jiabs 11-2

THE JOURNAL

i>F THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION Of

BUDDHIST STUDIES

CO-EDITORS-IN-CHIEF

Gregory Schopen

Indiana University

Bloomington, Indiana, USA

EDITORS

Peter N. Gregory

University oJ Illinois

Urbana-Champaign, Illinois, USA

Alexander W. Macdonald

Universite de Paris X Nanterre, France

Steven Collins

Concordia University

Montreal, Canada

~olume 11 1988

Roger Jackson

Fairfield University

Fairfield, Connecticut, USA

Ernst Steinkellner·

University oJVienna

Wien, Austria

Jikido Takasaki

University oJTokyo

Tokyo,Japan

Robert Thurman

Amherst College

Amherst, Massachusetts, USA

Number 2

move the watermark

THE JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIA OF BUDDHIST STUDIES; INC.

This Journal is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Inc. It is governed by the objectives of the Association and accepts contributions pertaining to Buddhist Studies in all the various ~'U'~'.HHlrO" as philosophy, history, religion, sociology, anthropology, art, psychology, textual studies, etc. The ]lABS is published twice yearly,' summer and winter.

Manuscripts for publication (we must have two copies) and cnlTP"~~'''';--' concerning articles should be submitted to the ]lABS editorial office address given below. Please refer to the guidelines for contributors ]lABS printed on the inside back cover of every issue. Books for review also be sent to the address below. The Editors cannot guarantee to reviews of unsolicited books nor to return those books to the senders.

The Association and the Editors assume no responsibility for the expressed by the authors in the Association's Journal and other publications.

Andre Bareau (France)

M.N. Deshpande (India)

R. Card (USA)

B.C. Cokhale (USA)

Gregory Schopen ]lABS c/o Dept. of Religious Studies 230 Sycamore Hall Indiana University Bloomington, IN 47405 USA

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Jacques May (.'7JIH7."TUJ

Hajime Nakamura

John C. Huntington (USA)

P.S. Jaini (USA) E. Zurcher

CONTENTS

I. ARTICLES

L The Soteriological Purpose of Nagarjuna's Philosophy: A Study of Chapter Twenty-Three of the Mula-madhyamaka-kiirikiis, by WilliamL. Ames 7

2. The Redactions of the Adbhutadharmaparyiiya from Gilgit, by Yael Bentor 21

3. Vacuite et corps actualise: Le probleme de la presence des "Personnages V eneres" dans leurs images selon la tradition du bouddhisme japonais, by Bernard Frank 51

4. Ch'an Commentaries on the Heart Sutra: Preliminary Inferences on the Permutation of Chinese Buddhism, byJohnR. McRae 85

II. BOOK REVIEWS

1. An Introduction to Buddhism, by Jikido Takasaki (Fernando Tola and Carmen Dragonetti) 115

2. On Being Mindless: Buddhist Meditation and the Mind-Body Problem, by Paul J. Griffiths (Frank Hoffman) 116

3. The Twilight Language: Explorations in Buddhist Meditation and Symbolism, by Roderick S. Bucknell and Martin Stuart-Fox (Roger] ackson) 123

OBITUARY 131 LIST OF CONTRIB UTORS 136

The Soteriological Purpose of Nagarjuna's Philosophy: A Study of Chapter Twenty-three of the Mula-madhyamaka-karikas 1 .

by William L. Ames

Nagarjuna's Mula-madhyamaka-karikas (MMK) is the fundamental text of the Madhyamaka2 school of Buddhist philosophy. It is largely devoted to a critical analysis of various conceptual categories, such as cause and effect, motion and rest, agent and action, etc. Particular attention is paid to the categories into which Buddhist Abhidharma analyzed the world. The Madhyamaka analysis is said to show the emptiness (sunyata) of all phenomena (all dharmas).

Some readers, both ancient and modern, have taken Nagar-. juna's position to be one of extreme skepticism, if not nihilism. Some have also charged that his arguments are little more than sophistry. Others have had a more positive evaluation of Madhyamaka, but they have put forward varying interpretations of Nagarjuna's aim and methods. 3

An examination of all these views is beyond the scope of this article; and in any case, the matter has been much discussed by a number of scholars. To be brief, let me just say that I agree with those who see the notion of intrinsic nature (svabhiiva) as a key to understanding Madhyamaka. Intrinsic nature is defined in MMK 15:2cd as being noncontingent and not dependent on anything other than itself.4 Thus according to Nagarjuna, it is necessarily unchanging and permanent. 5 The main target of the Madhyamikas' criticism is the belief that our conceptual categories refer to entities (bhiiva) which exist by virtue of having an intrinsic nature. Such entities would be inconsistent with the

7

8 JIABS VOL. 11 NO.2

facts of impermanence (anityata) and dependent origination (pratztya-samutpada) , which are basic to the Buddhist world-view ..

Hence, according to the Madhyamikas" all phenomena are empty in the sense of being empty of intrinsic nature. Nagarjuna compares the way in which things do exist to the mode of existence of mirages and magical illusions. (See MMK 1-7:31-33 for example.) Like such illusions, things appear in dependenc~ on causes and conditions; but they are not appearances ofintrin_ sically existent entities.

The question I would like to address is the following: How does the philosophical analysis which I have just described relate to the soteriological goals of Buddhism? That Nagarjuna is con..; cerned with these goals is stated quite explicitly in such works as the RatnavalZ,6 but it is also clearly implied at several places in the MMK. For example, MMK 18:5 says,

Because of the cessation of action (karman) and afflictions (kleSa), there is liberation. Action and afflictions are due to conceptual construction (vikalpa).

Those [conceptual constructions come] from linguistic proliferation (prapanca); but linguistic prpliferation ceases in emptiness. 7

Madhyamaka is thus conceived of as a means, with liberation as its ultimate end. But the question remains, how does philosophical argumentation lead to spiritual goals? To attempt to answer this question, I will examine chapter twenty-three of the MMK, where the connection between philosophy and soteriology is particularly close to the surface. (In this chapter, Nagarjuna frequently alludes to arguments made earlier in the MMK without repeating them in detail; but I think that the general thrust of the chapter will be clear even to readers unfamiliar with the MMK.) I have consulted the commentaries, primarily the Prajiiapradipa and the Prasannapada; but my discussion will be based insofar as possible on the MMK itself.

Chapter twenty-three of the MMK takes up a theme introduced earlier. In MMK 17:26b, Nagarjuna stated that "those afflictions [do] not [exist] in reality (tattvatab}."8 (The afflictions (kIeSa) are desire (riiga) , hatred (dvesa) , and confusion (moha).) In the first two verses of chapter twenty-three, he explains why the afflictions are not real:

SOTERIOLOGIGAL PURPOSE 9

<1> It has been said that desire, hatred, and confusion arise from conceptual construction (sarrtkalpa).

They indeed occur in dependence on the errors of [ap~ prehending things as] pleasant or unpleasant.

<2> Those which occur in dependence on the errors of [apprehending things as] pleasant or unpleasant

Do not exist because of intrinsic nature. Therefore the afflictions [do] not [exist] in reality.

Here the phrase which I have translated as "the errors of [apprehending things as] pleasant or unpleasant" is the compound subha (pleasant) plus asubha (unpleasant) plus viparyasa (error) with a masculine plural ending. Candraklrti takes it to be a triple dvandva, "the pleasant, the unpleasant, and error;"· but the Tibetan translations of the commentaries of Bhavaviveka, BuddhapaIita, and the author of the Akutobhaya understand it to be a tatpur~a, as I have translated it here. I have also added the phrase "apprehending things as" for the sake of clarity.

Thus the afflictions are not ultimately real because they do not exist by virtue of some intrinsic nature of their own. They exist in dependence on the conceptually constructed errors of taking things to be pleasant or unpleasant.

Additional reasons are given in the next three verses. In MMK 23:3-4, it is argued that afflictions must belong to someone; but since neither the existence nor the nonexistence of the self can be established, the afflictions also cannot be established. The fifth verse looks at the relation between the afflictions and the afflicted mind. Alluding to similar analyses earlier in the MMK,9 it notes that the afflictions and the one who is afflicted cannot be shown to be the same or different. Therefore, by implication, neither of them possesses an intrinsic nature.

If one supposes that the afflictions derive some sort of ultimate reality from their dependence on error, Nagarjuna replies m verse six,

<6> The errors of [apprehending things as] pleasant or unpleasant do not exist by intrinsic nature.

What are the afflictions [which occur] in dependence on the errors of [apprehending things as] pleasant or unpleasant?

10 JIABS V()L. 11 NO.2

. The remainder of chapter twenty-three is largely devoted to explaining why error does not exist by intrinsic nature. As we saw in verse one, error (viparyasa or -viparyaya) is closely related to conceptual construction (sar(lkalpa). Verse seven tells us that the objects of the six senses are conceptually constructed (vikalpyate) as the objects of desire, hatred, and confusion. Naga_ rjuna has already shown-particularly in chapter three of the· MMK-that the six sense objects have no intrinsic nature. Thus 23:8ab says,

<8ab> Forms, sounds, tastes, and tangibles, smells and dhar~ mas, areisolated (kevala).10

The commentaries gloss "~solated" as "without intrinsic nature." The verse continues,

<8cd> They are like a city of the gandharvas; they are similar to a mirage or a dream.

Since the objects of the afflictions are not ultimately real, neither are the afflictions; and the same can be said of errors, which also refer to the sense objects .. Therefore in verse nine Nagarjuna asks,

<9> How will either the pleasant or the unpleasant occur In those [objects], which are like a person [created by] magical illusion and similar to a reflection?

In other words, objects are perceived by the senses; and this includes the perception of dharmas by the mind. Error or conceptual construction takes these objects to be either pleasant or unpleasant, giving rise to desire, hatred, and so on. Butsince the objects themselves have no intrinsic nature, neither do the errors and afflictions, which are based on those objects.

Moreover, the pleasant and the unpleasant exist only in relation to each other. Neither is established by its own intrinsic nature, since that would imply that they could exist separately. Thus in verses ten and eleven, Nagarjuna says,

<10> The pleasant, in dependence on which we could designate the unpleasant as unpleasant,

SOTERIOLOGICAL PURPOSE 11

Does not exist without relation (anapekJya) [to the unpleasant]. Therefore the pleasant is not possible.

< 11 > The unpleasant, in dependence on which we could designate the pleasant as pleasant,

Does not exist without relation [to the pleasant]. Therefore the unpleasant is not possible. II

That is to say, neither the pleasant nor the unpleasant can be established unless the other is first established. If one argues that they come into being simultaneously in mutual dependence, this, for Nagarjuna, shows that neither has any intrinsic nature. (See related arguments in chapters six and eleven of the MMK.) Thus in verse twelve, Nagarjuna asks,

<12> If the pleasant does not exist, how will desire arise? If the unpleasant does not exist, how will hatred arise?

In these last three verses, as is often the case in the MMK, ·some qualification such as "by intrinsic nature" or "in ultimate reality" (paramarthatab) must be supplied from the context of the work as a whole. One can scarcely deny that on the conventionallevel, things are perceived as pleasant or unpleasant and that attachment and aversion do arise.

There is, however, another way to look at such statements. I argued previously that Nagarjuna wants to make an ontological point about the way in which phenomena exist or do not exist. We can now begin to see that he is also showing the reader a new way of looking at the world. From this new perspective, errors and afflictions do not arise; or if they do arise, they do not bind one.

Nagarjuna's interest in leading the reader to a new kind of experience may also account for the fact that chapter twentythree, like the MMK generally, is not tightly structured. Often, more than one argument is adduced to prove the same point; and that point may be repeated in different words. As philosophical argumentation, this is redundant; but such repetition can be very useful for purposes of reflection and medita-tion. .

N agarjuna has so far examined error in terms of the pleasant and the unpleasant. Now he turns to a traditional set of four errors described in Anguttara-nikaya II 52. They are: (1) to hold


that the i~permanent ~anitya) .is permanent (nitya); (2) to hold that suffermg (duMha) IS hapPlD.ess (sukha); (3) to hold that th impure (asuci) is pure (suci); and (4) to hold that what is not: self (anatman) is a self (atman). In MMK 23: 13-14, Nagarjuna discusses the first error, namely, to mistake the impermanent for the permanent.

<13> "The impermanent is permanent": !fto hold thus is an error,

[Then] because permanence does not exist in what is empty, why is it not an error to hold [that the empty is permanent]?

<14> "The impermanent is impermanent": If to hold thus is not an error,

[Then] because impermanence does not exist in what is empty, why is it not an error to hold [that the empty is impermanent]?'2 .

In other words, what is empty of intrinsic nature cannot be said to be either permanent or impermanent. Presumably, this is so because there is no independent, self-existent entity of which either permanence or impermanence could be predicated.

Suppose that one admits that no ultimately real entity exists which could be either permanent or impermanent. One might still argue that the act of mistaking or holding things to be either permanent or impermanent does exist. If the act of holding exists, then the one who holds, the cognition by which one holds, and the object which is held to be such-and-such must all exist.

Nagarjuna replies in verse fifteen:

<15> That by which one holds, the holding, the holder, and what is being held,

Are all extinguished (upafiinta). Therefore holding does not exist.

Here "holding" is graha; "that by which one holds" is yena grhr),ati; the "holder" is grahZtr; and "what is being held" is yad grhyate. Gramatically, "holding" is the bhava or verbal action; "that by which one holds" is the karar),a or instrument; the "holder" is the kartr or agent; and "what is being held" is the


harman or direct object. This sort of argument occurs at a number of places in the MMK, notably in chapter two and chapter eight. The point is that all these elementS that go to make up an action are interdependent, and that therefore none of them exists by intrinsic nature. 13

Continuing the same line of thought in verse sixteen, Nagarjuna asks,

< 16> If holding either falsely or correctly does not exist, For whom would there be error? For whom would there

be nonerror?

Thus there are no grounds for attachment either to the idea that one is in error or to the idea that one is not in error.

Verses seventeen and eighteen also argue that no one who is in error, whether conceived of as a self or a mind, exists by

. intrinsic nature. They do so by using a pattern of reasoning first used in chapter two of the MMK and referred to repeatedly in subsequent chapters.

< 17> For one who is [already] in error, errors are not possible. For one who is not [yet] in error, errors are not possible.

<IS> For one who is [in the process of] coming to be in error, errors are not possible.

Consider for yourself: For whom are errors possible?

Here the focus is on the moment at which someone enters the state of being in error. If at that moment, one is already in error (viparita), then coming to be in error again is redundant. (Here it is assumed that the error in question is the same in both cases.) If one is not yet in error (aviparita), then by definition one is free from error; and it would be contradictory to say that one is free from error and comes to be in error at the same moment. As for one who is inthe process of coming to be in error (viParyasyamiina) , it is argued that there is no such third category, different both from one who is in error and one who is not in error. If what is meant is that one is partly in error and partly not in error, then the previous arguments apply to each part separately. Thus by this argument also, there is no self-existent entity which could be called "one who is in error."

V erse nineteen presents yet another argument on the same


point. Alluding to th~ examination of origination in the first chapter of the MMK, It says, -

< 19> If errors are unoriginated, how will they exist? If errors are unoriginated, how will one who has fallen

into error exist? .

Here, of course, "unoriginated" (anutpanna) means "not originated by intrinsic nature."

Following verse nineteen, the Prasannapada adds a verse which is not found in the earlier Tibetan translations. I will also omit it here. Thus in what follows, verses 20 through 24 correspond to verses 21 through 25 of the Prasannapada's chapter twenty-three. .

In verses ten and eleven, Nagarjuna argued that since the pleasant and the unpleasant are established only in relation to each other, neither exists by intrinsic nature. Now, in verses twenty and twenty-one, he makes a similar argument concerning the four errors which were mentioned previously. .

<20> If self and purity and permanence and happiness exist, [Then] self, purity, permanence, and happiness are not

errors. <21> If self and purity and permanence and happiness do not

exist, [Then] nonself, impurity, impermanence, and suffering

do not exist.

In other words, if conditioned things are permanent, then the notion of permanence is not an error. On the other hand, if there is nothing which is permanent, then the concept of permanence could not arise; and there would be nothing in relation to which impermanence could be conceived. Since the concepts of permanence and impermanence are relational, it is not possible to say that one is purely erroneous while the other is purely correct.

The relative character of permanence and impermanence also undermines the notion that there are entities which are permanent or impermanent by intrinsic nature. Intrinsic nature is, by definition, independent and "self-contained;" but permanence and impermanence imply each other. If we say that some-


thing is permanent, it can be so only in relation to something else which is impermanent; but intrinsic nature cannot be relational. These same arguments also apply to the other three pairs of alleged errors and nonerrors.

In the last three verses of chapter twenty-three, Nagarjuna discl:lsses the soteriological side of Madhyamaka more explicitly .. Suppose that someone has pondered what has been said so far and has come to some deep understanding of it, deep enough that categories like pleasant and unpleasant are experienced as conceptual imputations rather than as objective facts about the world. Or, in more traditional terms, suppose that srutamayi prajiiii has been developed into cintamayi prajiia and that in turn into bhavanamayi prajiia. 14 What is the result for the person who has done so? In verse twenty-two, Nagarjuna says,

<22> Thus ignorance (avidyii) ceases because of the cessation of error.

When ignorance has ceased, karmic conditionings (sar{lSkiirii/:t) and so on cease.

While one would usually say that ignorance is a cause of error rather than vice versa,15 Nagarjuna may mean that ignorance is a necessary and sufficient cause of error, so that the cessation of one necessarily entails the cessation of the other. As we have seen, ignorance and error lead to desire, hatred, and confusion; and these afflictions, in turn, lead to actions performed under their influence. In this context, sa'f!l,skiiraJ;" which I have translated as "karmic conditionings," are equivalent to karman, "action." The context, of course, is the twelvefold dependent origination, of which avidya and sa'f!l,skilriiJ;, are the first two members. In verse twenty-two, "and so on" evidently refers to the remaining ten members, ending with birth (jiiti) and old-age-and-death (jarii-mara1Ja).

The idea that the cessation of ignorance leads to the cessation of suffering and rebirth is quite traditional in Buddhism .

. For Nagarjuna, however, this "cessation" is not the ceasing to exist of some real entity called "ignorance" or "error." Instead, it is the realization that all things, including even error and ignorance, lack intrinsic nature and do not exist as self-sufficient entities.

16 JIABS VOL. 11 NO.2.

. Indeed, according to NagarJuna, if ignorance and afflictions existed by intrinsic nature, liberation would be impossible. Thus verse twenty-three asks,

<23> If any afflictions of anyone were existent by intrinsic nature,

How could they be abandoned? Who will abandon the existent?

Conversely, verse twenty-four inquires,

<24> If any afflictions of anyone were nonexistent by intrinsic nature,

How could they be abandoned? Who will abandon the nonexistent?

N agarjuna states in chapter fifteen of the MMK that intrinsic nature is necessarily unchanging. I6 Presumably, this is so because the independence and self-sufficiency of intrinsic nature would make it impervious to other influences. Thus if one had afflictions by intrinsic nature, this condition would continue indefinitely.

On the other hand, if the afflictions were nonexistent by intrinsic nature (abhutii!:t svabhiivena) , the question of abandoning them would not arise. Here abhutii!:t svabhiivena apparently refers to a kind of absolute nonexistence in which things would be intrinsically unable even to appear. Nagarjuna has said that the mode of existence of phenomena is similar to that of mirages or dreams. It is not the case that they exist by intrinsic nature, but they are perceived and experienced.

