space in Ajalfta'S fifth-century vihiiras actually reflects much earlier concerns for housing the Buddha's presence within the monastic residence. In fact, the dedicatory inscriptions from these early sites seem to support their conceptual connection with AjaJ).ta.

An Examination of the Inscriptional Evidence

~urther understanding of the relationship between the stupa and the anthropomorphic Buddha image within the monastic setting might be gleaned from the epigraphical evidence from both the early vihiiras and from Ajalfta. Of the vihiiras at Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Maha<;l, only Wai is lacking in inscriptional evidence. The inscriptions incised in Nasik 3 and 10 have already been briefly discussed. Apart from their interesting information concerning grants of neighboring villages in support of the monastic community, the combined inscriptions from these two caves provide us with a single term for the excavations, le1}a. Often simply translated as "cave," this particular term is found through­out the epigraphical material of the early western caves. According to Franklin EDGERTON, the term le1}a as it is found in both contemporary and later textual sources often connotes the idea of refuge.38 For example, he notes that Ze1}a often appears with the synonyms trii1}a and sara1}a, and as a masculine noun, is found in the Mahiivastu as an epithet of a Buddha.

Whether or not there is a direct correlation between the meaning of Ze1}a in epigraphical and textual material cannot be easily determined. Comparisons between these two sources in terms of word choice and meaning are not often made by scholars due to the assumed differences

38. Franklin EDGERTON: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary (New Haven: Yale University Press 1953): 463.

JIABS 24.1 42

in both content and style of writing in text and inscription. However, as shown in Gregory SCHOPEN's work, both materials can share the same terminology particularly when documenting concepJions of the Buddha.39 Furthermore, if we consider that the Sanskrit equivalent of leIJa, Layana, found in the dedicatory inscription of Cave 16 at AjalfFi.,40 denotes "a place of rest, a house, a cell"41 it is at least possible that LeIJa meant more than just "cave" in the second century C.E.

Interestingly, the more frequent terms for identifying the excavations at Ajalf~ii. include maIJtjapa, vihiira, orveSma; the latter two having a stronger connotation of "residence" than the term Lay ana. 42 This is not to suggest that the terms vihiira and maIJtjapa do not appear in the early inscriptions - they do - but with less frequency than at Ajalf~ii.. To my knowledge, the term veSma (in reference to the rock-cut excavation) appears only sporadically in the inscriptional records of the early western caves. The variety of terms found to describe the excavations at Ajalf~ii., therefore, may represent either a change in architectural termi­nology, or it may signify a greater emphasis on the fifth-century cave as the Buddha's residence.

However, other terms in addition to LeIJa also appear in the inscrip­tions of the early vihiiras. In the dedicatory record of Shelarvadi 8, for example, the excavation is identified as a cetiyaghara, not a leIJa. This inscription, transcribed and translated by c.c. DAS GUPTA, reads:

Sidha theralJ.am bhayata-SihalJ.a ateasilJ.iya pavafti[k]aya Ghapa[ra]ya balikaa Saghaya Budha(dha)ra cha chetiya-gharo deya-dhama mata-pita udisa saha [cha] savehi bhikha(khu)-kulehi saha cha achari[ye]hi bhata-vireyehi samapito

Success. The meritorious gift of a chaitya hall is made by Buuha and Sagha (Samgha) (who was) the daughter of the nun Ghapara, a female disciple of the

39. Gregory SCHOPEN: "The Buddha as an Owner of Property": 181-217.

40. The term layana appears twice in the inscription of AjaJ.!!a's Cave 16 (lines 24 and 26). Alaya, also derived from the root If, is found in the dedicatory record of AjaJ.I!a's Cave 26 (lines 3 and 12).

41. M. MONIER-WILLIAMS: A Sanskrit English Dictionary (Delhi: MotHal Banarsidass 1995): 903.

42. The term malJ.f;lapa is used to describe AjaJ.IWs Cave 20 (line 1) and is found in the inscription of Cave 17 (lines 24 and 29). Cave 17 is also identified as a vihara (line 1). The term vihara is also used in line 22 where the brother of Ravisamba is said to have "adorned the earth with stupas and viharas." Vefma is used in both Cave 16 (line 18) and Cave 26 (lines 12 and 17). It thus appears that in the fifth century, a much broader and descriptive vocabulary for cave excavations was utilized.

OWEN 43

eld~r (thera) Bhadanta Siha for the sake of parents together with all communities of the bhikshus and the teachers.43

The use of the term cetiyaghara in this inscription is significant for two reasons. First,_ we know that Shelarvadi 8 is a monastic residence. Second, there are no congregational worship halls (i.e., what we often call caityagrhas) at this site. Therefore, the inscription must be self­referential. The term cetiyaghara must then either refer to the excava­tion itself or just to the back central cell.

Inscriptional evidence from another early vihara from our selected group provides further clarification. Carved on the back wall of the hall inside Maha<;i 8 is the following inscription transcribed and translated by James BURGESS:

Sidham kumiirasa kiil)abhoasa vhenupiilitasa [elsa lel)a chetieghara ovarakii cha atha 8 vi[ti]kamam niyutam le[l)a]sa cha ubhato pasesu po¢hiyo be 2 lel)asa alugal)ake patho cha dato etasa cha kumiirasa deyadhamam

Success! Prince Kfu;tabhoa Vhegupalita's Lel)a, Chetiyaghara and eight (8) cells: this much is allotted; and two (2) cisterns on each side of the lel)a, also a path connected with the lel)a, are presented. It is a meritorious gift of that prince.44

Like the site at Shelarvadi, the Maha<;i excavations do not include a con­gregational worship hall. Thus it appears that it is the back central cell that is identified as the cetiyaghara, as it is differentiated from the other eight residential cells (ovaraka) and from the excavation (lelJa) itself. All three are written in the nominative case, suggesting that they are structurally (and grammatically) three separate entities. Furthermore, the identification of these architectural components in this inscription corre­sponds with the floor plan of the cave.

Although it is clear that Shelarvadi 8 and Maha<;i -8 are monastic dwellings, the use of the term cetiyghara to identify the back central cell is not necessarily problematic. The term cetiya (Skt. caitya) can refer either to an object or a person worthy of veneration.45 In some instances

43. C.c. DAS GUPTA: "No. 14- Shelarwadi Cave Inscription," 76-77. Although DAS GUPTA transcribes the phrase bhata-vireyehi samiipito, he does not include it in his translation, stating that "the meaning of the word bhata-vireyehi is not clear." However, Gregory SCHOPEN suggested to me in a personal communication that bhata-vireyehi is probably the name of the individual (Bhadanta Virya) who was responsible at that time for the cave's completion (samiipito).

44. James BURGESS: Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions, A.S.W.!., vol. N (London: Trlibner & Co. 1883): 88, no. 1.

45. Franklin EDGERTON: Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary: 233.

JIABS 24.1 44

it can even refer to the Buddha himself.46 The term ghara, in both Pali and Sanskrit (grha) isdefilled as house.47 It then appears that the term cetiyaghara, at least in the rock-cut caves in western !ndia, can be applied to any enclosure of a sacred object or person, i.e. both the hall for congregational worship and the cell or shrine within the vihiira.

What is especially interesting, however, is the use of the term caitya at Ajar.l!a in reference to the back central cells and their Buddha images. The term appears in two inscriptions - in Caves 16 and 17. Translated by V.V. MIRASHI, verses twenty-two and twenty-four of Cave 16 read as follows:

[Realizing that] life, youth, wealth and happiness are transitory, ... he, for the sake of his father and mother, caused to be made this excellent dwelling to be occupied by the best of ascetics (udiiram ... veSma yatl[ndrasevyam]).

[The dwelling] which is adorned with windows, doors, beautiful picture­galleries, ledges, statues of the nymphs of Indra and the like, which is orna­mented with beautiful pillars and stairs and has a temple of the Buddha inside ([ ni]ve§itiibhyantaracaityamandiram). 48

Again in these two verses of Cave 16 we find various terms used to identify the architectural components. The excavation itself is referred to as a dwelling (ve.sma) while the temple (mandiram) located inside the dwelling (nive.sitiibhyantara) houses a caitya, i.e. the Buddha. There can be little doubt that the caitya-mandiram is the cell in which the Buddha resides, for the term mandira, often used to refer to Hindu temples, further emphasizes the location of a sacred being.49

Furthermore, the term caitya is also found in the dedicatory inscrip­tion of Cave 17:

[He excavated] this monolithic excellent hall, containing within it a chaitya of the king of ascetics (Le., of the Buddha) and possessing the qualities of stateliness ... (giimbhrryyagUiJair upetam [I] nive§itiintarmuniriijacaityam ekiiSmakam malJrfa­paratnam etat).50

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid, 220.

48. V.V. MIRASHI: Inscriptions of the Viikiitakas: 111. I have included part of the Sanskrit from MIRASHI's text on page 109, lines 18 and 20.

49. M. MONIER-WILLIAMS: A Sanskrit English Dictionary: 788. The interesting use of the term mandira in a Buddhist excavation also raises questions concerning broader cultural notions of sacred space and ritual practices.

50. V.V. MIRASHI: Inscriptions of the Viikiitakas: 129, verse 24. I have included the Sanskrit from MIRASHI's text on page 127, line 24.

OWEN 45

The fact that the term munirajacaityam (caitya of the king of ascetics) is not compounded with mandira or grha suggests that it refers to the Buddha image itself, or more accurately, the presence of something (or someone) worthy of veneration. The use of the term caityai cetiya in the epigraphical inaterial from the viharas at AjaI).ta, Shelarvadi, and Maba<;l, therefore clearly suggests similar conceptions. about the Buddha's presence within the monastic dwelling - despite the formal differences in the articulation of this presence. In this connection, we might take a brief look at the fIfth-century site of Bagh.

The Bagh Caves

Bagh is an interesting site for this examination because it provides both inscriptional and art historical evidence that supports the Buddha's residency - as well as his proprietorship - in the context of the monastic dwelling. The rock-cut caves at Bagh are located in the Vindhya hills in Madhya Pradesh and are approximately 135 miles northwest of Ajar;tta. Excavated from the local reddish-pink sandstone are at least ten caves in various stages of completion. Five of the caves appear to have functioned as residences, while others are rectangular pillared assembly halls. The most significant viharas for this essay are Caves 2, 4, 7, and 8.51

Although there are no extant legible inscriptions at the site, a copper­plate land-grant was found inside Bagh Cave 2 in 1928.52 Measuring 8.3 inches in length and 4.5 inches in height, the plate is inscribed with fourteen lines recording the gift of a village. Although the grant refers to the reign of Maharaja Subandhu, a king of Mahi~matI, the lower right corner of the plate, which would have presumably contained the year, is lost due to breakage. Fortunately, another copper-plate grant that is believed to be associated with this same king was found in Barwani and

51. Although Cave 3 also appears to have residential cells, this cave does not share similar characteristics with the other residences at the site, nor with those at Ajar)!a. Caves 1 and 10 have collapsed and are currently filled with debris. Caves 5 and 9 are pillared assembly halls that do not include individual residential cells. Although Cave 6 is a quadrangular excavation with a total of five cells in the back and right wall, John ANDERSON suggests that these cells most likely served as storage facilities. See John ANDERSON: "Bagh Caves: Historical and Descriptive Analysis; Architecture, Sculpture, Painting," Miirg 25/3 (June 1972): 15-56.

52. V.V. MIRASID: Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 4 (Ootacamund: Government Epigraphist for India 1955): 19-21.

JIABS 24.1 46

it is dated in the year 167 of an unspecified era.53 Therefore, there are generally only two possible eras that the Barwani grant can be assigned to: the Kalacuri-Cedi era, providing a date of ca. 417 C.E" or the Gupta era which would date the grant ca. 487 c.E. Based on the art historical evidence of the site, however,. the later date for both grants seems more plausible.54

According to V.V. MIRASHI's translation, the land-grant found inside Bagh 2 records the gift of a village to a community of Buddhist monks:

in order that it may be used for (defraying the expenses of) perfume, frank­incense, flowers and offerings as well as for maintaining an alms-house, for repairing broken and rent portions (of the vihiira) and for provIding the Community of Venerable Monks coming from (all) the four quarters, with clothing, food, nursing of the sick, beds, seats as well as medicine in the Monastery called Kalayana (the Abode of Art) caused to be constructed by Datta!aka, as long as the moon, the sun, the oceans, planets, constellations and the earth would endure. 55

However, in his translation, MIRASHI failed to include the key phrase "for the Blessed One, the Buddha" contained in the actual grant.56 This omission has serious ramifications for understanding this legal transac­tion of land which was "to be used" to provide perfume and other

53. V.V. MlRASHI: "The Age of the Bagh Caves," The Indian Historical Quarterly 2112 (June 1945): 79-85.

54. However, some scholars have dated the Bagh caves even earlier than the fifth century. In order to account for a clause contained in the Subandhu land grant for "repairing broken and rent portions (of the vihiira)," V.V. MIRASHI, John ANDERSON, and Karl KHANDALAVALA have independently suggested a late fourth-century date for the site to provide enough time for an accumulation of damage that would necessitate "repairs" to the monastery. See V.V. MlRASHI: "The Age of the Bagh Caves": 84--85; John ANDERSON: "Bagh Caves: Historical and Descriptive Analysis; Architecture, Sculpture, Painting": 19; and Karl KHANDALAVALA: "Bagh and Ajanta," in Karl Khandalavala, ed., The Golden Age: Gupta Art- Empire, Province and Influence (Bombay: Marg Publications 1991), pp. 93-94. However, the attribution of such an early date is completely at odds with the art historical evidence and fails to acknowledge that "repair" clauses are a standard feature in grants pertaining to Buddhist monasteries.

55. V.V. MIRASHI: Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era: 2l.

56. This is pointed out in Gregory SCHOPEN's analysis of this inscription in "The Buddha as an Owner of Property": 207 n. 15. The Sanskrit reads: bhagavato buddhiiya gandhadhupamiilyabalisatropayojyaJ:t ... iiryyabhik~usa1ighasya ciiturddisiibhyiigatakasya cfvarapil}rjapiitagliinapratyayaseyyiisanabhai~ajya­hetor ... See V.V. MlRASHI: Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era: 20, lines 6 through 9.

OWEN 47

requisites. Moreover, both parties are said to be residing in the Kalayana monastery (kalayanavihiire). This monastery, literally "the Abode of Art," is probably Cave 2 where the copper-plate was found. Thus, if the . Buddha's residential status is at least alluded to, if not clearly stated, in this grant, then we might expect to fmd his presence manifested in the art historical remains of the cave itself.

Cave 2 at Bagh is a quadrangular vihiira with the main hall measuring approximately 86 feet square (Fig. 13). It has a total of twenty residen­tial cells, a pillared antechamber and a large back central cell. Similar to Aj~Ws vihiiras, the central doorway leading into Bagh 2 is differen­tiated from the other two entrances in terms of both size and decoration. Other external decorative features of Cave 2 include fragments of the architrave which were found amidst fallen debris. There are no extant paintings or sculptures found on the rest of the facade, however, there are two niches with carved images located on either end of the veranda preceding the damaged colonnade. In the right niche is a nineteenth­century Ganesa constructed of mud-plaster and paint which assumedly covers the original image of a Buddha.57 Due to the extensive damage of the rock, the image in the left niche has been variously identified as a nagaraja, a yak~a, or a Buddha.58

The visual emphasis inside Bagh 2 is on the shrine and its antecham­ber. Aligned on the axis of the cave and framed by the vihara' s central pillars, the antechamber measures approximately 26 feet in width and 12 feet in depth. Carved into the side walls are the only extant figurative

57. See C.E. LUARD: "The Buddhist Caves of Central India," Indian Antiquary 39 (1910): 2~8 and A.K. HALDAR: "The Buddhist Caves of Bagh," Burlington Magazine XLID (October 1923): 159. Mukul Chandra DEY also mentions this image in his diary, stating: "At each end of the veranda is a small recess; that on the right contains a very modern figure of Ganesh, the Hindu god of luck, usurping the place of the earliest figure of the Buddha, which is known to have been there originally by the Buddhistic emblems of flying figures holding garlands." See M. DEY: My Pilgrimages to Ajanta and Bagh (London: Oxford University Press 1925): 163.

58. C.E. LUARD and E. lMPEY identify the figure as a Buddha; J. Ph. VOGEL and Walter SPINK suggest either a nligarlija or a yak~a. See C.E. LUARD: ''The Buddhist Caves of Central India": 228; E. IMPEY: "Description of the Caves of Bagh, in Rath," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society V (1854): 548; J. Ph. VOGEL: "Sculptures," in John Marshall, et. al. The Bligh Caves in the Gwalior State (London: The India Society 1927), pp.38-39; and Walter SPINK: "Bagh: A Study," Archives of Asian Art JO (1976n7): 65.

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sculptures of the Buddha found inside the cave. Although large Buddha sculptures are found in the antechambers of Aja~ta' s Caves 4 and U6, the figural group at Bagh is closer to Aja~Ws main shrine images where the Buddha is flanked by two attendants. On both sides of the antecham­ber at Bagh, the Buddha is over life-size (Fig. 14). Standing on a small lotus, the Buddha displays the gesture of giving (varadamudril) with his proper right hand and holds the hem of his robe in his left. As in Aja~Ws main shrine images, the Bagh Buddhas exhibit the standard iconographical features, including tightly-curled hair, u~1J-f~a, and extended earlobes.

The sculpted Buddhas and attendant figures in the antechamber demarcate the sanctity of space and allude to the presence contained within the shrine. However, the main shrine image in Bagh 2 is not an anthropomorphic Buddha but a three-dimensional stupa. In fact, Bagh 4, 7, and 8 also exhibit nearly identical floor plans which incorporate a three-dimensional stupa in the shrine. In light of the grant which locates the Buddha as a living person within the Kalayana monastery, the presence of a stupa within these fifth-century vihilras suggests a con­tinued use of the stupa to denote the Buddha's presence that I noted in the earlier vihilras at Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Mahaq. Thus the presence of a stupa inside the shrines at Bagh indicates that the stupa in the fifth century still articulated the Buddha's presence.

Though clearly the stupa was considered to be, or at least contain, the presence of the Buddha - this presence was more fully defined and articulated at Bagh than in the earlier vihilras that contain stu pas. This is evident not only in Bagh 2's antechamber imagery which contains anthropomorphic Buddha images, but in some very interesting modifi­cations. to the shrines themselves. On the ground in front of the stupa housed in the back central cell of Bagh 7 is an extention of stone that contains a deep socket-hole centered between two smaller holes. Walter SPINK suggests that these holes served to affix a Buddha image flanked by two attendants.59 Evidence confirming the attachment of separate Buddha figures can also be found in Bagh 1, 3, and 7, and in front of the stupa in Cave 8.60

The juxtaposition of the anthropomorphic Buddha and stupa is also found in Aja~Ws fifth-century excavations, though in monolithic form.

59. Walter SPINK: "Bagh: A Study": 62.

60. Ibid, 64 and 84 n. 39.

OWEN 49

For example, the Buddha enshrined in Cave 11 is actually carved from (or backed by) a stapa. Interestingly, a more emphatic presentation of the stapa as the Buddha's body occurs inside Ajal).!a's caitya halls 19 and 26. Instead of having a plain domed stapa as the object of venera­tion, both of these halls contain a stapa that is carved with a Buddha figure on its front face (Fig. 15).61 Rather than seeing these images as "solutions" or "compromises" between stapa and Buddha image wor­ship, it appears that their joining of forces, so to speak, is a literal, further articulation of the Buddha's presence.

Conclusions

In this essay, I have chosen to move beyond the chronological and sectarian frameworks in which Ajal).!a is most often discussed. With this approach we can focus on how Ajal).!a's excavations relate to important aspects of some earlier viharas. Though clearly not all of western India's early viharas demonstrate a concern for housing the Buddha's presence, some do nonetheless reveal conceptual similarities with Ajal).!a in terms of their architectural and epigraphical evidence. The second through fourth-century excavations at Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Mahaq seem to foreshadow not only what becomes further defined and articulated in the fifth and post-fifth-century archreological records, but also the increasing concern expressed in the later epigraphical sources that locate and identify the Buddha as a living person. Though the objects of worship in the early and later viharas are indeed formally different, both the stapa and the anthropomorphic figure were conceived of as being, or at least containing, the living presence of the Buddha. Seen in this light, the early viharas are in actuality the keys to understanding what is presented more explicitly at AjaQ.!a.

Although these early excavations exhibit a concern for locating the Buddha's presence within the monastic residence, there are nonetheless, some differences in how this presence is manifested at Ajal).!a. Not only is his presence articulated in human form, but the nature of his presence is also more fully defined. Rather than simply incorporating a solitary image, the caves at Ajal).!a create a celestial environment for their permanent resident. The rock-cut sculptures of the Buddha are not only

61. It is also noteworthy that such monolithic stiipa-cum-Buddhas are found at the roughly contemporary sites of Dhamnar and Kolvi, and in the seventh-century caitya hall at Ellora.

JIABS 24.1 50

surrounded by a retinue of attendants, garland bearers, musicians, and other deities·, but are often presented among an array of Buddha images that are either carved or painted in AjaI).~a's antechamber~.62 Thus at the same time the Buddha's presence is made more concrete at AjaJ:.1!a, his divine nature is also emphas.ized, suggesting his presence as a super­mundane figure. This emphasis on the Buddha's cosmic nature may in fact better correspond with the abstract presentation of the Buddha's presence in stupa form. In other words, it was not just the Buddha figure that could replace the stupa inside the viha.ra, but an entire celestial ensemble may have been required in order to evoke the same ~ower or presence as the stupa in the earlier caves.63 Although further investiga­tion is needed into how such imagery becomes as powerful as the stupa, clearly at AjaJ:.1!a this is so.

62. The most popular scene depicted in AjaIJ.ta's antechambers is the multiplication miracle at SravastI. Painted representations of this event are found in Caves 1, L6, and 17. Cave 7 contains two carved panels which cover the side and front walls of the antechamber. It is interesting to note that in the three vihiiras that do not have pillared antechambers (Caves 11, 16, and 22) representations of the multi­plication miracle (or a variation of this theme) are found on the rear wall, as close to the main shrine as possible.

63. I would like to thank Janice Leoshko for this suggestion.

OWEN 51

Figure 1. AjaI).ta Cave 1, floor plan, fifth-century excavation. Reproduced from James FERGUSSON and James BURGESS, Cave Temples of India (London: W.H. Allen 1880): plate xl.

Figure 2. AjaI).ta Cave 12, floor plan and longitudinal section, ca. 100 B.C.E. to 100 C.E. Reproduced from James FERGUSSON and James BURGESS, Cave Temples of India (London: W.H. Allen 1880): plate xxvii.

nABS 24.1 52

Figure 3. AjllI).~a Cave 2, main shrine Buddha, fIfth century C.E. Photo courtesy of Lance Nelson.

OWEN 53

Figure 4. Nasik 3, floor plan, second-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DHAVALIKAR, Late Hfnayana Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 7.

Figure 5. Nasik 3, interior showing stiipa relief, second century c.E. Photo courtesy of the American Institute of Indian Studies (AIlS Neg. No 688.68).

nABS 24.1 54

°LI ______ 5LI ____ --J1? M

Figure 6. Nasik 10, floor plan, second-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DHAVALIKAR, Late Hfnaya.na Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 6.

o

Figure 7. Wai 2, floor plan, third-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DHAVALIKAR, Late Hfnaya.na Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 24.

eCll d:ic: [JF c::: ::-. :-.: ::: ::.­

MODERN WALL 1 ;::::J

o,--__ --'~ M

OWEN 55

Figure 8. Shelarvadi 8, floor plan, late third to early fourth-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DHA V ALlKAR, Late Hfnayiina Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 34.

I , L __ ._

I I I I

o , , M

5 )

I I I I II II I, II II

Figure 9. Ajal).ta Cave 8, floor plan, late fOUlth to early frfth-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DBA V ALlKAR, Late Hfnayiina Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 36.

JIABS 24.1 56

Figure 10. Mahac;I 8, floor plan, late third to fourth-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DHAVALIKAR, Late Hfnayiina Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 32.

Figure 11. Mahac;I 1, floor plan, late fourth-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K. DHAVALIKAR, Late Hfnayiina Caves of Western India (Poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute 1984): figure 33.

OWEN 57

Figure 12. Aj3I}.ta Cave 11, floor plan, fifth-century excavation. Reproduced from James BURGESS, Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions, A.S.W.I. N (London: Trubner and Co. 1883): plate xxviii.

Figure 13. Bagh Cave 2, floor plan, fifth-century excavation. Reproduced from John MARSHALL, et. al., The Bligh Caves in Gwalior State (Delhi: The India Society 1927): plate I.

JIABS 24.1 58

Figure 14. Bligh Cave 2, Buddha and attendants, left antechamber wall, fifth century C.E. Reproduced from John MARSHALL, et. al., The Biigh Caves in Gwalior State (Delhi: The India Society 1927): plate Vlb.

OWEN 59

Figure 15. Aj3I.lta Cave 26, stupa, fifth century C.E. Photo by the author.

PETER VERHAGEN

Studies in Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Hermeneutics (1) Issues of Interpretation and Translation in the Minor Works of Si-tu PaI,l-chen Chos-kyi-'bYUIi-gnas (1699?-1774)*

1. The historical figure Si-tu Pal}-chen Chos-kyi-' byuri-gnas.

The religious erudite whose work will be the focus of this paper, was a man of many talents. Usually known as Si-tu PaIJ-chen, the 'Great Scholar [pal}¢ita] [ of the] Si -tu [lineage]', he was one of the key figures in the cultural life of Tibet in the eighteenth century. Let me begin with a few remarks on the life and times of this remarkable personage.!