To sum up, according to Nagarjuna, liberation does not come about through escaping or suppressing ignorance and error, but through a profound comprehension of their true nature, which is their lack of intrinsic nature. As Nagarjuna put it in another work, the Yukt~a~tikii,

The thorough comprehension of sarpsaric existence (bhava) itself is called nirval)a. I7

Thus a Madhyamika can say that ignorance and error cease, in the sense that one comes to understand something which one


did not understand before. But if one means that a real entity called "ignorance" is destroyed and another real entity called "enlightenment" or "liberation" is produced, this very idea becomes an ob.stacle to liberation. Before one is liberated, things lack intrinsic nature; and they are equally lacking in intrinsic nature after one is liberated.

Chapter twenty-three of the MMK shows how Nagarjuna carries on philosophical analysis with a soteriological end in view. The soteriological goal is paramount, but philosophy can function as an important part of the soterio~ogical process. Philosophy opens the door to an understanding of things as they really are. Other factors of the path come into play, as Nagarjuna discusses in the Ratnavali and elsewhere; but it is the thorough realization of this understanding which constitutes liberation.

NOTES

1. An earlier version of this paper was read at the Eighth Conference of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley, Calif., Aug. 8-10, 1987.

2. As a general rule, the name of the school and its philosophy is "Madhyamaka;" a follower of the school is a "Madhyamika." See David Seyfort Ruegg, The Literature of the Madhyamka School in India, vol. VII, Fasc. 1 of A History of Indian Literature, ed. Jan Gonda, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981, p. 1 and n. 3.

3. See the discussion in Ruegg, op. cit., pp. 2-3, with th~ references cited in nn. 7-9, especially Frederick J. Streng, Emptiness: A Study in Religious Meaning, Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 1967, pp. 243-5.

4. akrtrimal;, svabhiivo hi nirape~al;, paratra ca. 5. See MMK 15:8cd, prakrter anyathiibhiivo na hi jatupapadyate, where

prakrti is used as a synonym of svabhiiva. 6. See, e.g., the discussion in Christian Lindtner, Niigiirjuniana: Studies

in the Writings and Philosophy of Niigiirjuna, Indiske Studier 4, Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1982, pp. 249-77. (See also Christian Lindtner, Master of Wisdom, Berkeley, Calif.: Dharma Publishing, 1986, pp. 314-44. Master of Wisdom is a revised version of Niigiirjuniana.)

7. karmaklesa~ayiin mo~aJ;, karmaklesii vikalpatal;,l te prapanciit prapancas tu sunyatiiyii1[t nirudhyatell

8. te ca klesii na tattvatal;,. 9. See especially MMK 2:18-21 and chapter six.

10. In 23:8ab, Nagarjuna almost quotes a passage from the early Buddhist canon: evam rupii rasii saddii gandhii phassii ca kevalii ittii dhammii anittthii


ca na ppavedhenti tadino (Anguttaranikaya III 379; see also Vinaya I 185, Theragatha 643, and Kathavatthu 90).

11. My translation of verses ten and eleven fopows the wording of th early Tibetan translations. The Akutobhaya, the Buddhapalita-Miilamadh a~ makavrtti, the Prajiiapradzpa, and the Prajiiapradzpa-tzkii were all translatelb Jiianagarbh;l. and Cog ro Klu'i rgyal mtshan in the early ninth century. rh some places, as here, their text of the verses of MMK is a little different from that found in the Tibetan translation and the Sanskrit manuscripts of the Prasannapada, all of which are considerably later. See the appendix for the reconstructed Sanskrit text.

12. In MMK 23: 13-14, as in 23: 10-11, the wording ofthe earlier Tibetan translations is different from the text of the MMK in the Prasannapada. Again I have translated the earlier version. '

13. An argument closely related to that in MMK 23: 15 is given in Vigrahavyavartanz 13-16, 66-67, where Nagarjuna mentions graha, grahya, and graMtr. .

14. See, e.g., Lindtner, Nagarjuniana, pp. 269, 274 (Master of Wisdom, pp. 334-5, 339). The three types of prajiia or "discernment" are derived from sruti, "hearing," i.e., hearing and learning the content of texts or oral teachings; cinta, "reflection" on what has been learned, including logical argument and analysis; and bhavana, "meditation" on what has thus been learned and examined.

1:5. See, e.g., Abhidharmakosa 5:32cd,33 and 5:36cd, with the bhi4ya. 16. See note 5. 17. parijiianaT(! bhavasyaiva nirva1'}am iti kathyate, Yukti5a5tikii 6cd. See

Lindtner, Nagarjuniana, pp. 104-5 (Master of Wisdom, pp. 74-5, 174).

APPENDIX

Sanskrit Text of MMK, Chapter Twenty-Three

The text of most of the verses follows the edition of Louis de la Vallee Poussin, Miilamadhyamakakiirikas de Nagarjuna avec la Prasannapada, Commentaire de CandrakZrti, Bibliotheca Buddhica 4, St. Petersbourg: Academie Imperiale des Sciences, 1913, as emended by].W. de Jong, "Textcritical Notes on the. Prasannapada," Indo-Iranian Journal 20 (1978), pp. 217-52. The exceptionsare 23:10,11,13,14, where the Sanskrit is reconstructed on the basis of the earlier Tibetan translations. See Lindtner, Nagarjuniana, p. 26 n. 79 (Master of Wisdom, pp. 352-3 n. 61) and Akira Saito, A Study of the Buddhapalita- . Miilamadhyamaka-vrtti, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Australian National University, 1984, p. xvi. The Prasannapada's verse 23-20 is omitted in the early' translations and also here.

sarpkalpaprabhavo rago dve~o mohas ca kathyatel subhasubhaviparyasan sarpbhavanti pratitya hill

SOTERIOLOGICAL PURPOSE

·subhasubhaviparyasan sarpbhavanti pratItya yel te svabhavan na vidyant~ tasmat kleSa na tattvatal)11

atmano 'stitvanastitve na katharpcic ca sidhyatal)1 tarp vinastitvanastitve kleSanarp sidhyatal) katharpll

kasyacid dhi bhavantIme kleSal) sa ca na sidhyatil kascid aho vina karp cit santi kleSa na kasyacitll

svakayadntivat klesal) kli~te santi na paiicadhal svakayad:mivat kli~tarp kleSe~v api na paiicadhall

svabhavato na vidyante subhasubhaviparyayal)1 pratitya kataman klesal) subhasubhaviparyayanll

rupasabdarasasparsa gandha dharmas ca ~a<:lvidharpl vastu ragasya do~asya mohasya ca vikalpyatell

rupasabdarasaspada gandha dharmas ca kevalal)1 gandharvanagarakara marIcisvapnasarpnibhal)11

asubharp va subharp vapi kutas te~u bhavi~yatil mayapuru~akalpe~u pratibimbasame~u call

anapek~ya subharp nasty asubharp prajiiapayemahil yat pratItyasubharp tasmac chubharp naivopapadyatell

anapek~yasubharp nasti subharp prajnapayemahil yat pratItya sub harp tasmad asubharp naiva vidyatell

avidyamane ca subhe kuto rago bhavi~yatil asubhe 'vidyamane ca kuto dve~o bhavi~yatill

anitye nit yam ity evarp yadi graho viparyayal)1 na nityarp vidyate sunye kuto graho 'viparyayal)11

anitye 'nit yam ity evarp yadi graho 'viparyayal)1 nanityam vidyate sunye kuto graho 'viparyayal)11

yena g:rhI).ati yo graho grahIta yac ca g:rhyatel upasantani sarvaI).i tasmad graho na vidyatell

avidyamane grahe ca mithya va samyag eva val bhaved viparyayal) kasya bhavet kasyaviparyayal)11

na capi viparItasya sarpbhavanti viparyayal)1 na capy aviparItasya sarpbhavanti viparyayal)11

19

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17


na viparyasyamanasya sa:rpbhavanti viparyayab[ vimrsasva svayarp kasya sa:rpbhavanti viparyayab[[

anutpannab katha:rp nama bhavi~yanti viparyayab[" viparyaye~v ajate~u viparyayagatab kutab[[

atma ea suci nitya:rp ea sukha:rp ea yadi vidyate[ atma ea suei nitya:rp ea sukha:rp ea na viparyayab[[

natma ea suei nitya:rp ea sukha:rp ea yadi vidyate[ anatma 'suey anitya:rp ea naivadubkha:rp ea vidyate[[

eva:rp nirudhyate 'vidya viparyayanirodhanat[ avidyaya:rp niruddhaya:rp sa:rpskaradya:rp nirudhyate[[

yadi bhi1tab svabhavena klesab keeid dhi kasyaeit[ katha:rp nama prahlyeran kab svabhava:rp prahasyati[[

yady abhi1tab' svabhavena kldab keeid dhi kasyaeit[ katha:rp nama prahlyeran ko 'sadbhava:rp prahasyati[[

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

'The Redactions of the Adbhutadharmaparyaya from Gilgit*

by Yael B entor

]. Introduction

. The importance of the Gilgit collection of Sanskrit Buddhist manuscripts has long been recognized. It provides us with Sanskrit manuscripts of texts which were either previously unknown in their original language or were known only through much later manuscripts which have been found in Nepal, Tibet and Japan. I The present work includes an edition of the Ad

·bhutadharmaparyaya (Ad), a text which falls into the former category, based on three Sanskrit manuscripts from Gilgit. The text .is preceded by a technical introduction and followed by an English translation of the Sanskrit. 2 There are important redactional .differences between the mss. of Ad which seem to represent seCtarian differences (see below).

The Ad is a Buddhist canonical text which deals with the making of stupas and images, and with the cult of relics, as well as the merit resulting therefrom. Despite the great number of actual stupas and images preserved in the Buddhist world, only • a small number of Sanskrit texts entirely devoted to the subject of stu pas and images are known. 3 Ad advocates the establishment of stupas/imageslrelics and asserts that such acts produce greater merit than making offerings to the Sangha, the Arhats and Pratyekabuddhas. This canonical work appears to be only one of a larger group of texts, which also includes the Kutagara Siltra4 and the Mahiira1Ja Sutra,5 all of which share this common theme. 6 Moreover, thePratttyasamutpada Sutra7 also has elements in common with other texts of this group, although its descriptionS of the stUpaslimageslrelics differs somewhat. The basic description shared by the four just noted texts is also quoted or

21

22 JIABS VOL. 11 NO: 2

mentioned in several stupa texts.9 The seventh century Chines traveler to India I Ching was also familiar wit~ this descriptio~ which he quotes, or very closely paraphrases, In explaining the very common practice of making stupas and images. 10

Although I Ching and our sutras may have intended the hyperbolic description of "merely" making a miniature stupa or an image to be taken in a rhetorical sense, there is abundant archaeological evidence for the actual practice of making small stupas in large numbers. II The report of Hsiian Tsang on the making of miniature stupas can be added to this evidence. 12 Of special importance are the "excavations" at Gilgit. In the same stupa where the manuscripts of Ad were deposited hundreds of small stu pas and images were found. 13 A number of texts belong_· ing to the later Avadana class also provide us with literary sources for this practice. 14 The hyperbolic argument made by Ad and its related sutras seems to reflect a tension between the cult of stupas/imageslrelics and offerings to the Sangha/arhats/Pra_ tyekabuddhas as primary "fields of merit" {pu1'}yakietra).15

II. Description of the Manuscripts

Three mss. of the Ad have so far been identified in the Gilgit collection,16 and all three have been published in facsimile in Gilgit Buddhist Manuscripts, (GBMs).17 They will be referred to here as mss. A, Band C.

Ms. A: GBMs vol. 7, folio 1507.8 to end and continued on folios 1576.1-1581.4. Script: Gilgit/Bamiyan-Type II.IS This ms. is complete; however, in GBMs the first line of the text, which occurs as the last line of one leaf, is separated from the rest of the text by about 70 folios. 19 The center of each folio of ms. A is unclear, making the readings partly indistinct.

Ms. B: GBMs vol. 7, folios 1588.1 to 1592.4. Script: Gilgitl Bamiyan-Type II. This ms. contains only the second half of the text. It begins in section [4] according to the divisions I have introduced into the text. On the whole it is clearly readable. Ms. B has, however, been mislabelled by the scribe in the colophon where it is called the Kutagara Sutra. 20

Ms. C: GBMs vol. 7, folio 16911.2 to end. Script: Gilgitl Bamiyan-Type I,21 although it is in appearance somewhat cur-

ADBHUTADHARMAPARyAYA 23

sive. This ms. has only the very beginning of the text, ending in section [1]. It is on the whole clearly readable.

III. Editorial Notes

My edition consists of an annotated transliteration of ms. A, the only complete ms. The variants of mss. Band Care supplied in notes. (Ms. B shows greater consistency and standardization.) Since the 3 mss. belong to more than one .redaction (see IV. below), my intention was to preserve the text of A. Notes important for the reading of the text of ms: A itself are marked with asterisks. Unreadable ak;;aras in ms. A are, however, reconstructed. All reconstructions are marked as such, and are based on parallels within A, and on B or C when available, unless otherwise noted. Only the punctuation of A is indicated. While retaining the punctuation of A, I have also imposed my own punctuation on the edited text when I thought it helpful for reading the text.

IV. Redactional Differences between mss. A and B

a. Citations of differing redactional readings (The parentheses indicate different readings in parallels within the same ms.)

No. Reference

1. [4]n.3 and parallels in [5], [6], [7], [S].

2. [4] n.6 and parallels in [5], [6].

3. [4] n.S and parallels in

A

caturdise (va) bhik~usarp.ghe

cchatrarp.

prati~thapayet

B

caturddisaya va bhik~usarp.ghaya

cchatram aropayed

prak~iped

24

[5], [6], [7J, [8].

4. [4] n.9 and parallels in [5], [6], [7], . [S].

5. [5] n.4 and [6] no.3 (replace nava with dasain [6])

6. [5] n.9 [6] n.6 [7] n.9

7. [7]n.3 [8] n.4

S. [9] n.5

9. [9] n.6

10. [9] n.S andn.9

11. [10] n.9

JIABS VOL. 11 NO.2

evanandab

navayojanasahasraI).yayamavistarel,la

yavac yavac deest

devanam indrasya

deest

maitryaprameyah karul,la ya prameya muditayaprameya upekiJaya

caturbhir vaisaradyair dasabhis tathagatabalair aiJtadasabhir avel,likair buddhadharmmair

imam dharma paryayam adbhutam adbhutadharmaparyaya [x]i dharayazl)

evahaI11

na vayojanasahasralJ.Y ayamena navayojana_ sahasral,li vis tare-l,la

srotapanne bh ya(l) sakrdagamibhyo ('nagamibhyo) 'rhadbhyal) pratyekabuddhebhyas

devendrasya

jiianenaprameya

deest

dasabhir bbalais caturbhir vaisaradyais t:rbhir avel,li-kai sm:rtyupasthanair mmahakarul,laya ca

imam dharmaparyayam am:rtadundubhir ity api dharayal) adbhutadharmaparyaya ity api dharaya tas-mad asya dharmmaparyayasya adbhuta-

12. [10] n.12

ADBHUTADHARMAPARYAYA

deest

dharmaparyaya1;t ityadhivacanam

kutagarasutrarp samapta:rn

b. Discussion of the Redactional Differences

25

About half of the differences noted above (2, 4, 5, 6, 7) appear to be simply a matter of "style", although this is an ill-defined and little studied aspect of Buddhist texts in Sanskrit. As for the rest, in no. 1 the difference is grammatical as well as stylistic (see below, Sanskrit edition [1] n. 13). In no. 11, besides more stylistic differences, ms. B adds another title to the list of alternative titles for the text: Amrtadundubhib,. In no. 12, the colophon of ms. B calls the text Kiltiigiira Siltra as well (as was mentioned above). Both no. 8 and 9 concern the qualities of the Tathagata. Ms. B adds jiiiina to the list of qualities of the Tathagata, while ms. A lists the four immeasurables (apramiiry,as) which are lacking in ms. B.

No. 10 appears to involve a sectarian distinction with regard to the Doctrine. The disagreement here concerns the conception of the Buddha. According to ms. A the Tathagata is endowed with the ten powers (dasabalani) , the four assurances (catvari vaisaradyani) and the 18 characteristics unique to a Buddha (a$tadasavery,ikab, buddhadharmab,). Ms. B, like ms. A, begins its list with the ten powers and the four assurances. However, instead of the 18 avery,ikabuddhadharmas, ms. B gives the three unique applications of mindfulness (trfry,y avery,ikani smrtyupasthanani)22 and great compassion (mahakarury,ii).

According to Vasubandhu in the Abhidharmakosa23 the 18 characteristics unique to the Buddha consist of the ten powers, the four assurances, the three unique applications of mindfulness and great compassion. (a$tadasavery,ikastu buddhadharma baladayab, . .. katame '$tadasa? dasa balani catvari vaisaradyani trfry,i smrtyupasthanani mahakarury,a ca.) This list is identical to the one given in ms. B.

But Yasomitra in his commentary to the Abhidharmakosa, the Sphutartha Abhidharmakosa-vyakhya24 says: ete baladya mahakarury,anta aJtadasavery,ikii Vaibha$ikair vyavasthapya7(lte. baladi-vyatiriktan kecid anyan a$tadasavery,ikan buddha-dharman varry,ayanti.

This might be translated: "The Vaibha~ikas declare the 18


unique chara~teristics (ave1J,ikas) .to begin with th.e powers (balas) and to end wIth great compassIOn. Others (kead) consider the 18 characteristics unique to the Buddh~ to be different frorn the powers and so forth." (Here Yasomitra lists the 18 ave1J,ikabuddhadharmas according to these "others");25

Thus, according to Yasomitra, the list of 18 ave1J,ikas in the Abhidharmakosa represents the position of the Vaibha~ikas. This list is also found in other Sarvastivadin sources as Lamotte has pointed out. 26 On the other hand, "others" recognize 18 ave1J,ikas which do not include the ten powers and the four assurances. This is the view representeq by our ms. A.

In fact, according to the MahiiprajiiaparamitiiSastra (MPPS) there are two different lists of the 18 ave1J,ikabuddhadharmas. 27

One list is advocated by the MPPS while the other is rejected there. The list of the 18 ave1J,ikabuddhadharmas advocated there is common with the Mahayana literature. 28 The rejected list, according to Lamotte, belongs to the Sarvastivadin(Vaibha~ika) school.

In sum, the controversy about the nature of the ave1J,ikabud- . dhadharmas is reflected in a number of important Sanskrit Buddhist scholastic texts. This question seems to have been widely debated. Ms. B reflects the point of view of the Vaibha~ikas, ms. A that of their opponents. The list of the Tathagata's qualities in the two mss. appears to have been adjusted to suit two different sectarian conceptions of the Buddha and appears to reflect this debate.

Of a somewhat different kind, no. 3 may involve a difference in the actual practice discussed in the Ad. Ms. A has: One establishes a stupa (stupar(!, prati$thiipayet), makes an image rpratimarrt kiirayet), and establishes a relic (dhiitur(!, prati$thapayet). It is unclear whether three different objects are to be made separately or whether the passage concerns a single stupa with an image and relic. Ms. B always uses the verb prak$ipet "put into" with dhiitu "relic," thus making it clear, in this case, that the relic is to be put into the object. It is, however, still unclear whether the relic is to be put into both the stupa and the image or into the stiipa alone. The Tibetan translation of Ad seems to follow Sanskrit ms. B. It uses byas "make" with mchod-rten "stupa," and sku-gzugs "image,"29 and bcug "put into" with ring bsrel "relic."

The Sanskrit ms. A of Ad, in which establishing a relic may

ADBHUTADHARMAPARYAYA 27

~:be separate from the establishment of a stiipa, may reflect a j' form of the relic cult 1)ot yet associated with a stiipa. This form of the relic cult sans stiipa also appears to be mentioned in the

,Millasaruastiviidavinaya from Gilgit and in the Divyiivadiina. 30

;' V. Pecularities of the Language3I

A. Grammatical Notes , Since the three mss. of the Adbhutadharmaparyiiya reflect ~different grammatical usages, they are treated here separately. :. The corresponding section numbers from BHSG are given in ~ .. '. parentheses. Numbers in square brackets refer to my own added section numbers.

Ms. A: (1). Nasal and anusviira (#2.64-71).

(a). The anusviira is frequently used for any nasal, final or medial (#2.64). For example: 'sar(l,gha (throughout), pirruj,a (throughout), pratikriir(l,ta/:t [2], vaijayar(l,ta/:t [7], k$iir(l,tyii [9], ekiir(l,ta

. [2], bhagavar(l,tam [2], [10], °asmir(l,. Cf. Kurumiya p. xxiv 1.6, p., xxxix; von Hinuber p. x. As Kurumiya notes, this use of anusviira

, is not restricted to Buddhist mss. alone. Cf. Whitney #73b. , (b). A double nasal r(l,n or r(l,m, exclusively before long ii. For , example: civiirar(l,n ii- [2], patiikar(l,m ii- [2], iiyu$miir(l,n ii- [2]. Cf. • Kurumiya p. xxiv 1.6; Watanabe p. xiii.

(2). Dental sibilant and visarga. (#2.92). (a). The visarga, or its sandhi equivalent, is sometimes omit

ted. Cf. Kurumiya p. xxvi 3.1; Mette p. 141; Watan4be pp. xiii-xiv. Omissions of this sort will not be indicated in the notes.

(b). Beforeini~ial gutteral surd (k)and labial surd (p) the visarga is sometimes replaced with jihviimuliya and upadhmiiniya respectively (Renou p. 38; Whitney #69, # 170d; Sander Tafel 22; Buhler p. 67). I have marked them, after Renou, with ll. and

'., lJ, respectively. Examples for jihviimuliya: yall. kas [2], chriiddhall. : kulaputro [2], [5], [7], [8], °prameyall. karur],ayii (9). An example

for upadhmiiniya: tatalJ, prabhutatarar(l, [5]. The use of the .' jihviimuliya and upadhmiiniya is far from consistent. Although

the phrases sriiddha/:t kulaputra/:t and tata/:t prabhutatarar(l, occur in

28 JIABS VOL. 11 r~o, 2

every section from [1] to [8J, jihvamiiliya and upadhmaniya ......•. used only in the cases indicated. The same treatment of visa~re frequently occurs in the Maitreyavyakarary,a ms. from Gilgit Whi~~ was probably writt~n by the same scribe ~s. our ~s. A, e.g.: tatah k- (GMBs part 7, foho 1539.1) devatatJ p- (zbzd. foho 1540.4) dosaih p- (ibid. folio 1541.4). Theupadhmaniya also occurs in the Buddhd_ baladhanapratiharyavikurvary,anirdesa written in Gilgit/Bamiyan-.; Type I Script32: katJ punar (ibid. folio 1296.8). Cf. Mette pp. 134 and 14l.

(c). Before initial dental sibilant (s) visarga sometimes becomes dental sibilant. For example: arhatas s- [6]; cf. Maitreyavyakarar;a, tatas s- (ibid. folio 1538.1) and Whitney # 172.

(d). Before initial palatal surd (c), instead of a final palatal sibilant (5) we sometimes find!;S. For example: pratyekabuddhe_ bhya!;S catur [3]. (3). Sandhi.

(a). Hiatus (#4.51-6). Hiatus between two vowels is sometimes maintained. For example: va idrsam [1], [2], me etad [2], ananda uttaroO [6]. Cf. Kurumiya p. xxvii 3.9.

(b). A dental nasal (n) preceded by a long vowel and followed by a vowel is doubled. For example: bhagavann a- [3]. Cf. Kurumiya p. xxvii 3.4. (4). The use of lingual vowel (r) for lingual semi-vowel (r) which occurs in Band C, does not occur in A. (5). The dropping of a final consonant, which occurs in B, does not occur in A.

Ms. B: (1). Nasals and anusvara.

(a). The only example of the use of anusvara for any nasal in B is the spelling sa'f(tgha which occurs throughout the ms. In all other cases where A has 'f(t, B has the expected nasal: B has pir;(ia for A's pi'f(t(ia, pratikrantal; for A's pratikra'f(ttal; etc. These readings of ms. B with this type of variation will not be given in the notes.

(b). Double nasals such as found in ms. A do not occur in ms. B. (2). Dental sibilant and visarga.

(a). The omission of a visarga or its sandhi equivalents is


~~ery common in ms. B. Omissions of this kind in B will not be !'ndicated in the notes. , 11:.,> (b). ]ihvamilliya and upadhrf!,anfya occur only once each in ffus. B: ajihvamilliya occurs in [5] n. 7, upadhmanfya in [8] n. 11. . ~{; (c). In B 'there is no occurrence of a dental sibilant (s) for fi'visarga before initial dental sibilant such as occurs in A. ~\ (d). There is only one instance of the use of M before an ~hitial palatal surd (c) in B, again in pratyekabuddhebhyal;S catur [6]. !(3). San,dhi: Hiatus. . . ;ithere IS only one example of an unresolved hIatus III ms. B: ~a,nanda avaragodanfyo [5]. ~i(4). The use of lingual vowel (r) for lingual semi-vowel (r)

ii(#3.97). !iExamples for lingual vowel (r) used for lingual semivowel (r): ;{trslihasra for trisahasra [8], trbhir for tribhir [9]. Cf. Kurumiya p. ~Xxvi 2.12. p. xxxix; Mette p. 141; Watanabe p. xiv. This will not ;'be indicated in the notes. . r(5). The dropping of final consonants. (#2.90-1) cf. Kurumiya iiP' xxv section 1.9. ~... (a). The dropping of final dental surd (t) before initial dental· {sibilant (s) is very common in ms. B. Examples: kliraye s- [4], "frrati$thlipaye s- [6], arha s- [9].

(b). There is one example of the dropping of a final conso';nant when the final consonant is identical to the initial consonant of the following word: tasmli tvam [10] n. 6. Cf. Mette p. 140;

'Watanabe p. xiii.

Ms.C. ·(1). Nasal and anusvlira.

(a). The use of anusvara for any nasal occurs only twice in ms. C: ekasmir[l [0], sar[lgha [1]. Like ms. B, ms. C has pirp),a. This will not be indicated in the notes.

(b). There is one occurrence of the dollble nasal in ms. C: bhagavar[ln raja [0] nA. (2). Dental sibilant and visarga.

(a). The visarga is sometimes omitted in ms. C. Examples: amanda, arhata [1]. This will not be noted.

(b).]ihvlimilliya occurs in ms. C: yab, kas cic chrliddhab kulaputro [1]. (3). Sandhi: Hiatus.

-------------- -----------------


The one instance of an unresolved hiatus between two vow / I is the same as in ms. A: va zdrsam [1]. e s (4). !here is one example of lingual vowel (r) used for lingual. semIvowel (r) uccrta [1]. Cf. BHSD p. 11gb. This will not b .. indicated in the notes. e (5). The dropping of a final consonant does not occur in ms. C.

B. Paleographical and Orthographical Peculiarities (1). In both mss. A and B the labial sonant (b) and the labial semivowel (v) are indistinguishable.33 I have transliterated the aksara as b or v according to the context. Badarzlvadarz (see M-W p. 71gc, p. 916b), which I have transliterated as badarz (cf. Watanabe p. xiv) remains, however, problematic. (2). In ms. B and once in ms. A., in addition to the regular mark for an anusvara (a dot above the aksara), a special ligature (~) written after the aksara is used. I have indicated it by: ifi,. Its use in both mss. is quite arbitrary. Examples: ms. A: arocayeyaifi, [1]; . ms. B: [4] n.ll, [6] n.S, [7] n.6, [S] n.7, [10] n.g. Cf. von Hinuber p. x. (3). Ms. B uses two systems of vowel notation. In addition to the vowel matras of Gilgit/Bamiyan-Type II script in which it is written, ms. B also uses on occasion the vowel matras of Gilgit/ Bamiyan-Type 1. For example: palatal diphthong (e) [4] n.S, labial diphthong (0) [7] n.2, lingual palatal diphthong (ai) [9] n.g. I have indicated the use of the vowel matras of the second kind with e, 0, iii [for the palatal diphthong (e) vowel matra, see also Sander Tafel 23-4]. (4). A single consonant following a lingual semi-vowel (r) may be doubled. This happens once in ms. A, and quite often in ms. B. Examples: In ms. A: dharmma [10]; in ms. B: dharmma (in every occurrence), caturddiSaya (in every occurrence), purvva [5] n.2. purrpJa [5] n.6, dasabhir bbcliaiS [g] n.S, smrtyupasthiinair mmahiikarur;aya [g] n.g. Cf. Whitney #22S, 22Sc.

C. Punctuation Three punctuation marks are used in the mss. (1). A single dot raised a half space above the bottom of the line is used to mark the end of a paragraph. Unfortunately most


paragraphs of ms. A happen to end at points. where the ms. is difficult to read. I have kept these punctuatIon marks-in so far as I could read them. Cf. Mette throughout the Tathiigatabirnbakiiriipa1Jasiitra ms. In my edition I have used (as Mette did) a single dot at the top of the line for this punctuation mark. (2). (a). Before a pause, ms. C uses a mark which appears to correspond to a viriima. Cf. von Hinuber throughout his text; Mette p. 134, n. 4: and Tripathi p. 157, n. 20. The three texts of von Hinuber, Mette and Tripathi, like our ms. C, are all written in Gilgit/Bamiyan-Type I. This "viriima" appears to be used mostly after labial nasal (m), dental nasal (n) and dental surd (t). (b). Ms. A and ms. B once ([10] n.3), both of which are written in Gilgit/Bamiyan-Type II, use a special mark to note a final dental surd (t). I have transliterated it witht'. It is used before a pause, in a similar way to the use of the "viriima" in C. (3). The visarga is sometimes used as a punctuation mark. There are two examples: sugata/:t [10] and dhiiraya/:t [10]. In both cases the readings of A and B are the same. Cf. von Hinuber p. xi; Mette p. 134, n. 4 and p. 141. I have kept these visargas in the edition. (4). Absence of sandhi. In order to denote a pause both mss. A and B sometimes do not apply the appropriate sandhi rules, but use instead the corresponding sandhi for final position. In this case no punctuation mark is used. These occurrences are very frequent in ms. A. In these instances I have supplied a period. Cf. Kurumiya p. xxxix.

VI. Edition of the Sanskrit Text

Abbreviations A: GBMs vol. 7, folio 1507.8 to end and folios 1576.1 to 1581.4. B: GBMs vol. 7, folios 1588.1 to 1592.4. c: GBMs vol. 7, folio 1691.2 to end. T: Tibetan according to the Derge edition.

Damaged akJaras are marked by enclosing them in brackets and paren theses. [ ]: Reconstructions of akJaras which are damaged or only partially

visible. < >: Reconstructions of akJaras of which no trace remains.

32 JIABS VOL. 11 NO; 2

( ): Denoting unclear but still readable ak!;aras. x: Denoting the presence of an akJara which I could not

with any degree of certainty. par(s): parallel(s). note number*: Denoting notes important for the reading of

itself.

[0] (1507.8) evarp1 maya srutam2 ekasmirp samaye3. van4 rajag:rhe viharati sma·5 ver:lUvane kalandakanivase.

I)Ms. A has one line preceding the standard opening formula evarrz mayii, etc. which I was not able to read. 2) C: srutam. 3) For the punctuation of the opening formula cf. J. Brough, "Thus Have I Heard ... " BSOAS 18 (1950) 416-26. Y. Kajiyama, "Thus Spoke the Bles.sed. One ... " in L. Lancaster, ed., Pra/ iiiipiiramztii and Related Systems: Studzes m Honor of Edward Conze (Berkeley; Buddhist Studies Series, 1977) 93-99; A. Wayman and H. Wayman, The Lion's Roar of Queen Srimalii (Columbia University Press, 1974) 59. 4)C: bhagaviirrzn. 5) C omits.

[1] Athayu~man ananda purvah1).e niva[s]ya <pa>(lS76) (trac)ivara(m) adaya rajag:rharppirp<;laya pravik~at'l. adrahid2 ayu~man anando rajag:rhe nagare3 savadanarp. piIP-<;lara 4lcarama1).o, 'nyatamasmirp(4 pradde5 kutagaram asitidvaram ulliptavaliptam6 [ucchrtadh]vaja(pa)takam7 amu~ ktapattadamakalaparp} d:r(~tva) ca pu[nas ta]syaitad abhavat':9 yal;10 kascic chraddhal;11 kulaputro va (ku)laduhita va Id:rsarp kutagararp k[arayit]va (catur)d(ise) 12,13 [bhik~usa

rpghe nirya]taye[ d; yo v]a (tathagatasyarha)tal; samya (ksa)rnbuddhasyamalakaprama1).arpl4 stup;:trn pra<tiHha>payet'15 sucImatrarp16 ya~ti(mI7 aropayed badari) [patramatrarp18 cchatrarpI9*, yavaphala]prama1).arp pratimarp karayet'20 sar~apaphalaprama1).arp dhaturp prati<~tha>[pa]yet21, tat katamarn tatal; prabhutatararp pU1).yarp syat'? a[tha]yu- . ~mamata ananda[syaitad a]bhvat':22 sasta me sarpmukhlbhutal;, sugato me sarpmukhlbhutal;. yanv23 aham etam . evartharp bhagavatal;24* arocayeyarp25. yatha me sa bhagavarp vyakari~yati tathaharp dharayi(~ya)mIty.

I) C is difficult to read here. Cf. E. Conze, Vajracchedikii prajiiiipiiramitii (Serie Orientale Roma 13, 1957) 27 etc. 2) The sentence begins with a finite aorist verb, later followed by a gerund of the same root. T omits the first occurrence of this verb. C agrees with A. This verbal construction is perhaps


:,:f, f d for emphasis, but is found fairly often in non-Mahayana Sanskrit sutra t:rature. Cf. E. Waldschmidt, Das Mahiiparinirvii:r;asutra [MPNS] (Berlin, i:;~51) 5.3 10.7 11.820:5 etc.; G. v.0nSimson, Zur Diktion einiger Lehrtexte :fUesbuddhistlschen S.anskrzt:a;:ons (Mu~chen, 1965) 12.~2-f6, 15.12f etc. 3) C iblnits . T ag.rees w!th A. )(~: :arama1Ja\ anyatam~smn(l" ) C: Prthl~fPradeSe. }(agrees With A. ) C: upahptavallptam. ) For this and the followmg com"'Ound, cf. W. Couvreur, Review of J. Nobel's Udriiya1Ja, Konig von Roruka, :}ljvol. 1 (1957) 312. 8) In C -diima- is an interlinea~ additio.n. A flus.(+) 'sign (kakapada or harrzsapada) marks the place at which the InSertIOn IS to

'be made. 9) C has dental t with a viriima; see introduction V,C,(2),(a). 10) ;:,:C: yab:. II) C: chraddhafl. 12) A is not clear here, C has catur. In the pars to ,';,ihis phrase A almost always uses ciitur (the only exception is in the par in 1,;[5]). 13) In the pars to this and the next compound B always uses a dative ,'ifor the locative here. In the pars apart from the one in [4] this locative will ;"not be further noted. 14)In all the pars in A this phrase occurs as: }'samyaksarrzbuddhasya parinirvrtasya mrt/mrttikapirrzrjad amalaka . ... There '{agrees with the pars. C here agrees with A, making it unlikely that it is a "scribal error in the textual transmission of A alone. 15) In A the t' is an ;.interlinear addition. 16) C: suciprama1Jarrz. A here agrees with all the pars. 17) >.:C ends after -ya-. 18) Or vadari-; see V,B,(1). It will not be further noted. 19*)

A verb after cchatram is absent in all but the past par in A. The verb aropayet ,"always occurs in the pars in B. T also uses a verb here and elsewhere in the ,'occurrence of this phrase. The absence of the verb in the pars will not be "further noted. 20) As in [1] n. 15, the t' here is an interlinear addition. 21) In

all the pars B uses the verb pra~iPet; see [4] n. 8. 22) Reconstructed with the : help of Ananda's speech in [2], which is in the first person: me etad abhavat. T: de yang 'di snyam du sems teo 23)Or yatv. This is perhaps intended for yat tv

, aham or yan nv aham; see BHSD 444b and 104b S.V. arocayati. 24*) The visarga :<is a "correction" beneath the line. 25) This is the only occurrence of 1f1, ;~in A.

[2] athayu(~)man ana[ndo raja] grhe l [?nagareF savadanarp pirp<;laya caritva krtabhaktakrtya pascadbhaktapirpdapatapratikrarptal). patraclvararp pratisamayya3 padau prak~alya yena bhagava(rps ten)opasarpkrarnta.4 upasarpkramya bhagavatal). padau sirasa vanditvaikarpte 'sthad. ekarptasthita ayu~man anando bhagavarp.tam idam avocat': ihaharp bhadarpta5 purvahI).e nivasya patrac1vararpm ada(1577)ya (ra)jagrharp pirp<;laya pravik~arp. so 'ham adrak~arp6, rajagrhe nagare savadana(rp) pirpdaya caramaI).o 'nyatamasmirp pradese kutagaram asitidvaram ulli(pta)valiptam ucchritadh vaja patakarpm am ukta pa ttadamakala parp ca dr~tva ca punar me etad abhavat': yah kascic chraddhab kulaputro va kuladuhita va Idrsarp kutaga(rarp)1* caturdise

34 JIABS VOL. 11 NC). 2

bhik~usaJpghe niryatayed; yo va tathagata(sya)rhatah s ';;i (yaksaqlbu)ddhasya parini~rvr)tasya mrttikapiJpQad ~rn:~~! kapramaI).aJp stupaJp pratl~thap,ayet'1I8 sUclmatram y<l.~~ aropaye~d _bada]n[?a~ra]m~tra[~] cchatra[Jp], [ya]va[phcf~ lapra]maI).aJp pratImaJp karayet san;;apaphalapramaI..1irrl.l dhatuJp prati~thapayet', <tat ka>[tamam]9 tatal). prabhtil~ tataraJp pUI).yaJp syat'? tasya mamaitad abhavac: chasta ni~;, saJpmukhibhutal)., sugato me saJpmukhibhutal).. yanil6,l aham etam evarthaJp bhagavatal). <aroca>yeyam. yath~~ bhagavaJp vyakari~yati [tathahaJp]11 dha(ra)[yi~](yy~' [am]'i[t]i2·Ci~

I) This phrase was read with the help .?f T: de nas tshe dang ldan pa kun dg~;~ bo rgyal po khab to . .. "Then Venerable Ananda in Rajagrha ... ".2) This is very: uncertain. A ap~ears to have ?1jisiite; t~e first and third a~aras apparentlyl

,scored out as mIstakes. Two a~aras whICh probably were meant to replace~: those scored out are written beneath the line. The first of these two akJaidJ'; is not clear, the second is -ga-. The phrase riijagrhe nagare siivadiinaT[! pirruJa,yt; lear occurs two more times in [1] and [2]. T does n.ot have grong khyerdil: (nagare) here, although it does have rgyal po'i khab kyi grong khyer du (riijagrhd: nagare) for the two other occurrences of this phrase. 3) Cf. BHSD 369b;:~ 4) This stock phrase was read with the help of T: beom ldan 'das ga la ba dei' song nas. 5) For this vocative see BHSD 40Sb. 6) See [1] n. 2. 7*) The par in [Ijj has kiltiigiiranl kiirayitvii. T also has a verb here. Its absense here in A appears': to be a scribal omission. 8) This is perhaps a double da'f}r;la; if so, it is the omy: occurrence of such in A, and is somewhat out of place here. 9) This reading" was reconstructed according to the par in [1]. T here has: de gnyis bsad namt shin tu ehe ba gang lags. 10) see [1] n. 23. 11 ) This reading is uncertain. It was!: reconstructed according to the par in [1]. T: beam ldan ,'das kyis bdag la ji skad bstan pa bzhin du gzung bar bgyi snyam nas. 12) T has an additional sentence,: here: beam ldan 'das la bdag don 'di nyid zhu lags na thugs brtse ba nye bar bzung stel bcom ldan 'das kyis bdag la don 'di nyid legs bar bstan du gsal/ "If I were to ask the Blessed One concerning this particular matter, he, out of compassion, would fully explain it tome."