He was born towards the end of 1699 or earl)l~bOO (depending on which calendar we follow) in the area of the town of Sde-dge in the Eastern Tibetan province of Khams, his mother, Gan-bzail Khra-'gu-ma, hailing from the family of A-gro Ta-dben Gu-sri. In his early youth he was recognized as the eighth, or according to a different calculation, the twelfth reincarnation in the Ta'i Si-tu lineage of (then) Lho Karma­dgon within the Karma-pa Bka' -brgyud-pa tradition, and duly installed by the eighth 'Red Hat' Karma-pa hierarch Dpal-chen Chos-kyi-don­, grub (1695-1732). He received the ordination names Chos-kyi- 'byun­gnas Phrin-las-kun-khyab Ye-ses-dpal-bzan-po in 1707, and Karma Bstan-pa'i-fiin-byed Gtsug-lag-chos-kyi-snan-ba when taking his upasaka vows in 1708.2

* Originally presented as a paper at the XIIth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Lausanne, August 23-28 1999, under the title "Interpretation and Translation. Hermeneutical issues in the minor works of Si-tu Pat].-chen Chos-kyi-'byuil-gnas." This research was made possible by a subsidy of the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek, NWO).

1. This biographical notice is primarily based on Smith's introduction ad CHANDRA (ed.) 1968 and on KHETSUN SANGPO 1973-1980,7: 589-617.

2. He continued using both names, or, in most cases, detachable parts of both names, throughout his life. Chos-kyi-'byuil-gnas may very well be the most

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24 • Number 1 .2001

JIABS 24.1 62

After his studies in Central Tibet (1712-1715) and Khams (1715-1721) his "star" rose quickly. He quickly acquired great fame as a reli­gious scholar and spiritual authority. He also stood on the best of terms with important secular leaders of the time, most notably with Bstan-pa­tshe-rin, the king of Sde-dge (1678-1738), who founded Dpal-spuns monastery as a new seat for the Si-tu lineage, but also with rulers from Central Tibet such as Pho-lha-nas and Mdo-mkhar iabs-drun Tshe-rin­dban-rgyal (1697-1763), by whom he was received in Lha-sa in 1738.

Of great significance was also his association with KaI:t-thog Tshe-dba­nor-bu (1698-1755),3 a Rfiin-ma-pa spiritual master and scholar with close ties with the Bka' -brgyud-pa as well, who since their meeting in 1720 became a close friend and influential associate of Si-tu until KaI:t­thog's demise in 1755. Most notable perhaps was Kal;1-thog's role in Si­tu's conversion to the gian-stOli doctrine of the Jo-nan-pas.

In addition to his importance as a religious and political4 figure, he was a man associated with great intellectual and artistic achievements. Perhaps his traditional fame in Tibet lies mainly in his work as a gram­marian and linguist. His most important single work as a scholar proba­bly is his extensive commentary on the two seminal treatises of Tibetan grammar, Sum cu pa and Rtags kyi 'jug pa, which constitutes a land­mark in the history of Tibetan indigenous linguistics, and which, paren­thetically, was written at the behest of Mdo-mkhar iabs-dru in 1744.5 Perhaps more broadly significant was his involvement in editorial projects at the printing house of Derge, paramount of which was his supervision of the editing of Bka' 'gyur, between 1731 and 1733, which by modem scholarship is considered as the generally most reliable and accurate of the canonical blockprint editions.

frequent form of his name; Bstan-pa'i-fiin-byed and (Gtsug-Iag-) Chos-kyi-snari­ba are used quite frequently as well.

3. Cf. e.g. RICHARDSON 1967: 7-8.

4. Note for instance his possible role as an ambassador from the Tibetan govern­ment during his second journey to Nepal in 1748, cf. Smith introd. CHANDRA 1968: 11.

5. Yul gans can pa' i brda yan dag par sbyor ba' i bstan bcos kyi bye brag sum cu pa dan rtags kyi 'jug pa'i giun gi rnam par Mad pa mkhas pa'i mgul rgyan mu tig phren mdzes, colI. works vol. 6 title no. 4, 85 ff., facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-6: 447-617.

VERHAGEN 63

His p"rime scholarly interest evidently lay in linguistics, covering several fields such as grammar, prosody, poetics and lexicography.6 However, he also developed considerable expertise in other fields of secular learning. He was famous for his medical skills even in the highest circles in Khams. I should also mention his unique position in the field of the visual arts, particularly painting, where he not only functioned as a tremendously important patron, but was also an artist of brilliant genius himself.7

2. Collected works of Si-tu PalJ-chen.

The xylograph editio~-pf the collected works of Si-tu PaI.1-chen was produced in Sde-dge, in:~lJ.is home monastery Dpal-spuns, some years after the master's demise. 8 The Bka'-'bum, consisting of fourteen volumes, have become accessible to the academic world in a facsimile reprint, published by Sherab Gyaltsen in 1990.

The great diversity in talents and interests of Si-tu PaI.1-chen is clearly reflected in his collected writings. All in all, linguistics and historiogra­phy are the predominant genres, occupying more than six9 and threelO

volumes respectively. But, in addition to that, his collected works offer an impressive and occasionally surprising array of genres and topics. In view of Si-tu's affiliation with the Karma-pa Bka' -brgyud tradition, it stands to reason that we find a considerable number of his works dealing with the lore of Tantric Buddhism, in the form of liturgical and medita-

6. Cf. RUEGG 1995: 119-124, 126, 128-130, 135, 147, HSGLT 1: 174, 176, 192-193,199,201,215-216, HSGLT 2: 107-136, 161-180,204-207,212.

7. Cf. the chapter on Si-tu PalJ-chen in the outstanding study on the history of Tibetan painting, JACKSON 1996: 259-287.

8. Cf. Smith introd. ad CHANDRA (ed.) 1968: 10.

9. The volumes 1-6 are completely devoted to linguistical materials, and we find individual titles on this topic in vols. 7 (title nos. 11 and 12) and 10 (title nos. 7, 8, 10, 11); thirteen texts on Sanskrit grammar are described in HSGLT 2: 106-136,161-180.

10. Volumes 11 and 12 being entirely devoted to a collection of biographies of major Karma-pa masters, and volume 14 containing the master's autobiography, edited posthumously by his disciple Ba'i-lo (or 'Be-Io) Tshe-dbaiJ.-kun-khyab on the basis of Si-tu's diaries (also in facs. ed. CHANDRA 1968); further historio" graphical materials in vol. 8 (title no. 5), voL 9 (certains sections of the Bka' , gyur dkar-chag) and vol. 10 (title no. 1).

JIABS 24.1 64

tional manuals, 11 commentaries,12 hymns and prayers,13 mantra-collec­tions,14 and such like.

Almost the entire ninth volume of his collected works is taken up by the 'catalogue' (dkar chag) that Si-tu wrote for the Sde-dge xylograph edition of Bka' , gyur, the editing of which he himself had supervised in the years 1731-1733.15 This version of the dkar chag, in eight chapters, filling 260 folios, is different from the one as contained in the Sde-dge edition of the canon which consists of five chapters, occupying some 170 folios.16 It is in fact the version which Si-tu had written initially, but had been deemed too long by certain authorities involved in the project, and had consequently been reduced to the five-chapter version which was actually included in the canon.!7 Finally, a last major work that should be mentioned here is Si-tu's commentary on the Abhidharma-kosa. 18

Among his minor works we also fmd materials of considerable interest on a wide range of topics. 19 Among these I might mention collections of answers to questions (dris lan),20 works on astrology,21 a translation of a Svayambhii-pura1}a,22 an inventory description of a reliquary stiipa,

11. Vol. 7 title no. 4, vol. 8 title nos. 3,12,13 and 16, vol. 10 title nos. 3, 12-14.

12. Vol. 7 title nos. 2 and 3, voL 8 title nos. 1 and 2.

13. Vol. 7 title no. 10, vol. 8 title nos. 4, 9,11,17 and 18.

14. Vol. 7 title no. 9, and many minor works.

15. Bde bar gsegs pa'i bka' garis can gyi brdas drafts pa'i phyi mo'i tshogs ji sfied pa par du bsgrubs pa' i tshullas fie bar brtsams pa' i gtam bzaft po bIo ldan mos pa'i kunda yofts su kha bye ba'i zla 'od gion nu'i 'khri sift ies bya ba, vol. 9 f. 1-260r5, facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-9: 1-523/524.

16. Cf.VOSTRIKOV 1970: 210-212.

17. Cf. EIMER 1985; for the mention of the earlier, longer version, cf. autobiography, f. 77r2-3, ed. CHANDRA 1968: 153, lMAEDA 1981: 229.

18. Chos mrion pa mdzod kyi tshig don rnam par 'grel pa brgya byin thog pa'i nor bu'i 'od snaft, vol. 13, title no. 1,341 ff., facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-13: 1-683.

19. Especially in vols. 7 and 8 we find miscellaneous shorter works.

20. Vol. 8, title no. 6,7 and 8.

21. Vol. 7 title no. 6, 7 and 8.

22. Bal yul raft byuft mchod rten chen po'i la rgyus, 14 ff., facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-7: 229-257; referred to in his autobiography, under the year 1748, mentioning that he acquired a manuscript of a concise Svaya1!zbhii-puriil)a by Samantabhadra in Nepal, and commenced a translation of it, (ed. CHANDRA

VERHAGEN 65

possibly that of Kal)-thog Tshe-dbaIi-nor-bu (1698-1755)23 and a description of Si-tu PaI).-chen's stupa by his pupil Ba'i-Io Tshe-dbaIi­kun-khyab.24

3. Hermeneutical issues.

In the minor works of Si-tu PaI).-chen we find that a number of what might be called "hermeneutical" topics, that is issues related to the inter­pretation of texts, come to the fore. In this paper I will limit myself to a few observations on two such issues, namely the use of etymologies (3.1) including also the type of hermeneutical etymologies (3.2) and the practice and principles of translating (3.3), and in that connection, of textual criticism (3.4).

3.1. Etymology.

In one of three compilations of answers to questions (dris Ian) in his collected works, the one briefly entitled Nor bu'i me lon,25 Si-tu PaI).­chen addresses some etymological issues. In particular in his reply to the ninth question in the first section, he provides etymologies for a number of problematic terms.26

In this connection he distinguishes two types of words: on the one hand, what he calls "random words" ('dod rgyal gyi sgra), terms which are not grammatically analyzable, but which have an ultimately arbitrary form and are purely conventionally associated with a specific meaning.

1968: 267): sa manta bha dras swa ya'!l bhu pu ril !1a bsdus pa de khyer byun / bod skad du bsgyur ba'i dbu tshugs, cf. Smith introd. ed. CHANDRA 1968: II.

23. Dpal mchog reg pa med pa'j mchod rten gyi snan brfian dge legs' dod rgu'i char 'bebs kyi dkar chag utpa la'i phren ba, 7 ff., facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-13: 725-738.

24. Byams mgon bstan pa'i iiin byed kyi chos sku'i mchod rten mthon grot chen mo'i dkar chag rdzogs ldan gyi bskal bzan ' dren pa'i ' khor 10 rin po che, 20 ff., facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-13: 685-724.

25. Full title Rje btsun mchog gi spruZ pa'i sku dgyes par byed pa'i dri Zan nor bu'i me lon ies bya ba, Bka' -' bum vol. 8,31 ff.; N.B. correct the order of folios in facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-8: 377-384, 323-326, 389-394, 333-334, 397-436, 375/376; I have discussed other passages from the same text in Verhagen 1997.

26. Op. cit., f. 3r3-4r2, inter alia dealing with the terms rgya-gar, rgya-nag, Bhota, Magadha and O#iyilna.

JIABS 24.1 66

The second type he terms "derivative word" (rjes sgrub kyi sgra),27 or "conditioned word" [?] (rgyu mtshan gyi sgra), that is a term which through linguistic analysis can be shown to derive from other lexemes or grammatical elements.

This dichotomy is used - in various ramifications and often integrated into a more complex paradigm - in several other lndo-Tibetan linguistic sources, for instance in Smra sgo, the eleventh-century grammatical treatise by SmrtijiHinaklrti and its vrtti,28 and in works by Sa-skya PaI).~ita, namely his Sgra la 'jug pa,29 a text which is for the most part based on Smra sgo,30 and his scholastic manual Mkhas pa rnar:zs 'jug pa'i sgO.31

It seems possible, to a certain extent, to connect the Tibetan term 'dod rgyal gyi sgra with the Sanskrit yad-rcchii-sabda also referring to an arbitrary term for which no analysis or etymology can be provided. The term is found in the restricted sense of "proper name" in lndic linguistics,32 but also in Buddhist contexts, for instance in Dignaga's PramiilJa-samuccaya"vrtti. Dignaga introduces the notion in connection with the concept of kalpanii "conceptual construction", as one of five categories of words.33

27. Bod rgya tshig mdzad chen ma: ' dod rgyai (-gyi sgra, -gyi min) = nes tshig gi , grei Mad dan rgyu mtshan gan yan brjad rgyu med par ran ' dod kha nas thag mar sbyar ba'i brda.

28. Bod rgya tshig mdzad chen ma: rjes grub = min brda ' dogs tshui zig ste / dnas po byun ba'i rjes su ' dra ' brei gan run gi rgyu mtshan la brten nas btags pa'i min / dper na / khyi gu kha che sna nag la sen ge zes btags pa ita bu ' dra ba rgyu mtshan du byas nas btags pa dan / ni ma' i ' ad zer La ni ma zes btags pa ita bu ' brei ba rgyu mtshan du byas nas btags pa' 0, and rjes grub kyi min (with synonym rjes grub sgra) = nes tshig gam rgyu mtshan la brten nas btags pa'i min.

29. Smra sga mtshan cha, II. 177-198, and vrtti ad idem; on these texts, cf. HSGLT 2: 37-57.

30. Sa skya bka' , bum, tha f. 227r2-228r3; on this text, cf. HSGLT 2: 64-65.

31. Sub I.l7, Sa skya bka' 'bum, tha 168r3-4 and sub 11.10, Sa skya bka' 'bum, tha 194v5; on this text, cf. JACKSON 1987: 39-42, 191-248.

32. Mahiibhii~ya ad Pa!).ini 1.1.2, catu~!ayf sabdiinii1'[l pravrtti~: jiitisabdii gUlJasabdii kriyiiSabdii yadrcchiisabdiiS caturthii~; cf. e.g. HATTORI 1968: 83-84, ABHYANKAR 1977: 313, BRONKHORST 1998: 249).

33. PramiilJa-samuccaya-vrtti ad kiirikii I3d: yadrcchiisabde~u hi niimnii viSi~!a 'rtha ucyate {littheti (HATTORI 1968: 83), "In the case of arbitrary words (yadrcchii-sabda, proper nouns), a thing (artha) distinguished by a name (niiman) is expressed by a word [such as] ":Qittha"." (HATTORI 1968: 25); the

VERHAGEN 67

The distinction of analyzable versus unanalyzable lexemes is applied in the first excerpt from Si -tu' s dris Zan:

[The term] Bho!a is well-known and established in all of Aryadda as the name for Tibet. Nevertheless, as I do not know the verbal root [from which the form Bho!a is derived], I do not know in what meaning it occurs here. Similarly, one cannot discern whether it is a "random" [= unanalyzable] [word] or a "derivative" [word].

In general it appears to be what is known as a "random" [word], and [the Tibetan word] bod, in its turn, appears to be a corruption of that [Sanskrit term Bho!a].34

We see here that Si-tu Pal}-chen is at a loss to find an etymology for Bho{a, the Sanskrit word for Tibet. Not being able to trace a Sanskrit verbal root for the term, he - provisionally - assigns it to the category of "random" or unanalyzable lexemes. Another interesting aspect of his treatment of this term, is his conception of the Tibetan name of Tibet, bod, as a corruption of Sanskrit Bho{a, in other words apparently as a loanword from Sanskrit. He apparently does not take into consideration the possibility of the reverse derivation being the case, namely that the Sanskrit term is based on the Tibetan.

3.2. Hermeneutical etymology.

In a recent publication Prof. RUEGG formulated an apt description of a type of etymology that is frequently found in Buddhist textual interpre­tation and that could properly be termed "hermeneutical etymologies." He defines this type of etymologies, which he also dubs nirukta-type etymologies, as follows:

non-historical- i.e. "synchronic" as opposed to historical-linguistic or diachronic - quasi etymological explanations which, although not founded on the linguist's

other four categories: (2) jiiti-sabda "genus-words" "common nouns", example go 'cow', (3) gUl}a-sabda "quality-words", "adjectives", ex. sukla 'white', (4) kriya-sabda "action-words", "verbal nouns", ex. pacaka 'cook[ing]' and (5) dravya-sabda "substance-words", ex. dal}tjin 'staff-bearer' (HATIORI 1968: 25, 83). The two canonical translations of Pramal}a-samuccaya-vrtti (Peking no. 5700 & 5702) have 'dod rgyal ba'i sgra for yad-rccha-sabda, cf. HATTORI 1968: 176, l4a4 & 177, 94b4; lowe this reference to a personal communication of Prof. Jackson, Hamburg, December 1996.

34. Dris Ian Nor bu'i me [ali, excerpt question no. 9, f. 3v5-6: / bod kyi skad dod du I bho !a ies pa 'phags yul thams cad du yolis su grags sili grub pa yin na' ali skad kyi byilis ma 'tshal bas don gali du 'gyur ma ses sili I de biin du ' dod rgyaZ dali rjes sgrub kyi mili gali yin yali ma phyed mod I phal cher 'dod rgyal du grags pa yin' dra ste / bod ces pa' ali de zur chag par snali ba'i phyir TO I

JIABS 24.1 68

strict morphological-historical derivation, are meant to convey a value (or, indeed, the true but perhaps hidden sense) of the word being explained.35

This type of etymology36 does indeed occur with considerable frequency in the Buddhist commentarial literature. For instance, among the 413 Sanskrit entries discussed in the eighth-century Sgra sbyor bam po gftis pa (to which I shall return shortly), I have counted fourteen unmis­takable cases of this type of etymology)?

A very well-known example is the association of the term Bhagavat38

with the verb bhaftj 'to defeat', usually in a phrase such as "he who has defeated the defilements etc." (kle1ildikaf!L bhagnaviln),39 or "he who has defeated the four Maras" (bhagna-milra-catu~taya).40

Even though the hermeneutical etymology does not reflect the analysis of the grammarians of a given form, and the science of grammar is held in the highest esteem, both in the Indic culture in general, as well as in the Buddhist context in India and Tibet, this does not imply a deprecia­tion of the hermeneutical etymology as such. On the contrary, the hermeneutical etymology serves a purpose, which is, from the viewpoint of the Buddhist exegetes, at least as important as, if not more important than the grammatically well-founded analysis of the word: it brings out the contextually determined semantics and the functional aspects of the term far more than mere grammatical analysis can.

In fact, at quite a few occasions the analyses provided by vyilkaralJa and nirukta can be found together, in the same context, providing two

35. RUEGG 1998: 118-119.

36. Occurring also in pre- and non-Buddhist contexts in Sanskrit literature, from Nirukta and Briihmarzas onwards; cf. e.g. BRONKHORST: "Les elements linguis­tiques porteurs de sens dans la tradition grammaticale du Sanskrit," Histoire Epistemologie Langage, 20.1 (1998): 30-32.

37. HSGLT 1: 21-22; to these may also be added the entry tiiyin, cf. RUEGG (1998: 120).

38. Which should of course according to grammatical conventions be derived from a noun bhaga 'share', 'fortune', etc., with secondary suffix vat (in PaI).inian technical terms mat UP) with possessive function.

39. E.g. Abhisamayiilal'{lkiiriiloka 7.25ff, SIMONS SON 1957: 267; cf. also Prajiia­varman's commentary ad Udbhatasviimin's Vi§e~astava verse 1, ed. SCHNEIDER 1993: 80-81.

40. E.g. Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa entry 2, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 6; cf. HSGLT 1: 26, RUEGG 1998: 120; both etymologies are referred to e.g. in Buddhaguhya's commentary on the Mahii-vairocaniibhisal'{lbodhi Tantra, cf. ed. MIYASAKA 1995: 37.

VERHAGEN 69

perspectives on the term at hand, and viewed more as complementary, not as mutually exclusive. Examples of this combining of viewpoints are the entries dealing with the tenns Bhagavat and Arhat in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa. 41 In both treatments a grammatically sound and a hermeneu­tical etymology are juxtaposed, and it is most telling that in both instances the ultimately adopted Tibetan translation was based on the hermeneutical and not on the grammatical analysis.

A fine example of the relationship of complementarity existing between the two disciplines of vyiikaral}a and nirukta can be found in another passage from Si-tu's dris lan, discussing the etymology of the name Magadha.42

As regards [the name] Magadha, this is a contraction, with elision of certain phonemes [or: syllables?], of *madhya-gata-dhara, in correspondence with the [so-called] p!~odara [formations]. Therefore it is proper [for the translation] to be dbus ' gyur ' chan, and this [translation] is proper, as it accords with the state­ments in the basic texts of AryadeSa. Moreover, [this translation is proper] on account of the fact that [Magadha] is the centre of [all] countries.43

The etymology that Si-tu proposes here, involves the derivation of the three syllables of the term Ma-ga-dha from the initial syllables of the constituents of the compound term madhya-gata-dhara 'holding what occurs [?] in the centre' or 'holding what moves in the centre'. At first sight this would seem to be a purely hermeneutical etymology, with no connection with grammatical derivation whatsoever. However, we see that Si-tu does call upon a grammatical rule to account for this forma­tion in terms of a vyutpatti, a 'grammatical derivation', rather than a nirukta-type etymology. He refers to the so-called PNodara, or more

41. For the grammatical analysis of Bhagavat, cf. HSGLT 1: 24-26, for the 'hermeneutical etymology' of that term cf. supra; on the analyses of Arhat, cf. infra, sub 3.3. Note also the juxtaposition of the two analyses of the term Bhagavat in Buddhasanti's commentary on Candragomin's Ddanastava 40ab, cf. HAHN 1993: 54-55.

42. This passage I have also studied in the third title in the present series "Studies in Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Hermeneutics," bearing the subtitle "Grammatical Models in Buddhist Formulas," to be published in the Proceedings of the ninth Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, Leiden, June 24-30, 2000.

43. Dris Ian Nor bu'i me lon, excerpt question no. 9, f. 3v6-4rl: I ma ga dha ies pa I ma dhya ga ta dha ra rnams P! ~o da ra biin du yi ge gian phyis nas bsdus pas I dbus ' gyur ' chan yin par 'phags yul gyi giun rnams las' byun bas de nid ltar , thad cin I de yan yul dbus yin pa' i rgyu mtshan gyis so I.

nABS 24.1 70

precisely the pr~odaradi rule44 which provides for an open-ended gaIJa of compound formations involving morphological irregularities such as elision, augmentation or substitution. The rule has pr~odara (from pr~ad + udara4S) as the heading term. Taking resource to precisely this pr~oda­radi siitra to account for all kinds of irregular formations involving elision of parts of stems, is not unusual in Mahayana commentariaI literature. We find it for instance in Candraldrti's Madhyamakavatara.46

I have thus far not been able to trace any Sanskrit sources for this or a comparable etymology for the toponym Magadha.

We find that the Tibetan translators have followed two approaches vis­a-vis the term Magadha. One option was to leave the name untranslated, usually prefixing the Tibetan categoric term47 yul, 'country', as is the case in the Mahavyutpatti lexicon.48 Alternatively, when the term WAS translated, it is apparent that the present etymology lies at the basis of the usual Tibetan translation of the term Magadha that Si-tu cites here, namely dbus 'gyur 'chan lit. 'holding what occurs [or: changes ?] in the centre' .49

So here we have again a clear example of the complementary nature of the relationship between grammatical derivation and hermeneutical

44. Pfu.1ini 6.3.109: pr~odariidfni yathopadi~!am (Kiisikii: pr~odariidfni sabdarupii1}i ye~u lopiigamavarlJavikiiriiJ:! siistre1}a na vihitii dr.syante ca tiini yathopadi~!iini siidhuni bhavanti) and Candra 5.2.127: pr~odariidfni (vrtti: pr~odariidfni sabda­rupii1}i siidhuni bhavanti), no parallel sutra in Kiitantra; cf. CARDONA 1988: 639-643,OBERLIES 1989: 255-257.

45. In fact analyzed as a bahuvr'fhi compound, pr~ad udararrz yasya sa 'he whose belly [udara] is spotted [Pr~ad]'.

46. Ad the term Mahiiyiina, cf. SCHERRER-SCHAUB 1994: 262-263.

47. Note that the precepts on translating technique in the introductory section of Sgra sbyor bam po giiis pa stipulate the prefIxing with a Tibetan term indicating the semantical category, when an Indic term or name is left untranslated, which is specifIcally allowed for the names of countries, persons, flowers, trees etc.; ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 3, SIMONSSON 1957: 253-254, VERHAGEN 1996: 285.

48. Mahiivyutpatti 3594 (sub Cakra-varti-riijas:) *Magadhii-riija = ma ga dha'i rgyal po; 4121 (sub yul gyi mi) Magadhii = yul ma ga dha.