[3] [ xxx ]1 bhagavann ayu~(m)aJptam anandam idam avocat': sadhu sadhv ananda bahujanahita[ya] tvam ananda pratipanno ca [bahujanasukh]2aya lokanuka[Jp](payai) arthaya hitaya sukhaya devamanu~yaI).aJp, yas t(v)aJp tathagatam etam evarthaJp paripra~tavyaJp manyase. ten a hy ananda (srI).u) sadhu ca su~thu ca manasikuru, bha~i~ye·. ja[Jp]budvipO hy ananda dVlpa saptayojanasahasraI..1Y ayamavistareI).a3 (1578) uttaravisalo da~~ineI).a sakatamukha'


tam enarp kascic chraddhah kulaputro va ku(la) [du ]hita va saptaratnamayarp (kr) [tv]a sr[ot]apa(nne)bhyal) sakr[dag} amibhyo 'nagamibhyo 'rhadbhyal) pratyekabuddhebhyal)s4 catu[rd]i(se va) [bh]i[k~u]sarpghe niryataye[d]; yEo va ta](th )agatasyar hatal) sam yaksarpbuddhasya parinirvrtasya mrttikapirpdad [a]malakaphalaprama<l)a>rp stuparp prati~thapayet' su[c]l[ma] (tr)a[rp] va5 ya[~ti]m aropa[yed, badari]patra(ma)trarp cchatrarp, yavaphalapramal)a(rp) pratima(rp) karayet' sar~apaphalapramal)arp dhaturp prati~tha<pa>yet', idam evananda, tatal) prabhutatararp pUl)yarp va(da)mi.

I)T: de skad ces gsol ba dang "When thus was said." Although A is completely • unreadable here, T makes it fairly certain that it probably had evam ukte. Cf. ;Vajracchedikii (Pek. vol. 21, 251.1.5): de skad ces gsol ba dang = Conze 28.7 evam ukte; etc.). This also exactly fills the gap. 2) Reconstruction based on T: skye bo mang po la bde ba dang, and occurrences of this cliche elsewhere. See e.g. Et. Lamotte, La concentration de la Marche Heroi'que (Sura'f[!gamasamiidhisutra) (Melanges chinois et bouddhiques vol. 13) (Bruxelles, 1965) 304. Note, how~ver, that the ca here is somewhat problematic. 3) On the form iiyiimavistiirer;a ,cf. BHSG 19.38. 4) For the sandhi see introduction V,A, ms. A (2),(d). 5) This akJara is difficult to read, has no apparent correspondent in the pars, and is therefore uncertain.

[4] ti~thatv ananda ja[rp](bud)vipo dvlpal). as(t)y ananda purvavideho nama dVlpo '~tauyojanasahasra<l)y a>yamavIstarel)a samarptad ardhacandrakaraparil)amita. tam enarp kascic chraddhal) kulaputro va kuladuhita va saptaratnamayarp krtva1,2 3)caturdise bhik~usarpghe(3 niryatayed; yo va tathagatasyarhatal) samyaksarpbuddhasya parinirvrtasya mr[tpirp]dad amalakaphalapramal)arp4 stuparp prati~thapayet'5 sUclmatrarp ya~tim aropayed badarlpatramatrarp cchatrarp6 yavaphalapramal)arp pratima[rpJ karayet7 sar~apaphalapramal)arp dhaturp prati~thapayet',8 idam evanandal)9 tatal) bahutararplO pUl)yarpl1 vadami·.

I) The religious stages srotiipanna, sakrdiigiimin and so forth, which are listed . in the pars in [$] and [8], and are referred to withyiivad in [5] and [6], are missing here. T lists them. 2). B begins here. 3)(3 B: ciiturddifiiya vii bhikJusa'f[!ghiiya. See [1] n. 13. It will not be noted hereafter. 4) B: iimalakapramiir;a'f[!. T agrees with A. 5) B: prati~thiipayet. B uses here a different vowel miitra for the e. See Introduction V,B,(3). 6) B: cchatram iiropayed. See [1] n. 19. The

36 JIABS VOL. lJ NO.2

absence of ,~he ~erb ~!ll not ~e noted herea~ter~ 7) B: karaye . . ~) B: pra~iped. T: bcug na, put mto. ) B: evaharrt. T also omIts ananda. The dIfference not d here between A and B is consistent and will not be noted hereafter. 10) ~. prabhutatararrt as both A and B have in all other occurrences of the phrase. T also uses here the same expression it uses in all the pars. II) B: pU1Jyaift.

[5J ti~thatv anandajarpbudvlpOI dVlpa.b2*. asty anandavara_ godanlyo3 nama dVlpa.b 4)navayoja[naJsa[haJsra1).y ayama~ vistare1).a(4,5 (1579) samantat pur1).acandrakarapari1).ami_ tal)6. ta(m) enarp kas(ci)c chraddhah7 kulapurto va8 kuladu_ hita va saptaratnamayarp krtva yavac9 caturdi<se> bhiksu_ sarnghe niryatayed; yo va tathagatasyarhata.b samyaksa~~ buddhasya parinirv:rtasya mJ;tpirnQ.ad amalaka prama1).arn \Q

stuparn prati~thapayet'l] sucImatrarn ya~tim a[r J<opa>yet']2 badarlpatramatrarp cchatrarn yavaphalapramanam pratimarp. karayet']3 sar~apaphalapramal).arp dhaturp p~ati~thapayed]4, idam evananda.b tatab15 prabhutatararp PUI).-yarp vada <mi>. .

I) B: jarrtbudvzpo. Both spellings are common elsewhere,. see BHSD 238b arid M-W 412b. Differences in regard to the spelling of this word will not be noted hereafter. 2*) B adds: t~thatu purvvavideho dV'ipa/:!, which agrees with the general pattern of this series of repetitions. T agrees with B. 3) B: ananda avaragodan'iyo. 4)(4 B: navayojana(sa)hasra1JY ayamena navayojana(sa)hasra1Ji vistare1Ja. T has: de chur ni dpag tshad dgu stong zheng yang dpag tshad dgu stong stel 5) throughout A vistare1Ja and vistare1Ja are used alternatively; see M-W 1001 c. It will not be noted hereafter. 6) B: pur1J1Ja(ca)ndrakarapari1J,amitastas. The ending results from a dittography. 7) B also has chraddhall. 8) B: vac, probably a scribal error written under the influence of the precedingjihvamul'iya of chraddhall kulaputro. 9) B: srotapannebhya sakrdagamibhyo 'rhadbhya/:! pratyekabuddhebhyas. Note that anagamibhya/:! is here omitted. T lists the five religious stages as in [3]. 10) T: skyu ru ra'i 'bras bu tsam "the size of an amalaka fruit." Amalaka and amalakaphala are used alternatively throughout A and B; it will not be noted hereafter. II) B: prati~thiiPayet; it will not be noted hereafter. 12) B: aropayed. 13) B: karayet; it will not be noted hereafter. 14) B: pra~iped. The use of this verb in B for prat~thiipayet in A is consistent and will not be noted hereafter. 15) B: tata/:!; see introduction V,A, ms. A., (2),(b).

[6J ti~thatv anandajarpbu(d)vlpo dvlpal). ti~thatu (pur)[va~ vJi(de)ho dVlpa.b. ti~thatv avaragodaniyo dVlpa.b. asty an anda uttarakurur [namar dvlpa.b2,3) dasayojanasa<hasrany> ayamavista(re )l).a (3 samarptat4 samar:p[ ta Jcaturasra5*. (ta)m e(na)r:p kascic chraddha.b ku(la)putro va kuladuhita va sap-

ADBHUTADHARMAPARyAYA 37

taratnamayarp. krtva yavac6 catur[d]i[se] <bhik~u>(sarp.)ghe (ni)rya(ta)yed; (yo va) tathagatasyarhatas7

samyaksarp.buddhasya8 parinirvr[ta]sya m(rt)pirp.Qad am alaka(phala)pramalJarp. stuparp. prati~thapayet'g sucImatrarp. yaI~t]im aropayet'lO bada(r)I(patra)[matrarp. c]cha(t)rarp., yavaphalapramalJarp. pratimarp. karaye(t' sar~apa)pha(la)pramalJa(rp.) dhaturp. prati~thapayet', tata1) I I prabhutatararp. pUlJyarp. va <dami> .

1) This reconstruction is uncertain. Possible reading: nnama. 2) B: dv'ipo. 3)(3

, B. dasayojanasahasra1Ji vistare(1Ja) dasayojanasahasra1JY ayamena. T: chur ni dpag tshad khril rgyar yang dpag tshad khri ste!. See [5] n. 4 where T has zheng instead 'of rgyar yang. 4) B: samanta. 5*) B: ?samametacaturasrapari1Jamitas. The reading samameta is uncertain. The addition of pari1Jamitas in B agrees with the general pattern of this series of repetitions. T: gru bzhi lham par grub pa. 6) B: srotapan-

',nebhya~ sakrdagamibhyo 'nagamibhyo 'rhadbhyal; pratyekabuddhebhyal;. Cf. [4] n. 1, j5] n. 9. 7) B: Qarhata. 8) B: samyaksaift[bu]ddhasya. 9) B: prat4thapaye. 10) B: ii(ro)payed. Cf. [5J n. 12. II) B has idam evaha7[! tatal; here as it has in all the pars. A in all the pars: idam evananda tatal;. T uses here the same expression

'it uses in all the pars.

[7] ti~thatv ananda jarp.budvlpodvlpas.1 ti~thatu purvavideho dvI(pa)1). ti~(tha)tv avaragoda[n]Iy(o)2 [dv]I[pahJ. (t)i~thatuttarakuru dVlpah. asty ananda sakrasya 3)de[ v ]anam indrasya(3 (1580) vaijayarp.to4 nama5 prasadah. tam enarp.6 sraddhah7 kulaputro va kuladuhita va8*,g caturdise bhi(k~u)sarp.(ghe) niryatayed; yo va tathagatasyarhatab. samyaksarp.buddhasya paranirvrtasyalO* mrtpirp.Qad amalakaphalapramalJarp. ll)stuparp. prati~th(apa)yet' sUclmatrarp. ya(~t)im a[ropaye]d badarl(pa)tramatrarp. cchatrarp., yavaphalapramalJarp. pratimarp. karayet [sa]r~apaphalapramalJarp.(11 dh(aturp.) [prati~thapa ]y[ e ]d, idam evananda tatab. pra(bhu)tatararp. pUlJya[rp. va] (da)[mi].

1) B: dv'iPa~, as in the pars throughout A and B. 2) B: avaragodan'iyo. 3)(3 B: devendrasya. 4) A: vaivaijaya7[!to. A scribal ditto graphical error resulting from writing an a~ara at the end of the last line of the page and repeating it at the head of the first line of the next page. B: vaijayantaJ;.. 5) B omits. T: rnam

'. par rgyal byed ces bya ba.A agrees with T. 6) B: enaift. 7) B: kasci(c) chraddha, ,similar to all the parsin A and B. T agrees with B. 8*) B: va saptaratnamaya7[!

krtva. This phrase appears to have been inadvertently omitted in A. It is used in all the pars in A and B and in T here and throughout. 9) B adds after its Va sapta ratnamaya7[! krtva (see n. 8) the five religious stages as in [6] n. 6. (The


-ka- in pratyeka, however is mistakenly repeated). 10*) Read paTinirvrt ..; 'b I . 11)(11' . asya· 11 appears to be a scn a error. B omIts. It appears to be at' .'. :.~

homoeoteleuton. YPlCal

[8] [~]i(~tha)t~ anan~al jarp(bu)dvlpo dvlpab. ti~thatu pu-' rvavldeho dVlpab. tl~thatv <avara>godanlyo2 dvlpal). til (~tha)tuttaraku(ru)3 d(v)Ipab. (ti~that)u sakrasya 4)(d)eva_ nam indrasya(4 vaijaya(rp)tal;l prasadal;l. asty anandas5

trisahasramahasahasro lo<kadha> [tU].6 tam enarp kaSci(cf chr(a)ddhah kulaputro va (kula)duhita va saptaratnama~ yarp7 krtva srotapannebhyal;l sakrda(ga)mibhyo 'nagaIlli_' bhyo 'rhadbhyal;l- pratyekabuddhebhya<s> caturdi[seva bh]ik~usarpghe nirya(ta)yed; yo [va ta]thagatasyarhatah samyaksarpbuddhasya parinirvl;tasya ml;ttikapil.:H;iad8 am~~ la~apramal).arp stuparp prati~thapayet,g su<ci>matrarp ya~' ~tlm aropayed badarlpatramatrarp cchatram aropaye10* yavaphalapramal).arp pratimarp karayet' sara~apaphalapra~ mal).arp dhaturp prati~thapayed, idam evana<nda> tatal)lI prabhutatararp pUl).yarp vadami·.

1) A uses an irregular form for long ii. 2) B: avaragodanzyo. 3) B: °uttaraguru. 4) Bk: deve(nd)rasya as in [7] n. 3)(3. 5) B: iina(nda). 6) B: [lo]kadha[tus] 7) B: safPtaratnama]yaifl. 8) B: mrtpi1Jljiid. Mrttikii and mrt are used alternately throughout A and B. Note that here A has pi1Jl/iid; it is the only occurrence of the retroflex nasal1J in the word pi1Jljiid in A. 9) B: prat~thapaye. 10*) B: iiropayed. This isthe only use in A of a verb after cchatram; d. [1] n. 19. 11) B: tata~.

[9] tat kasya heto? aprameyol hy2 ananda tathagato da[n]enaprameyal;l sllenaprameyal;l k~arptyaprameyo3 vlryel)a-. prame[ya]<s4 tyage>(l581)naprameyOS 6)maitryaprameyah karul)ayaprameya muditayaprameya upek~aya(6'7* s)caturbhir vaisaradyair dasabhis tathagatabalair(s g)a~tadasabhir avel)ikai(r bu)ddhadharm(m)<ai>r(g aprameyapra~ meyagul).asamanva(gato)IO* hi! a(na)ndas!2* tathagato 'rhat 13 samyaksarpbuddal;l.

I) B: aprameya. 2) B omits. 3) B: °aprameya/:L. 4) B: °aprameya/:L. 5) B: °aprameya; B adds Jiiiineniiprameya. List in T differs from both A & B. It gives: j-iiiina, Siia, ~iinti, virya, dhyiina, and praJiiii. 6)(6 B omits. T agrees with A. 7*) The aprameya may have been inadvertently omitted. In order to be consistent, one should have here upe~ayiiprameyaf. 8)(8 B reverses the order: daSabhir bbalaiS (omitting tathagata) caturbhir vaisiiradyaif. T agrees with B. 9)(9 B: trbhir iive1Jikai smrtyupa.s~

ADBHUT ADHARMAPARyAYA 39

~thiiniiir mmahiikaru<"!C:>~]ii .c~ . . T mention~ ~~th the a~tiidaSiive,,!ika-buddhadharmiif;, an~ .th~ tn,,!y a~e,,!lkiinz smr:yu~asthanan:o*However the order Df the tathiigata's qualIties I~ the Tibetan text IS dl~ferent. ) Read aframeyo 'prameya-;

;': this is probably a scnbal error. B: aprameyo prameyagu,,!agar;al [sa]man(v)iigatah-. " . h A II) B . 12*) B' - d 13) B' 0 h '.'T agrees Wit. omits. . anan a. . ar a.

[10] evam ukto l ayu~marpn2 anando bhaga(va)rptam idam avocat'3: ascaryarp bhagavann aSca<ryarp> (su)gatah yavad ayarp dharmaparyayah. 4)[ko namaya]rp(4 dharmaparyayab, katharp [cai]narp dharayami?5 tasmat6 tarhi7 , tvam ananda, imarps dhar[mapa]ryayam9*) adbhutam adbhuta(dharma)paryaya [X]ilO dharayab(9*,1l). idam avo(ca)d [bha]ga[van atta] (rna) [nasas te bh]ik~ava a(yu~ma)rps canando bhagavato [bha~]itam abhyananda[n](11,12.

I) In B it is not clear whether it is ukto or ukte. 2) B: iiyu~miin. 3) B also uses t' "here and this is the only instance of its use in B. 4)(4 B: ko niimayarrz. bhadanta.

Cf. Et. Lamotte, L'enseignement de Vimalakirti (Louvain, 1962) 392, n. 41, for this stock phrase. 5) B adds: 'bhagaviin iihw. T agrees with B. 6) B: tasmii. An assimilation of the final t with the initial t of tvam. 7) B omits. 8) The anusviira found in A is not clear. B: ima(rrz.). 9*)(*9 B: amrtadundubhir ity api dhiirayaf;,

adbhutadharmmaparyiiya ity api dhiiraya tasmiid asya dharmmaparyiiyasya adbhutadharmmaparyiiyaf;, ity adhivacanarfL. The visarga in dhiirayaf;, is used as a mark of punctuation. 10) Possibly [x]i = hi. This is, however, uncertain. 11)(11 B omits. Reconstruction supported by occurrences of this cliche elsewhere; see e.g.BHSD 92a and Et. Lamotte, [see [10] n. 4)(4] 393 n. 43. 12) B: kutiigiirasutram

, samiiptarfL; see introduction.

VII. Translation of the Sanskrit Text

[0] Thus have I heard at one time. The Blessed One dwelt in Rajagrha, in the Bamboo Grove, in the Kalandakaniva pana.

[1] At that time Venerable Ananda, having dressed in the early morning, having taken his robe and his bowl, entered Rajagrha to collect alms. The Venerable Ananda saw, while walking from one house to the next to collect alms I)in the city of Rajagrha, (I at a certain place,2 a multi-storied building3 with eighty doors, plastered inside and out, with flags and banners raised aloft, and adorned with doth hangings

40 JIABS VOL. 11 NO, 2

and stringed ornaments. When he had seen thath~' thought occurred to him: "If some believing son or d~ . tl. ~er of good fa~ily were to make s.uch a multi-storied b~fidJ mg and offer It to the commumty of monks of the £'; d···f bl· OUr IrectlOns; or 1 someone were to esta Ish a stupa the .,\ . . u~;

of a.n amalaka4 frUlt for the Tath~ga~a, th~ Arhat, the Full' ~nhghtened One,. and were to stICk m~o It a stupa-pole th~ SIze of a needle wI.th an umbr~lla the Size of a juniper leaf, were to make an Image the SIze of a grain of barley and were to establish a relic the size of a mustard seed, ~hich of them would have the greatest merit?" ...