49. Attested as translation for Magadha (and some derivations from that name) in the Tibetan version (by Za-lu Chos-skyon-bzan-po, 1441-1528) of the Visva-locana lexicon, ed. Lozang JAMSPAL 1992: no. 451, 767, 953, 1063; cf. also CHOS­GRAGS (n.d): 499 dbus ' gyur ' chari = rdo rje gdan rgya gar yul dbus, bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo: dbus ' gyur ' chari = rgya gar gyi yul dbus rdo rje gdan.

VERHAGEN 71

etymology. The point well made by Prof. RUEGG recently50 namely that such an interpretative and synchronic etymology should not necessarily be regarded as a popular or naIve, and therefore less valid one opposed to the linguistic etymology, is corroborated here once more. With its non- or para-grammatical techniques of association through assonance or paronomasia and through conceptual connections, the hermeneutical etymology emphasizes and elucidates aspects of function and meaning that remain largely hidden from the eye when merely a strictly gram­matical analysis is applied to the term.

3.3. Translating.

As rightly observed by Prof. RUEGG in a 1973 article,5] the Tibetan scholarly world offers remarkably little theoretical treatment of the prin­ciples and techniques of translating. This is perhaps somewhat surprising in the light of the enormous corpora of translated literature which were produced by the Tibetan Buddhists in the course of the centuries. The oldest and by far most significant treatment of the principles relevant for the work of the translator is found in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa,52 the eighth-century commentary on a selection of entries in Mahiivyutpatti, the normative Sanskrit-Tibetan lexicon for the translators.53 The intro­ductory section of Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa consists mainly of the protocol of a royal edict regulating the translating activities. 54 In it a number of principles and rules-of-thumb are set forth, which the trans­lators are required to follow.

An interesting later paraphrase of the gist of these principles can be found in a work attributed to the fifth Dalai Lama Nag-dban Blo-bzan­rgya-mtsho (1617-1682).55 A third important source on this topic that should be mentioned here, is Dag yig mkhas pa'i 'bYUli gnas, a Tibetan­Mongol lexicon by Lcan-skya Rol-pa'i-rdo-rje (1717-1786). In the 1973 article mentioned above, Prof. RUE;GG edited and translated sections

50. RUEGG 1998: 119 note 9.

51. RUEGG 1973: 257f ..

52. Critical ed. ISHIKAWA 1990, cf. SIMONSSON 1957: 238-280, HSGLT 1: 15-45, VERHAGEN 1992-1993,1996: 283-286.

53. For Mahavyutpatti I refer to ed. SAKAKI 1916-1925, following the entry num­bering of that edition; ISHIHAMA & FUKuoA (1989) is a critical edition.

54. Ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 1-5, cf. SIMONSSON 1957: 239-262, VERHAGEN 1996: 283-286; for an earlier version of this edict, cf. PANGLUNG 1994.

55. Cf. SCHERRER-SCHAUB 1999: 69,76 n. 17.

nABS 24.1 72

from this treatise, which outline principles of translation that correspond closely to and are evidently based on the regulations set forth in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa.

We can now add to these few sources, a brief discussion and explana­tion of some of the principles outlined in Sgra sbyor bam po griis pa which are given by Si-tu PaI).-chen in the dris Zan quoted above .. This passage is interesting, inter alia, for its adducing specific concrete examples for principles that are abstractly stated in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa. I refer to question no. 26 in the Dri Zan Nor bu'i me Zon,56 which requests explanation of three passages from the intro~uctory section of Sgra sbyor bam po griis pa.57

The first passage, dealing with some general circumstances leading to the inclusion of lexical items in, and the formation of, the codified lexicon, is explained by means of a paraphrase:

[As regards the first passage:] The Brahmin Ananta58 etc. had fixed [Tibetan] terms for [specific Indic] terms from the Dharma which were unknown before in Tibet, when they had translated [texts] from Sanskrit.

Because some [of these Tibetan terms] were not in accordance with the meaning of the Word [of the Buddha] or the basic texts of grammar, they were corrected in this period [or section?] of the later edict [i.e. later than the translators Brahmin Ananta etc.] and the important [terms] that needed to be fixed in new Tibetan terms were also added [to the register].59

56. Full title Rje btsun mehog gi sprul pa'j sku dgyes par byed pa'i dri Ian nor bu'i me Lori zes bya ba, Bka' -'bum vol. 8, 31 ff.; question 26 = f. 1Ov6-11v5.

57. (1) bram ze ii nanda ( ... ) gees so 'tshal gyis bsnan nas (= ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 1.20c2.2), (2) 'jal dka' ba roams ( ... ) min du btags nas (= ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 2.6~10), (3) roam graris su ( ... ) so sor btags pa biin du thogs sig (= ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 3.22-24.

58. I follow here the reading of this name by SCHERRER-SCHAUB (1999: 69); another possible reading is 'Ananda', cf. e.g. SIMONSSON 1957: 243.

59. Dris Ian Nor bu' i me lori, excerpt question no. 26, f. 1lr3-5: bram ze ii nanda la sogs pas bod du ehos skad snar ma grags pa roams la legs sbyar gyi skad las bsgyur te miri gsar du btags pa 'ga' zig gsun rab kyi don dan brda sprod kyi gzuri dan mi mthun pa yod par' dug pas de roams bkas bead phyi ma'i skabs 'dir be os sin bod skad gsar du gdags ' os gal ehe ba rnams kyari bsnan /; paraphrasing Sgra sbyor bam po giiis pa, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 1-2; SIMONSSON 1957: 243-244: bram ze ii na nta la sogs pas ehos kyi skad bod la ma grags pa las miri du btags pa mari dag mehis pa' i nari nas kha Gig ehos kyi gzuri dan / byii ka ra ~a' i lugs dari mi mthun te / mi beos su mi ruri ba roams kyan beos / skad kyi miri gees so 'tshal gyis kyari bsnan; cf. also SCHERRER-SCHAUB 1999: 69.

VERHAGEN 73

The second passage formulates some general principles which were followed in establishing the Tibetan translation terminology.

[As regards the second passage:] [A] For Sanskrit terms the meaning of which is difficult to comprehend, after separation into the [constituent] words,60 and along with an explanation of61 the basic constituents,62 [Tibetan translating terms] are fIxed [or: entered (into the register)]. [B] For [Sanskrit terms which are] easy to comprehend, after having been trans­lated according to the [literal] meaning of the [Sanskrit] terms, [Tibetan] terms have been fixed, and further explanation is not necessary. [C] For some [Sanskrit] terms [Tibetan] terms have been fixed that are primarily based on the meaning, which follows from [i.e.: is determined by] the [contextual] use (Tib. 'jug pa) of the term.63 These [terms] have been fIxed [in?] the Great, Middle and Small Vyutpatti.64

Si-tu paraphrases the passage and then quotes specific instances in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa itself where the principle at hand is applied.

60. tshig, usually = 'bound, syntactic word form'.

61. N.B. genitive particle kyi, where Sgra sbyor has instrumental, gtan tshigs kyis Mad, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 2 line 6·7.

62. gtan tshigs; or 'argument' (Skt. hetu)?

63. An alternative, I think less plausible translation would be: "( ... ) have been fixed for which the meaning has been made to prevail over the analysis of the term," here particle las is taken as an ablativus eomparationis, and the verb 'jug pa is interpreted as 'understanding', 'comprehension', i.e. '[grarrunatical] analysis'.

64. Dris Ian Nor bu'i me lon, excerpt question no. 26, f. 11r5-6: [A] legs sbyar gyi sgra don bios gial dka' ba rnams la tshig so sor phral nas gtan tshigs kyi Mad pa dan beas te bkod pa dan I [B] rtogs sla ba rnams sgra don biin bsgyur nas min btags pa Mad pa mi dgos pa dan / [C] skad kha cig la sgra 'jug pa las don gtso bar byas nas min du btags te / bye brag rtogs byed ehe 'brin ehun nu ' di rnams bkod pa yin ' dug pa; paraphrasing Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 2; SIMONSSON 1957: 244-246: [AJ mjal dka' ba rnams kyan tshig so sor phral nas gtan tshigs kyis Mad de giun du bris / [B] skad rkyan pa Mad mi 'tshal ba sgra biin du bsgyur bar rigs pa rnams kyan sgra btsan par bgyis te min du btags I [C] skad kha cig don biin du gdags par rigs pa rnams kyan don btsan par bgyis te min du btags; cf. also SCHERRER-SCHAUB 1999: 72. Note that SIMONSSON's rendering of this passage differs occasionally from Si-tu's interpretation, esp. sub (B) where SIMONS SON (1957: 245) has: "Einfache Worter dagegen, die sich nicht [auf die eben erwiihnte Weise] erklaren hessen, aber die dem Laut gemass iibersetzt werden konnten, wurden als Termini festgelegt, indem die lautliche Gestalt zum festen [Ausgangspunkt] gemacht wurde." I must admit I cannot really fathom SIMONSSON's interpretation here. It is hard to see how the "lauthche Gestalt" (phonetic aspect?) of a term can be used as the basis of a translation, unless the introduction as a loanword, leaving the foreign term untranslated, were meant here, which clearly is not the case.

JIABS 24.1 74

It is noteworthy also that Si-tustill refers explicitly to three Vyutpatti treatises here~ Of course, it is well-known that the colophon of Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa mentions the three Vyutpattis, charac~erizing them as 'Great', 'Middle' and 'Small' .65 Modern scholarship has - I think with good reason - assumed that the 'Great' Vyutpatti can be identified as the Mahavyutpatti lexicon, and the 'Middle' one with its commen­tary, Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa itself. The third, 'Small' Vyutpatti, would then refer to a document which is no longer extant.66 Si-tu's reference to the three does not necessarily indicate that the third was still available to Si-tu: he might simply be echoing the words of Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa itself. But, it is conceivable that he still had access to this third Vyutpatti.

Three procedures leading to inclusion in the standardized lexicon are briefly outlined: (A) For more difficult composite terms, an analysis into constituents and an explanation of these constituents is provided. (B) For less abstruse terms a literal translation, a rendering following the '[literal] meaning of the term'67 is appropriate. (C) For some specific terms, however, a translation based on the specific usage, is required. This amounts to the type of translations that are based on what may be called a "hermeneutical etymology", the usage- or function-based quasi etymologies that I have briefly discussed earlier.

For each of the three procedures, Si-tu PaIf-chen quotes an example from the entries in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa. The example of the first method is the treatment of the entry Samyak-sambuddha,68 which indeed involves the division into constituent elements (samyak, sam and buddha) as well as the explanation of one of the constituents (namely the preposition sam) in this case by means of two glosses (samantam 'totally' and sarppun:tam 'fully'). I have counted 24 entries in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa where this procedure is followed.69

The second method is exemplified by the treatment of the term danamaya-pU1:zya-kriya-vastu 'abiding substance of meritorious deeds

65. Ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 127, SIMONSSON 1957: 263.

66. Cf. SIMONSSON 1957: 227, DRAY 1989: 3. 67. sgra don biin, f. Hr5.

68. Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa entry 5, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 8, cf. HSGLT 1: 23. 69. Cf. HSGLT 1: 23.

VERHAGEN 75

consisting of giving' ,70 which indeed - at least for the part that Si-tu quotes - consists of nothing but the one~by-one translation of the con­stituent elements into Tibetan. The procedure of separation of con­stituents and direct translation is very frequent in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa; I have tallied 89 instances.?1

The third method - possibly the most interesting in the present context - Si-tu refers to as the translation which is "semantically-oriented" (don btsan par byas pa),72 in other words a translation based on a hermeneu­tical etymology, of which, as mentioned above, at least fourteen examples can be found in Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa. The example here is the entry on Arhat.?3 In it, as mentioned earlier, two derivations are introduced, one linguistically accurate, the other hermeneutical. The first associates Arhat with the verb arh, 'to deserve', 'to be worthy', with the phrase 'Because he deserves praise, he [is called] Arhat' (pujtim arhatfty arhan). This reflects the grammatically accurate relation, as arhat is ultimately of course an active present participle of that verb, literally meaning 'deserving'. The alternative derivation is represented in the phrase kleitirfn hatavtin ity arhan 'Because he has killed the enemies, namely the defilements, he is [called] Arhat'. It links the word Arhat with Sanskrit nominals ari 'enemy' and hata- 'killed'. This association has no grammatical foundation, of course, and can therefore be con­sidered a hermeneutical etymology. As stated earlier, it is most signifi­cant to note here that the authors of Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa explicitly chose for the Tibetan translation based on the latter, hermeneutical etymology, namely dgra beom pa, 'who has defeated his enemies' for use in the Buddhist context, and not mehod 'os pa 'worthy of praise', which is based on the morphological analysis, but which is only allowed in non-Buddhist usage. Once more, this shows the considerable significance that the Buddhist scholastics attributed to this form of etymology.

70. Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa entry 281, ed. Ishikawa 1990; 94, cf. also HSGLT 1: 30-31.

71. Cf. HSGL T 1: 22.

72. Op. cit. f. llv2; cf. sgra 'jug pa las don gtso bar byas, op. cit. f. llr5.

73. Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa entry no. 4, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 7-8, cf. SIMONSSON 1957: 269-270, HSGLT 1: 21-22, RUEGG 1998: 120, SCHERRER­SCHAUB 1999: 71.

JIABS 24.1 76

Finally, the third passage from Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa is con­cerned with oile of the approaches of dealing with redundancy due to synonymy in the practice of translating.

Moreover, [as regards the third passage,] the meaning of the passage "rnam grans su gtogs pa'i" etc., in [the precepts on] the methods of translation, is exemplified in [Maha-]vyutpatti by the entries "[Skt.] pariskara ['equipmenf] = [Tib.] yo byad ['tools / necessaries,]" [i.e Mahavyutpatti entry no. 5887] and "[Skt.] upakaral)a ['instrument / commodity'] when not combined [with the above synonym] = [Tib.] yo byad, but when combined [with the above synonym] = [Tib.] 'tsho chas ['tools / necessaries']" [i.e. Mahavyutpatti entry no. 5888].

The meaning of this is that when the terms pariskara and upakaral)a occur together and are combined, it would lead to the defect of repetition if one trans­lated as "yo byad yo byad" ['tool-too!']. Therefore it is necessary to translate [such a combination] as "yo byad kyi 'tsho chas" ['the necessaries of the tools'] or "yo byad dan 'tsho chas" ['the necessaries and the tools'].14

The lexicographical convention intended here, is that where the lexicon supplies alternative translations for (more or less) synonymous Sanskrit tenns, so as to avoid repetition of tenns in passages where the synonyms are used contiguously. Such contextually determined alternative transla­tions are usually marked by the provisional phrase 'when combined' or 'when not combined' (' dorn na or rna 'dam na), sci!. combined or not with the synonymous entry which precedes in the lexicon.

Si-tu offers two entries from Mahiivyutpatti as an example of this convention:

Mahavyutpatti 5887: [Skt.] pariskara ('equipment')75 = [Tib.] yo byad (,tools / necessaries' ) Mahavyutpatti 5888: [Skt.] upakaral)a (,instrument I commodity')76 = [Tib.] yo byad [or] 'tsho(g) chas ('tools I necessaries'); 'when not combined [with the

74. Dris Ian Nor bu'i me lon, excerpt question no. 26, f. 11 v3-5: / yan ' gyur byed pa'i tshulla rnam grans su gtogs pa'i ies sags kyi don ni / bye rtogs las / pa ri ska ra~ yo byad / u pa ka ra l)al'{l / rna ' dam na yo byad / ' dom na ' tsho chas ies , byun ba biin te / de'i don yan pa ri ska ra dan I u pa ka ra l)a'i sgra dag [han cig tu 'dug cin ' dom pa' i tshe yo byad yo byad ces par bsgyur na zios pa' i skyon yon bas yo byad kyi 'tsho chas sam / yo byad dan 'tsho chas ies par bsgyur dgos pa Ita bu /; paraphrasing Sgra sbyor bam po giiis pa, ed. ISHIKAWA 1990: 3, SIMONSSON 1957: 256-257: rnam grans su gtogs pa'i tshig rnams ni rna ' dom na min gan bod skad du spyir grags sin tshig tu gar bde bar gdags so I ' dom na so sor btags pa biin du thogs sig /.

75. pariskara for class. Skt. pari~kara, cf. EDGERTON 1953-2: 332.

76. upakaral)a: cf. MONIER-WILLIAMS 1899: 195, EDGERTON 1953-2: 133.

VERHAGEN 77

above synonym]' = [Tib.] yo byad, 'but when combined [with the above synonym]' = [Tib.] 'tsho chas.77

Prof. SIMONSSON, in the first serious western investigation of this section of Sgrd sbyor bam po giiis pa, had already drawn attention to the fact that M ahavyutpatti availed itself of this device in several parts of the lexicographical register. The example that Si-tu mentions here, Mahavyutpatti 5887 and 5888, had escaped SIMONSSON's notice; we can therefore add it to the latter's listing of instances where we find this convention applied in Mahavyutpatti.7 8

3.4. Textual criticism

The final item of hermeneutical interest that we will look at presently is the practice of textual criticism with regard to Indo-Tibetan translations continuing after the canonization of these translations. We know, for instance, of text-critical work on certain Panca-rak:ja manuscripts by the sixteenth-century scholar Skyogs-ston Lo-tsa-ba Rin-chen-bkra-sis (ca. 1495-after 1577)79 who is best known as the author of the Li fi 'i gur khan dictionary.

Throughout the works of Si-tu Pa~-chen we also find evidence of his personal indefatigable efforts aimed at establishing reliable readings for the numerous texts he has worked on. By collating different manuscript versions and comparing different interpretations, he approached this in a manner very similar to the techniques of modern day philology and textual criticism.

We are granted a fascinating glimpse into the translator's workshop in Si-tu's annotation to his translation of the Vajra-MahakaZa-anaka­stotra, a hymn to the Tantric deity Mahakala.8o This stotra, attributed to the Tantrika Nagarjuna, consisting of the hymn proper in eight stanzas

77. SAKAKI (ed.) 1916-1925: 383: [5887] pari~kara1y. [=] yo byad / yo spyad [5888] upakaralJam [=] yo byad 'tsho g chas / ma ' dam na yo byad / (' dam na) 'tsho g chas.

78. SIMONSSON 1957: 256-257. 79. Based on thus far unpublished materials by prof. Van der Kuijp, cf. VERHAGEN

1996: 279-280; for more data from these materials, of which it is as yet uncertain where they will be published, cf. HSGLT 2: 102-104,408-409.

80. Rdo rje nag po chen po' i bstod pa brgyad pa, Collected works vol. 7, title no. 10, margin title rgya, f. 1-4v4; ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-7: 431-438. The Sanskrit text of this stotra is edited in PANDEY 1994: 206-207; I am grateful to Dr. Martin Boord for this reference, personal communication, London, October 2000.

JIABS 24.1 78

(hence a~taka, 'octad' scil. of stanzas, in the title) with a ninth con­cluding verse enumerating the merits associated with the application of this hymn, is included in a bilingual Sanskrit-Tibetan versi9n in Si-tu's collected works.8! In the elaborate annotation included in this edition, we see Si-tu weighing arguments pro and con certain readings or ren­derings, very much like a modem scholar would do, involving as many Sanskrit manuscripts as he could trace, as well as the Tibetan translations of this text that had been made before him.

Interestingly, he remarks in the colophon that the manuscripts he could find in Nepal, notably in SvayatpbhU and Patan, were generally very corrupt (cf. infra). From his annotations it is clear that he oftentimes preferred the reading of older lndic manuscripts that were already in Tibet to that of the Nepalese manuscripts that he himself had acquired more recently. That he worked with a considerable number of manu­scripts is demonstrated, for instance, by his reference to a variant in "many Nepalese manuscripts and two old Tibetan manuscripts".82 The term 'Tibetan manuscript' here refers to Sanskrit manuscripts kept in Tibet, not to Tibetan translations, for which a different designation is used. In the colophon Si-tu remarks that he based his rendering 'on a comparison of (an?) actual Indian manuscript(s?) that had come to Tibet in earlier times, and some bilingual83 copies, along with numerous corrupt manuscripts from SvayatpbhU and Patan [in] Nepal' .84

Evidently Si-tu had at least two, possibly several different Tibetan renderings at his disposal. He refers to ' gyur riiili, i.e. one (or more) 'old translation(s)' ,85 and gsar 'gyur, one (or more) 'new trans la­tion(s)' .86 The distinction may be seen as purely historical! chrono­logical, which I consider the most likely, or it may be of a more sectarian nature, distinguishing between versions belonging to the RiiiIi­ma-pa canon or to the translation literature of the gsar pa, 'new' schools

81. The Sanskrit text here in Si-tu's Gsuli ' bum is slightly different from the one available in PANDEY (ed.) 1994.

82. bal po' i dpe mali po dali bod dpe r;U1i pa gfiis rnams, op. cit. f. 3r6.

83. Tentative translation for fiis bid can.

84. Op. cit., f. 4v3: bod du sliar byuli ba'i rgya dpe dlios dali tal Mus fiis bid can , ga' re I bal yul yam bu dali ye rali gi dpe dag min mali po bcas go bsdur nas.

85. Op. cit. f. 2r6, 3v6: on f. 3r6 reference to slia ' gyur, 'early translation(s),.

86. Op. cit. f. 4r6; , gyur gsar f. 3v6.

VERHAGEN 79

i.e. basically all schools of Tibetan Buddhism other than the Ruin-ma­pa, in casu the Bstan ' gyur canon.

Moreover, he refers to fa lU,8? in all probability a rendering by Za-Iu, that is, most likely, Za-lu 10-tsa-ba Chos-skyon-bzan-po (1441-1528) or another scholar 'associated with Za-Iu monastery. It is evident that the version by Za-Iu is not a (or the) 'old translation' .88 It seems plausible that the 'Za-Iu' and 'new' version are one and the same: in the passage translated infra, the term gsar ' gyur is used contiguously with 'Za-lu'. I take this as 'the new translation, namely [the one by] Za-lu' ,89 but we could also read this as an asyndetic construction meaning 'the new translation and [the one by] Za-Iu'.

Setting aside whether or not the Za-Iu version and the 'new' version are the same, it seems quite likely that Si-tu had more than two Tibetan translations at his disposa1.90 It certainly was possible, taking into account the fact that in the xylographic editions of Bstan ' gyur at least four distinct translations of this hymn have been inc1uded.91 Information on the translator(s) is available for only one of the four (Peking title

87. Op. cit. f. Iv6, 3r3, 3r6, 3v3, 4r6.

88. Note the reference to the 'early translation(s) and [the one by] Za-Iu', op. cit. f. 3r6: sria ' gyur dari ia lu.

89. Compare in this connection also a passage in the colophon which could be inter­preted as 'translation corrected by Za-Iu' (ia lu 10 tsas ' gyur bcos pa, op. cit. f. 4v3), which could indicate that the Za-Iu version is a later revision of (an) earlier translation(s). Note, however, that a different interpretation of this passage is also possible, cf. infra.

90. Note in this connection the reference to 'all new and old translations' (op. cit. f. 3v6: 'gyur gsar rfiiri thams cad la), where the use of the quantifier thams cad seems to point to a higher total number than two.

91. (1) Dpal nag po chen po'i bstod pa rkari pa brgyad pa ies bya ba (*Srf­mahilklilasya stotra-a~!a-mantra-nilma / * Srl-mahilkilla-a~!a-pada-stotra-nilma; Derge Bstan ' gyur, Rgyud ' grel, vol. sa f. 268v 1-269r7, Tohoku catalogue title no. 1773; Peking Bstan ' gyur, Rgyud ' grel, vol. la f. 293v2-294v3, Otani repro title no. 2639), (2) Dpal nag po chen po' i bstod pa rkari pa brgyad pa ies bya ba (*Srf-mahilkilla-stotra-padil~!aka-nilma; Derge ibid. f. 272r7-273r6, title no. 1778; Peking ibid. f. 298r4-299r6, title no. 2644), (3) Dpal nag po chen po la bstod pa rkari pa brgyad pa ies bya ba (*Srf-mahilkillasYilna-mantra-stotra­nilma; Derge ibid. f. 273r6-274r6, title no. 1779; Peking ibid. f. 299r6-300vl, title no. 2645) and (4) Rdo rje nag po chen po'; bstod pa brgyad pa (*Vajra­mahilkillil~!aka-stotra; Derge ibid. f. 274r6-275r5, title no. 1780; Peking ibid. f. 300v2-301v4, title no. 2646). In all four versions *Nagarjuna is given as the author.

JIABS 24.1 80

no. 2645, Derge title no. 1779), which was prepared by the Indian yogin Srl-vairocami.-vajra and the Tibetan translator DiIi-ri Chos-grags.92 I have not been able to trace precise dates for these translat()rs, who have collaborated on one other translation in Bstan 'gyur,93 whereas the Indian master, also known as Vairocana-vajra or Avadhuti-vairocana­vajra, has single-handedly produced seven further translations, all con­tained in the Bstan ' gyur canon.94 Both masters are included in one of the historiographical sections of Si-tu's dkar chag to the Sde-dge Bka' , gyur, namely in the lists of scholars active in the Phyi dar period,95 the former as no. 39 in the listing of Indian PaI).9its,96 the latter as no. 47 in the list of Tibetan translators.97 So, we can only say they belong to the Phyi dar period, starting from the eleventh century, and judging by their place in this approximately chronological listing, they would appear not to have belonged to the very first part of that period. A more detailed investigation of the correlations between the variants mentioned by Si-tu and the corresponding passages in the extant canonical versions would

92. Colophon Peking 2645: rgya gar gyi mkhan po go sa La ' i mal' byor pa sri bai ro tsa na badzra dan I bod kyi 10 tsa ba bande din ri ehos grags kyis bsgyur cin ius te gtan Ia phab pa' 0 II, f. 300v 1.