Then it occurred to Venerable Ananda: The Teacher is readily available to me, the Sugata is readily available to me. What if I were to ask the Blessed One concerning this matter? As the Blessed One will explain it, so I will preserve it.

I) C omits. 2) C: spot of earth. 3) kiltiigiira, cf. K. de Vreese, "Skr. Kiltagara", India Antiqua, A Volume of Oriental Studies (E.]. Brill, Leyden, 1947) 323-325; 4) Emblic Myrobalan. M-W 14€Jc. Amalaka and iimalakaphala are used alterna~ tively throughout ms. A and B. I have translated it always as amalaka fruit ..

[2] Then the Venerable Ananda, having walked from one house to the next to collect alms in the city of Rajagrha, having eaten, having returned from collecting alms-food in the afternoon, having put away his bowl and his robe, having washed his feet, approached the Blessed One. Hav~ ing approached, having prostrated with his head at the Blessed One's feet, he stood at one side. Standing at one side, Venerable Ananda said this to the Blessed One. Today, 0 Honourable, having dressed in the early morning, having taken my robe and my bowl, I entered Rajagrha to collect alms. I indeed saw while I was walking from one house to the next to collect alms in the city of Rajagrha, at a certain place, a multi-storied building with eighty doors, plastered inside and out, with flags and banners raised aloft and adorned with cloth hangings and stringed ornaments. Having seen that, the thought occurred to me: If some believing son or a daughter of a good family were [to make] 1

such a multi-storied building and offer it to the community


of monks of the four directions; or if someone were to establish for the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, who has attained complete Nirval)a, astupa the size of an amalaka fruit made from a lump of clay, and were to stick into it a stupa-pole the size of a needle with an umbrella the size of a juniper leaf, were to make an image the size of a grain of barley, and were to establish a relic the size of a mustard seed, which of them would have the greater merit? It occurred to me: The Teacher is readily available to me, the Sugata is readily available to me. What if I were to ask the Blessed One concerning that matter? As the Blessed One will explain it, so I will preserve it.

J)Words enclosed in square brackets [ ] represent missing words supplied by the editor.

[3] When he was thus asked the Blessed One said this to Venerable Ananda: It is good, it is good, 0 Ananda, that for the sake of many people you, Ananda, have acted, and that for the happiness of many people, out of concern for the world', for the sake, the benefit, the happiness of gods and men, you thought that this question should be asked of the Tathagata. Therefore Ananda, listen well and duly,l and concentrate your mind; I shall tell you. Indeed, Ananda, the continent of Jarpbudvlpa is seven thousand yojanas in length and in breadth.2 In the north it is broad; in the south it has the shape of a cart. If it were made of the seven precious substances3 and some believing son or daughter of good family were to offer it to the stream-enterers, once-returners, non-returners, Arhats, Pratyekabuddhas, or to the community of monks of the four directions; or if someone were to establish for the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, who has attained complete Nirval)a, a stupa the size of an amalaka fruit made from a lump of clay, and were to stick into it a stupa-pole the size of a needle with an umbrella the size of a juniper leaf, were to make an image the size of a grain of barley, and were to establish a relic the size of a mustard seed, I say, Ananda, the merit of the latter is much greater than the former.


I) I have taken the two adverbs to modify srr;,u, as did the translator . . . '. s IUta

TIbetan. Cf. Sura1"(!gamasamiidhz, Et. Lamotte (Bruxelles, 1965) 125, 225· s-dharmapu7}rj,arfka, H. Kern (Dover, 1962) 38. 2) The dimensions of th~ £ iidcontinents given in Ad, Ku, and Ma are similar to those given in the Lalitavist OUr P.L. Vaidya (Buddhist Sanskrit Texts no. 1, Darbhanga, 1958) 104.1I_12~;a, the Lalitavis:ara, h?wever, Go~anlya is ~,OOO yojanas in length and in breat~ and Purvavldeha IS 9,000 yopnas. ThIs corresponds. to the dimensions. Taisho 688; see endnote no. 6. The Abhidharmakosa gives different dimensio In for each of the four continents. Abhidharmakosabhii:jyam of Vasubandhu ;s Pradhan (Patna, 1975) 161-2. Louis de La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmako'· de Vasubandhu Tome II (Melanges chinois et bouddhiques, vol. 16, Bruxell:: 1971) 145-6. 3) The literal translation is: If some believing son or a daughte; of good family were to make it to consist of the seven precious substances.

[4] ~ut aside, Ananda, the continent of J a:rp.budvlpa. There is, Ananda, a continent named purvavideha. It is fully eight thousand yojanas in length and in breadth, and is shaped in the form of a half moon. If it were made of the seven precious substances and some believing son or a daughter of good family were to offer itl to the community of monks of the four directions; or if someone were to establish for the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, who has attained complete Nirva1)a, a stupa the size of an amalaka fruit made from a lump of clay, and were to stick into it a stUpa-pole the size of a needle with an umbrella the size of a juniper leaf, were to make an image the size of a grain of barley, and were to establish2 a relic the size of a mustard seed, I say, Ananda3, the merit of the latter is much greater than the fonner.

I) B: or to. 2) B always has: put into. 3) B always omits.

[5] Put aside, Ananda, the continent of jarpbudvlpa. [Put aside the continent of PurvavidehaJl. There is, Ananda, a continent named Avaragodanlya. It is fully nine thousand yojanas in length and in breadth2, and shaped in the form of a full moon. If it were made of the seven precious substances and some believing son or a daughter of good family were to offer it, as before, up td the community of monks of the four directions; or if someone were to establish for the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, who has attained complete Nirv3.1)a, a stupa the size of an


amalaka fruit made from a lump of clay, and were to stick into it a stupa-pole the size of a needle with an umbrella the size of a juniper leaf, were to make an image the size of a grain of barley, and were to establish a relic the size of a 'mustard seed, I say, Ananda, the merit of the latter is much greater than the former.

1) A omits. B has this phrase which agrees with the general pattern of these series of repetitions. 2) B: It is fully nine thousand yojanas in length [and] nine thousand yojanas in breadth. (3) B always has: offer it to the stream~nterers, once-returners, non-returners, Arhats, Pratyekabuddhas, or to the tommunity of monks of the four directions. Here, however, the non-returners are omitted.

[6] Put aside, Ananda, the continent of jarpbudvipa, put aside the continent of Purvavideha, put aside the continent of Avaragodanlya. There is, Ananda, a continent named Uttarakuru. It is fully ten thousand yojanas in length and in breadth! and entirely square. 2 If it were made of the seven precious substances and some believing son or daughter of good family were to offer it, as before, up to the community of monks of the four directions; or if someone were to establish for the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, who has attained complete Nirval).a, a stupa the size of an amalaka fruit made from a lump of clay, and were to stick into it astupa-pole the size of a needle with an umbrella with size of a juniper leaf, were to make an image the size of a grain of barley, and were to establish a relic the size of a mustard seed, I say, the merit [of the latter P is much greater than the former.

1) B: It is fully ten thousand yojanas in length [and] ten thousand yojanas in breadth. 2) B: shaped as a square. 3) A omits ida'T[L. It occurs in the parallels and in B.

[7] Put aside, Ananda, the continent of jarpbudvlpa, put aside the continent of Purvavideha, put aside the continent of Avaragodanlya, put aside the continent of Uttarakuru. There is Ananda, a palace of Sakra, the chief of the gods, named! Vaijayanta. 2)If a believing son or a daughter of good family were to offer it to the community of monks


of the four directions(2; or if someone v:ere to establish for the Tath.agata, the Arhat, ~he_ Fully EnlIghtened One, who has attamed complete NlrVal)a, ~ stupa the size of .... ~mal~ka fruit made from. a lump of day, ar:d3)were to sti~~ mto It a stupa-pole the SIze of a needle wIth an umbreU the size of ajuniper leaf(3, were to make an image4)the siza

of a grain of barley, (4 and_ were to establish a relic the siz: of a mustard seed, I say, Ananda, the merit of the latter is greater than the former. ..... .

I) B omits. 2 B: As in sections [5], [6] and [8] of ms. B. 3 B omits (homoeoteleuton). 4) B omits (same).

[8J Put aside, Ananda, the continent of ]alflbudvlpa, put aside the continent of Purvavideha, put aside the continent of Avaragodanlya, put aside the continent of Uttarakuru put aside Vaijayanta, the palace of Sakra, the chief of th~ gods. There is, Ananda, a world system consisting of "three thousand great thousand worlds."! If it were made of the seven precious substances and some believing son or a daughter of good family were to offer it to the stream-en- . terers, once-returners, non-returners, Arhats, Pratyekabuddhas, or to the community of monks of the four direcc

tions; or if someone were to establish for the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, who has attained complete Nirval)a, a stupa the size of an amalaka fruit made from a lump of clay, and were to stick into it a stupa-pole the size of a needle with an umbrella the size of a juniper leaf, were to make an image the size of a grain of barley, and were to establish a relic the size of a mustard seed, I say, Ananda, the merit of the latter is much greatel' than the former.

I) On this cosmic system see: Et. Lamotte, E'enseignement de Vimalakrrti (Louvain, 1962) Appendice, Note I.

[9] What is the reason for this? Because,! Ananda, the Tathagata is immeasurable through his giving, immeasurable through his morality, immeasurable through his patience, immeasurable through his vigor, immeasurable


'through his renunciation (tyaga),2 3)immeasurable through his friendliness, immeasurable through his compassion, immeasurable through his joy, [immeasurable] through his impartiality.(3 4)Through the four assurances, through the ten Tathagata's powers, (4 slthrough the eighteen characteristics unique to a Buddha (avelJikas)(s he is immeasurable. The Tathagata, the Arhat, the Fully Enlightened One, Ananda, is indeed6 endowed with immeasurable7 qualities.

I') B omits. 2) Ms. A has the first four paramitiis of the established formula of six or ten paramitiis [cf. Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit Literature (Delhi, 1975) 165-172] and tyaga [cf. Har Dayal ibid. and E. Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien (Louvain, 1958) 79-81]. Ms. B adds to this list jfiiina which is the last parami~a i~ ~he tenfold formula of the paramitas. 3) B omits. 4) B reverses the order m hstmg these two formulae. 5) B: through the three unique applications of mindfulness and great compassion. 6) B omits: 7) B: immeasurable multitude of qualities.

[10] When this was spoken, Venerable Ananda said this to the Blessed One: "Marvellous, 0 Blessed One, marvellous, o Sugata, is indeed this discourse on Dharma! 1 And how should I preserve it?"2 "Because of that you now,3 Ananda, 4)should preserve this wonderful discourse on Dharma as The Wonderful Discourse on Dharma (Adbhutadharmaparyaya)."(4 s)This the Blessed One said. The delighted monks and Venerable Ananda rejoiced in the speech of the Blessed One(s.

1) B adds: 0 Honourable. 2)B adds: The Blessed One said. 3) B omits. 4) B: Should preserve this discourse on Dharma as "The Eternal Drum." You should preserve it also as "The Wonderful Discourse on Dharma." Therefore the name of this discourse on Dharma is The Wonderful Discourse on Dharma. 5) B omits and ends with: The Kutagara Sutra is completed. See introduction.

NOTES

*1 would like to express here my deep gratitude to Prof. G. Schopen who assisted me at every stage of this study, starting from my first introduction to the Gilgit collection up until the final draft revisions.

l. For the Gilgit mss. and their discovery see the following: Nalinaksha Dutt, Gilgit Manuscripts vol. 1 (Srinagar-Kashmir, 1939) preface; M.S. Kaul


Shastri, "Report on the Gilgit Excavation in 1938," The Quarterly Journal of h Mythic Society vol. 30 (July, 1939) #1, 1-12 + plates; M. Sylvain Levi, "I/ e. sur des manuscripts sanscrits proven ant de Bamiyan (Afghanistan) et de Gi~t: (Cachemire)," Jo.ur~al Asiatiqu.e (1~?2) 13~5; Oskar von !finiiber, "Die lr~ ~orsch~ng der Gll?"lthar:dschn.ften: Nachnchten der Akademze der Wissenschajten m Gottm!5.:n I. Phllologlsch-Hlstonsche KI~ss~ vol. 12 \1979) 329-359; Karl Jettmar, Zil den Fundumstanden der GllgItmanusknpte," Zentralasiatisch Studien vol. 15 (1981) 307-322; KarlJettmar, "The Gilgit Manuscripts: Disco ~ ery by Installments," Journal of Central Asia vol. 4, #2 (Dec. 1981) 1-18 (Th: is only an English version of the preceding article); Oskar von Hiniibe~s "Namen in Schutzzaubernaus GiIgit," Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik vol' 7 (1981) 163-171; P. Banerjee, "Painted Wooden Covers of Two Gilgit Man~ uscripts," Oriental Art N.S. XIV/2 (1968) 114-118.

2. A Tibetan translation of Ad is found in the Kanjur. Derge blockprint (Delhi, 1976 +) vol. 72, pp. 387-392 (Tohoku #319); Peking blockprint, The Tibetan Tripitaka, Peking Edition, ed., D.T. Suzuki, #985, vol. 39, 83.3.6-84.4.8' Narthang blockprint (To yo Bunko), mdo la 303h-308b; Cone blockprint, md~ mang sa 237h-241a, vol. 28; Lhasa blockprint, mdo la 297a-302a, vol. 72; Tog Palace manuscripts (Leh, 1980) vol. 59, pp. 737-746; The manuscript Kanjur in the British Museum, London (Or 6724) mdo na 352a-356a, #36,35 2a4 in E.D. Grinstead, "Index of the Manuscript Kanjur in the British Museum," Asia Major, New Series, vol. 13 (1967) 48-70. The correspondences between the Taisho and each of the three Sanskrit mss., as well as the Peking version of the Tibetan translation are given by Hisashi Matsumura, "Notes on the Gilgit Manuscripts," Indogaku Bukky6gaku Kenkyu vol. 31, no. 2 (1983) (130)-(131).

Ad was made into chapter 1 of the *Anuttariisrayasutra, an important Tathiigatagarbha Sutra. See Jikido Takasaki, "Structure of the *AnuttariiSrayasutra (Wu-shang-i-ching)," Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu vol. 8, no. 2 [16] (1960) (30)-(35). The entry on the Ad in the Encyclopedia of Buddhism ed., G.P. Malalasekera (Ceylon, 1961) vol. 1, 191-2 is confusing. It does not refer to Ad as we know it from the Sanskrit mss. or from the Tibetan translation.

3. Andre Bareau, La construction et le culte des stupa d'apres les Vinayapitaka," Bulletin de l'Ecole franr;a"ise d'Extreme Orient vol. 50 (1962) 230-274; Mireille Benisti, "Etude sur Ie stiipa dans l'Inde ancienne," ibid. vol. 50 (1960) 37-116; L. de La Vallee Poussin, "Staupikam," HaroardJournal of Asiatic Studies vol. 2 (1937) 276~289; Gisbert Combaz, "L'evolution du stiipa en Asie," Melangeschinois et bouddhiquesvol. 2, 163-302; vol. 3, 93-144; vol. 4, 1-123. Anna Libera Dallapiccola et al. eds., The Stupa its Religious, Historical and Architectural Significance (Wiesbaden, 1980); Adrian Snodgrass, The Symbolism of the Stiipa (Cornell, 1985); Akira Hirakawa, "The Rise of Mahayana Buddhism And Its Relationship to the Worship of Stupas," Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko no. 22 (Tokyo, 1963) 57-106; Robert L. Brown, "Recent Stupa Literature: A Review Article," journal of Asian History vol. 20 (1986) 215-232; Sushila Pant, Stupa Architecture in India (Varanasi, 1976) pp. xiv and 6; G. Roth, "Buddhist Sanskrit Stupa-texts from Nepal," Actes du XXIX congres international des orientalistes, Paris,juillet 1973, Inde ancienne vol. 1 (Paris, 1976) 81-87.


4. The Kutagara Sutra (Ku)-Derge: Delhi 1976+, vol. 72, pp. 519-526; Tohoku Cat. #332; Peking: Suzuki edition #998, vol. 39, pp. 109.4.3-111.1.4; Narthang: mdo la fols. 41Oa-415a; Tog Palace: Leh 1980 edition vol. 79, pp. 288-297; Lhasa: mdo la fols. 397b-403a; Tun Huang manuscripts: #60 in Louis de La Vallee Poussin, Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts from Tun Huang in the India Office Library (Oxford University Press, 1962). The Kutagara Sutra is available to me only in its Tibetan Translation. However, de la Vallee poussin, ibid. compares the Tibetan text of Ku to a Sanskrit text. No details on the latter are given. In A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Government Collection under the Care of the Asiatic Society of Bengal vol. 1, Buddhist Manuscripts (Calcutta, 1917) 127-28 [No. 81,4758], M.H.P. Shastri describes a ms. as having two works, I. Tathagataprativimbaprat~thanusaf(LSavarna1Ja-dharmaparyaya. II. Divyabhojanavadana. He says that the ms. has 8 folios numbered 1 and 6 to 12 and adds: "I. comes to an end on 7b, line 1, then begins II." But this ms. must have contained at least 3 works since the text which Shastri quotes as the beginning of the Tathagataprativimba is, in fact, not the beginning of this text, but the beginning of the Kutagara SlUra. The missing folios 2-5, therefore, must have included at least the rest of the Kutagara Sutra and the first half of the Tathagataprativimba. This fragment, however, does not contain the second half of the sutra which is parallel to the Ad.

5. The Mahara1Ja Sutra (Ma) is also available to me in Tibetan only. Derge: Delhi 1976 + vol. 62, pp. 217-222; Tohoko cat. #208; Peking: Suzuki edition: #874, vol. 34, pp. 300.3.6-301.4.2; Tog Palace: Leh 1980 edition, vol. 60, pp. 646-656; Lhasa: mdo ma fols. 166b-170b, vol. 62. The Sanskrit name of this sutra varies from one edition to another. It is Mahara1Ja in the Derge and Lhasa editions, Mahahrada in the Peking catalogue, Maharavama in the Peking edition, Mahasrutam in the Tog Palace ms., and Mahasruta in the ms. Kanjur of the British Museum. [See L.D. Barnett, "Index der Abteilung mDo des handschriftlichen Kanjur im britischen Museum (Or 672A)," Asia Major vol. 7 (1932) 157-178].