93. Dpalnan son thams cad yons su sbyon ba'i rgyud las phyun ba spyan ma'i nan son sbyon ba'i cho ga, *Srf-sarva-durgati-parisodhana-tantroddhrta-loeana­durgati-sodhana-vidhi, Peking Bstan-' gyur, Rgyud' grel vol. di f. 29v2-33v5, Otani repro title no. 2771.

94. Do ha mdzod kyi 'greI pa, *Doha-ko~a-pafijika, Peking Bstan 'gyur, Rgyud 'grel vol. mi f. 199r7-231r5, Otani repro title no. 3101; Ka kha'i do ha ies bya ba, *Kakhasya doha-nama, Peking ibid. vol. tsi f. 66r8-68v4, title no. 3113; Ka kha'i do ha'i Mad pa bris pa, *Kakhasya doha-!ippm)a, Peking ibid. f. 68v4-78r2, title no. 3114; Tshigs su bead pa Ina pa, *Pafiea-sarga-niima, Peking ibid. f. 147r4-147v1, title no. 3127; Dpal birba pa'i tshigs rkan brgyad cu rtsa bii pa, *Srf-viriipa-pada-caturasiti, Peking ibid. f. 149rl-150r4, title no. 3129; Do ha mdzod, *Doha-ko~a, Peking ibid. f. 250v8-252v2, title no. 3150 and 'Jig rten gsum las rnam par rgyal ba 'phags ma sgroi ma bsgrub pa'i thabs ies bya ba, *Trailokya-vijayiirya-tiirii-siidhana-niima, Peking ibid. vol. phu f. 214r1-217v1, title no. 4710.

95. Collected works, vol. 9, f. 191v4-191v5: de Ita bu'i bde bar gsegs pa'i bka' srol chen po bod kyi yul du 'dren iin skyon bar mdzad pa'i 10 pal) gyi tshogs ci tsam iig byon pa yin ce na ( ... ) bstan pa phyi dar gyi dus su rgya gar gyi pmyJi ta [192r1-192r6] ( ... ), f. 192r6: de biin du 10 tsii ba yan ( ... ), f. 192v4: phyi dar la [192v4-193v6] ( ... ).

96. Op. cit. f. 192r3: bai ro tsa na ba dzra.

97. Op. cit. f. 193r3: din ri ehos grags.

VERHAGEN 81

undoubtedly be of considerable interest, yet would go far beyond the scope of the present article.

Si-tu PaJ).-chen is very dismissive of the translation by Za-lu, stating at one point that it "seems to deviate to a great extent from the meaning".98 A critical attitude with regard to the work of predecessors is typical for Si-tu PaI).-chen in generaL We find him critizing well-known translators and scholars such as SOil-ston Rdo-rje-rgyal-mtshan (born c. 1235/1245),99 Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290-1364),100 Thugs-rje-dpal (late fourteenth / early fifteenth century),101 Za-lu Chos-skyon-bzan-po (1441-1528),102 Taranatha Kun-dga'-sfiin-po (1575-?)103 and 'Dar-Io­tsa-ba Nag-dban-phun-tshogs-Ihun-grub (1633?-?),104 usually in con­nection with Si-tu's own revision of, or improvement on their earlier efforts.

By way of a telling example of Si-tu's approach, compare the annota-tion Si-tu supplies in connection with the final sloka of the hymn:

After I had carefully considered the structure [lit. course] and appropriate meaning of the words and cases in the verse, which expounds the benefits of the recitation of this hymn, I translated it thus.

However, [the translation of] that [verse] of [= in] the [more] recent transla­tion, namely105 the [one by] Za-Iu, seems to [lit. be very unrelated] deviate to a great extent from the meaning [of the verse].

Upon examination of the old[er] translation(s), it appeared that [in the manuscript(s) on which this I these translation(s) was I were based] instead of the

98. Op. cit., f. 4v6: gsar 'gyur fa lu'i de ni don sin tu mi 'breI bar snali; for context, cf. passage infra. A passage in the colophon could be read as a statement that Si-tu's translation contains 'corrections on the translation by Za-Iu', op. cit., f. 4v3: fa lu 10 tsas 'gyur bcos pa.

99. Cf. HSGLT 2: 110; on Son-ston in general, cf. HSGLT 1: 87.

100. Cf. HSGLT 2: 107-108, 110, 178; on Bu-ston in general, cf. e.g. HSGLT 1: 94-96.

101. Cf. HSGLT 2: 173, 177-178; on Thugs-rje-dpal in general, cf. HSGLT 1: 145-146.

102. Cf. HSGLT 2: 173, 177-178; on Za-Iu lo-tsa-ba in general, cf. HSGLT 1: 146-151.

103. Cf. HSGLT 2: 178; on Taranatha in general, cf. e.g. HSGLT 1: 152-154.

104. Cf. HSGLT 2: 120-122, 178; on 'Dar-Io-tsa-ba in general, cf. HSGLT 1: 154-157.

105. Alternative translation: H( ... ) the [more] recent translation(s) and the [one] by Za-Iu seem to ( ... )".

JIABS 24.1 82

passage sarvajiiaJ?l tasya106 then, was a different [reading], but I have not found [this reading in] a manuscript.

Elsewhere [in the text], in some Nepalese manuscripts there appear to be minor variations in parts [lit. corners] of words, but as the reading according to the Tibetan manuscripts [i.e. the manuscripts kept in Tibet] makes good sense, I have [followed] the reading according to these [Tibetan manuscripts]. 107

First of all, we note his critique of the translation by Za-Iu lo-tsa-ba. He then concludes that the "older" Tibetan translation(s) in this particular verse must be based on a version with a different reading for two words, which he has not found attested in the Sanskrit manuscripts available to him. Finally, he reports disregarding minor variations in Nepalese manuscripts in favour of the reading found in the older manuscripts kept in Tibet, on account of the latter reading making the best sense. This one brief example demonstrates quite clearly how Si-tu approached his editorial task with a degree of objectivity and accuracy surprisingly close to our modem standards.

4. Concluding observations.

The huge personal experience which the eighteenth-century polymath Si-tu Pal.1-chen Chos-kyi-'byun-gnas had gained in his tireless efforts to perfect the craft of translating made him acutely aware of hermeneutical issues. A few of these have passed in review.

First we considered some instances where etymology was used as a means for the interpretation and analysis of terms. We have seen two distinct trajectories there, one strictly according to the traditions of grammar, the other the approach of the 'hermeneutical etymology'. We have seen evidence how these two modes of analysis were considered as

106. The finalpada of the concluding, ninth verse reads in Si-tu's edition: sarvajiiaJ?l tasya nityaJ?l dina-nisi matulaJ?l niisayed vighna-jalam (op. cit. f. 4vl); with some variants in ed. PANDEY (1994: 207): sarvajiia-tvaJ?l ca nityaJ?l dina-nisa­matulaJ?l naiyate vighna-jiitam. The variant reading which Si-tu may have had in mind here is the one reflected in two canonical versions as sa stene s) dan ni mtho ris su, 'on earth and in the heavens' (Peking no. 2644, f. 299r5 and Peking no. 2645, f. 300r8) for which no equivalents can be found in Si-tu's Sanskrit, or in ed. PANDEY (1994: 207) for that matter.

107. Op. cit., f. 4r6-4v1: bstod pa bklag pa'i phan yon bstan pa'i tshigs bead 'di rnam dbye dan tshig gi 'gros dan don thob la legs par brtags nas ' di ltar bsgyur ba yin gyi / gsar 'gyur ia lu'i de ni don sin tu mi 'brei bar snan / 'gyur riiin La brtags nas sarba dziiaJ?l ta sya ies pa'i thad' dir gian iig yod' dra yan dpe ma riied / gian bal dpe 'gar tshig zur 'dra min phran bu snan yan / bod dpe ltar byas pa legs par rtog pas de biin byas pa lags.

VERHAGEN 83

complementary methods, not as mutually exclusive, and how they were frequently used contiguously. Considerable value was attached to the 'hermeneutical etymology' within the traditional scholastical interpreta­tions of the Buddhist sacred scriptures, in particular as this type of etymology brings to light contextual semantical aspects of the Buddhist idiom, which will not be elucidated through mere grammatical morpho­logical analysis.

In his investigation of parts of the edict regarding the Sanskrit-Tibetan translating activities in the eighth-century Sgra sbyor bam po gfiis pa, Si-tu PaI).-chen inter alia discussed three approaches vis-a-vis the trans­lating of individual terms, one of which is again based on the so-called 'hermeneutical' or nirukta-type etymology.

Finally, we have observed evidence of Si-tu Pal).-chen continuing the practice of textual criticism, even at such a late date when an extensive translated literature had been well-established and long since canonized in Tibetan Buddhism. His rigorous well-considered handling of these matters is a fine demonstration of Si-tu's linguistic expertise.

I might add here that a number of bilingual Sanskrit-Tibetan versions are contained in Si-tu's collected works. lOS Bilingual editions were not unknown in Tibet, both within as well as outside of the Buddhist canon. I09 They are in general of course useful sources for the textual study of Indic Buddhism. Notwithstanding the intrusion of errors due to

108. E.g. (1) the Ciindra-vyiikara1}a siitra text (Gsuli 'bum vol. 1, 61 ff.; facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-1: 201-323; cf. HSGLT 2: 129-132), (2) The Kiitantra dhiitupii!ha (Gsuli 'bum vol. 1,28 ff.; facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-1: 2-55; cf. HSGLT 2: 106-109), (3) Da~J.(:Iin's Kiivyiidarsa, (Gsuli 'bum vol. 6, 51 ff.; facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-6: 629-731), (4) the Tara hymn Mrtyu-vaficanopade§a (Gsuli 'bum vol. 7, 31 ff.; facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-7: 1-62), (5) the Vajra-mahiikiilii~!aka-stotra mentioned above (Gsuli 'bum vol. 7, 4 ff.; facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-7: 432-438), (6) the Sruta-bodha treatise on prosody (Gsuli 'bum vol. 7; 9 ff.; facs. ed. SHERAB GYALTSEN 1990-7: 465-481, slokas bilingual).

109. By way of random examples one might mention, within the canon, Taranatha's incomplete version of Prakriya-catura (cf. HSGLT 1: 117-118), K~emendra's Bodhisattvavadana-kalpalata (cf. VAN DER KUIJP 1996: 401) and the Bali­miilika translation by Za-Iu lo-tsa-ba in Bstan 'gyuur (with partial intralinear Tibetan translations of the mantras, Peking Bstan ' gyur Mdo 'grel vol. po f. 279vl-288v4, title no. 5901), and outside of the canon, Taranatha's bilingual version of the sarasvata siitras (HSGL T 2: 104-106), and extra-canonical prints of popular dhara1}! or mantric materials such as the Mafijusrf-niima-saT[lgfti, often containing the Indic text in some form of ornamental script.

JIABS 24.1 84

the xylographi~al transmission, I would say that, taking into considera­tion Si-tu Pal).-chen's philological acumen and the wealth of sources available to him, the bilingual materials in Si-tu's collected, works con­stitute particularly valuable documents for the present-day Buddhologist­philologist.

VERHAGEN 85

Abbreviations

HSGLT 1 = VERHAGEN 1994

HSGLT 2 = VERHAGEN 2001

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GLENN WALLIS

The Buddha's Remains: mantra in the Maiijusrfmalakalpa*

The lord of the world, the maker of light remains through the form of the mantra. The omniscient one, possessing allforms, appears on the sUrface of the earth. (Maiijusrfmalakalpa 25.286.9-10)

An abiding concern of Mahayana Buddhists has been the accessibility of a buddha's power in the world. 1 Some Buddhists, notably philosophers and their commentators, have grappled with the very coherence of such a possibility.2 Viewing the question from a logical perspective, it has been necessary for such systematic thinkers to reconcile the apparent inconsistency ensuing from the two essential qualities deemed definitive of a buddha. A buddha is one who, by virtue of his awareness of the nature of reality, is completely liberated from the life-impelling force of mental defilements, and is thus beyond the scope of our world; and he is one who, by virtue of his profound compassion, is naturally compelled to continue engagement with beings still delusively ensnared in the world. Logically, these two qualities are at odds. Not all Buddhists,

* I am grateful to Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Kidder Smith for their thoughtful comments on this article and suggestions for improvement, and to Charles Hallisey, Leonard van der Kuijp, and Stephanie Jamison for critiquing an earlier version.

1. "Power" corresponds to the Sanskrit word adhinhana, which, in its Indian Buddhist context, refers to the sustained presence of a salvific force. This force is believed to follow spontaneously from a person's attainment of enlightenment. It is a natural consequence of the practices that result in enlightenment; for example, the aspirant's repeated, ritualized taking of the vow (samaya) never to abandon living beings.

2. See John MAKRANSKY's tour de force, Buddhahood Embodied: Sources of Controversy in India and Tibet, Albany 1997; Paul GRIFFITHS, On Being Buddha: the classical doctrine of Buddhahood, Albany, 1994; John DUNNE, "Thoughtless Buddha, Passionate Buddha," Journal of the American Academy of Religions, LXIV/3 (1995): 525-556; and M. David ECKEL, To See the Buddha: a philosopher's quest for the meaning of emptiness, Princeton 1992.

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24 • Number 1 .2001

JIABS 24.1 90

however, have sought a solution to the dilemma of accessing a buddha's power on the ·basis of logical or epistemological theory. Some Buddhists have, rather, sought an imaginative-cultic solution. R~lics, statues, paintings, architectural monuments, books, remembrance, meditation, guru veneration, and visualization have, at various times and in various places, been held to be the most effective means of rendering present the otherwise inaccessible or obscured power that accompanies a buddha. !n this article, I trace the idea of the mantra as a vehicle of enlightened presence as it was presented to Indian Mahayana Buddhists in the medieval period.

The source for this presentation is the eighth century Indian Buddhist ritual manual called the Maiijusrfmalakalpa.3 My choice of locating the presentation of mantra in a text, and in this text distinctively, implicitly indicates two points that I would like to make in this article about our understanding of mantra, as well as of Indian cultic practice per se. First, although certain recognizable Indian cultural and philosophical axioms may be present in a given theory of mantra, theoretical presen­tations always concern the specific; that is, they are always bound to self-delineated groups, communities, texts, and so on. The axiomatic features of cultic practice are never sufficient for understanding what is being posited as unique and specific to that practice. For example, we learn little from the fact that a ritual practitioner performs an oblation (homa), since this is a widely shared cultural form. (The assumptions concerning the general worthiness, usefulness, effectiveness, and theoret­ical grounding of the homa remain unstated in the ritual manuals; hence, they are axiomatic.) But that the practitioner may burn only asoka wood and not amla wood in the fire teaches us a good deal ,about the basic

3. The printed text that fonns the basis of this study, Aryamafijusrfmillakalpa, was prepared by T. GaJ?apati Siistn from the single known manuscript of the work, discovered near Padmanabhapuram, in South India, in 1909. This was published in three parts in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series: Part I = no. LXX, 1920; Part II = LXXVI, 1922; Part III = LXXXN, 1925, Trivandrum. This was reprinted in a single volume by CBH Publications, trivandrum 1992, and recast with superficial changes by P. L. VAIDYA, Mahiiyiinasiltrasal]'lgraha, Part II, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts, no. 18, Bihar, 1964. I have occasionally consulted an eleventh century Tibetan translation as well: Taipei Edition, volume XVIII bka' , gyur, 'phags pa 'jam dpal gyi rtsa ba'j rgyud, 540 no. 543, 25/175 (1)-96/667. This is referred to as ''T'' in the transliterations below. My translations of the text, however, are based on the Sanskrit. For the dating of the Mmk, see MATSUNAGA 1985.

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orientation of the practice. This tells us, for example, that the practi­tioner is engaged in one of the cults directed towards pacification (of evil supernatural influences, etc.) and increase (of worldly or spiritual fortune, etc.). Conversely, we can conclude that the practitioner is not a devotee of one of the "left-handed" (vtimtictira) cults. When we addi­tionally learn of the hand gestures, verbal formulas, and so on, that are employed during the oblation, the specific nature of the cult - its cosmology, doctrine, and broader affiliations - begins to emerge. We might use the phrase the economy of forms to capture this kind of specific borrowing, fashioning, and preservation of Indian modes and theoretical bases of cultic activity. 4 The M afijusrfmulakalpa' s theory of mantra provides us with an illuminating example of how common elements of India's religious culture get economized yet creatively trans­formed into emblems of a unique practice. Second, by analyzing mantra (or any other cultic constituent) as presented in a ritual manual, we are confronted with a form of argumentation that differs significantly from other, more frequently studied, genres. The rhetoric of the Mafijusrf­mulakalpa is spatial and imaginal. The text does not venture to say what a mantra is. Rather, its aim is to show the reader what mantra does. In other words, the nature of the mantra in the ritual manual can only be understood from the images of mantric use presented in the text; it can not be known from explicit statements. This is characteristic of the Mafijusrfmulakalpa and ritual literature as a whole. Certainly, there is nothing approaching the sort of "theological" discussions concerning the mantra found in the jfitinapada sections of Vai~I).ava and Saivite ritual texts.5 There is, in the Mafijusrfmulakalpa, nonetheless, a richly present­ed imaginal discussion.

The nature of mantra in the MafijusrImUlakalpa

In the Mafijusrfmulakalpa (Mmk), a mantra is presented as a linguistic space occupied by the force of some enlightened being, such as a buddha or a bodhisattva. It is thus analogous to a relic or an icon. A mantra is spoken, so it is a form of speech. Like ordinary speech, it must be learned. Learning it means knowing how to use it, and in which con­texts. But the sense of a mantra relies on a "grammar" completely different from ordinary speech. That is, the system of rules implicit in

4. See DAVIDSON 1995.

5. See, for example, Lak~mftantra 18, summarized in SMITH 1975: 353.

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mantric language does not concern linguistic features, but social, doctrinal, and ritual ones. A mantra, like an ordinary word, is effective only when spoken under the proper conditions; and the proper condi­tions exist only once numerous social, doctrinal, and ritual rules have been strictly followed. These conditions are discussed below.

The mantra is a central component of the form of Buddhist practice propagated in the Mmk. Indeed, the very term for its mode of practice is called mantracaryii - mantra performance. In the Mmk, the "word of the Buddha," the buddhavacana, consists not of his discourses, but of the mantras that he, and "all buddhas," have spoken throughout time.

The Mmk begins and ends with mantra. The text is preceded by a phrase that commonly marks the appearance of either a sutra or a mantra: namaJ:z sarvabuddhabodhisattvebhyaJ:z.6 And it ends, 721 pages later, with the statement: "in short, every mantra causes success" (samiisena sarvamantrarrz siidhayati).7 The former phrase intimates that every word that follows is to be regarded broadly as mantra, as a form occupied by the power of an enlightened being. The fact that the book itself, as a repository of such forms, is to be treated as a potent object of veneration supports this.8 The position of the latter statement, too, tells us something about the nature of the mantra; namely, that its success is dependent on a considerable infrastructure. In the text that lies between the two phrases are found the social, doctrinal, and ritual foundations upon which the success of the mantra rests.

The Mmk community's reticence to make explicit statements about the mantra should not be passed over too quickly. As authors and practitioners of a ritual manual (kalpa), those who embraced the text would have been well aware of the exegetical and apologetic traditions governing ritual discourse. All the major groups - Vedic, Saiva, Vai~l).ava, Sakta, Buddhist - in their numerous varieties have developed such traditions. So why is the Mmk, and ritual manuals generally, silent on philosophical justification?

It is not the case that the text is devoid of rhetorical justification; rather, what is significant is the form that the justification takes. The

6. Mmk 1.1.1 (the notation refers to chapter, page, and line in T. GllQ.apati SastrI's edition). This is followed by, eval'[! maya srutal'[!, marking the beginning of the text.

7. Mmk 55.721.23-24.

8. See, for example, Mmk 1.24.14-22.

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Mmk shows what other texts say. It presents images - of, for instance, iconographical paintings (para), rituals in action (sadhana) or imagined (called dhyana in the text) - and teaches the reader how to make those images his own, in reality. In this sense, the Mmk reflects an extra-intel­lectualist and extra-theoretical tradition. Here, philosophical propositions are considered instruments of a logic that applies only to the most limited aspects of the world. The authors of the Mmk avoid philosophi­cal modes of discourse because they - this tradition - apparently view it as ineffectual in the pursuit of enlightened power. This attitude evokes the ancient image of the Buddha as one who speaks only about that which is conducive to the end of suffering and to enlightenment - or, more to the point, as one who shows (desika) the direct way. To this way of thinking, language embodies the limits of the world. Trans­cending the limitations of the immediate world - which is the purpose of cultic practice - can therefore not be spoken about, but only shown. This is not to say that the Mmk is exempt from criticism concerning its "pictoral" propositions. That is, the text is still making claims that can be tested for their coherency. But if a skeptic argued in terms of foundations and justifications, the practitioner of the Mmk would respond by showing him an image - imaginative or actual - and teaching him how to realize it as his own. This is the spirit behind the text: a theory about mantra has nothing to do with mantra; a theory is a mere calculus, a lifeless symbolic notation; this sort of thing is of no use to a sadhaka - for he is one who practices.

The text, thus, shows the mantra. It does this by ascribing it authority, describing its use, and demonstrating its effect. Ascription of authority, description of use, and demonstration of effect are the means by which the several dimensions of the mantra in the Mmk are revealed. There­fore, I will present the mantra in the Mmk along these lines.

Ascription of authority

The Mmk shows that its mantras are inscribed with the authority of buddhas. The following passage is the first presentation of mantras in the text. Maftjusrl is abiding in the "buddha-field" known as the Land of Flowers (kusumavatl), presided over by the buddha Sailkusumita­rajendra. Sailkusumitarajendra is enjoining the bodhisattva to go and "stand in the presence" of Sakyamuni in order to receive the instructions which comprise the mantra practice (mantracarya) of the Mmk. The

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vehicle for attaining this "presence," in spite of the Buddha's location in a distant buddha-field, is invocation of a mantra.

The blessed tathi'igata Sailkusumitarajendra further said to the princely Mafijusrl: "Moreover, 0 prince, your mantra practice ... has been pronounced, and will be pronounced, by one hundred. thousand tathiigatas, perfected ones, perfectly enlightened ones, equaling the sands of the Ganges river ... Now consented to by me as well, you must go, 0 princely MafijusrI, if you think the time is fit, and stand in the presence of Sakyamuni. You will listen to this discourse on the doctrine, and then you, too, will proclaim that. The mantra [for this purpose] is: nama/:! sarvatathiigatiiniim acintyiipratihatasiisaniiniil'[l om ra ra smara / apratihatasiisanakumiirarupadhi'iri/;za hum hum pha! pha! sviihi'i (Homage to the inconceivable, unobstructed teachings of the tathiigatas: Om ra ra remember 0 unobstructed teaching 0 bearer of the princely form hum hum pha! pha! hail!) This, 0 princely Mafijusrl, is the basic mantra, the essence of all buddhas. It has been, and will be, uttered by all buddhas. Now, you, too, will utter it. When you have arrived in the Saha world, [utter] each all-accomplishing [mantra] in tum. The [mantra of] supreme essence has been authorized by the tathiigata Sakyamuni. It is: Ol'[l viikye da nama; and the upahrdaya is: viikye hum."9

Mafijusrl then enters into a deep meditation. The four directions are filled with buddhas. He is praised for achieving this deep meditation. Sankusumitarajendra then reveals the "utmost essential, utmost secre-

9. (Note on the Sanskrit text: The Mmk is written in a form of Sanskrit that deviates regularly from the norms of Pfu.1ini. In virtually every sentence examples of the following are found: homogeneity of nominative and accusative; use of plural subject with singular verb, or vice versa; mixing of passive and active forms; variant and inconsistent spellings. While many of these forms can be found in other vaipulya works, as is documented by EDGERTON in both volumes of the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary, others await further analysis of internal consistency, as well as a comparison of the printed text with the manuscript, in order to determine whether they are viable local forms of written Sanskrit, editor's errors, or printer's errors.) Mmk 1.2.20-22; 27-3.1-9: atha bhagaviin sankusumitariijendras tathi'igato manjusriyal'[l kumiirabhutam etad avocat [I] api tu kumiira satasahasra­gangiinadfsikataprakhyais tathi'igatair arhadbhil:z sal'[lyaksambuddhais tvadfyal'[l mantracaryiiO ... bhii~itavanta/:! bhii~i~yante ca [I] mayiipy etarhi anumoditum eva [I] gaccha tval'[l manjusrf/:! kumiirabhuta yasyediinfl'[l kiilal'[l manyase / siikyamunisamfpal'[l sammukham / iyal'[l dharmaparyiiyal'[l sro~yasi / tvam api bhi'i~i~yase bhavati ciitra mantra/:! [I] nama/:! sarvatathi'igatiiniim acintyiiprati­hatasiisaniiniil'[l om ra ra smara / apratihatasiisanakumiirarupadhiiril;za hum hum pha! pha! sviihi'i II ayal'[l sa kumiira mafijusrf/:! miilamantra/:! / sarve~iil'[l tathiigatiiniil'[l hrdaya/:! sarvais ca tathi'igatair bhii~ita/:! bhi'i~i~yante / sa tvam apfdiinfl'[l bhi'i~i~yase ! sahi'il'[llokadhi'itul'[l gatvii vistaravibhi'igasa/:! sarvakarma­karam / siikyamuninii tathi'igateniibhyanujfiiita/:! / paramahrdayal'[l bhavati ciitra om viikye da nama/:! / upahrdayal'[l ciitra viikye hum II

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tive" mantra (paramahrdayal'[l paramaguhyaf!1). Sarikusumitarajendra suddenly becomes quiet. Entering into meditation, he brings forth the mantra with his benevolent mind (maitratmakena cetasa): namab sarva­bitddhanam (homage to all buddhas). This mantra, the text states, is MafijusrI, is the utmost essence of that being, whose power is a panacea for all ills (mantrab e~a maiiju§rfb paramahrdayab sarvakarmakarab).IO

When the text ascribes authority to mantra utterance, it is doing several things at once. It is, first of all, making a claim about mythic origin. The mantras were originally uttered by not only Sakyamuni Buddha, but by all buddhas throughout space and time. The fact that Sailkusumitarajendra accesses the mantra by entering into a contempla­tive state suggests that this is where mantras originate: in the minds of the buddhas, which are infused with benevolence. Similarly, that MafijusrI receives the mantra only after he has entered into a deep medi­tation suggests that it is in the deeper layers of consciousness that such mantras are held to resonate fully. We read, forinstance, that dharaJ;fs, a type of mantra, "arise from the penetrative mind, which ensues natu­rally from meditative absorption" (samadhini~pandaparibhavitamana­sodbhava), and that vidyarajiifs, the bearers of mantras called vidyas, "issue forth from the meditative absorption on the body of Avaloki­tesvara" (vidyarajiifbhir lokeSvaramurttisamadhivisrtaib).11 The "incon­ceivable, unobstructed teaching of the tathagatas," furthermore, is equivalent to the ur-transmission of the mantras and accompanying practices that have constituted the practice of all buddhas. This is a picture of both a lineage and a particular relationship. The teaching on mantra practice is given to the bodhisattva MafijusrI by the buddha Sarikusumitarajendra. Once he has received it, MafijusrI must then teach it to beings in the world, where it will be inscribed into the text. The reader of the text, past and present, is thus placed within the lineage, into direct relation to all buddhas.