6. All three texts deal, wholly or in part, with the cult of relics, the making of stupas and images, and the merit resulting from the same, all in very similar ways. For example, compare the Sanskrit and Tibetan of Ad section [3] in my edition (Derge vol. 72, p. 389.3'-':'.4) to Ku in Tibetan: Derge vol. 72, p. 523.2-.3, and Ma in Tibetan: Derge vol. 62, p. 218.2-.3. (This passage of Ku was translated into French by L. Ligeti, in "Le me rite d'eriger un stupa et l'histoire de l'e!ephant d'or," Proceedings of the Csoma de Karas Memorial Symposium, ed., Louis Ligeti (Budapest, 1978) 248. Apparently because of the similarities there has been a good deal of confusion in regard to these texts. As will be mentioned in section II below, although the name Adbhutadharmaparyaya appears at the end of Sanskrit ms. B of the Ad, a scribe mislabled it as Ku (showing his familiarity with Ku as well). The Chinese translations Taisho 688 and 689, which are supposed to be translations of Ad reflect a text much closer to Ma. (I have used a draft translation of the Chinese by P.M. Harrison lent to me by G. Schopen). Curiously, no mention of a kutagara is found in the Kutagara Sutra apart from the title, however, a kutagara is mentioned in the opening part of both Ad and Ma. This longstanding confusion among the three texts makes it extremely Idifficult to determine the


relations between them. . 7. The PTatftyasamutpiida Sutra (Pr)-Derge: (Delhi 1976+) 1. vol. 62 pp. 249-50. 2. vol. 88, pp. 81-83. 3. vol. 96, pp. 197-198; Tohoko cat. n ' 212,520,980. Peking: Suzuki edition: nos. 878, 221, Tog Palace: Leh 19~~ edition, vol. 60, pp. 656-659 ~nd vol. J02, pp. 81-83. Pr also is known onl in translation, however, N .A. Sastri in Arya Siilistamba-sutra, PratftyaSamutpiial v~bhari![anirde!~-sutra and ~ratftyasamu.tpiidaft.iithii-sutra (~dyar Library, 1950) gIves, III addItIOn to the TIbetan versIOn (wIth some mIstakes), his renderin • of it into Sanskrit. g

8. This passage was translated by Richard Salomon and Gregory Scho_ pen, "The Indravarman (Avaca) Casket Inscription Reconsidered: Further Evidence for Canonical Passages in Buddhist Inscriptions/' The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, vol. 7 no. 1 (1984) 107-123. The wording here is again quite similar to that of the three texts discussed above. The major change is the substitution of the ye dharmii/; . .. giithii, the "Dharma relic," for bodily relics (dhiitu). Bodily relics and dhiira1Jfs serve a similar function. The doctrinal development which stressed the Buddha's teachings at the expense of his physical body is paralleled by the shift from an emphasis on bodily relics to an emphasis on the "Dharma relic." Cf. Gregory Schopen, "The Phrase 'sa prthivlpradeSas caityabhiito bhavet' in the Vajracchedika: Notes on the cult of the book in Mahayana," Indo-IranianJournal vol. 17 (1975) 147-181; Ryojun Mitomo, "An Aspect of Dharma-sarlra, " IndogakuBukkyogaku Kenkyu vol. 32, n. 2 (March, 1984) (4)-(9).

9. I. The Stupa-la~aT}a-kiirikii-vivecana, a circa II th century Buddhist Sanskrit stiipa text from Nepal, quotes Ku along with the Prakfrr;aka-vinaya of the Lokottaravadins and passages from the Stilpa-kalpanii-siltra in the K~udrakavastu of the Sarvastivadins. See Gustav Roth in n. 3. 2. In the polyglot inscription of the 14th century, Chu-yung-kuan monument, Ku is mentioned and very closely paraphrased. SeeJiro Murata, Chu-yung-kuan. The Buddhist Arch of the Fourteenth Century A.D. at the Pass of the Great Wall Northwest of Peking 2 vols. (Kyoto, 1955-57) [in Japanese with English summary]; L. Ligeti in "Le merite ... " (see n. 6) 244-5, and Sylvain Levi in E. Chavannes and Sylvain Levi, "Notes preliminaire sur l'inscription de Kiu-yongkoan," Journal Asiatique (1894) 370; a translation into Japanese is found in]. Murata, ibid. p. 259.

A number of Tibetan accounts concerning the construction and consecration of mchod-rtens (stupas) quote our sutras in order to demonstrate the merit to be achieved by building a stupa. See Yael Bentor, Miniature Stupas, Images and Relics; the Sanskrit Manuscripts of the Adbhutadharmaparyiiya from Gilgit and its Tibetan Translation (Masters Thesis, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1987).

10. I Ching writes: "Even if a man make an image as small as a grain of barley, or a Caitya the size of a small jujube, placing on it a round figure, or a staff like a small pin, a special cause for good birth is obtained thereby, and will be as limitless as the seven seas, and good rewards will last as long as the coming four births. The detailed account of this matter is found in the separate Siitras." (Emphasis is mine.) See I-Tsing (I Ching), A Record of the Buddhist


-Religion tr., J. Takakusu (Oxford, 1896) 150-I. 11. A good summary with extensive bibliography of the archaeological literature

in regard to miniature stupas and clay table.ts is given by Maurizio Taddei in "Inscribed Clay Tablets and Miniature Stupas from GaznI," East and West vol. 20 (1970) 70-86. Here only a few examples will be given. A. Cunningham writes about Bodhgaya: " ... there were hundreds of thousands of even smaller offerings in the shape oflittle day stu pas, both baked and unbaked, from 2 or 3 inches in height, to the size of a

i walnut. Scores, and sometimes even hundreds, of these miniature stupas were found inside the larger stu pas, enclosing small clay seals" (Mahiibodhi or The Great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi Tree at Buddha-Gaya (London, 1892) 46-7). Chandra and Dikshit in their report of the excavations at Satyapir Bhi(ii, 300 yards east of the main establishment of Paharpur say that " ... the most important discovery of the season was that of several thousands of miniature votive stupas made of clay, deposited at the bottom of the relic chamber of a votive stupa of considerable size ... such stu pas encasing the Buddhist creed have been found also at Nalanda, Mirpurkhas, Sarnath and other Buddhist sites" (G.C. Chandra and KN. Dikshit, "Excavations at Paharpur," Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India 1930-4, pt. 1 (Delhi, 1936) 124-5; KN. Dikshit Excavation at Paharpur, Bengal

__ (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, no. 55, Delhi, 1938) 83-4; -see also F.R.S. Sykes, "On the Miniature Chaityas and Inscriptions of the Buddhist Religious Dogma Found in the Ruins of the Temple of Sarnath, near Benares," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society vol. 16 (1856) 37-53. Similar evidence is found also in Central Asia, Tibet, Ceylon, Burma, Thailand and Indonesia (see M. Taddei, ibid.).

12. Hsiian Tsang, Si-yu-ki, Buddhist Records of the-Western World tr., Sam uel Beal (Boston, 1885) vol. 2, 146-7.

13. N. Dutt (see n. 1) 41; M.S. Kaul Sastri (see n. 1) 9 and plate 1440. In 1958 K J ettmar bought in the Gilgit bazaar a small stupa, probably originating from the same discovery. It is illustrated in Gerard Fussman, "Inscription de Gilgit," Bulletin de Nicole franqaise d'Extreme Orient vol. 65 (1978) 5 and plate ii. It should be noted, however, that the miniature stupas found at Gilgit contain the "Dharma relic"-the ye dharma};, gathii-in addition to, or instead of, the bodily relics which alone are referred to in the text of the Ad found at that same site.

14. Among them is the La~acaityasamutPatti which gives a detailed prescription for the ritual of making a hundred thousand caityas (la~acaityavrata). Tissa Rajapatirana, SuvaT1}avaT1'Javadana translated and edited together with its Tibetan translation and the La~acaityasamutPatti. (Ph.D. thesis, Australian National U niversi ty, 1974).

In Tibet, Nepal and Southeast Asia the practice of making small clay objects in the shape of stu pas, images or imprinted tablets, in many instances containing a sacred relic and/or dhiira1J! is very popular. The Tibetan clay stu pas and images called tsha-tshas, however, have significances and usages beyond those which small stupas originally had. See Yael Bentor in n. 9.

15. Besides our texts, a similar controversy occurs in some Vinaya passages related to the cult of the stupa studied by Andre Bareau [(see n. 3) 234 and 257] and Akira Hirakawa [(see n. 3) 98-102] as well as in the dispute


between the sects of the small Vehicle studied by Andre Bareau in Les bouddhiques du Fetit Vehicule (Publication de I'Ecole fran~aise d'Extreme_o~~tes vo!' 38, Paris, 1955) 88, 100, 105, 154, 185, 188, 192,269,274. This com nt, tition between the two practices, the establishment of stupas/images/relics :n~ offerings to the Sangha/Arhats/Pratyekabuddhas does not necessarily mea

h . b na complete dichotomy between t ese two practIces, or etween the Sangha and the stupa/image/relic cult. There is sufficient evidence in the Vinaya and in Buddhist inscriptions from India for the participation of monks in the stupa and image cults. The Vinaya itself addresses both monks and laymen with regard to the cult of the stupa [in Bareau (see n. 3) 249]. Moreover, according to the Mahiisarighika-vinaya, monks made offerings to a stupa on four holy days commemorating events in the life of the Buddha (ibid. 250); see also The Stupa Varga, the 14th chapter in the Bhi~u'IJi-Vinaya ed., G. Roth (Patna, 1970). 332. Donative inscriptions and Buddhist monastic architecture also confirm the participation of monks in the stilpa cult. See Gregory Schopen, "Two Problems in the History of Indian Buddhism: The Layman/Monk Distinction and the Doctrines of the Transference of Merit," Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik vo!' 10 (1985) 20-30; and idem, "Mahayana in Indian Inscriptions," Indo-Iranian Journal vo!' 21 (1979) 1-19.

16. In Oskar von Hiniiber, "Die Erforschung der Gilgithandschriften Nachtrag" Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft voL 130.2 (1980) *25*-*26*.

17. Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra, Gilgit Buddhist Manuscripts, Satapitaka Series, vo!' 10, part 7 (New Delhi, 1974).

18. Lore Sander, Palaographisches zu den sanskrithandschriften der Berliner Turfansammlung (Wiesbaden, 1968) Alphabet m, 137-161, Tafel 21-26. See also her "Einige neue Aspekte zur Entwicklung der Brahml in Gilgit und Bamiyan (ca. 2.-7. Jh.n.chr.)," Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentralasien (Vortrage des Hamburger Symposions vom 2. Juli bis 5. Juli, 1981), Klaus Rohrborn and Wolfgang Veenker, eds., (VerOffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica, Bd. 16, in Kommission bei Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1983).

19. As noticed by G. Schopen, in von Hiniiber (see n. 16) p. *26*. 20. As noticed by G. Schopen, ibid. p. *25*. It is difficult to accept Hisashi

Matsumura's objection to this opinion as expressed in "The Stilpa Worship in Ancient Gilgit, " Journal of Central Asia vo!. 8, (1985) 133-151 (onp.149).

21. Lore Sander (see n. 18) pp. 121-136, Tafel IV. 22. Mahiivyutpatti (Bon-Zo-Kan- Wa yon'yaku taikO Mahiibuyuttopatti) ed.,

Sakaki Ryozaburo (Kyoto, 1965) #187-#190; BHSD (see bibliography below) 614b.

23. Abhidharmakosabha~yam of Vasubandhu ed., Prahlad Pradhan (Patna, 1967; reprint 1975) 411; Louis de la Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu (Melanges chinois et bouddhiques, vol. 16, Bruxelles, 1971) ch. VII, 66-67.

24. Unrai Wogihara, Sphutiirthii Abhidharmakosavyiikhyii by Yasomitra 2 vols. (Tokyo, 1932-6; reprint: Sankibo Buddhist Book Store, Tokyo, 1971) vo!' 2, 640-641.

25. This list corresponds to the Mahayana system, see below. 26. Etienne Lamotte, Le traitri de la grande vertu de sagesse (Louvain, 1970)


01. 3,1605-8,1625-8,1697-1701; Louis de la Valee Poussin (see note 23) ~6-7, n. 4b; Louis Renou and Jean Filliozat, L'Inde classique (Paris, 1953) vol. 2,537, #2277.. . . In the texts whIch make the vanous parts of a stupa correspond to

doctrinal categories or the Tathagata's qualities, the system found in ms. B, the Vaibha~ika list, is followed, rather than that of ms. A. For example, see the Mchod-rten-gyi Cha Dbye-ba 'Dul-ba-las Byung-ba'i Mdo Peking no. 3897, vol. 79, pp. 287.2.4-288.1.8, which is discussed in G. Tucci, Indo-Tibetica vol. 1 "Mc'od rten" e "ts'a ts'a" nel Tibet indiano ed occidentale (Reale Accademia D'Italia, Raffia, 1932) 39-43, and in Gustav Roth, "Symbolism of the Buddhist Stupa," in Dallapiccola (see n. 3) 187-193. Roth also adds a similar symbolic representation found in the Sanskrit treatise StilPa-la~a'fJa-kiirikii-vivecana 193-195 (see also note 9). The Tibetan inscription from the Chu-yung-kuan "Arch" gives a similar set of correspondences; seeJiro Murata, (in note 9) vol. 1,233, verse 5.

27. Lamotte in note 26. 28. This is also the list of the Mahiivyutpatti (see note 22), #135-#153;

see also F. Edgerton, BHSD 108b. 29. With the exception of section [2] having bgyis pa, "to make," an

elegant form for byed pa. 30. Schopen, Studien zur Indologie und lranistik 10 (1985) 20-2l. 31. A bibliographical list for works referred to in this section is found

at the end of the present work. 32. Cf. Gregory Schopen, "The Five Leaves of The Buddhabaladhana

pratiharyavikurval).anirde§a-sutra Found at Gilgit," Journal of Indian Philosophy vol. 5 (1978) 332, fol 1296 1.6, where ka(l;t) should be read kal]..

33. Geza Dray, "On the Tibetan Letters ba and wa: Contribution to the Origin and History of the Tibetan Alphabet," Acta Orientalia Hungarica vol. 5 (1955) 101-122.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. The Gilgit Manuscripts A. Facsimile Edition (GBMs):

Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra Gilgit Buddhist Manuscripts Sata-pitaka Series, 10 vols. (New Delhi, 1959-1974).

B. Editions cited: Oskar von Hinuber, A New Fragmentary Gilgit Manuscript of the Saddharma

pU'f}lj,ar'ikasiltra (Tokyo, The Reiyukai, 1982). Y. Kurumiya, Ratnaketuparivarta (Heirakuji-shoten, Kyoto, 1978). Adelheid Mette, "Zwei kIeine Fragmente aus Gilgit," Studien zur Indologie und

lranistik, vol. 7. 1981, 133-152. Chandrabhal Tripathi, "Gilgit-Blatterder Mekhala-dharal).l," ibid. 153-161. Shoko Watanabe, Saddharmapu'f}lj,arzka Manuscripts Found in Gilgit part 2

(Tokyo, The Reiyukai, 1975).


II. Grammatical and Paleographical Works A. Grammar:

Franklin Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary (N Haven: 1953. repr. Delhi, 1977). (BHSD and BHSG). ew

Louis Renou, Grammaire Sanscrite 2nd ed. (Paris, 1975). William Dwight Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar (repr. Harvard University Pre

1981). . ss,

B. Paleography: Lore Sander, Palaographisches zu den Sanskrithandschriften der berliner TUifan

sammlung (Wiesbaden, 1968). G. Biihler, Indian Paleography, appendix to Indian Antiquary 33 (1904) (repr.

Delhi: 1973).

Vacuite et corps actualise : Le probleme de la presence des "Personnages Veneres" idans leurs images seion la tradition du bouddhisme japonais*

by Bernard Frank

" .. .l'insaisissable prend corps et de-vient exorable"

Paul Mus

Le probleme de la presence reelle d'un etre divin dans des supports et, notamment, dans des images, est de ceux qui n'ont pas manque d'agiter la conscience religieuse. Mais, si important qu'il apparaisse au regard de bien des croyances, tant monoque polytheistes, on admettra qu'il se pose d'une maniere toute particuliere dans la perspective d'un systeme comme celui du bouddhisme japonais, ou, par-dela cette question de la presence d'un etre venere dans ses images, se profile celle de l'existence de l'etre venere lui-meme.!

Faut-il rappeler que ce bouddhisme est d'une extreme complexite doctrinale? Situe au bout du cheminement de la grande religion in die nne a travers l'Asie centrale et orientale, il en a vu-peut-on dire-converger quasiment tous les courants, et les a prolonges et develop pes au sein d'un environnement ori-

*EDITOR'S NOTE

Professor Frank's paper was originally published in Le temps de la rijlexion, VII, 1986 (Editions Gallimard, Paris), which was a special number entitled <OLe Corps de Dieux" edited by Jean-Pierre Vernant and Charles Malamoud. It is reprinted here with permission, and with only minor corrections and additions, with the hope that it will receive the wide attention that it deserves. We would like to thank Professor Gerard Fussman for having brought Professor Frank's paper to our notice, and would like to encourage all of our colleagues to consider bringing to our attention any important and likely to be overlooked papers so that we, in turn, can consider reprinting them.

53


ginal prepare par Ie vieux shintolsme local. Aussi trouve-t_o en lui une sorte de "sedimentation" de points de vue qui y ren~ toujours ardues les tentatives de saisie globfl.le. Cela dit, l'experi_ ence montre que, sur Ie plan de la pratique vecue, il constitue bien un tout quiappelle une reflexion specifique.

Sept grandes sectes2 se partagent officiellement l'essentiel de ses fiddes :

-Tendai (du nom du mont Tiantai, en Chine du Sud), axee sur la pratique de ce texte canonique fondamental du Grand Vehicule qu'est Ie "Sutra du Lotus de Ia Loi Merveilleuse" Uap. Hokekyo ou MyohOrengekyo ; Ie Saddharmapury)arika des Indiens) ; qui, en outre, a fait sienne une part importante de bouddhisme esoterique (il s'agit ici d'uh tantrisme tres epure representant l'aboutissement d'un stade de developpement anterieur a. celui du bouddhisme himalayo-tibetain) ; qui, par ailleurs, a cultive de fac;on privilegiee la devotion a. un sauveur siegeant dans une lointaine et lumineuse "Terre Pure" de predication situee a. l'Ouest, Ie buddha Amida (du sanscrit Amitabha : "Celui a.l'Eclat incommensurable") ; qui s'est done ainsi affirmee camme hautement syncretique et dont plusieurs des sectes apparues ulterieurement constituent, d'une certaine maniere, des courants specialises.

-Shingon (ou seete des "Paroles Veritables," c'est-a.-dire des mantra), de tradition purement esoterique, et qui a ete introduite de la Chine des Tang a. la me me epoque que la precedente, au debut du IXe siecle.

-Jodo (secte de la "Terre Pure") etJodo-shinshu ("Vraie secte de la Terre Pure"), centrees sur la croyance au vceu secourable d'Amida, la seconde plus radieale que Ia premiere et excluant toute forme de devotion complementaire.

-Les deux sectes Rinzai et Soto (ainsi appelees d'apres les noms de fameux maitres ,chino is qui les ont prechees) de l'ecole du Zen, dont la premiere met l'accent sur l'absorption de l'esprit dans les questions obsessionnelles et la seconde, sur la meditation en posture assise.

-Nichiren (du nom du maitre japonais fondateur), qui prone Ie retour a. une pure pratique du "Sutra du Lotus de la Loi Merveilleuse," ces cinq dernieres ayant pris leur essor entre la fin du xne siecle et celle du xure.

Hormis la "Vraie Secte de la Terre Pure," que son orienta-

v ACUITE ET CORPS ACTUALISE 55

don exclusive vers Amida rend toute proche d'un monotheisme, ces sectes ont pour objet de veneration un tres vaste pantheon de figures que, d'apres une classification d'origine esoterique attestee deja, en Chine au vue siecle et regulierement reprise depuis Ie xe au japon,oli elle est toujours en vigueur3 , on sub-

,divise en quatre categories fondamentales, qui sont c;elles : I. des buddha, n. des bodhisattva, III. des "rois de Science" et IV. des divinites.

I. Les buddha Uap. butsuda ; en abrege, couramment, butsu) . sont--c'est Ie sens meme du terme sanscrit-des etres "eveilles" a la verite profonde du monde telle qU'elle est. D'un autre nom, qui exprime leur totale adequation a cette verite, on les appelle encore tathiigata Uap. nyorai, "Ceux qui sont ainsi venus"). Le bouddhisme les avait vus d'abord, sur Ie modele de son propre fondateur historique, Ie buddha Sakyamuni Uap. Shakamuni-butsu, Shaka-nyorai),4 entres, au terme d'une carriere devenue parfaite avec la grande prise de conscience de l'Eveil, dans un etat d'extinction ineffable-Ie nirva1J,a-d'ou ils ne pouvaient plus revenir, ni done agir, sinon par leur vertu contagieuse. Mais, des avant les debuts de notre ere, s'etait fait jour, dans certaines ecoles, l'idee que les buddha ainsi nes, "eveilles," puis "nirvanes" en ce monde n'etaient que des manifestations (nirma1J,akaya, litteralement, des "corps de fabrication" ; jap. keshin, des "corps metamorphiques") emises, aux fins de stimuler les etres, par un corps, ceIui-Ia unique et qui etait, en quelque sorte, leur lieu commun, qu'on appelait Ie dharmakaya ("corps d'Ordre des choses"5 ; jap. hosshin, "corps de Loi" ou "d'Essence"). De l'idee de corpus de verite constitue par la Parole du Buddha, on etait passe a celle de corps de verite et de realite universelle se confondant avec sa personne magnifiee. Entre ces deux "corps," metamorphique et d'Essence, devait s'en placer un troisieme, sortede corps glorieux par Iequel Ie Buddha se manifestait de fa<,;on privilegiee a ceux qui etaient parvenus jusqu'au seuil de l'Eveil et qui etaient d'ores et deja quasiment ses paredres, les bodhisattva: c'etait la Ie saf!l,bhogakaya, ou "corps communiel" Uap. kOjin, "corps retributionnel"). Cette doctrine des "Trois corps," comme on l'appela, devait rester fondamentale dans l'histoire ulterieure de la religion bouddhique. 6

Le bouddhisme, comme on sait, avait enseigne l'insubstan-


ti~lite .de toute c~~se et il ne pou.vait etre question pour lui de retabhr par Ie blals de cette notIOn de dharmakaya l'idee d'· Etre ou d'un Principe substantiel"plein," semblable a l'Atm:~ Brahman de l'orthodoxie indienne. La n~alite exprimee dans 7 dharmaka)la-sorte de "Brahman en creux," comme aimait a dire Paul Mus-n'etait autre que l'universelle insubstantialite elle~ meme. Certains devaient la definir comme une insaisissable Vacuite et d'autres, partis d'une approche differente, l'appeler "Ainsite" ou "Quiddite" (tathata ;jap. shinnyo). "Les phenomenes (auxquels l'ancienne analyse bouddhique avait reduit la realite du monde) etaient l'ocean en tant que vagues. La tathata ce furent les vagues en tant qu'ocean," seIon la belle definition. reprise par Rene Grousset. 7

Les buddha avaient ete con<;us au depart comme Ie fruit d'accomplissements d'une extreme rarete. Sur leurs traces, d'autres sages eminents pouvaient atteindre au nirva1'}a, mais sans etre prealablement passes par cet "Eveil parfait, complet, sanssuperieur" qui etait Ie leur et qui, seul, pouvait donner a la predication de la verite sa totale capacite salvatrice. La tradition voulait que deux buddha ne pussent apparaitre simultanement en un temps et un univers donnes8 ; iis se succedaient comme. des phares a travers l'immense nuit des periodes cosmiques. On en enumerait six anterieurs au buddha Sakyamuni, dont les carrieres etaient decrites comme s' etant derouiees seIon Ie meme processus que la sienne. Us formaient avec lui ce qu'on appelait les "Sept buddha du Passe." On connaissait aussi deja Ie nom d'un huitieme, ceIui-la futur et qui suivait egalement une carriere analogue, Maitreya, "Ie Bienveillant" (au Japon, Miroku). Pour l'heure, il n'etait encore, comme Sakyamuni l'avait ete avant son propre Eveil, qu'un bodhisattva qui attendait, au sein d'une condition divine, l'heure, encore extremement lointaine, d'aller renaitre parmi les hommes pour y effectuer l'ultime accomplissement par lequel il deviendrait un buddha.

Vers Ie commencement de notre ere, avec Ie Grand Vehicule--ce mouvement d'elargissement et d'approfondissement qui voulut signifier par cette designation meme sa volonte de sauver les etres sur une echelle beaucoup plus vaste-se developpa une soteriologie etendue aux dimensions de l'espace cosmique. On commen<;a a parler de buddha siegeant dans des mondes lointains situes a tous les orients, dont Ie plus fameux


devait etre Amitabha (l'Amidajaponais, comme on l'a rappelc~), predicateur de. la Terre Pure de l'0:r~st. Un .autr~, qui allait connaitre aUSSI une grande populante en ASle onentale, fut Bhai~ajyaguru, "Ie Maitre aux remedes" Gap. Yakushi-nyorai), personnification du Buddha en tant que medecin supreme et demeurant, quant a lui, dans une contn§e irradiantecomme Ie beryl situee a l'Est. ,

Quant au buddha Sakyamuni tel que l'exaltent les conceptions "supra-mondanistes" d'un sutra comme Ie "Lotus de la Loi Merveilleuse," it apparait lui-meme, par-dela son "corps de naissance," Gap. shojin ; terme equivalent a celui de "corps factice") produit pour la stimulation des etres, camme un buddha eminent, fondamental, "perpetuellement demeurant." C'est en la revelation de cette presence perpetuelle que reside la verite "inouYe" du "Lotus."

Dans Ie bouddhisme esoterique, la "collectivite des buddha" Gap. issai-nyorai) et ses representants au premier chef, les "buddha des Quatre orients" (shiho-butsu), se trouveront federes par un buddha unique et central, sorte de "Pan-buddha," assimile, de par sa position, a l'astre solaire au zenith et que la tradition indienne transmise en Extreme-Orient connait sous Ie nom de Mahavairocana, "Grand Illuminateur" (au Japon, Dainichi-nyorai, "Ie Tathagata Grand Soleil"-il serait sans doute plus juste de traduire "Soleil Majeur") : buddha qui inc arne Ie "corps d'Essence" en la figure la plus absolue qu'on en ait con<;ue, omnipresente aussi bien dans les elements materiels du monde que dans la conscience qui donne a ceux-ci leur cohesion.

II. Les bodhisattva, "etres d'EveiI"-ou "a Eveil"-Gap. bodaisatta; en abrege, couramment, bosatsu) sont, camme on l'a dit tres brievement, des etres parvenus a l'etape ultime de la carriere qui prepare a l'accomplissement bouddhique. La encore, Ie modele d'entre eux fut Sakyamuni, non seulement tel qu'il apparait dans la premiere partie de sa derniere existence, ou il obtint l'Eveil, mais tel que Ie decrivent les recits de ses innombrables vies anterieures, au cours desquelles il s'y etait prepare en cultivant Ie detachement de la croyance au soi et la compassion envers autrui. Dans Ie bouddhisme subsequent, se detache d'abord la figure, precedemment evoquee, de Maitreya Gap. Miroku), sa replique des temps futurs, dont la parousie,


ardemment esperee, sera la source de toutes sortes de croyances . messianiques, souvent en rivalite avec celles relatives a la renais_ sance dans la Terre Pure d'Amitabha.

De me me que les conceptions relatives aux buddha, celles concernant les bodhisattva allaient recevoir du Grand Vehicule une impulsion qui les transforma profondement. Le bodhisattva du Grand Vehicule est mains presente comme un buddha encore immature que comme un etre qui pousse l'esprit de depouille_ ment et de compassion jusqu'a refuser son propre Eveil tant que n'aura pas ete realise Ie "vceu fondamental" par leqUel il s'engage a sauver les etres. Jusque-Ia, il demeurera avec ceux-ti a travers toutes les tribulations du monde transmigrant. Plus proche done, a certains egards, que les buddha dont la carriere est achevee, parangon d'une perfection qui est en train de se faire et qui parait d'un niveau moins inaccessible, il attire aussi davantage la devotion sur un mode familier.

Les grands bodhisattva incarnent generalement plus particulierement une vertu : Mafijusrl, "Douce Belle majeste" Gap. Monju-bosatsu), celle de sapience; Samantabhadra, 1"'Omnifavorable" Gap. Fugen-bosatsu), celle de perseverance dans la pratique; K~itigarbha, "Embryan de la Terre" Gap. Jizobosatsu), celle de compassion. Celui qui incarne sans doute au degre Ie plus haut, Ie plus total, l'ideal du type, Avalokitdvara, "Ie Seigneur qui regarde en bas vers Ie monde-ou : qui ecoute les voix du monde" (auJapon, Kanjizai-ou Kanzeon-bosatsu ; en abrege, cauramment, Kannan) associe a parts egales et indissociables la compassion et la sapience; son iconographie multiforme revele son infinitude a cet egard.

III. Les vidyaraja ou "rois de Science" Gap. myoo) sont des figures particulieres a l'Esoterisme. Ce sont, pour l'essentiel, des personnifications de formules detentrices d'une science souveraine qui est censee donner clarte et puissance sur taus les phenomenes, aussi bien physiques que psychiques. On sait quel role les formules avaient joue en lnde de puis Ie temps des Veda. Le bouddhisme, apres s'en etre defie----comme de tout ce qui relevait du ritualisme des brahmanes-en avait adopte l'usage dans des matieres d'abord exterieures a l'essentiel de sa Voie proprement dite : matieres medicales, ou de protection contre les autres sortes de menaces a l'integrite de la personne.


Avec Ie Grand Vehicule, elles font dam sa pratique une entree en force, non plus seulement comme garantes de la protection personnelle des fiddes, mais de la c~~mu~aute bouddhique en general, et en tant que donneuses d mtellIgence, de ,force et de multiples talents a ceux qui sont en quete de l'Eveil. Pour l'Esoterisme, dans la perspective duquelles antiques conceptions vediques relatives a la puissance creatrice de la Parole ont repris leur entiere vigueur, les formules essentielles (mantra; auJapon, comme on l'a dit plus haut, shingon ou "paroles veritables") et celles, generalement plus longues, qui sont dites "porteuses" (dhiirar;z ; jap. darani) de cette science superieure qu'est la vidya, et appelees, en consequence, "rois-ou reines-de Science," vont se trouver progressivement promouvoir de ce vieux role prophylactique et roborati~ a une fonction d'expression et d'actualisation de la nature d'Eveil commune aux etreset au Panbuddha.

Tandis qu'un personnage comme Ie "roi (la reine) de Science de la grande formule du paon" (Mahamayuri ; jap. Kujakuiny66), detenteur de vertus efficaces contre tous les poisons qui affectent Ie corps et l'esprit, procede d'anciennes croyances a l'opposition du paon, oiseau solaire, et du serpent, lie au monde aquatique et sou terrain, legitimees par l'Esoterisme de la tradition la plus ancienne, un autre, tel que Ie "roi de Science" Acala ("l'Immuable" ; au Japon, Fud6-my66), en qui 1'on reconnait des traits d'origine <;ivai:te, constitue l'une des figures maitresses de l'esoterisme developpe et approfondi dont les sectes Shingon et Tendai seront au Japon les droites heritieres. Manifestation de la volonte d'Eveil universel qui est inherente a la nature meme du Pan-buddha et qui implique une venue a resipiscence des etres "difficiles a convertir," les "rois de Science" du type de Fud6 appartiennent a ce qu'on appelle les "irrites" ou "furieux" (krodha; au Japon, funnu-son) et leur iconographie d'apparence effrayante temoigne de la rude mission qui est la leur, dont Ie moteur profond est la compassion.

IV. Les divinites--c'est-a-dire les dieux (deva) et deesses (devZ) ; jap. ten et tennyo-sont, de tous les etres veneres du pantheon bouddhique, les seuls qui soient encore eux-memes assujettis ala fatalite transmigratoire : de ce point de vue, ils ne sont pas differents des hommes, ni des animaux, des infernaux

60 JIABS VOL 11 NO.2

et autres etres pris dans Ie cycle sans fin des changements d . destinee. Mais leur longevite et leur puissance sont connuee

pour immenses. Des les commencements du bouddhisme IS plus emin~nts d'entre eux, Indra, Ie roi des dieux vediq~e:s appele ici Sakra, "Ie Fort" Gap. Taishaku-ten), et Brahma Gap; Bonten), divinite supreme du brahmanisme, ont ete preSentes comme emerveilles par la predication du Buddha et devenus ses suivants attentifs. Des grands dieuxregents des regions cardinales a d'humbles genies agrestes ou aquatiques et jusqu'a des deites ogresses, toutes sortes d'etres divins sont venus s'inscrire dans Ia troupe qui se de place avec Ie Maitre, tend l'oreille a ses exposes et fait serment de garder ses fideIes. Leur nombre au-. gmente de fa<;on considerable avec Ie Grand Vehicule et, plus encore, avec Ie courant esoterique, qui recrute largement au

'sein du pantheon hindou divinites et demons qu'il sait posses-seurs de formules, et qu'en vertu du paradoxe qui lui est fondamental, il exalte d'autant plus qu'ils sont d'une nature s~uvage' dont il aime a souligner qU'elle est, elle aussi, nature d'Eveil.

Cette attitude toute naturelle d'accueil qui est celle du bouddhismea l'egard des divinites du "substrat indien,"9 ilIa conservera dans Ie monde exterieur al'Inde et, notamment, en Asie orientale. II adoptera sans difficulte un certain nombre de divinites de la tradition chinoise, en particulier des divinites relevant de son vaste pantheon astral, auquell'Esoterisme, tres preoccupe par les conjonctures spatio-temporelles et qui s'est deja enrichi, aux confins du monde iranien, d'elements astrologiques occidentaux, va beau coup s'interesser. Au Japon meme, les kami du shintolsme, d'abord en tant que necessaires interlocuteurs des fondateurs de monasteres, de par leur qualite de maitres du sol local, puis, par la suite, plus glorieusement, en tant qu'ac vatars reconnus des buddha et des bodhisattva, s'integreront, de fa<;on analogue, a l'univers de Ia veneration bouddhique. Mais, il faut souligner qu'a l'inverse, se japoniseront profondement, par la voie du syncretisme, des divinites de la tradition bouddhique (et, au-dela d'elle, vedique, brahmanique ou hindoue), comme Ie dieu pourvoyeur en nourriture Mahakala Gap. Daikoku-ten, "Ie Grand Noir"), ou la deesse des eaux dispensatrice d'eloquence, d'art et de savoir-faire, Sarasvafi Gap. Benzaiten), ou encore la tres complexe figure de Myoken-("Celle a la Vue merveilleuse" ou "La Merveilleuse a voir"), divinite de


:7rttoi1e Polaire et de la Grande Ourse, adoree dans trois types ::de sanctuaires (-gu, -do, -sha) respectivement lies a des concep;tions chinoises, bouddhiques et shinto. 1o

..... De ces quatre categories, buddha, bodhisattva, "rois de Scien'ce," divinites, la seule-il va de soi-qui rappelle ce que connaissent les autres religions est la quatrieme. Les trois autres, qui 'sont specifiquement bouddhiques, constituent les extensions, 'sous des modes divers, d'une figure originelle,celle du buddha'prealablement, bodhisattva-Sakyamuni, projetee dans Ie temps etl'espace, perennisee, portee, de maniere toujours plus absolue, a son essence, puis rediffusee en hypostases de tous niveaux, dont les grandes compositions federatrices que sont les mal)Q.ala de l'Esoterisme permettent d'acquerir des visions d'ensemble.

Si une opposition tout a fait categorique entre "buddha historique," d'une part, et figures fabuleuses, de l'autre, releve d'une optique de type moderne, il n'en est pas moins vrai que les bouddhistes ont eu une conscience generalement assez nette de la difference entre Ie Buddha tel qu'il etait apparu ici-bas en "corps de naissance" Uap. shiijin-on relevera que les caracteres servant a noter Ie terme peuvent aussi se lire, sur un registre plus familier, avec une prononciation d'origine vernaculaire, ikimi ; il y a lieu de comprendre alors : "en corps vivant"), laissant, a sa disparition, Ie monde dans l'affliction et la nostalgie, et les autres personnages du pantheon bouddhique, dont les carrieres, meme lorsqu'elles etaient racontees dans des recits d'une tonalite plus ou moins historicisante, conservaient un caractere quasiment trans-tempore!. Mais, tant la notion de perennite du Buddha que celle d'un "nirvii'l'}a depasse" dont ce dernier acquiert, en un stade ultime, la faculte de revenir vers Ie monde en vue de l'ceuvre du salut,l1 que celle, plus resolutive, encore, de la question, de "corps d'Essence," permettaient aux fideles d'invoquer Ie buddha Sakyamuni avec la meme tranquille certitude d'etre entendus que lorsqu'ils s'adressaient aux autres

La situation, comme on Ie voit, est inversee: c'est la "realite" exorable du buddha qui fut reel que nous voici comme en train de plaider ou, plus exactement, son "egalite de realite" avec des figures qui, elies-le cas des dieux etant reserve I2-etaient, au


contraire, d'origine foncierement irreelle. . Etienne Lamotte, dont l'experience en matiere de boud_ dhologie avait pour axe prindpalle criticisme approfondi de la pensee de Tecale de la "Perfection de Sapience,"13 ecrit dans sa belle etude sur. Ie bodhisattva Manjusri l4 : "Applique a des bodhisattva, l'evhemerisme n'est pas qu'un prejuge gratuit; c'est encore, du point de vue bouddhique s'entend, une erreur doc-trinale. Car, pour les plus devots de leurs sectateurs, les bodhisattva sont des etres de raison et n'existent absolument pas ... Ce n'est done pas dans Ie monde ni dans l'histoire du monde qu'il fau_t chercher les bodhisattva, mais dans sa propre pensee." Se pla<;ant dans l'optique inverse qui est celle du bodhisattva lui-meme, cet autre eminent specialiste de la litterature de "Perfection de Sapience" qU'etait Edward Conze, ditlS : "Le Bodhisattva est un etre compose des deux forces contradicto ires de la sagesse et de la compassion. Dans sa sagesse, il ne voit pas de personnes; dans sa compassion, il est resolu ales sauver. Son aptitude a combiner ces comportements contradictoires est la source de sa grandeur, de sa capacite a se sauver, lui et les autres." Nous touchons la a l'un points les plus imp ortan~s et les plus difficiles de la pensee du Grand Vehicule, qu'Etienne Lamotte definissait un jourl6 camme "sceptique au point de vue doctrinal et mystique au point de vue religieux."