The presentation of mythic origin leads easily into a claim about the means of knowledge (called pramalJa in Indian epistemology): the validity of the knowledge about mantras contained in the passage is established precisely on the fact that both text and mantras were spoken by buddhas. To a non-adherent, the argument from authority is a weak form of pramalJa. The logical incertitude of this claim, however, is

10. Summarizes Mmk 1.3.21-24.

11. Mmk 1.12.20, Mmk 1.10.14-15.

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overcome by a further dimension. of the ascription of authority, since this aspect lays the theoretiCal foundation for efficacy and, thus, for "direct perception," the strongest form of pramii1)a. The MlJZk makes it clear in its opening statement that the theoretical basis for the mantra is "the inconceivable, wonderous, )1liraculous transformation of the bodhi­sattva," or vikurva1)a./2 This process is alluded to above in the statement, "this mantra is Mafijusn, the utmost essence, the panacea" (mantraJ:t e~a mafijusrfJ:t paramahrdayaJ:t sarvakarmakaraM. The vikurva1)a of the bodhisattva is a wide-ranging concept. Elsewhere in the Mmk this con­cept serves as the mechanism of embodiment (avatiira) in general. Here, I would like to consider its bearing on the text's claims about mantra.

The statement, "that upon which all beings depend: the miraculous transformation of the bodhisattva (bodhisattvavikurva1)a)," refers to a foundational axiom in the Mmk concerning both the method of the Buddha's activity in the world and the constitution of ritual efficacy. The mode of practice recorded in the Mmk has no basis - as Buddhist practice - removed from this foundation. It might even be argued that it is primarily the framework supported by the concept of vikurva1)a, "miraculous transformation," that distinguishes the Buddhist ritual of the Mmk from other forms of medieval Indian cultic activity.

The term vikurva1)a has several layers of meaning. Combining the root ..Jkr (to make), with the affIx vi (apart, asunder, different directions), it means "to make different, change, transform." As the P~ili equivalent vikubbana indicates, however, Buddhists employed the term technically from an early date to denote a transformation effected by potent mental forces (iddhivikubbana).13 Being on the same scale as a bodhisattva -albeit at a lower point - the practitioner of the Mmk develops such psychic powers, enabling him to perform several supernatural transfor­mations, or "miracles," such as becoming invisible, walking on water, flying through the air, ascending to the highest heavens.

The implications of the term bodhisattvavikurva1)a in the Mmk, how­ever, exceed even these technical meanings. As one of the ten powers of the bodhisattva (bodhisattvabala),14 the power of miraculous transfor­mation (vikurva1)abala) is, for the Buddhist engaged in the Mmk, the mechanism generating the mantra. Mafijusn, by means of his powers of

12. At, for example, Mmk 1.1.6. 13. PED s.v. vikubbana.

14. Mahavyupatti 767, cited in BHSD s. v. vikurva1J.ll.

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transformation, becomes the mantra. The mantra is an effective instru­ment by virtue of its being nothing less than a form assumed by the bodhisattva Mafijusrl. As the various categories of mantras mentioned above indicate "'- hrdaya, upahrdaya, paramahrdaya - the mantras are the very essence, the heart (hrdaya) of the bodhisattva. The parama­hrdaya mantra is "MafijusrI himself' (svayam eva maiijusrfM, existing (upasthitaM through the form of the mantra (mantrarilpena).15 One indication of the force believed to pervade the mantra is the power attributed to it: "when merely remembered, it [the paramahrdaya mantra] cleanses [the practitioner] of the five acts entailing immediate retribution" (yatra smaritamiitrena paiiciinantaryii1}i parisodhayati).16

Since the bodhisattva and the "form of the mantra" are, in essence, one, and because the text is not explicit about its claims, an analysis of one of these forms should reveal a clearer picture of the relationship between the mantra and the bodhisattva in the Mmk.

om sodhaya sodhaya sarvavighnaghiitaka mahiikiirw:zika kumiirarapadhiiri"(le I vikurva vikurva I samayam anusmara I ti~!ha ti~!ha ham ham pha! pha! sviihii II (Om purify purify! 0 destroyer of all obstacles! 0 you of great compassion! 0 bearer of youthfuL form! perform a miraculous transformation, perform a miraculous transformation! remember your vow! be present, be present! ham ham pha.t pha! hail!) 17

In the opening scene of the Mmk, MafijusrI was "impelled" (coda1}a)IS by the radiating force of Sakyamuni's omniscience to perform his obligation as a tenth-stage bodhisattva. His existence as the mantra is one mode through which that obligation is fulfilled. The power that enables this equivalency, in tum, involves two additional doctrinal stances operating in the mantra. The first, as we have seen, is indicated by the imperative to "perform a miraculous transformation" (vikurva); the second, in the imperative "remember your vow" (samayam anu­smara). The power of vikurva1}a is one of the ten supernatural powers of the bodhisattva (bodhisattvabala). Based, in tum, on the doctrinal axiom of "the ontological equivalence or ultimate convertibility of phenomena

15. Mmk 2.26.24-25.

16. Mmk 2.26.25. "The five acts entailing immediate retribution" (paiiciinantarya): killing one's own mother or father, killing an arhant, causing dissension in the monastic order, deliberately causing a buddha's blood to flow; see BHSD:95.

17. Mmk4.55.23-26.

18. Mmk 1.1.20.

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and absolute,"19 vikurvalJ-a is, in Luis GOMEZ' words, "the capacity to effect, by sheer psychic power, the transformation, displacement or multiplication of the human body."2o The bodhisattva is a b,eing situated in the world. Because, however, the bodhisattva is an enlightened being, it follows that he or she possesses complete knowledge of the illusory nature of the world, and thereby gains the ability to move unimpededly through the world, manipulating its forms at will. The world of tbe bodhisattva becomes the dharmadhtltu, the world seen as a composition of ultimately non-substantial components subject - precisely because of their lack of real substance - to manipulation. The Samtldhirtljtl, referred to in the Mmk,21 likens the freedom of movement that 'ensues from this understanding of reality to "wind blow[ing] swiftly through space" or the unbounded flight of birds in the sky.

As birds do not leave a path in space, thus do Bodhisattvas awaken to the true nature of Awakening. The sky is said to be ungraspable, in it there is nothing to grasp. This is the true nature of dharmas, ungraspable like the sky.22

The invocation of the bodhisattva by means of the purificatoty mantra above impells him to inhabit (ti~!ha), and thus become identical with, in the Mmk passage cited above, certain ritual implements. The means generating this result is alluded to in the plea that the bodhisattva remember his vow, and in the invoking of his universal compassion. Another text referred to in the Mmk, the Gaw;iavyuha,23 contains an elaborate version on the bodhisattva vow (called samaya in the Mmk, and pralJ-idhtlna in the GalJ-r;iavyuha).24 In the following extract, allu­sions are made to the several points of doctrine mentioned above.

By J:he power of supernatural abilities, swiftly abounding everywhere; by the power of universally eminent knowledge; by the power of perfectly virtuous conduct; by the power of universal love; by the power of perfectly pure merit;

19. GOMEZ 1977:225.

20. Ibid.

21. This text is also known as Candrapradfpasamiidhi (see WARDER 1991 [1970]: 395), by which it is referred at Mmk 2.38.12.

22. GOMEZ 1977:225-226.

23. Mmk 2.38.12.

24. The vow is sometimes referred to as pralJidhiina in the Mmk; for example, at Mmk 22.230.6 and 34.354.5, where a short vow is given.

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by the power of unimpeded knowledge; by the power of wisdom, means, and contemplation; acquiring (samudanayamanaJ:r)25 the power of enlightenment; completely purifying the power of retributive actions (karma). completely grinding the power of afflictions; rendering powerless the power of death and time (mara) I fulfill all of the powers of good conduct.

Having completely fulfilled all of those [vows], may I act for the happiness of beings as long as [they remain] in the world.26

The above purificatory mantra is thus inscribed with the authority of the bodhisattva. The bodhisattva's original vow to attain enlightenment for the benefit of all beings eventually produces the being capable of traversing the world, and of playfully entering and transforming linguistic "shells," or spaces.

Description of use

From the angle of the ascription of authority, we learned that the mantra is a sound, word, or series of words that was spoken by enlightened beings in the past and, through the mechanism cif vikurvalJa, embodied by their force in the present and future. A mantra is therefore presented as a sonic embodiment or crystalization of a particular type of power. When we consider the mantra from the angle of the text's descriptions of its use, these sounds, words, and series of words begin to separate out into subtly different types of utterance stemming from distinct aspects of that power.

Essence (hrdaya) mantras

At the beginning of Mmk 2, there is reference to Mafijusrl's "class of mantras" (tvadfyafJl mantragalJafJl).27 This is followed by a compendium of the mantras used in the Mmk rituals. The first group comprises

25. See BHSD s. v. samudanayana.

26. Gal)4avyiiha 433.7-18 and 436.3-4: rddhibalena samantajavena jfianabalena samantamukhena I caryabalena samantagul)ena maitrabalena samantagatena II pUl)yabaZena samantasubhena jfianabalena asalJ'lgagatena I prajfi[o]paya­samadhibalena bodhibalalJ'l samudanayamanaIJ II karmabalalJ'l parisodhaya­manaIJ kle~abalalJ'l parimardayamanaIJ II marabalalJ'l abalalJ'lkaramal)alJ piirayi bhadracarfbala sarvan II ... talJ'ls ca ahalJ'l paripiirya ase~an sattvahitalJ'l kari yavata loke II

27. Mmk 2.25.10.

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hrdaya mantras. Examples of these were given above (at Mmk 1.2.20-22,27-3.9): the hrdaya, paramahrdaya, and upahrdaya mantras. There, it was said that the hrdaya mantra accomplishes the task of leading Mafijusli into the presence of Sakyamuni, while the other two are called "all-accomplishing," or "panaceaic" (sarvakarmakara) - mantras to be employed for any purpose. These mantras are "all-accomplishing" because they are the "utmost essence" (paramahrdaya) of compas­sionate, enlightened power, which is unlimited. These are the same mantras suggested for use in the preparation phase (purascarQl}a) of the Mmk's mantracaryii. A paradigmatic sequence of this mantracqryii is that given in the passage on the "ritual for superior attainment" (uttamasiidhana) :

First, he who has observed the vow, fulfilled the preliminary practices, received the initiation, taken the essential (hrdaya), basic mantra from this best of ordinances, or the upahrdaya or some other mantra, or having received a single syllable [mantra] or another one - according to one's wishes - and who, having gone to a great forest, eats leaves and roots, who subsists on fruits and water, should recite [the mantra] three million times. He becomes one who has completed the preliminary practice.28

Here, by means of the mental and physical purity attained through prolonged recitation, the siidhaka is able to "come into the presence" (siik.Jiit pasyati) of buddhas and bodhisattvas.29 The image presented at Mmk 2 of the power inhering in these mantras emphasizes the purifying, protective, and panaceaic nature of these mantras. MafijusrI addresses the section to Vajrapa.r;ti. VajrapaI).i appears in the Mmk as the "lord of yak.Jas, the master of guhyakas" (iiguhyakiidhipatin yak.Jendra):30 by mastering these destructive divinities, VajrapaI).i converts them into powers ~serving the aims of the practitioner. Thus, the mantras presented here are of this nature. They destroy, purify, and convert energy of vari­ous forms of embodiment, including mental, supernatural, and physical.

28. Mmk 8.79.10-28: adau tiivat dr~!asamayaJ:t krtapurascaraIJaJ:t labdhiibhi~ekaJ:t asmin kalpariijamulamantrahrdayaTfl upahrdayaTfl vii anyataraTfl vii mantraTfl grhftvii ekiik~araTfl vii anyaTfl vii yathepsitaTfl mahiiraIJyaTfl gatvii trisallak~iilJi jape phalodakiihiiraJ:t malapaT1Jabhak~o vii k.rtapurascaraIJo bhavati II

29. Page 80 is missing from my copy; I am thus referring to VAIDYA's 1964 reprint (see Citations): p. 56.12.

30. Mmk 2.25.11.

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The first mantra presented is that of Yamal1taka, the "sovereign of wrath" (krodhartija),31 who, in later tantric theory, though not here, is identified as an emanation of MafijusrIhimself. For the practitioner of the Mmk's rituals, the first step towards acquiring essential knowledge is protection and the destruction of obstacles.

Then MafijusrI [bestowed] the preeminently heroic, all achieving essence (hrdaya) of the sovereign of wrath, Yamantaka ... Of!! ii{1 hum. This is the essence (hrdaya) of him whose wrat.~ is great; it is all-accomplishing; it is taught by the great being Mafijugho~a for [use in] all mQ/y;lala and mantra rituals; it destroys all obstacles.

Then MafijusrI lifted his right hand and placed it on the head of Krodha, and spoke thus: "Obeisance to all buddhas! May the blessed buddhas pay heed! May the bodhisattvas, who are dwelling in whatever world of the ten directions, and who possess unlimited, infinite, supernatural power (maharddhika), be firm in their vow!" Saying that, he circled [the Tibetan text reads: his hand] around the king of wrath, and dismissed him. The instant that the great king of wrath was dispatched to the entire world-realm, beings possessing great supernatural powers immediately restrained all evil-minded beings. He made them enter the SUddhavasa, the great assembly. Making them remain there, becoming the family of those who are engulfed in flaming garlands, he stood at the head, among the evil-beings.32

The mantra Of!! ti~ ham embodies the "essence" of Yamantaka; it is therefore used in any ritual for the purpose of destroying malevolent obstacles. Here, the text presents an image of the violent, pre-linguistic archetype operating behind the use of this mantra. Placing his hand on the head of Yamantaka, MafijusrI invokes the authorizing presence of all buddhas. Yamantaka becomes an agent of the bodhisattva, who, in tum, is an agent of all buddhas. So empowered, Yamantaka gains mastery

31. Mmk 2.25.17.

32. Mmk 2.25.17-18; 2.25.22-26.7: atha mafijusrf{1 kumarabhuta{1 yamiintakasya krodharajasya hrdayaf!! sarvakarmikaf!! ekavfraf!! ... om a{1 ham I idaf!! tan mahakrodhasya hrdayaf!! ! sarvakarmikaf!! sarvamal)r;fale~u sarvamantra­caryasu ca nidi~!af!! mahasattvena mafijugho~el)a sarvavighnaviniiSanam ! atha mafijusrf{1 kumiirabhata{1 dak~il)af!! piil)im udyamya krodhasya murdhni sthiipayam asa I evaficaha ! namas te sarvabuddhiinam ! samanvaharanta [>oantu] buddhii bhagavanta{1! ye kecid dasadig lokadhiituvyavasthita anantii­paryantas ca bodhisattva maharddhikii{1 samayam adhiti~!hanta [>oantu] / ity evam uktva taf!! krodhariijanaf!! bhramayitva k~ipiti sma ! samanantaranik~ipte mahiikrodhariije sarviivantaf!! lokadhiituf!! sattvii k~al)amiitrel)a ye du~!iiSaya{1 sattva maharddhikii{1 taf!! nigrhiinayati sma ! taf!! mahiipar~an mal)r;falaf!! suddhavasabhavanaf!! praveSayati sma I vyavasthayaii ca sthapayitva samanta­jviiliimiilakulo bhutva du~!asattve~u ca murdhni ti~!hate sma II

JIABS 24.1 102

over all evil forces within the world. In subduing "all evil-minded beings," Yamantaka converts them into agents of his own violently puri­fying, protective force. When the practitioner recites the sO\lnds Of!l ilJ:t hum, this image, capturing the essential (hrdaya) function and activity of Yamantaka, is effected. That is, hindering forces are dispelled from the ritual space; protection is achieved, and the area where a given ritu"!l is performed thereby consecrated.

Additional "essence mantras" given at Mmk 2 are presented as belong­ing to the bodhisattva Vajrapal).i, although the references within the mantras point to, respectively, Yamantaka or Mafijusrl. Perhaps the ambiguity is intentional: the protective function of Mafijusrl is effected by Vajrapal).i and Yamantaka; the forms of each are ultimately undiffer­entiated. In any case, the mantras of this class are presented as serving as "rulers of great wrath that destroy all obstacles."

Then the youthful Maiijusrl spoke to the bodhisattva Vajrapagi: "0 master of secrets, these mantras are esoteric and supremely mysterious ...

Homage to all buddhas and bodhisattvas, whose teachings are indestructible. U1!l kara kara kuru kuru mama kiiryam bhafija bhafija sarvavighnii1!l daha daha sarva vajraviniiyakam murdha!akajlvitiintakara mahiivikrtarupi1;te paca paca sarvadu~!ii1!l mahiigalJapatijfvitiintakara bandha bandha sarvagrahii1!l ~a1;t­mukha ~atjbhuja ~a!caralJa rudramiinaya vi~lJumiinaya brahmiidyii'!l deviin iinaya mii vilamba mii vilamba iyal iyal ma1;ttjalamadhye praveiaya samayam anusmara hum hum hum hum ham hum pha! pha! sviihii (0 maker 0 maker do do for me what should be done shatter shatter all obstacles burn burn all adamantine impediments 0 killer of Murdha!aka 0 you of extraordinary appearance cook cook all evil 0 killer of great GalJapati bind bind all demons 0 six-faced one 0 six-armed one 0 six-legged one subdue Rudra subdue Vi~lJu subdue the gods, beginning with Brahman do not delay do not delay become silent become silent enter into the malJljala remember yourvow! hail!)

Osupreme master of secrets, this [mantra] is the supreme secret, the great hero, MafijusrI; it is called "six-faced one," and is the ruler of the great wrath which destroys all obstacles. By merely reciting that, bddhisattvas who are estab­lished in the ten stages are dispersed, let alone evil obstructions. By merely reciting that, great protection is created. There is also a sealing gesture (mudrii) known as "the great spike," the destroyer of all obstacles."33

33. Mmk 2.28.21-22-29.1-11: atha khalu mafijusrff:z kumiirabhutaf:z vajrapiilJi1!l bodhisattvam iimantrayate sma / imiini guhyakiidhipate mantrapadiini saraha­syiini paramaguhyakiini [ ... ] namaf:z sarvabuddhabodhisattviiniim apratihata­siisaniinii1!l / U1!l kara kara kuru kuru mama kiiryam bhafija bhafija sarva­vighnii1!l daha daha sarva vajraviniiyakam murdha!akajfvitiintakara mahii­vikrtarupilJe paca paca sarvadu~!ii1!l mahiigalJapatijfvitiintakara bandha bandha sarvagrahii1!l ~alJmukha ~atjbhuja ~a!caralJa rudramiinaya vi~1;tumiinaya

WALLIS 103

This mantra, equated with both MafijusrI ("this is ... Mafijusrf') and Yamantaka (the "six-faced one"), begins with an interjection of anger and pacification (U'!l). Among the powers that it serves to shatter and subdue are those connected to other cults: ViglU, Siva (Rudra), Gal)apati, Murdhataka, and Brahma. The mantra counteracts the power of these deities that has been set in motion by their adherents, and subjects that power - these deities - to the ends of the Mmk practitioner. This point is made explicit several pages later when the mantras of these cultic deities are presented as having been taught by Sakyamuni. Like an antibody, this mantra repels not only alien forms of power encroaching on the ritual space of the practitioner, but even the most advanced, allied bodhisattvas (tenth-stage ones). This indicates a degree of power border­ing on the noxious. It is a small step from incapacitating the effected powers of rival deities to incapacitating those who effect such power. Indeed, the next mantra given justifies the destruction of "all enemies," presumably human as well as non-human.

This is the essence (hrdaya) of the ruler of wrath [Yamantaka]: om hrfJ:! jfifJ:! vikrtanana hum I sarvasatraT(l niiSaya stambhaya phat phar svahii (shame! destroy all enemies incapacitate! hail!) By means of this mantra, all enemies are seized by the great spike disease or by the fever that arises every four days. With a hundred recitations, or as many as desired, benevolence is not practiced. Then, he obtains a compassionate mind. May there not be liberation at the end of the recitation. Those offending the three jewels, saying, "he dies," should not be treated entirely as those of gentle mind. The sealing gesture (mudra) called "the great spike," should be used. In this instance, the secondary essence [mantra] (upahrdaya) is this: om hrfmJ:! kalarapa hUT(I khaYJ1 svahii (shame 0 you with the appearance of a crow! hail!) The sealing gesture to be used is also "the great spike." Whatever evil he desires, that he accomplishes. The paramahrdaya [mantra] is indeed the single syllable empowered by all buddhas: ham. This accomplishes all deeds. The sealing gesture to be used is also "the great spike." It hinders all misfortunes. In short, 0 ruler of wrath, this [mantra] is to be employed in every ritual for the subjugation of all demons.34

brahmadyaT(l devananaya ma vilamba ma vilamba iyaZ iyal mm:ujalamadhye praveSaya samayam anusmara ham ham hUm hUm hUm hUm phat phat svahii I e~a saJ:! paramaguhyakadhipate paramaguhyaJ:! mahavfryaJ:! mafijusrfJ:! ~alJ.­mukho nama mahakrodharaja sarvavighnaviniiSakaJ:! I anena pathitamatrelJ.a dasabhamiprati~thiipitabodhisattva vidravante I kiT(l punardu~tavighnaJ:! I anena pathitamatrena mahiiraksa krta bhavati I mudra catra bhavati mahiisaleti . . "

vikhyata sarvavighnavinasika I

34. Mmk 2.29.11-22: asyaiva krodharajasya hrdayaYJ1 I om hrfmJ:! jfifJ:! vikrtanana hum I sarvasatruYJ1 nasaya stambhaya phat phat svahii I anena mantrelJ.a sarva­satraT(l mahiisalarogelJ.a caturthakena va grhlJ.apayati I satatajapena va yavad

JIABS 24.1 104

The mention of the mudra in this mantra passage points to a significant aspect of the mantra as it is used in the Mmk. The hand gesture is an indispensable aspect of the type of ritual promulgated in the Vai~l).ava Paficaratra sa'!lhitas, Saiva Siddhiinta agamas, as well as in the Mmk. By the early medieval era, the mudra becomes an increasingly widespread element of the type of worship known as mantracarya or tantra.35 The importance of the mudra for the practitioners of the Buddhist form of mantracarya is evident from the fact that ten of the fifty-five chapters of the Mmk are devoted to it. At Mmk 34 we read of a mudrakosa, a treasury of ritual gestures.36 Mmk 34-37 and 41-46 is an extensive com­pendium, a "text on gestures" (mudratantra).37 In the Mmk; these gestures invariably accompany verbal actions. The two, mudras and mantras, are in fact so closely bound that they can be said to form a single instrumental act:38 "The mudras are the seals of the mantras; and with the mantras they are well-sealed. There is no mantra without a mudra; devoid of the mudra, there is no seal. "39 In many instances, the mudras seem to be bodily presentations of the object either invoked or offered by means of the mantra (e.g., the "three-headed" and "five­headed" gestures imitating the head dress of MafijusrI; "the spike," and the "seat of the peacock" ). Stephan BEYER calls these types of mudras, "mimetic representations of the objects being offered - simulacra that control the transmission of worship to the god, just as the mantras of offering enjoin its acceptance and response."40 BEYER also mentions a

rocate maitratilT[l vil na pratipadyate I atha karul}ilcittaT[l labhate I jilpilnte muktir na syilt I mryate iti ratnatrayilpakaril}ilT[l kartavyaT[l nilSe~aT[l saumya­cittilnilT[l [I] mudril mahllsulaiva prayojanfyil I upahrdayaT[l ciltra bhavati I am h{fm/;! killarupa hUT[l khaT[l svilhll I mudril mahilsulyaiva prayojanfyil I sarva­du~!ilT[l yam icchati taT[l kilrayati I paramahrdayam I sarvabuddhildhi~!hitaT[l ekil~araT[l nilma I ham I e~a sarvakarmakaral;! I mudril mahilsulyaiva prayoja­nfyil I sarvilnarthanivilral}am I sarvabhutavasaT[lkaral;! saT[lk~epataf:z / e~a krodhrilja sarvakarme~u prayoktavyal;! [I]

35. See SMITH: 1980 s.v. mudril; DAVIS 1991:32f; GONDA 1977:73.

36. Mmk 34.351.8 and 35.355.10.

37. Mmk 34.350.16.

38. See, for example, Mmk 2.26.8-35.10, where numerous mantras and vidyils are given with their corresponding mudrils. The correspondences are made fairly explicit here.

39. Mmk 34.351.20-21: mantrill}ilT[l mudritil mudril mantra is cilpi sumudritil II na mantraT[l mudrahfnaT[l tu na mudril mudravarjitil.

WALLIS 105

"stereotyped gesture," that is, a ritualized use of a common gesture for threat. Such mudras correspond to mantras such as pha! - i.e., the ritual use of sounds that are employed in everyday expression. Examples of this type of mudra are gestures of "reverence, threat, welcome, or farewell."41 (No such gestures are prescribed at Mmk 2.) In sum, the mudra, when employed by a serious initiate42 in conjunction with the proper mantra, creates quick and infallible results (mudra mantra­samopeta sarrzyukta k!jiprakarmika; mudra mantrasamopeta sarrzyukta sarvakarmika).43

So far, I have discussed hrdaya mantras. The text describes several uses of these mantras. Those related directly to the Buddha! all buddhas and to MafijusrI are "all-accomplishing;" that is, their application is manifold, ranging from the fulfillment of personal wishes, good health, and fortunate rebirth, to enlightenment. Those attached specifically to the "fierce" aspect of MafijusrI - in the form of Vajrapal!i and Yamantaka - are used to purify and protect the mental and physical space of the practitioner.

Invocation (ahvanana) mantras

After the presentation of the "powerful eight syllabled" hrdaya mantra (Mmk 2.26.13-27.3), Mmk 2 presents what it calls ahvanana mantras. As the term indicates, these are to be used specifically for the invocation (ahvanana) of both enlightened forces (Mafiju§rI, all bodhisattvas, all solitary buddhas, noble hearers) and woddy forces and spirits.

Here are the mantras for invocation: Om he he kumararupisvarupilJe sarvabil.labhii~itaprabodhane ayahi bhagavalJ'! ayil.hi kumarakrfr;lotpaladhiirilJe malJr;lalamadhye ti~!ha ti~!ha samayam anusmara apratihatasasana hum mil. vilamba ru· ru phat svahii (0 you whose own form is the form of a prince 0 awakening spoken by all youth approach 0 blessed one approach 0 you who bear the lotus playing as a prince abide abide in the middle of the malJtjala! remember the vow! 0 indestructible teaching hum! do not delay! hail!) This is the mantra for invoking the blessed Maujusd, and [for invoking] all beings, all

40. BEYER 1973:146. See Mmk 35.355.24ff. for obvious examples of this category of mudra. Gestures given there include utphala, svastika, dhvaja, chatra, gha!a, mala, siila, kumbha, and Mmk 2.27.lOff. for similar correspondences.

41. BEYER 1973:146.

42. See, for instance, Mmk 34.350.10-21, a section on the requirements of the the practitioner who receives mudra: he must be adorned with bodhicitta, follow the buddhas' path interminably, etc.

43. Mmk 34.351.9 and 22.

JIABS 24.1 106

bodhisattvas, all solitary buddhas, noble hearers, gods, niigas, yak~as, gandharvas, [asuras], garurJas, kinnaras, mahoragas, pisiicas, riik~asas, bhatas.44

Several of the mantras presented so far have referred to the malJ-tjala. The fact that this section on mantras precedes the prescriptions for the initiation (abhi~eka) ritual indicates that the mantras are to be applied specifically during that ritual. The initiation is performed within a mar:u;lala. The act of invoking auspicious, protective, and potentially threatening forces is a standard feature of the Mmk ritual practice. One example should suffice to show this. The raw cotton used for making the cult image must be consecrated (abhimantralJ-a) before it is woven into a canvas. This is achieved, as mentioned above, by invoking the force of "all buddhas" in the form of MaiijusrI.

om sodhaya sodhaya sarvavighnaghiitaka mahiikiirUlJika kumiirarapadhiirilJe vikurva vikurva samayam anusmara ti~!ha ti~!ha ham ham pha! pha! sviihii (purify purify! 0 destroyer of all obstacles 0 you of great compassion 0 bearer of youthful form! perform a miraculous transformation perform a miraculous transformation! remember your vow! be present be present! ham ham pha! pha! hailf)45

Similarly, the ilhvilnana mantras consecrate the object into which some force is being drawn, or, in the language of the text, is being implored to approach (ilyilhi) the object and abide (ti~tha) within it. While the mantra is always specific in that its terms refer directly to the effected object, and its corresponding mudril often "mimicks" the object, the pattern of invocation is consistently generalized throughout the Mmk.

Offering mantras

From the mantras used to summon powers· into the malJ-tjala or to any other place where rituals are performed, the text moves to the objects of offering that are being directed to these powers. Since the goal of these offerings is to make present the invoked object, these mantras may be

44. Mmk 2.27.3-9: iihviinanamantrii ciitra bhavati I om he he kumiirarapisvarapilJe sarvabiilabhii~itaprabodhane iiyiihi bhagavaf!! iiyiihi I kumiirakrfrJotpaladhiirilJe malJrJalamadhye ti~!ha ti~!ha I samayam anusmara / apratihatasiisana ham / mii vilamba ru ru pha! sviihii I e~a bhagavaf!! manjusriya/:t iihviinanamantrii I sarvasattviiniif!! sarvabodhisattviiniif!! sarvapratyekabuddhiirya sriivakadeva­niigayak~agandharvagarurJakinnaramahoragapisiicariik~asasarvabhatiiniif!! [I]

45. Mmk 4.55.23-26.

WALLIS 107

considered a sub-category of ahvanana mantras. The following example shows the sensual nature of the language of these passages.

Having prepared the sandalwood water, consecrated seven times, he should scatter it everywhere: in all four directions, upwards, downwards, horizontally. All buddhas'and bodhisattvas, the retinue of Mafijusri himself, all mantras, ordinary and extraordinary, all classes of creatures, and all beings must appear, Homage to all buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible! Om'dhu dhura dhura dhupaviisini dhapiirci~i hum ti~!ha samayam anusmara sviihii (0 you dwelling in the incense 0 luster of the incense abide remember your vow! hail!) [This is the] "incense mantra." Then, having prepared the saffron, camphor, and sandalwood, [the incense mantra] should be bestowed on the incense. All tathiigatas and bodhisattvas come, and they are drawn out of the heart of the gratified incense. The mudrii of this [mantra] is known as "the garland," and is auspicious, attracting all beings. These mantras of invocation and their mudriis are beautiful garlands of lotuses. They should be offered to all the buddhas, bodhisattvas and other beings who come. After stirring water with camphor, sandlewood and saffron, and preparing a mixture of two draughts of crushed bakula flowers, white lotuses grown in the rainy season and fresh garlands of jasmine with some other fragrant flower that is in season, an offering should be made along with the mantra. Homage to all buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible! The mantra is: he he mahiikiiru!lika visvarupadhiiri!li arghyal'(l pratfcchad pratfcchiipaya samayam anusmara ti~!ha ti~!ha ma!lfjalamadhye prave§aya pravisa sarvabhutiinukampaka grh!la grh!la hum ambaraviciiri!le sviihii (hey hey you of great compassion, bearer of manifold forms regard this offering receive this offering remember your vow! abide abide in the center of the ma!lfjala! lead into it enter into it! 0 you who possess compassion for all beings seize seize 0 you who traverse the sky! hail!) The mudrii for this is known as "abundance," and it is followed by all buddhas.46

46. Mmk 2.27.10-26: saptiibhimantrital'(l candanodakal'(l krtvii I caturdisam ity udhvamadhastiryaksarvataf:t k~ipet I sarvabuddhabodhisattviif:t maiijusriyaf:t svayal'(l tasya pariviiraf:t sarvalaukikalokottariis ca mantriif:t sarve ca bhuta­ga!liif:t sarvasattviis ca iigatii bhaveyuf:t I namaf:t sarvabuddhiiniim apratihata­siisaniiniim I om dhu dhura dhura dhupaviisini dhapiirci~i hum ti~!ha samayam anusmara sviihii I dhupamantraf:t I candanal'(l karpural'(l kUl'(lkumal'(l caikfkrtya dhupal'(l diipayettataf:t I iigatiiniil'(l tathiigatiiniil'(l sarvabodhisattviiniil'(l ca dhupiipyiiyitamanasaf:t iikr~!ii bhavanti I bhavati ciitra mudrii yasya miileti vikhyiitii sarvasattviikar~a!lf sivii I iihviinanamantriiyiiS ca ayameva mudrii padmamiilii subhii I iigatiiniil'(l ca sarvabuddhabodhisattviiniil'(l sarvasattviiniil'(l ciigatiiniil'(l arghyo deyaf:t I karpuracandanakul'(lkumair udakamiilofjyajiitfkusu­manavamiilikaviir~ikapunniiganiigavavakulapi!lfjitagariibhyiil'(l ete~iim anya­tamena pu~pe!la yathiirttukena vii sugandhapu~pe!la misfkrtya anena mantre!la arghyo deyaf:t I namaf:t sarvabuddhiiniil'(l apratihatasiisaniiniil'(l tadyathii I he he mahiikiiru!lika visvarupadhiiri!li arghyal'(l pratlcchad pratfcchiipaya samayam anusmara ti~!ha ti~!ha ma!lfjalamadhye prave§aya pravisa sarvabhatiinu-

JIABS 24.1 108

The equivalency of the mantra, mudra, object of consecration, and possessing force is explicit in these offering mantras. These are called variously incense mantras (dhilpamantra), fragrance man(ras (gandha­mantra), oblative mantras (balimantra), illumination mantras (pradfpa­mantra), and fire mantras (agnimantra).

And here are the perpetually fragrant mantras (gandhamantra). Homage to all buddhas! Homage to the tathagata, whose glory, brilliance and fragrance are universal! The mantra is: gandhe gandhe gandhiitj.hye gandhamanorame pratfcche pratfcchemaT[l gandham samantiinusiiri1)e sviihii! (0 fragrant one 0 fragrant one 0 you abounding in fragrance 0 joy within the fragrance attend attend to me 0 you who entirely penetrate this fragrance! hail!) The sealing gesture (mudrii) in this case is called "the bud that completely fulfills all desires." And here are the flower mantras (pu~pamantra). Homage to all buddhas, whose teachings areindestructible! Homage to the tathagata, the ruler of those who have fully blossomed! The mantra is this: kusume kusume kusumiitj.hye kusuma­puraviisini kusumiivati sviihii (0 blossoming 0 blossoming 0 you abounding in blossoms 0 you dwelling in the city of blossoms 0 land of blossoms! hail!) He should thus fumigate with the incense mantra (dhapamantra), mentioned above, [and] with incense.

Making obeisance to the buddhas, who possess inconceivably wonderous forms, I will proclaim this oblative mantra (balimantra), which has been spoken by the perfectly enlightened buddhas.

Homage to all buddhas and bodhisattvas, whose teachings are indestructible! The mantra is this: he he bhagavaT[l mahiisattva buddhiivalokita mii vilamba idaT[l baliT[l grh1)apaya grhna ham ham sarvavisva ra ra fa fa pha! svaha hey hey blessed one! (0 great being! do not delay take this offering take! 0 all and every­thing! hail!) Along with [reciting] this, he should present the offering and the oblation to all sentient beings. The mudrii has the power to ward off all evil. Homage to the indestructible teaching of all buddhas and bodhisattvas, which cgmpletely destroys the darkness of delusions! Homage to the tathagata whose glory, resplendence and fragrance shines universally! The [illumination mantra (pradfpamantra: 28.15)] is: he he bhagavaT[l jyotirasmisatasahasraprati­ma1)tj.itasarfra virkurva vikurva mahabodhisattvasamantajvalodyotitamarti khurda khurda avalokaya avalokaya sarvasattviiniiT[l svaha (0 you whose body is adorned with a hundred thousand rays of light transform transform 0 mani­festation who shines replendently and universally on the great bodhisattvas play play behold all beings! hail!) These are the illumination mantras. Together with this, the lamp (pradfpa) should be offered. The mudrii is called "the beam of ~ight that beholds all beings." Homage to all buddhas and bodhisattvas, whose teachings are indestructible! The [mantra] is: jvala jvala jValaya jvalaya ham

kampaka grh1)a grh1)a ham ambaraviciiri1)e sviiha I mudrii catrapar1)eti vikyiita sarvabuddhanuvartinfl

WALLIS 109

viboahaka harikNl)apingala svilhii (blaze blaze illuminate illuminate 0 awakening 0 reddish-brown dark green one! hail!)

These are the fire mantras· The mudril, called "the covered box" (salJ1pu!a), is famous throughout the world. Shining brilliantly on all beings, it was previously proclaimed by those best of munis for the wise bodhisattva.47

The offering mantras highlight the fact that a mantra must be preceded by a liturgical formula acknowledging the glory of the buddhas. As with any ritual practice in the Mmk, preparation is a central feature of all forms of mantra recitation. In every instance, preparation involves mentally focussing on the authority that stands behind the power being made manifest by means of the mantra.

Dismissal (visarjana) mantra

Following the offering mantras, the text gives the "dismissal mantra" (visarjanamantra). This is used for withdrawing the power of the mantra after it has "effected" the goal of the practitioner.

The dismissal mantras. Homage to all buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible. [The mantra] is: jaya jaya sujaya mahiikilrul)ika visvarupil)e gaccha gaccha svabhavanam sarvabuddhillJ1s ca visarjaya saparivilrillJ1 svabhavanalJ1 cilnupravesaya samayam anusmara sarvilrthils ca me siddhyantu

47. Mmk 2.27.27-28.20: dhruvil gandhamantril ciltra bhavati / nama/;! sarva­buddhilnillJ1 nama/;! samantagandhiivabhiisasriyilya tathilgatilya / tadyathil I gandhe gandhe gandhilljhye gandhamanorame pratfcche pratfccheyalJ1 gandhalJ1 samantilnusilril)e svilhil / bhavati ciltra mudril pallavil nilma sarvilfil­paripurikil / pu~pamantril ciltra bhavati I nama/;! sarvabuddhilnilm apratihata­Silsilnilm / nama/;! salJ1kusumitariljasya tathilgatasya / tadyathil / kusume kusume kusumilljhye kusumapuravilsini kusumilvati svilhil I tenpiva dhupamantrel)a purvoktenaiva dhapena dhapayet / sarvabuddhillJ1 namaskrtya acintyildbhuta­rupil)ilm / balimantralJ1 pravak~yilmi samyaksambuddhabhil~itilm II namaJ:t sarvabuddhabodhisattvilnilm apratihatasilsilnillJ1 tadyathil I he he bhagavalJ1 mahilsattva buddhilvalokita mil vilamba idalJ1 balilJ1 grhl)ilpaya grhna ham hum sarvavisva ra ra fa fa phaf svilhil / nivedyalJ1 cilnena dilpayet balilJ1 I ca sarva­bhautikam / bhavati ciltra mudril silkti/;! sarvadu~!anivilril)f I nama/;! sarva­buddhilnilm apratihatasilsilnillJ1 sarvatamo ' ndhakilravidhvamsinillJ1 nama/;! samantajyotigandhilvabhilsasriyilya tathilgatilya I tadyathil / he he bhagavalJ1 jyotirasmisatasahasrapratimal)ljitasarfra virkurva vikurva mahilbodhisattva­samantajvillodyotitamurti khurda khurda avalokaya avalokaya sarvasattvilnillJ1 svilhil / pradfpamantril I pradfpalJ1 cilnena dilpayet / mudril vikilsinf nilma sarvasattvilvalokinf / nama/;! samantabuddhilnilm apratihatasilsilnillJ1 I tad yathil / jvala jvala jvillaya jvillaya / ham I vibodhaka harikNl)apilJ1gala svilhil I agnikilrikil mantril / bhavati ciltra mudril sampu!a nilma lokavisrutil / sarva­sattvaprabhodyotanf bhil~itil munivarail;! purvalJ1 bodhisattvasya dhfmata I

JIABS 24.1 110

mantrapada/:! manoratha1'[l ca me paripiiraya svahii (conquer conquer com­pletely conquer 0 you of great compassion who appears in various forms go go to your own abode and dismiss all buddhas enter your own abode along with your retinue remember your vow may the mantra words effect all of my goals and my heart's desire completely fulfill! hail!) This dismissal mantra should be employed in all rituals. The sealing gesture is known as "the throne of good" (bhadrapf!ha). Together with this, a seat should be offered. The mantra adept (mantrasiddhi) should employ the visarjana together with seven [silent] mental recitations (manasa saptajaptena) for all ordinary and extraordinary [rituals], mar:u;lala [rituals] and mantra [rituals], and when under occasional vows -during jiipa recitation.48

Vidya mantras

Following this is a long section on a class of mantras called vidya, taught by Mafijusrl to the assembly gathered in the Suddhavasa palace. As with the above classes of mantra, the Mmk does not offer explicit explanations of the vidya, but presents images and descriptions of use. The image of the vidya is of a "female companion" (anucart) of Mafiju­srI - all vidyas are given in the feminine gender. The vidyas are "possessed of beautiful hair" (keiinf, upakeiint), "star-like" (taravatt), "possessed of brilliant, glorious beauty" (Svetasrfvapu), "of great loveli­ness" (mahalak~mt).49 As with all other mantras, mudras - usually "mimetic" - invariably accompany vidyas. And, as the following examples illustrate, vidyas are applied for various purposes.

Homage to all buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible: am ri!i svaha! This is the vidya that does everything; it is called "lovely hair" (kesinl), [and is] the female companion of Maiijusrl. During all rituals requiring an attendant the great sealing gesture, "five-crests," is used. Homage to the universal buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible: am ni!i. This vidya, called upakeSinf, does every­thing. [This] should be used with the sealing gesture "blooming" (vikasini) in all rituals of seizure (sarvagrahakarma).

48. Mmk 2.29.22-29: visarjanamantra bhavanti I nama/:! sarvabuddhanam aprati­hatasasananam I tadyatha I jaya jaya sujaya mahakarU1:zika visvariipilJe gaccha gaccha svabhavanal'(! sarvabuddha1'[ls ca visarjaya I saparivaral'(! svabhavana1'[l ciinupraveSaya I samayam anusmara I sarvarthas ca me siddhyantu mantra­pada/:! manoratha1'[l ca me paripiiraya[Ontu = T.] svaha I ayal'(! visarjana­mantra/:! sarvakarme~u prayoktavya/:!I mudra bhadrapf!heti vikhyatii I asana1'[l canena dapayet I manasa saptajaptena visarjana1'[l sarvebhya/:! laukika­lokottarebhyo ma1:u;la/ebhya/:! mantrebhyas caiva mantrasiddhi/:! I samayajapa­kalaniyame~u ca prayoktavyeti II

49. Mmk 2.30.4,7,25,31.11, and 22, respectively.

Homage to the universal buddhas, who possess inconceivably wondrous forms. Om nu re [T. = tare] svaha. This vidya, called "star-like" (taravat'i)50 is commended for all rituals. Done together with the sealing gesture "staff of force" (saktiya~fi), [this vidya] is a destroyer of obstacles.

Homage to the universal buddhas, who proceed on an unobstructed course. [The vidya is] am srf/;. This spell, "she of great loveliness" (mahalak~ml), was taught by the protectors of the world. Practiced with the sealing gesture "bowl-shaped" (saTJ'lpu!a), she grants the rank of "emperor;"Sl

WALLIS 111

The vidyas refer to feminine deities that were appropriated by Buddhists. As such, they are classed as belonging not to the family of buddhas (tathagatakula), but to that of the "lotus" (abjakula). Mmk 1 mentions numerous vidyarajfifs "proceeding from the samadhi of the manifest Lokesvara" (vidyarajfifbhir ioke§varamiirttisamadhivis!1aiM;S2 the vidhii­rajfifs "proceed from the mantras and penetrate the vow of the lotus family" (abjakulasamayanupravesamantravicaribhif:z).S3

Non-Buddhist mantras

In this vein, the section on mantras at Mmk 2 ends with an appropriation of the mantras of major non-Buddhist deities. This sub-section is prefaced by a polemical "revisionist" history of the mantras that are then

50. At Mmk 10.16 tara heads a list of vidyarajiifs; at Mmk 4.65.9 called "compassion of Avalokitesvara."

51. Mmk 2.30.3-7; 30.23-26; 31.20-23: nama/; sarvabuddhanam apratihata­sasanam I am ri!i svaha II maiijusriyasyedam anucarf keiinf nama vidya sarva­karmika I mahamudraya paiicasikhaya yojyasarvavi~akarmasu I nama/; samantabuddhanam apratihatasasanam I am ni!i I upakesinf nama vidyeyaTJ'l sarvakarmika mudraya vikasinyii ca yojayet I sarvagrahakarme~ul nama/; samantabuddhaniim acintyiidbhiitariipil:ziim [I] am nu re [T. = tiire] sviiha I vidyii tiiriivatf nama prasasta sarvakarmasu I mudrayii saktiya~!ayii tu yojitii vighnaghatinf II nama/; sarvabuddhaniim apratihatagata[T. siikti]praciiril:ziim [I] tadyatha I am srf/; I e~ii vidyii mahalak~mf lokaniithaistu deiitii I mudrii sampu!aya yukta maharajyapradiiyikii II

52. Mmk 1.10.14-15.

53. Mmk 1.11.3.

JIABS 24.1 112

presented. The central contention of the history is that all previous mantras - those of Brahma,Siva, Vi~l.lu, etc. - were originally spoken by the Buddhist bodhisattva Mafijusri, though in the fo~ of Brahma, Siva, etc. Mafijusri merely took the form of these Hindu deities as an upaya - in this case, as a means of conversion. Specifically, the preface identifies Mafijusri with Karttikeya (also called Skanda), the six-headed son of Siva in PUr1iJ.1ic mythology.54 In this manner, the Mmk presents its own Puriil.la fragment of sorts, rewriting the history of Karttikeya, revealing essential facts about his life that had been left out of the Saivite account. In the Mmk version, Kiirttikeya's name is combined with MafijusrI's: Karttikeyamafijusrl. This synthetic name gives a clear picture of the authors' intention to co-opt Saivite claims and subordinate these to those of the Mmk. Although there are allusions to Kiirttikeya/ Skanda's role as the leader of the demons who cause illness in children, here that role is reversed: Kiirttikeyamafijusri declares a mantra that "completely frees from illness during the period of youth." Finally, Kiirttikeya is assigned the roll of attendant (anucara) to the bodhisattva.

This was spoken by the bodhisattva Maiijugho~a, the protector, whose six [-faced] transfonnation shook the entire world.

To hinder evil beings for the sake of all beings' welfare, the terrible son of Mahesvara (= of Siva) came here in order to convert others.

54. See O'FLAHERTY 1975: 161ff. The Mmk emphasizes this equivalency by pr~senting an unmistakable image of Maiijusn as "six-faced" (~al)mukha), and as making the gesture mimicking the seat of the peacock (the vehicle of Karttikeya). This occurs immediately before the "PuraI].a," as the final vidyii. It reads as follows (note the masculine forms). om kumiira mahiikumiira krfcja krfcja ~al)mukha bodhisattviinujiiiita mayiiriisanasa'!lghodyatapiil)i raktii'!lga rakta­gandhiinulepanapriya kha kha khiini khiini khiini hu'!l nrtya nrtya rakta­pu~piircitamiirti samayam anusmara bhrama bhrama bhriimaya bhramaya lahu lahu mii vilamba sarvakiiryiil)i me kuru kuru ti~!ha ti~!ha hu'!l hu'!l sarvabuddhiinujiiiita sviihii (0 youthful one 0 great youth play play 0 six-faced one authorized by bodhisattvas you whose hand is raised in the [mudrii] seat of the peacock flock 0 red-limbed one 0 beloved anointed with myrrh dancing dancing 0 you whose body is aflame with red flowers remember your vow wander wander cause to wander cause to wander cause to wander quickly quickly do not delay do do for me all work 0 you who bear a bright-colored form abide abide 0 you who have been authorized by all buddhas hail!)

Well marked by the emblems of demons and with charcoal, he who speaks sweetly (maiijubhti~inz55) spoke with a mind engrossed in compassion to Skanda.

This the great-souled bodhisattva, for creating welfare for children, proclaimed wherever beings wandered throughout the world.

Combined with the sealing gesture of the great -souled one, [called] "staff of force" (§aktiya~!i), he leads one to Brahrna, and so forth [Le., to all the gods], let alone to human results.

Karttikeyamaiijusn declared this mantra, in brief, so that one may be completely free from illness during the period of youth.

Desirous of conferring benefits on beings, the bodhisattva came here to proclaim the three-syllabled essence of his mantra.

He attends closely to attracting fortune for the welfare of every beings, and, fixed with the sealing gesture "staff of force," accomplishes all deeds.

om humjaf/ This mantra would achieve human results fully.

WALLIS 113

Homage to all buddhas, whose embodiments manifest universally. om vikrtagraha hUIJl pha! svtihti (0 mutilated demon phat hail!) And the employment of its upahrdaya together with the force of the sealing gesture, averts bhutas, grahas, and mtitaras.

Fixing it with sealing gestures that seal all, it would be fruitful. It causes terror to bhutas, releasing those intent on evil.

This is the youthful, all-achieving attendant of MaiijusnKumiirabhiita, named KiirttikeyamafijusrI. Through mere repetition [of the mantra], he accomplishes all

55. Inexplicably, the Sanskrit gives feminine mafijubhti~inf. I translate the more consistent masculine form of the Tibetan, 'jam pa' i nag gis.

JIABS 24.1 114

deeds, terrifies all bhiltas, attracts, subjugates, hurts, kills, or whatever is desired by the practitioner of spells (vidyiidhara),56 all of that is effected.57

The mantras given here reflect the synthetic nature of the section as a whole. The one mantra, om ham ja~, has both the formal and functional elements of the buddha/ bodhisattva hrdaya mantras, while the other, om vikrtagraha hu'!l pha! sviihii, has those of the abjakula protective forces. This double function of the mantras is apparent when the text turns to those of Brahma, Siva, and Vi~I)U.

Homage to the universal buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible. [The mantra is]: om brahma subrahma bramavarcase siintiT[! kuru svqhii (0 Brahma perfect Brahma 0 divine splendor make peace! hail!)

This mantra, "great Brahrna," was spoken by the bodhisattva. Beings attained peace; from this moment on they are gentle.

Employed with the five-crested sealing gesture (mudrii), he would quickly make auspicious progress. It is mentioned in the Atharva Veda58

for all of the rites of malediction.

56. For vidyiidhara, see PRYZLUSKI 1923.

57. Mmk 2.32.17-33.18: bhii~itii bodhisattvena mafijugho~el)a niiyinii [T. skyob pa < tiiyinii ] I ~a4vikiirii mahf krtsnii pracaciila samantataJ:! II hitiirthaT[! sarva­sattviinii/'fl dunasattvaniviiral)am I mahe§varasya [T. mi bzad < sahiiO] silto ghoro vaineyiirthamihiigataJ:! II skandama/'flgiirakas caiva grahacihnaiJ:! suci­hnitaJ:! I mafijubhii~il)f tato bhii~e karul)iivi~!ena [T. brlan pa < °iivr~ti] cetasii II mahiitmii bodhisattvo 'ya/'fl biiliinii/'fl hitakiiril)aJ:! I sattvacaryii yataJ:! prokto viceruJ:! sarvato jagat II mudriiSaktiya~!yiinusa/'flyukto sa mahiitmanaJ:! I iivG;rtayati brahmiidyii/'fl ki/'fl punar miinu~a/'fl phalam II kaumiirabhittamakhila/'fl kalyamasya samiisataJ:! I kiirttikeyamafijusrfJ:! mantro 'ya/'fl samudiihrtaJ:! II sattviinugrahakiimyartha/'fl bodhisattva ihiigataJ:! I tryak~ara/'fl niima hrdaya/'fl mantrasyiisya udiihrtam II sarvasattvahitiirthiiya bhogiikar~al)atatparaJ:! [T. mchog < °parama] I mudrayii saktiya~!yii tu vinyastaJ:! sarvakarmikaJ:! 110m hilm jaJ:! I e~a mantraJ:! samiisena kuriinmiinu~aka/'fl phalam I namaJ:! samanta­buddhiinii/'fl samantodyotitamilrtiniim [I] vikrtagraha hil/'fl pha! sviihii II upahrdaya/'fl ciisya sa/'flyukto mudrii saktinii tathii I iivartayati bhiltiini sa­grahii/'fl miitiirii/'fl tathii II sarvamudritamudre~u vinyastii saphalii bhavet I vitriisayati bhiltiinii/'fl du~!iivi~!avimocanf II e~a mafijusriyasya kumiirabhiltasya kiirttikeyamafijusrf niima kumiiraJ:! anucaraJ:! sarvakarmikaJ:! japamiitrel)aiva sarvakarmiil)i karoti sarvabhiltiini triisayati iikar~ayati vasamiinayati so~ayati ghiitayati yathepsita/'fl vii vidyiidharasya tat sarva/'fl sampiidayati I

58. Correct text's reading of athavii ceda on basis of Tibetan: see MACDONALD: 39, fn.3.

In short, this is taught in the abridged [version] of that ordinance.

WALLIS 115

Homage to the universal buddhas, whose teachings are indestructible. [The mantra is]: am gara¢avahana cakrapaIJi caturbhuja ham ham samayam anusmara I bodhisattvo jiiapayati (0 you who ride upon Gara¢a 0 you who hold the discus in your hand 0 four-armed one! ham ham remember your vow! the bodhisattva has revealed this!)

Authorized by Mafijugho~a, [this mantra] accomplishes all matters quickly and is auspicious. With the form of Vi~I].u as a body for the people, it causes demons to be put to flight.

Employed with the "three-crested" sealing gesture it is steadfast, accomplishing all matters quickly. Those extensive ordinances that were proclaimed in the V ai~I].ava tantra were spoken by Mafijugho~a as but a means for converting people. 59

After making identical claims about the mantras used in the cults of Siva and Garuga,60 the Mmk ends this section on mantras with an image showing the relationship between these cults and the bodhisattva Mafijusn. According to this image, those who employ non-Buddhist -non-Mmk - mantras, do so foolishly, like playing children who wander dangerously far from their mother. But these non-Buddhist practitioners are ultimately saved from their transgression since the forms they worship, and the mantras they recite, are really aspects of the bodhi­sattva, gently prodding them into the family of the buddhas.

59. Mmk 2.33.19-24; 26-34.5: namaf:t samantabuddhlinam apratihatasasanam I tadyatha I om brahma subrahma bramavarcase santiTJl kuru svaha II e~a mantra mahlibrahma bodhisattvena bhli~itaf:t I santiTJl prajagmurbhutani tat k~aIJad eva sitala II mudra paiicasikhliyukta k~ipraTJl svastyayanaTJl bhavet I abhicaruke~u sarve~u athava cedapathyate [T. srid sruTJl gi ni rig byed < atharvavedao ] [I] e~a saTJlk~epata ukta kalpamasya samasataf:t [II] namaf:t samantabuddhlinam apratihatasasananam [I] tadyathli I am garu¢avahana cakrapiiIJi caturbhuja hum ham samayam anusmara I bodhisattva jiiapayati sviihli 1/ iijiiapto maiijugho~elJa k~ipramarthakaraf:t sivaf:t I vidriipayati bhutiini vi~rturupeIJa dehiniim /1 mudrii triSikhe yuktaf:t k~ipramarthakaraf:t sthiraf:t / ya eva vai~IJave tantre kathitiif:t kalpavistariif:t I upayavaineyasattviiniiTJl maiiju­gho~elJa bhii~itiif:t /I

60. Mmk 2.34.6-13 and 14-26, respectively.

JIABS 24.1 116

Just as a mother watchfully plays with her children in various ways, I (MafijusrI) wander among those of child-like intelligence in the form of the mantra.

Previously proclaimed by buddhas, and now uttered by me - the resplendant prince -is the meaning of all mantra texts.

Those [mantras] which were sung by the greatest of victors, those [mantras] which were sung by the sons of the buddhas -those were sung by him whose voice is pleasant in the aspect of miraculous, inconceivable forms. 61

The image of the mother (dhatrf) playing (lalati) with her children evokes the mythological image of the cosmic play (lfla) of the creator (dhiitr) with his creation, and of the bodhisattva playfully entering and transforming material forms. It also calls to mind the uttamasadhana, where the sadhaka "becomes one who playfully enjoys immortality" (ajaramaralflf bhavati62 ) and other results of mantra practice. The metaphor of play is apt for a ritual text like the Mmk. In a sense, it can be argued that the very purpose of such a text is to provide the rules for playing. The game being played is of course the game of mantric utterance. Like a mother protecting her children by setting limits, the Mmk protects its aspiring sadhakas by laying down the rules for what its community holds to be real achievement, namely, the efficacious use of the mantra and all the benefits that that entails.

Demonstration of effect

By "demonstration of effect," I mean the Mmk's presentation of a passage describing the results of mantra practice. An example is as follows.

He proceeds instantly to the Brahmaloka. He stays in the world-realm KusumavatI, where the tathiigata Sankusumitarajendra dwells, exists, abides and teaches the dharma. He beholds MafijusrI directly (siik~iit). He hears the true teaching (dharma). He also sees several thousand bodhisattvas, and worships them. He becomes one who playfully enjoys non-aging and immortality for a

61. Mmk 2.35.5-10: yatM hi dhiitrf bahudM biiliiniil!! liilati yatnatalJ I tatM bii/isa­buddhfniil!! mantrarupf cariimyaham II dasabalailJ kathital!! purve adhunii ca mayoditam I sakalal!! mantratantriirthal!! kumiiro 'pyiiham maMdyutilJ II jina­varais ca ye gftii gftii dasabaliitmajailJ I maiijusvarel)a te gftii acintyiidbuta­rupil)iim II

62. VAIDYA 1964: p.56.14.

WALLIS 117

thousand great eons. The para is also there. He is empowered by all buddhas and bodhisattvas, and he declares to them his firm resolution to attain enlightenment] and proceeds to their hundred thousand paradises. [Their] hundred thousand bodies are revealed to him. He becomes possessed of numerous powers and supernatural abilities. The noble MafijusrI becomes his virtuous friend. He becomes one 'for whom the goal of enlightenment is certain.63

When the Mmk presents a passage demonstrating the effect of the mantra, it is showing the end of its own form of mantracaryii - end, in several senses: purpose, consummation, extent, realization. But the ablity to effect the power of the mantra represents more than the culmination of a religious practice; it represents the ends of both Buddhism as a whole and of the culture from which this practice emerges. If, as is the view of religious practitioners, such practices lead to levels of meaning and satisfaction not attainable through non-religious means, then demonstrations of effects are eschatological, in the most literal sense of the word: they are discourses (logos) on what lies furthest (eschatos) -furthest from the culture of which they are the culmination. A civiliza­tion that cultivates a Christian worldview will present as "last things" such issues as the end of history, redemption, final judgement, heaven, and hell. Such concerns follow from the temporal and spatial notions embedded in, and generating, Christian cosmology. Christian liturgy, worship, prayer, etc., are, then, believed to be the keys for unlocking that cosmic structure. A society that cultivates Buddhist views will offer a different set or sets of final things, such as nirviil}a, salvific knowledge, liberation, cessation of suffering and of sa1J1siira, and it will mold the keys, produced by its culture, to fit its specific cosmology. So, when the Mmk demonstrates the effect of its mantra practice it is revealing what its community held to be the most valuable ends grounded in, though transcending, the social world that gives that practice life and meaning.

63. Mmk 8.79.27-28: acCha!iimiitre1)a brahmalokamatikriimati / kusumiivatfT[lloka­dhiituT[l samprati~!hati / yatriisau bhagaviiT[l saT[lkusumitriijendras tathiigata!:z ti~!hati dhriyate [VAIDYA 1964: p. 56.12-16] yapiiyati dharmaT[l ca de§ayati / iiryamafijusriyaT[l ca siik~iit pasyati / dharmaT[l s.T1)oti / anekiinyapi bodhisattva­satasahasrii pasyati / tiiT[ls ca parupiiste / mahiikalpasahasraT[l ajariimaralflf bhavati / paras tatraiva ti~!hati / sarvabuddhabodhisattviidhi~!hito bhavati / te~iiT[l ciidhi~!iinaT[l saT[ljanfte k~etrasatasahasraJ?1 ciikramati / kiiyasata­sahasraT[l vii darsayati / anekarddhiprabhiivasamudgato bhavati / iirya­mafijusriyas ca kalyii1)amitra bhavati / niyataT[l bodhipariiya1)o bhavatfti II

- nABS 24.1 118

At the beginning of this article, I noted that a mantra is a form of speech, and that, like ordinary speech, it must be learned, and· then used in specific contexts, if it is to be effective. I mentioned too that the system of rules implicit in mantric language is not dependent on linguis­tic features. The first two sub-sections then considered some of the ritual and doctrinal features of mantric "grammar." This sub-section will look at the social dimension of mantric utterance.

"The social dimension of mantric utterance" is a phrase used by Harvey ALPER to emphasize the fact that the acceptance of the ideas re­volving around the Indian mantra is "not itself discursive, it is soci~."64 ALPER has drawn his inspiration from categories developed by Wittgen­stein - particularly in his Philosophical Investigations - and attempted to apply "Wittgensteinian concepts to the study of mantras." However, I want to limit my observations to three points made by ALPER, which, interestingly, correspond closely to points made in the Mmk. These points are as follows (in ALPER's words): (1) uttering a mantra is a thing done, and hence, a learned activity; (2) uttering a mantra is both a context- and a rule-dependent activity; (3) the activity of uttering a mantra may be compared profitably to a move in a game.

Before turning to the Mmk, it will be-helpful to give as background the general sense of what is meant by "the social dimension of mantric utterance." ALPER offers a clear statement in this regard.

In the Hindu tradition ... there is an explicit awareness that achieving religious consummation involves the mastery of specifiable techniques. Ironically, this situation obscures the fact that the mastery of specifiable techniques itself presup­poses a prior mastery of skills that resist specification. The successful use of an "instrument" such as mantric utterance presupposes that one has already acquired the proper attitudes, demeanor, and expectations - that is the proper frame of mind - by having been successfully socialized in the society that recognizes mantric utterance as an "authorized" technique that makes possible one of the kinds of transcendence it is deemed acceptable to experience.

The confident, routine use of mantras surely presupposes a specific, identi­fiable set of convictions concerning the human condition, the ideal social order, and the purpose of existence. Acceptance of these convictions is a tacit ground without which Mantrasastra would neither have been invented nor have remained vital. Whatever reasons might be adduced to defend these convictions, their acceptance is not itself discursive, it is social. As lived, they are part of the forms of life, "the formal conditions, the patterns in the weave of our lives," that give meaning to the language-game of uttering mantras.

64. ALPER 1989a:258. All citations of ALPER henceforth are from ibid: 249-294 unless otherwise noted.

WALLIS 119

... Self-evidently, the language-game of uttering mantras is situated within a social cosmos organized according to the principles of caste hierarchy, culmi­nating in and yet transcended by institutional renunciation (sarrmytisa), which, as such, recognizes the authority of an elite of "perfect spiritual masters" (gurus) and which experiences the cosmos as a fabric interwoven of various "powers," as stiktic. These are, in general, the "situation and facts" that are invariably concomi­tant with mantric utterance. They are the preconditions that make it possible and lend it meaning.

(1) Uttering a mantra is a thing done, and hence, a learned activity.

The Mmk sadhaka must learn how to employ a mantra. The force of a mantra can be harnessed only through acquired technique, the possibility of which was embedded in medieval Indian religious culture. The efficacy of the mantra is thus equally dependent on both the power of enlightened force, as shown above, and proper training within a socially authorized structure. As great as it is, the force of buddhas alone does not ensure the success of the mantra; rather, the activation of this force is dependent on the presence of further, social, conditions.

The clue to the social nature of effective mantric utterance is given at the beginning of a primary ritual passage.

First, he who has observed the vow, fulfilled the preliminary practices (puraicarQl)a), received the initiation, taken the essential (hrdaya), basic mantra from this best of ordinances, or the upahrdaya65 or some other mantra, or having received a single syllable [mantra] or another one - according to one's wishes - and who, having gone to a great forest, eats leaves and roots, who subsists on fruits and water, should recite [the mantra] three million times. He becomes one who has completed the preliminary practice.66

In the Mmk, even the briefest ritualized act, in order to succeed, must be preceded by a long period of preparatory training (purascara1}a). For our purposes here, we could transiate purascara1}a as inculturation. "Preparation" entails an infusion into the practitioner of everything his culture might bring to bear on his quest for enlightenment, liberation, power, etc. Hidden behind the description here is the agent behind that infusion: the guru. The guru is the person who "socializes" the sadhaka, guiding him through the process that will enable him to use mantric

65. At Mmk 1.3.8-9 the hrdayamantra and upahrdayamantra are given respectively as om viikyeda namal:z and viikye ham. The hrdayamantra appears again at Mmk 29.322.7-16 as Maiijusn's "incomparable," etc., six-syllable mantra. There, it is employed in a caitya ritual.

66. Sanskrit above, footnote 28.

·JIABS 24.1 120

speech appropiately and effectively. Another passage, at Mmk 11, brings the guru, and his socializing role, more into the open.

First, one must take upon oneself the undertaking of knowledge, the vow, and moral conduct. First of all, one must obey the precepts and instructions of the mal}tjala master [i.e., the guru presiding over the initiation].

The sadhaka ... should make a request to the mal}tjala master [guru] in this manner: "I desire to enter into, through the agency of the master, the vow (samaya) of the great bodhisattva, the princely, noble Mafijusri. This having been said, [may] the master [become] compassionate, his mind impelled by sympathy for us!" Then, having been carefully examined by the mal}tjala master, by whom instruction, in accordance with the ordinance, was previously given, as. pre­viously described [at Mmk 2] the student is introduced [to the practice]. Having conferred the initiation, as previously mentioned [at Mmk 2], he should bestow the mantra. Duly, by degrees, he should reveal the vow. And, having considered very carefully that the time has arrived, and knowing the mental disposition [of the sadhaka] he should reveal the esoteric mudras from the text (tantra) as well as the subsequent rituals ...

Then, the mal}tjala master has to bring about the notion "son" (putraka). He [the sadhaka] should behave like a son, who says "the benefits (bhoga) are to be . offered to my mother."67

We saw in the previous sub-section that Mafijusrl "wander[s] among those of childlike intelligence in the form of the mantra," (tathii biilisabuddhfnii'!l mantrarupf cariimy aham) and that he does so ''just as a mother watchfully plays with her children in various ways" (yathii hi dhiitrf bahudhii biiliinii'!l liilati yatnataM.68 The child-parent relation­ship is made explicit here, too. The practitioner is "the son, the child of dharma, [and must] be protected always, with continued effort" (rak~a­lJ-fyo prayatnena putro dharmavatsalaJ:t sadii).69 The ultimate form of protection,that the Mmk guru can extend to his disciple is that afforded

67. Mmk 11.93.14-15: adau tavad vidyiivrataSflacaryasamiidiinal]'l prathamata eva samiidadet / prathamal]'l tiivan mal}tjalacaryopade§anasamayam anupraviset / Mmk 11.93.26-94.6; 94.10-11: sadhakas ca ... mal}tjalacaryamabhyarthya prarthayet / icchiimyacaryel}a mahiibodhisattvasya kumarabhiitasyaryamanju­sriyasya samayam anupravi~!um / tad vadatvacaryo 'smakam anukamparthal]'l hitacitto dayaval]'l / tatas tena mal}tjalacaryel}a piirvanirdi~!ena vidhina si~yal]'l yathiipiirval]'l parfk~ya prave§ayet / piirvavadabhi~ekal]'l dattva mantral]'l dadyiit I yathavat kramaso samayal]'l darsayet / rahasyatantramudram anukarmal}i karmal}i ca prabhiitakalenaiva suparfk~ya asayal]'l jnatva darsayet / ... [94.10-11] tatas tena mal}tjalacaryel}a putrasal]'ljna upasthiipayitavya / putravat pratipattavyam / miitus ca bhoga upasal]'lhartavya iti II

68. Mmk 2.35.5-6.

69. Mmk 11.96.24.

WALLIS 121

by effective mantric utterance. As an embodiment of his culture's highest spiritual ideals, the guru is thus extending that culture's ultimate form of protection, too. Mantric speech is both meaningful and effective only when properly learned and applied. This fact is significant because it complicates the understanding of mantras as "magical speech," commonly found in scholarly studies on the subjectJo Rather, it is like ordinary speech. Someone who utters incoherent sounds will fail in social life; even someone who speaks with poor grammar or a "low class" accent will be limited through his language. Assuming, for the sake of argument, the desirability of attaining the upper levels of a culture's material promise - status, wealth, etc. - then social protection involves teaching a child the proper forms of language. This analogy can be applied to mantric speech. Though the interface of this type of speech is not limited to social reality, it is a form of speech whose efficacy depends on the user's ability as a speaker of mantras (mantraviidin), or, as the text often puts it, as "one who mantras" (mantrin). Like ordinary speech, mantras can fail to serve as instruments serving the speaker's goals. That point is made explicit throughout the Mmk, as in the inverse of this statement.

The disciple who honors that teacher (guru) obtains an excellent destiny. His mantras are successful because he has been thoroughly shown the path of the ordinances.71

(2) Uttering a mantra is both a context- and a rule-dependent activity.

As that last statement shows, there is a direct correlation between being socialized into mantric speech, and the adherence to rules: like regular speech, the rules are what make it social ("one person alone cannot follow a rule").

The Mmk is nothing if it is not a text of rules. It is, in this sense, a sort of etiquette for siidhakas. It records the community'S prescriptions for all of the forms of behavior expected of the siidhaka. From gathering the wood for prayer beads (Mmk 12), sleeping, eating, and begging for alms (Mmk 11), to constructing the oblation pit (Mmk 13), the text binds

70. See, for example, ALPER: 1989c:330 for bibliographical references.

71. Mmk 11.96.3-4: pu~kalaf!l gatif!l iipnoti si~yo pujyas tu taf!l guruf!l/ mantriista­sya ca sidhyanti vidhimiirgopadarsaniitll

JIABS 24.1 122

its practitioner to a strictly delineated mode of acting in the world. The promise behind its prescribed limits is that real power and freedom, both social (laukika) and "spiritual" (lokottara), will follow froIl). observing the rules. The reason that this is so is that the rule-dependent activities of the slidhaka produce the conditions - the necessary context - for effec­tive mantric utterance.

When the mantras are applied according to the ordinances, then one rapidly succeeds,?2

(3) The activity of uttering a mantra may be compared profitabl~ to a move in a game.

The metaphor of mantric utterance as a move in a game follows easily from the previous two assertions. Games are clear instances of learned, and context- and rule-dependent activities. The movement of a piece of wood on a checkered board or the kicking of a leather ball on a gridded field must be interpreted within the larger framework within which they take place - the games of chess and soccer; otherwise, they appear to be senseless activites. Efficacy, furthermore, follows from sense - these moves are effective within the strictures provided by the rules, and the rules orient the player toward the accepted notion of success, or victory. Uttering a mantra is like this. Saying om lih huf!t only makes sense within the larger game-matrix of mantracarya. The meaningfulness of mantracarya, in turn, is founded on the assumed possibility of what ALPER calls an "epistemological event" (the sadhaka sees the buddha, attains enlightenment) and an "ontological fact" (the existence of the beings and forces that are embodied in the mantras) - mantracarya notions of victory.

The Mmk is the book of rules for the game of mantracarya. Recita­tion of mantras comprises the moves in the game, leading the player, the sadhaka, to victory. It is profitable to compare the activity of uttering a mantra to a move in a game because this brings out points that the text is emphatic about. These are: mantras are effective (1) because of the presupposed cosmological situation (the "unlocking" of which constitutes winning the game), (2) when socially learned becoming a player, (3) when the rules of their utterance are adhered to (playing by the rules), (4) when engaged in (playing). This appreciably clarifies the context for such seemingly trivial statements - pervading the text - such

72. Mmk 32.336.19: vidhiyuktil hi mantril vai k~ipral'(! siddhim avilpnuyilt II

WALLIS 123

as "those well-recited mantras are majestic:, extremely powerful" (sujapta mantra hy ete tejavanto maharddhika), "the majestic mantras succeed for those offaith, and for no others" (sidhyante mantrarat tasya sraddhasyaiveha nanyatha), "the success of the mantra is not impelled by an ascetic of bad morals" (du~sflasya munfndrelJa mantrasiddhir na codita)J3 A mantra is effective by virtue of its being a "key that unlocks the saktic structure of the cosmos." But the ability to employ a mantra effectively requires that the practitioner properly negotiate the complex game of mantracarya. To the extent that he does this, recitation of a mantra becomes the linguistic game-piece, which, like a wooden chessman, is indispensable to the game. Enlightened power abides, dwells (adhi~thana) through the deft moves of a skillfully formed player. But unlike other games, the promise held out to the sadhaka is nothing less than the ability to wield with efficacy the now vivified remains of the Buddha's speech.

73. Mmk33.342.8, 7.77.4,11.101.9.

)IABS 24.1 124

Citations

Alper, Harvey, P. 1989a "The Cosmos as Siva's Language-Game: 'Mantra' According to

1989b

K~emendra' s Sivasutravimarsinf," in Understanding Mantras (H. Alper ed.), New York, pp. 240-294.

"A Working Bibliography for the study of Mantras," in Under­standing Mantras (H. Alper ed.), New York, pp. 327-443.

Aryamafijusrfmulakalpa. T. GaI).apati Sastrf (ed.). Part I = no. LXX, 1920; Part II = LXXVI, 1922; Part III = LXXXIV, 1925, Trivandrum.

Beyer, Stephan

Tibetan translation: Taipei Edition, volume XVIII bka' 'gyur, 'phags pa 'jam dpal gyi rtsa ba'j rgyud, 540 no. 543, 25/175 (1)-96/667'

1973 The Cult of Tara, Berkeley.

BHSD = Edgerton 1953 B.

BHSG = Edgerton 1953 A.

Davidson, Ronald 1995 "Atisa'sA Lamp for the Path to Awakening." In Buddhism in Practice

(Donald Lopez, ed.). Princeton, pp. 290-30l.

Gal)fJavyuhasutra (P. L. Vaidya, ed.) 1960: Mithila Institute of Post-graduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning (Bauddha Samslqta Pratyavali 5), Darbhanga, India.

Gomez, Luis O. 1977 ''The Bodhisattva as Wonder-worker," in LANCASTER 1977, pp. 221-

261.

Gupta, Sanjukta 1989 "The Paficaratra Attitude to Mantra," in Understanding Mantras (H.

Alper ed.), New York, pp. 224-248.

Lancaster, Lewis (ed.) 1977 Prajfiaparamita and Related Systems: Studies in Honor of Edward

Conze (Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 1), Berkeley.

MacDonald, Ariane 1962 Le Mal)fJala du Mafijusrfmulakalpa, Paris.

Matsunaga, Yiikei 1985 "On the Date of the MafijusrfmuZakalpa," in Tantric and Taoist

Studies in Honour of R. A. Stein, Michel Strickmann (ed.), vol. 3, in vol. 22 of Melanges Chino is et Bouddhiques, Brussels, pp. 882-894.

O'Flaherty, Wendy 1975 Hindu Myths, London and New York.

WALLIS 125

PED = ThePiili Text Society's Pali English Dictionary. Edited by T. W. Rhys Davids and William Stede 1986 (1921), London.

Pryzluski, Jean 1923 "Les Vidyadija, contribution a l'histoire de la magie dans les sectes

Mahayiinistes," BEFEO, XXIII: 301-18.

Smith, H. Danial

1975 A Descriptive Bibliography of the Printed Texts of the Paiica­rCitriigama, vol. I. (Gaekwad's Oriental Series, no. 158.), Baroda.

Vaidya, P. L. 1964

Warder, A. K.

Mahiiyiinasutrasaf!lgraha, Part II, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts, no. 18, Bihar.

1991 (1970) Indian Buddhism. Delhi.

BOOK REVIEW by ULRICH PAGEL

Heinz BE CHERT [et al.]: Der Buddhismus I: Der Indische Buddhismus und seine Verzweigungen, Die Religionen der Menschheit, Band 24.1, Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer 2000, 512 pp.

The book under review constitutes a collaborative effort aimed at surveying the doctrinal and historical developments of Buddhism on the Indian Subcontinent, in Central Asia, Nepal and South-East Asia. It is the first part of a trilogy, within the Die Religionen der Menschheit series, specifically devoted to Buddhist thought in Asia and beyond. The series itself, which has so far produced no less than 27 volumes, was conceived in the 1950s and sets out to cover all the major world religions. Two previous publications in this series have dealt with Buddhism in some detail. First, there is Andre BAREAU's description of mainly Indian Buddhism in Die Religionen lndiens III, Buddhismus, Jinismus, Primitivvolker, voL 13, (Stuttgart 1964), and second, Giuseppe TUCCI and Walter HEISSIG's exposition of Buddhism in Tibet and Mongolia in Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei, vol. 20, (Stuttgart 1964). Although still valuable works of reference, in important areas the views expressed in these two publications have been superseded by modem research and require therefore urgent revision. However, the new trilogy is not merely designed to provide the necessary adjustments and revision to these previous volumes, but aims to produce "eine neue Gesamtdarstellung, die in erster Linie den inneren Zusammenhang der einzelnen Formen des Buddhismus beriicksichtigt" (p. 14). This review will evaluate in particular whether this ambitious goal has been met and examine the extent to which its expositions reflect current research.

Following the conception of previous publications in the series, the editor commis­sioned several scholars to write separate chapters on the various facets of Buddhism in the regions covered. Mirroring the traditional division of Buddha, Dharma and SaiJ.gha, the first three contributions deal with the Doctrine of the Buddha (Johannes BRONKHORST, pp.23-213), the Pantheon of Buddhism (Hans-Joachim KLIMKEIT, pp. 215-279) and the Buddhist Community (Petra KIEFFER-PULZ, pp. 281-402). The remaining chapters describe Buddhism of Nepal (Siegfried LIENHARD, pp.403-419), the expansion of Indian Buddhism to Afghanistan and Central Asia (Jens-Uwe HARTMANN, pp.421-439), Buddhism in mainland South-East Asia (Ian-William MABBETI, pp. 441-470) and the doctrino-historical developments on the Indonesian archipelago and the Malayan peninsular (Jacob ENSINK, pp. 471-500). Since many of the authors are renowned for their expertise in the respective areas, the publisher had reason to assume that the resulting book would become a landmark publication on Buddhism in the German-speaking world.

To be sure, Der Buddhismus I contains several excellent contributions that give well­balanced and up-to-date accounts of Buddhism in the regions covered. However, one would be hard-pressed to call it a comprehensive and integrated exposition. First, there appears to have been little effort to coordinate the content of the various chapters. Several topics are covered twice (The Doctrine of the Buddha, pp.23-213, 231-35),

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24. Number 1 .2001

· nABS 24.1 128

terminology is not always consistent. (e.g., salJ1.Jna: 'Vorstellung' (p.98), 'Wahmehmung' (p.233); maitrf: 'Gilte' (p. 132), 'Liebe' (pp. 235,486); manas: 'das Denken' (pp.50, 84, 99), 'Geistiger Sinn' (p.234» and occasionally the reader is offered variant interpretations of doctrine and historical events (The Date of the Buddha, pp. 216,281). While these flaws did not escape the eye of the editor and are openly acknowledged in the Introduction .(p. 20), all responsibility is apportioned to the authors "(die) sich im Hinblick auf die Abgrenzung ihres Themas nicht immer an die Planung gehalten (haben) (p. 14)." While this may be true, one would think that the task of establishing consistency and conceptual integration falls within the sphere of edito­rial management. One is also struck by how little attention was given in some of the geographic chapters to the underlying doctrinal, social and historical dynamics that propelled and shaped the spread of Buddhism in these regions. Although the reader is offered much interesting detail about specific historical events that influenced local developments, very little time is spent discussing the factors that rendered Buddhism so attractive to a particular society and/or culture. This would seem a major shortcoming in a publication that purports to be a "Gesamtdarstellung", focusing on the "inneren Zusammenhange". The publication suffers also from a lack of maps. Being replete with references to ancient localities that have long since disappeared from modem cartogra­phy, most chapters would have benefited from the inclusion of graphic aids indicating, for example, the location of archreological sites, expanses of kingdoms, etc. In view of the book's introductory nature, likely to attract expert and general readers alike, these are significant editorial flaws.

But let us now tum to the individual contributions. The book opens with a detailed account of the doctrine of the Buddha, spanning more than 200 pages. Its author structures his exposition in three parts: the doctrine as taught by the historical Buddha, its systematisation by the Abhidharma and, finally, Mahayana. Before embarking on the exposition proper, BRONKHORST lays down his methodology for stratifying the content of the Nikaya (pp. 26-33). In a nutshell, he proceeds on the assumption that all sermons attributed to the Sakyamuni were indeed uttered by the historical Buddha (p. 31). Their authenticity is only called into question where contradictions prevail in other canonical statements, or where one meets with enumerative structures which he attributes to the later scholastic tradition (p. 32). BRONKHORST, of course, is not the only scholar to adopt this approach even though there are good arguments against it. While he duly refers to publications where variant opinions are expressed, his failure to engage with this knotty problem in detailed fashion somewhat detracts from the persuasiveness of his arguments. BRONKHORST then proceeds to discuss the content and development of early Buddhist doctrines. The most valuable component here is probably the inclusion of non-Buddhist material in the purview of the analysis (pp. 187-198). While not all scholars will necessarily agree with his conclusions (e.g., "die Idee einer in Worten (sic) gefassten erlosenden Erkenntnis wird kaum als urspriinglich buddhistisch anzusehen sein," p.73), it is nevertheless interesting and well-informed. He pays particular attention to the roles played by asceticism and medi­tation in the shaping of early Buddhist thought and practice (pp. 63-73). This section is largely derived from BRONKHORST's controversial earlier work on these topics which has been adequately reviewed elsewhere (e.g., P. OUVELLE, Journal o/the American Oriental Society 115.1 (1995): 162-4; S. COLLINS, Journal o/the Royal Asiatic Society 1987: 373-5). In the third part, he proceeds to discuss the systematisation of the

PAGEL 129

Buddha's teaching as contained in the (Sarvastivada) Abhidharma. This is overall the strongest component of the chapter, skilfully bringing together his own findings as well as recent work done by others (Cox, laini, Mimaki, Willemen, Dessein and, of course, Frauwallner) on abhidharma to produce an account that is well-informed and lucid in presentation. A substantial portion is devoted to the dharma-theory and its relationship both to nikayic materials as well as to non-Buddhist (above all Vai~esika) traditions (pp. 94-118). A word of caution, however, is called for when BRONKHORST ponders the forces that propelled Indian Buddhists towards, as he sees it, the "rationalisation of the Doctrine" (p. 122) in the abhidharma (pp. 121-127). This process of rationalisation, he argues, was triggered through contact with the Greek debating traditions in Northwest India (pp. 126-7). As evidence for religio-intellectual interaction between the Greeks and Sarvastivada iibhidhilrmikas, he points to the Milindapafiha. Implicitly, BRONKHORST considers this text to be a document that reflects historical verifiable trends. It is worth recalling, however, that neither the origin nor the scholastic affiliation of this composite work has been conclusively resolved (G. Fu S S MAN: "Upiiyakausalya: !'implantation du Bouddhisme au Gandhara," Bouddhisme et cultures locales, Paris 1994, p. 27 - on the broader question of Greek influence on Buddhist culture, see FUSSMAN, ibid., pp.25-30). Problematic is also the way in which BRONKHORST presents his Greco-Buddhist hypothesis. Initially, he is careful to qualify his views as speculation ("Es wird wohl nicht moglich sein, diesen Einfluss von Seiten der Griechen endgi.iltig nachzuweisen", p. 125). However, only two pages later, without citing further evidence, he boldly concludes that the Greeks may well have engaged the Sarvastivada in debates ''who apparently sought to defend themselves against Greek attacks" (p. 127). Eventually, this culminates in the following statement (p. 187): "It was revealed that this school (the Sarvastivadin), possibly in a decisive manner, was moulded by the Greek culture in Northwest India, especially through its prevailing debating tradition." It would have been preferable if such a claim, uncorroborated, as it is, by hard evidence, would not have found its way into a publication that is likely to become a principal source of reference for Buddhist Studies in the West.

BRONKHORST's contribution concludes with a description of Mahayana Buddhism. Like the preceding sections, although based on a rather limited selection of primary sources and bereft of any major new ideas, it is well-written and incorporates many references to recent work in the field. However, even though he is obviously aware of the current state of research, he does not appear to assimilate fully its impact. For example, like many scholars before him, BRONKHORST continues to associate· MahasaiJ.ghika doctrines with the origin of the Mahayana (p.127). Elsewhere, he argues, apparently ignoring the persuasive arguments of Harrison, Schopen and others, that we may still have to look for the origin of the Mahayana among the laity (p. 128). Equally perplexing, in particular against the well-documented efflorescence of abhi­dharmic scholarship around the beginning of the Christian era, is his claim that the Mahayana emerged "at a time when the development of the Buddhist doctrine beyond the Mahayana had largely lost its impulse" (p.131). His proposition that, in the context of early prajfiiipiiramitii texts, the concept of Inconceivability should be interpreted as a reference to the Highest Reality ('das hochste Sein') and, inspired by Upani~adic thought, is to be identified with space (iikiisa) (p. 147) is also problematic. Neither is the term "highest reality" attested in the passages quoted, nor would it seem advisable

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to characterise iikasq as complete Nothingness ('das vollige Nichts') in a Buddhist context (p. 147). For the role of meditation in the conception of the Mahayana (p.131-2), see Florin DELEANU's fine recent study: "A Preliminary Study on Meditation and the Beginnings of Mahayana Buddhism," Annual Report of the International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for the Academic Year 1999, Tokyo 2000, pp. 65-123. BRONKHORST moves to more secure ground when he turns to the doctrines of the Madhyamaka and Y ogacara schools, even though he has little new to add to the discussion. But here too we meet with sweeping statements that are difficult to uphold. For example, in his conclusion we learn that "die Anhiinger des Sravakayana kritisierten natlirlich die neuen Lehrreden des Mahayana" (p. 186) without being told where such critiques could be found. Broad, unsubstan­tiated statements of that kind render BRONKHORST's portrayal of (Mahayana) Buddhism, in spite of his fine and imaginative scholarship, often insufficiently nuanced and mono-dimensional. To illustrate this point, I shall quote a statement with which he introduces his final concluding remarks (p. 184): "Man konnte sich tatsiichlich kaum grossere Unterschiede vorstelien als die zwischen bestimmten im Mahayana gangigen Ideen und Praktiken, und denen, die den Abhidharma-Buddhismus kennzeichnen. Und beide unterscheiden sich grundsiitzlich von dem, was der historische Buddha gepredigt hat." Clearly, such simplistic evaluations -located here in a pivotal position at the end of the exposition - ignore the underlying doctrinal continuity that has connected the various phases and manifestations of Buddhism for centuries and are therefore hardly conducive to promote a more finely-calibrated and sophisticated perception of Buddhism.

The second chapter describes the Buddhist pantheon. It begins with an account of the life of the historical Buddha and then proceeds to portray the roles, attributes and iconographic manifestations of the most important buddhas and bodhisattvas. For many reasons, this contribution is by far the weakest component of the publication. KLIMKEIT's account of Sakyamuni's life reads as if it was composed in the 1950s. His description is largely based on publications produced in the first half of the 20th century (eg., Beal (1875), Windish (1908) Thomas (1931» and fails to take into account the monumental studies on this topic carried out by Andre BAREAU. As a result, his description is dated, largely uncritical and ill-balanced. The debate surround­ing the date of the Buddha, for example, is dealt with in a single paragraph (p. 216) and does not even allude to the multifarious complexities that surround this issue. To make matters worse, his contribution contains a number of factual inaccuracies. In his intro­duction, for example, we read that: "Jeder Kanon (der buddhistischen Schulen) urnfasst drei Korbe" (p. 215) or, further below, without qualification, that the Lalitavistara is to be considered a Mahayana work (p. 220). Equally problematic are his sweeping cross­references to Christianity. He calls Devadatta the "spiiteren Judas der buddhistischen Gemeinde" (p. 224) and refers repeatedly to 'parallels' in the accounts of the life of Christ (pp.223-4), presumably suggesting that they belong to a shared narrative tradition. (For an early, but still authoritative treatment of this question, see E. LAMOTTE, Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien, Louvain 1958, pp.739-48). KLIMKEIT concludes his summary of Sakyamuni's biography with a three-page account of the doctrine of the Buddha. I do not understand why this section was allowed to feature in the published version of this chapter. Not only is BRONKHORST's treatment infinitely superior, but his presentation also contains some questionable interpretations (see, for

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example, tIie Noble Eightfold Path (p. 232) and Dependent Co-origination (p. 234). The next section, devoted to the predecessors of the historical Buddha, is also disappoint­ing. Essentially; it is an uncritical summary of von SWSON's article "Die Buddhas der Vorzeit: Versuch einer astralmythologischen beutung", Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 7 (1981) which correlates the seven Buddhas from Vipassin to Gotama with the days of the week and their associated seven planets (p.237). In a sense, this approach sets a pattern for what is to follow: the majority of the remaining sections are little more than synopses of previously published work. Somewhat surprisingly, KLIMKEIT felt particularly inspired by the Encyclopedia of Religion. In total, he develops seven sections from the entries of this publication, which itself is not exactly renowned as an authoritative source. Those sections that are not derived from the Encyclopedia of Religion are largely taken from GUnther GRONBOLD's "Die Mythologie des indischen Buddhismus" (Gotter und My then des indischen Subkontinents, Stuttgart 1984), to which he makes no less than 34 references. I do not think it necessary to dwell any longer on this rather disheartening contribution. It will have become clear that KLTh1KEIT was hardly the ideal choice for this potentially inter­esting and certainly important topic that has attracted so much competent scholarship over the past 30 years.

The third chapter of Der Buddhismus I is devoted to the Buddhist community in India and Sri Lanka. KIEFFER-PULZ's exposition covers practically all aspects of Buddhist monastic life, including the origin and spread of the schools, the geographic location of the individual Sailghas, a sketch of the factors that distinguished Mahayana from non-Mahayana communities as well as a detailed description of the internal communal structures, administration, maintenance, legal proceedings and organisation, including an account of the principal religious activities and ceremonies conducted in the monasteries themselves. Bringing together the latest archreological, textual and anthropological [mdings, her treatment is replete with interesting observations about the evolution of the Sailgha that are skilfully woven into a insightful portrayal of Buddhist monastic life in South Asia. If there is any flaw in KIEFFER-PULZ's presentation, it is perhaps that she gives only scant attention to the spiritual motives that inspired monastic life, at least in its early phase, and their interaction with the more formal aspects of the proceedings of the Sangha. On the whole, one is told little about the religious inspirations underlying the adaptation of the specific ceremonies and practices and their impact on monastic training. This, however, being outside the purview of her analysis, does not distract significantly from what is otherwise an extremely well­researched and carefully formulated account of the development, manifestations and day-to-day management of monastic affairs, one which will remain valuable for many years to come.

The remaining chapters in the book cover the Buddhist traditions of Nepal, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Although offering only bare outlines of the manifestation and historical events that led to the conversion of these regions, they are informative and contain, in the main, very accessible synopses of key developments.

LIENHARD's exposition of Buddhism in Nepal centres on the features of Buddhist monasteries (bahf/baha) and the socio-religious roles of their inhabitants (Sakya­bhik~u/Vajracarya). Although only 20 pages in length, it gives a coherent and well­balanced account of the principal features of the Newan Buddhist communities.

nABS 24.1 132

HARTMANN's treatment of Central Asian Buddhism is chiefly based on Indian literary sources found in the oasis towns along the Silk Roads. While it covers many interesting historical processes, including the spread of the Buddhist schools in Central Asia, the linguistic developments in the region and the interaction between 'the various communities, it contains disappointedly little insight about the life, practices and beliefs adopted by Central Asian Buddhists. His analysis would have particularly benefited from a greater inclusion of art historical, architectural and Chinese literary evidence as this contains important clues about the features of religious life in Central Asia. Although it is occasionally slightly off the mark (e.g., "Werke in Khotanisch sind ausschliesslich an der Siidroute bewahrt" (p.433), see: O. SKJAERV0: "Khotan: An Early Center of Buddhism in Chinese Turkestan," Buddhism across Boundaries, ed. J.R. MACREA & J. NATTIER, Taipei 1999, p. 288) or fails to convey the full historical complexity (e.g., "Die Sogder hatten ... ein Netzwerk von Handelsposten 'von Sarmarkand bis weit nach China hinein aufgebaut" (p. 434), see N. SIMS-WILLIAMS: "Sogdian Merchants in China and India", Cina e Iran, ed. A. CADONNA & L. LANCIOTTI, Firenze 1996, p. 56), HARTMANN's presentation is nevertheless a most welcome synopsis of that particular avenue of text-based research.

The essay on Buddhism in mainland South-East Asia is predominantly historical in character, tracing its spread from the 3rd to the 13th century among the Pyu, Mon, Cham and Khmer people in Burma, Thailand, South Vietnam and Cambodia. Like the preceding geographic chapters, it abounds with a wealth of insightful observations, offering a balanced and informed summary of key developments. While I am not in a position to evaluate the detail of MABBETT' s account, it possesses the hallmarks of a well-researched, reliable treatment, where data from a wide variety of sources, including archreological, epigraphical, historical and literary, is circumspectively woven together, to produce an account that is both perceptive and thoughtfully argued. In spite of the contribution's predominantly historical perspective, MABBETT also managed to include a sizable amount of information about prevailing Buddhist beliefs and practices in the region. His bibliographical references are generally up-to-date and reflect current research. I would only recommend the following articles, recently published by Peter SKILLING, for inclusion: "The Advent of Theraviida Buddhism to Mainland South-east Asia", JIABS 20.1 (1997): 93-107; "A Buddhist inscription from Go Xoai, Southern Vietnam and notes towards a classification of ye dharmil inscriptions", 80 pi silstrilcilry' dr. pra~sert ~a nagara: ruam pada khwam vijilkilra dan charuk lae ekasilraporil~a [80 Years: A collection of articles on epigraphy and ancient documents published on the occasion of the celebration of the 80th birthday of Prof. Dr. Prasert Na Nagara], Bangkok, 21 March 2542 [1999], 1999, pp.171-87; "New Pilli Inscriptions from South-east Asia", Journal of the Pali Text Society XXIII (1997): 123-57.

The final chapter deals with Buddhism on the Indonesian archipelago and Malayan peninsula. It covers four major aspects: Buddhist monuments of Central Java (pp.475-8), Sivaism and Buddhism from the 10th to 16th century (pp.479-84), Buddhist doctrines and beliefs (pp.484-91) and Buddhism in Bali (492-6). Although ENS INK has gone to. some lengths to provide an overview of historical, doctrinal and architectural developments in the region, his contribution suffers from structural imbalances and the reliance on dated research. Repeatedly, he supplies (sometimes in astonishing detail) information that is peripheral to developments while certain key data

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is insufficiently explored. For example, almost three pages are devoted to the icono­graphic detail of Borobudur (pp.475-78), but no chronological framework of its construction is proffered. Also his analysis of the relationship between Sivaism and Buddhism in Java (based on an article published by ENSINK in 1978) is needlessly detailed, taking uP. almost a third of the chapter. On the other hand, local Buddhist beliefs, containing several variant concepts, should have been examined in greater depth (e.g., the correspondence between the apramiilJa and a set of catur piiramitii (p.487) or the Javanese perception of liberating insight (p.487)). In its present form, this section is unsatisfactory since it raises potentially interesting issues without context or explanation. ENSINK's bibliographic references cover mainly research published in the 1960s and 1970s, although some more recent materials are also included. In sum, while containing much useful information, because it is disjointed, unbalanced and somewhat dated in its presentation, this chapter fails to convince as a piece of scholarly research.

Finally, I wish to offer a few remarks about the overall production of the book. Although more than 500 pages in length, and replete with technical terms from a range of different languages, it is virtually free from typographical errors. It is however tainted by a series of mistakes in the internal page-referencing, particular notable in KIEFFER-PULZ's contribution. This was probably brought about by last-minute adjustments in the running pagination, since the discrepancy amounts invariably to three pages. The volume concludes with a ten-page Index prepared by K.H. GOLZIO. While useful as a general navigating tool, a publication of this breadth and depth would have deserved a more sophisticated point of access. For example, the index tells us that the Buddha is referred to on more than 100 pages (which is hardly surprising in a book on Buddhism) while many technical terms and a few key texts are not listed at all (e.g., paratantra, sarfrapiijii, apramiilJa, KiiSyapaparivarta, Pratyutpannabuddha­saf(lmukhiivasthita-samiidhi-siitra, etc). Nor has the content of the footnotes (almost 1000 in number) been included. Some technical terms are listed separately purely on the basis of spelling errors in the main body of the text (e.g., saf(lvrtti(satya) (sic) and saf(lvrtisatya).

If we now take stock and examine whether Der Buddhismus I has met its objective and provides "eine neue Gesamtdarstellung, die in erster Linie den inneren Zusammenhang der einzelnen Formen des Buddhismus beriicksichtigt" we are left with very mixed feelings. On the one hand, the book is a clear advance over the previous publications in the series since it contains many sophisticated contributions that convey not only a good picture of modern research but also introduce several new ideas. While some of these ideas are controversial and unlikely to withstand the test of time, others may well receive general recognition. In this sense, it is a valuable addition to German­language publications on Buddhism. On the other hand, due to weak editorial management, occasionally accentuated by an overly narrow focus by the authors, the integrative objective to extrapolate the connections between the various forms of Buddhism remains largely unfulfilled. The individual chapters, obviously conceived in isolation from each other, contain few traces of intellectual cooperation and, as a result, fail to bring out the religio-cultural dynamics that propelled Buddhism across Asia for almost two millennia.

ULRICH PAGEL

The International Association of Buddhist Studies

Treasurer's Report 2000

Beginning Balance CHF 13'063.80

Income

Due and Subscriptions, Back Issues and Donation

Expenses

Printing vol. 22.1-2 Printing vol. 23.1 Postage vol. 22.1-2 Postage vol. 23.1

Subtotal

Typesetting vol. 22.1-2 Typesetting vol. 23.1 Office Costs Postage Bank Costs Returned Checks & Fees

Subtotal

Total

Final Balance

Comments

CHF 64'497.30

CHF

CHF =USD

(39'621.57)

37'939.53 22'317.37

USD 8'926.81 USD 3'957.65 USD 1 '584.87 USD 1'027.74

USD 15'497.07 CHF 26'345.01

CHF 7'620. -CHF 3'600. -CHF 138.25 CHF 1'734.15 CHF 61.75 CHF 122.41

CHF 13'276.56

39'621.57

The report has been drawn up in Swiss francs, the final balance being then converted into US dollars. The figures should be interpreted as follows:

The number of members in the IABS has noticeably increased. Several members paid their dues for two or sometimes three years in advance. The positive balance is thus not to be taken as simply an annual result. Part of the reason for the favorable financial results was the fact that we, in Lausanne, were able to have the back issues of the JIABS. The available full sets of back issues were sold virtually immediately.

The Elisabeth de Boer Fund of the University of Lausanne paid the salary of a part time assistant; the University provided the necessary workspace and infrastructure.

Lausanne, July 3th 2001

Signed: Cristina Scherrer-Schaub

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24 • Number 1 .2001