U ne conceptiOn qui a fourni l'un des meilleurs outils pour resoudre cette grande antinomie est celle dite de la "Double verite"-"mondaine" et "vraie"-que firent leur, avec un certain nombre de nuances, les diverses ecoles du Grand Vehicule. Seion celle-d, les etres etaient, ala fois, relativement existants du point de vue. des liens karmiques qui les unissaient, et non existants car, en fin de compte, Vacuite pure. n n'en allait pas differemment des buddha et autres veneres, quels qu'ils fussent, auxqueis Ia pensee du fide Ie donnait ce qu'on peut appeler une "consistance relationnelle" capable d'action jusque dans Ie monde physique, alors qu'ils n'etaient dans la "Realite vraie," comme Ie fidele lui-meme, que Vacuite. 17

Le vieux terme chinois ganying (prononce au J apon kanna), fait de deux elements signifiant respectivement "emouvoir, exciter, influer sur" et "repondre," atteste deja dans I'un des appendices du Yijing l8 et qui a ete repris plus tard par Ie taolsme l9 et par Ie bouddhisme chinois, puis japonais, exprime bien la nature


d'une ielle relation, creatrice d'une sorte de rea lite momentanee, analogue a celle d'un courant qui s'etablit entre deux poles. 11 est frequemment utilise dans Ie contexte bouddhique au sens d"'exaucement" (notamment : miraculeux) et, de la tout simplement, avec celui d'''histoire edifiante." Paul Demieville avait bien voulu me suggerer de Ie traduire litteralement par "reponse [du Buddha--ou d'une divinite-] aux impulsions [des etresJ2°." 11 est tout a fait remarquable que, dans Ie vocabulaire scientifique moderne ce terme ait ete repris pour rendre celui d"'induction."

Comment cette "consistance--ou, si l'on prefere : cette realite relationnelle" s'exprime-t-elle de fac;on concrete et, puisque c'est Ie probleme qui nollS preoccupe ici essentiellement, comment, en particulier, prend-elle "corps" et se manifeste-t-elle dans des images?

On sait que le bouddhisme s'est d'abord abstenu de representer anthropomorphiquement Ie buddha Sakyamuni et les buddha anterieurs, voulant signifier par la qu'il s'agissait d'etres qui avaient echappe au monde ; on les figurait par des symboles : l'arbre sous lequel ils s'etaient eveilles, un trone vide, la trace laissee par leurs pieds dans le sol, la roue dont la mise en branle signifiait Ie point de depart de leur predication, Ie stupa Qap. to) ou tumulus charge de leurs reliques. En revanche, a ete figuree des les debuts de l'art bouddhique l'image de Sakyamuni tel qu'il etait avant l'Eveil, quand il n'etait encore qu'un bodhisattva applique ala poursuite des perfections, tant en sa derniere vie qu'en ses existences anterieures : image princiere ornee de parures dont Ie rejet allait marquer la rupture definitive avec les seductions mondaines. 11 en a ete de meme des images des dieux, representes eux aussi, pour ce qui est des plus importants, sous un aspect royal et, pour ce qui est des autres, en gardiens, en notables, voire sous des formes plus ou moins monstrueuses ou theriomorphes.

Les figures plenieres de buddha n'apparaissent qU'entre Ie premier et Ie deuxieme siecle de notre ere, d'une part au Gandhara, dans les royaumes indo-grecs des successeurs d'Alexandre, d'autre part dans l'art indien de Mathura. Du point de vue iconographique, elies correspondent, pour l'essentiel, a ce qU'exposent les textes qui decrivent la personne du Buddha.


Elle a pour caracteristique trente-deux marques auspicieuses principales et quatre-vingts secondaires~ apparues en tant gu signes de maturation progressive de l'Eyeil, et que Ie Parfai~ possede en commun avec cet autre ideal humain de la perfection qu'est Ie saint monarque appele au regne universel. Plus loin_ tainement, ellessont un attribut de la figure de l'Homme Cos-mique. 2 ! La quasi-totalite de ces marques sont de caractere visible, se rapportant a la forme et a la couleur du corps (ainsi deux des plus importantes et qui sont les plus frappantes : l~ protuberance sincipitale-us1J,z,s-a ; jap. bucch8~ figure du siege de la supreme sapience, et l'uT1J,a-jap. byakugo- sorte de touffe placee entre les sourcils, ordinairement figuree par une incrus_ tation, qui a une fonction de source lumineuse) et sont done en principe plastiquement traduisibles. Mais une autre, comme celle qui se rap porte a la voix du Buddha ne l'est pas: c'est un point sur lequel nous reviendrons. Dans les plus anciennes representations, Ie vetement est toujours monastique, les parures ayant ete, comme on l'a rappele, rejetees ; mais, a partir d'une certaine epoque, en liaison avec les conceptions bouddhologiques et cosmologiques qui exaltent la figure du Buddha comme eminente par rapport au monde, et recourent, pour exprimer cette eminence, au symbolisme de la royaute universelle, apparaissent des buddha pares et couronnes22 dont l'aspeet sera tout proche de celui des bodhisattva. Ainsi sera figure, notamment, Ie Pan-buddha de l'Esoterisme.

n existe dans la tradition bouddhique un certain nombre de recits qui relatent l'histoire de la premiere statue du Buddha.23

Un d'entre eux, relativement tardif (et qui s'est constitue, semble-t-il, dans un milieu de Grand Vehicule), mais qui devait connaitre une grande diffusion-et, precisement, jusgu'au Japon-est celui de l'image confectionnee sur l'ordre du roi Udayana Gap. Udenno). Elle s'est greffee sur une tradition connue anciennement et qui est celle dite du "prodige de Sarpkasya."24 Cette derniere rapporte que Ie Buddha, apres son Eveil, etait monte, durant Ie temps d'une retraite, jusque chez les divinites demeurant au plus haut etage de la montagne cosmique, parmi lesquelles s'etait reincarnee sa mere, morte ala suite de sa naissance et qui n'avait pu encore profiter de sa predication. Lorsqu'il revint sur la terre, apparut un triple escalier miraeuleux, qu'il redescendit, entoure de Brahma et


d'lndra. Selon Ie complement apporte plus tard au recit, Ie roi lJdayana, qui s'etait langui apn':s Ie Bienheureux durant cette absence, aura it alors pris I'initiative de faire faire par un artisan divinune replique exacte de sa personne, en bois de santal, ornee de tdutes Ies "marques." Quand Ie vrai Buddha mit Ie pied sur Ie sol, ce buddha de santal s'approcha de lui et Ie salua-scene bien connue de la peinture bouddhique:25 La version de cette histoire qu'a rapportee Xuanzang, fameux pelerin chinois en lnde de 629 a 645, dans son "Memoire sur les contrees occidentales a l'epoque des grands Tang"26 et l'analyse qu'en a donnee Paul Mus,27 sont pour nous, ici, du plus haut interet. Citons: "Quand Ie Tathagata fut descendu du Palais des dieux, l'image sculptee dans Ie santal se leva et ana au-devant du Venere du monde. Le Venere du monde la conforta en ces termes : 'pour convertir [lesetres], il vous faut prendre beaucoup de peine! Veuillez guider Ie monde jusqu'en son age terminal: c'est la mon instante priere.'" Paul Mus commente : "C'etait lui conferer un pouvoir surnaturel dont on croyait sans doute trouver un reflet dans les copies de la statue. La serie des images qui procedent de cette tradition est donc comme animee par Ie contact initial." Une telle remarque doit pouvoir etre ccmsideree comme valable pour l'ensemble de l'iconographie bouddhique. Se referant a des textes d'inscriptions relevees en Chine du Nord et traduites par Edouard Chavannes, l'auteur du Buddha pare ajoute : "On nous dit ailleurs qU'eriger une statue, c'est 'mettre un substitut a la place du Buddha."'28 On mentionnera aussi, comme document significatif a cet egard, un passage de Code disciplinaire (vinaya ; jap, ritsu) dans lequel il est rapporte que Ie Buddha autorise l'un de ses donateurs familiers a fabriquer une image de lui en bois de pommier rose-autre interpretation : en or-et a la placer "en tete de l'assemblee des moines" lorsqu'il n'est pas la lui-meme pour presider. 29

De ce "corps substitue" qu'est la statue,30 il est possible de renforcer encore la fonction vicariante en y plac;ant des re-liques--c'est-a-dire des elements qui sont eux-memes des substituts de la personne et tenus pour porteurs de sa vitalite1--ou autres objets, symboliques ou realistes (notamment des reproductions d'organes externes ou internes)32 visant a rendre plus parfaite et plus efficace la conformite au modele.

Face a une vision qui peut etre reconnue a bon droit comme


magique, de la force agissante possedee par les icones boud_ o dhiques, un vieux texte de l'ecole de la "Perfection deSapience"33 precise avec fermete un point de vue or~hodoxe : "Prenons un exemple comme celui-ci: apres Ie nirv3.l)a ~u Buddha, un homme confectionne une image de ce dernier. A la vue de cette image, il n'est personn~ qui ne s'agenouille pour la saluer ni ne lui fasse offrande ... 0 Sage, de ce que l'on appelle Buddha l"ame' est-elle dans l'image?" Le bodhisattva interlocuteur re~ pond: "Elle n'y est pas. Si l'on confectionne des images du Buddha, c'est seulement parce qu'on veut faire en sorte que le~ hommes en obtiennent [des effets emplis de] felicite."

Ainsi, il n'y a pas, en bonne doctrine bouddhique, d"'ame" dans l'image et, pourtant, lorsque la priere du fidele est suffisam_ ment instante et sincere-autrement dit, lorsque s'etablit Ie "courant" plus haut evoque : c'est la "reponse a l'impulsion"_ il arrive qu'a partir de cette meme image s'exteriorise une merveilleuse presence agissante. Qu'on en juge d'apres ce recit japonais de la fin du Xle siecle, intitule Histoire du corps d'apparition d'un Kannon en santal blanc de l'Inde, qui a pour source l'une des biographies de Xuanzang34 :

Dans I'lnde, apres que Ie Buddha fut entre dans Ie nirvii'IJa,

il y avait au pays de *** une demeure de la Communaute. De son nom, on l'appelait Ie monastere de ***. Dans Ie sanctuaire central de ce monastere, se trouvait une image en santal blanc du bodhisattva Kanjizai. 35 La miraculeuse efficace en etant particulierement excellente, Ie peIerinage des gens toujours y etait tel que plusieurs dizaines de personnes s'y succedaient continuellement. Apres y avoir durant sept jours ou deux fois sept jours interrompu les cere ales et interrompu l'eau de riz,56 les pelerins priaient pour demander la realisation des choses dont ils avaient fait Ie vceu dans leur cceur et, s'ils mettaient a cela un cceur sincere, Ie bodhisattva Kanjizai lui-meme, pourvu de parures deJicates et merveilleuses, repandant de la lumiere, sortait de l'image de bois et se montrait a ces gens. Emu pour eux de compassion, il exaw;;ait leurs vceux ...

On retiendra ici Ie terme de "corps d'apparition" Gap. genshin, qu'on pourrait, aussi bien, traduire par "corps actualise"} et l'usage de l'expression "sortir de l'image de bois" (mokuzo no uchi yori ide . . .). Genshin est frequemment utilise en valeur

v ACUITE ET CORPS ACTUAUSE 67

dynamique, a~ sens ~"'actualiser, manifester son corps" (equivalent vernaculmre : mz wo arawasu) dans les textes bouddhiques : ainsi, dans le petit sutra esoterique de haute epoque intitule Muri-mandara jukyo37 : "Si quelqu'un recite cette formule devant l'image du [bodhisattva] Vajra Uap. Kongo)38, Vajra actualisera son corps et satisfera les vceux de cet homme."

Ces textes sont tout a fait explicites : ce qui s'actualise, se "presentifie"39 dans l'image et en "sort" afin d'exaucer les vceux du fidele, n'est pas une "arne," mais un "corps." Du point de vue de la theorie des "corps de buddha," il est bien evident qu'il s'agit 13. d'un "corps metamorphique" qui n'est autre qU'un reflet du "corps d'Essence," ou encore, pour employer ce terme d'usage plus familier que nous avons deja mentionne, d'un "corps de naissance" ou "corps vivant" (shojin, ikimi).

My6e (1173-1232), qui fut l'un des grands maitres du bouddhisme japonais a l'epoque de Kamakura, Ie dit sans ambages, en me me temps qu'il rappelle avec vigueur cette conception seion laquelle Ie phenomene de l'''actualisation'' ne se produit qU'autant que l'esprit du pratiquant y concourt :

Chaque fois que l'on entre dans un sanctuaire, il faut penser que Ie Buddha au corps de naissance se trouve la, que l'on se trouve vraiment devant Ie Tathagata au corps de naissance. Lorsqu'on pense qu'un buddha sculpte dans Ie bois ou repn~sente en peinture est son corps de naissance, immediatement ill' est. 40

Environ un demi-siecle plus tard, Ie religieux Muju (1226-1312), qui declare s'appuyer sur une tradition orale emanant d'un "sage vertueux d'autrefois," expliquedans l'un de ses sermons4 ! :

Le vrai corps du Buddha est sans aspects particularises et sans pensees [erroneesJ. En vertu de son Vceuoriginel de grande compassion, et des bonnes racines engendrees grace a son cceur compatissant, il se manifeste sous diverses formes. Meme sa forme exterieure [de statue] est une des formes qU'adopte son Corps de transformation (= son corps metamorphique). Ainsi, si Ie Buddha revet aux yeux du pratiquant, selon Ie degre de la foi· ou de la sagesse de celui-ci, l'apparence du bois au de la pierre, alors Ie corps du Buddha n'est autre que du bois au de la pierre. Et s'il voit Ie Buddha dans Ie bois au la pierre, il peut en tirer


ses bienfaits. Si I'esprit de notre veneration respectueuse et de notre foi sont veritablement profonds et sinceres, alors de teis bienfaits [provenant des statues en bois ou en pierre] ne SOnt aucunement differents de ceux provenant des divers buddha en personne. 42

Les bienfaits dont il s'agit Uap. riyaku) peuvent se traduire par des faits qui depassent plus encore l'entendement qU'une projection apparitionnelle hors de l'image ou la realisation miraculeuse d'un souhait intense. L'actualisation d'un "corps" qui n'est pourtant que Ie produit d'une "reponse," peut aller jusqu'a une prise en charge par l'icone de souffrances, infirmites, blessures, mutilations subies ou redoutees par Ie fidele et dont les stigmates, en certains cas, demeureront a jamais visibles sur elle; elle en vient a constituer, a travers ce transfert (qui rappelle Ie vieux theme, celebre notamment dans les recits des vies anterieures du Buddha, du "don du corps" a autrui), son "substitut corporel" (migawari).43

Les histoires de migawari, dont les descriptions spectaculaires sont, a certain egard, tres proches de celles de certains n'!:cits de punitions de sacrileges, abondent dans les traditions du bouddhisme chinois44 et japonais, et il existe au Japon un assez grand nombre de lieux de culte qui tirent de l'une d'elles une part de leur celebrite et de leur reputation d'efficace.4s

N ous nous bornerons ici a evoquer l'une des plus etonnantes: celle du Kirimomi Fudo, ou "Fuda perce au poin<;on," venere aujourd'hui au monastere de Negoro, pres Wakayama, l'un des lieux saints de l'ecole reformee du Shingon dite des "Interpretations nouvelles" (Shingi). Le fondateur de cette ecole, Kakuban (1095-1143), esprit fort entreprenant et novateur, avait suscite au Kayasan, centre de la secte Shingon, OU il occupait de hautes charges, une rancceur si forte de la part de certaine faction que des hommes de main de celle-ci furent envoyes pour s'emparer de lui et le chasser.46

Kakuban etait un fervent pratiquant du "recueillement de Fuda," ce "roi de Science" Acala-"l'Immuableh - 47 a la puissante expression irritee, que ses representations iconographiques montrent tenant une epee qui tranche et un lacet qui lie, assis sur un siege de roc qU'entourent des flammes purificatrices. Vne biographie composee au XIVe siecle48 rap-


porte qu'une nuit de 1134 ou 1135, alors que Ie saint homme offrait des fleurs a l'image de Fud6 et la saluait, celle-ci se leva et lui fit offrande et hommage a son tour. La meme biographie et une autre, contenue dans un recueil acheve a la date precise de 1322,49 relatent que, quand les assaillants--c'etait dans les premiers jours de 1140-firent irruption dans Ie sanctuaire ou

70 JIABS VOL 11 NO.2

se tenait Kakuban, au monastere Mitsugon-in du Koyasan :

Le saint homme leur demeura invis~ble, cependant que, SUr l'autel, siegeaient, l'une a cote de l'autre, deux statues du Venere Fudo a l'aspect identique. Les mauvais moines entres la par violence, en resterent tout interdits : laquelle [des deux] etait Ie Venere fondamental [du lieu] et laquelle etait Ie saint homme? ils avaient grand mal a reconnaitre Ie vrai [Fudo] du faux. Sur quoi l'un des mauvais moines dit : "Le Fudo qui est Ie Venere fondamental est une image de bois; Ie saint homme est un corps de chair. Celui dont il sortira du sang si on lui pique Ie genou, nous saurons que c'est Ie saint homme." Ce disant, afin de connaitre Ie vrai du faux, il prit un fer de fleche (variante dans des recensions posterieures : un poin<;on) et, tan dis que, pour com-

. mencer, il per<;ait l'auguste genou de Fudo, de cet auguste genou du Fudo qui etait image de bois, du sang jaillit.50

Ala pensee que Ie roi de Science, sans doute, ainsi devenant un vrai corps [de chair], avait repandu du sang et daigne prendre sa place a lui (kawari-tamaubeki kotO),51 Ie saint homme fut saisi d'emotion : "Alors que j'ai, moi, echappe au malheur, voici que, de mon fait, ce Venere fondamental, qui est innocent de toute faute, est victime d'un tel malheur!" La-dessus, sortant de recueillement, il fit retour a son corps d'origine et reprit sa forme premiere ; puis, Iaissant couler des Iaimes, il quitta Ie Mitsugon-in et, sans tarder, s'en fut s'installer au monastere de Negoro.

Le principe fermement etabli dans Ie bouddhisme japonais-et dont on trouve deja un exemple atteste dans les Annales officielles a une date de l'annee 671 52-est qU'une statue ou peinture cesse d'etre un simple objet materiel et formel pour devenir une veritable ic6ne chargee de puissance active et sacree lorsqu' elle a fait l' objet d'un rite consecratoire dit de l'''Ouverture des yeux" (kaigen-kuyo). n est bien connu que l'ceil est un symbole de sapience et d'Eveil ; sa presence signifie de maniere toute specifique que Ie Venere figure dans l'image voit la Verite et la fait voir. Ce rite de l'''Ouverture des yeux" est d'origine continentale; on Ie retrouve dans Ie brahmanisme et, bien au-dela du monde indien, jusque dans des pratiques funeraires egyptiennes.55

Le kaigen est couramment defini54 comme une "ceremonie au cours de laquelle, lorsqu'une statue au peinture de Vehere bouddhique est achevee, on marque la pupille de l'ceil." Nous


voyons par la qu'il est d'abord un acte materiel, celui qui, par l'apposition d'une touche finale, essentielle, magiquement per<;ue comme creatrice de vie, paracheve l'image et fait d'elle un

. objet vivant-ou, pour employer une expression japonaise familiere, lin objet dans lequel ''l'ame a ete introduite."55 Mais, du point de vue liturgique, il faut bien comprendre qu'il n'y a d'effective "Ouverture des yeux" que grace a l'insertion de cet acte materiel dans tout un deroulement rituel ou la Parole a un role fondamental.

Honen (1133-1212), qui fut, comme on l'a rappele, Ie fondateur de la "secte de la Terre Pure,"56 expose ainsi Ie probleme a partir de references de caractere esoterique.:

Ce qu'on entend par 'Ouverture des yeux,' c'est, a la base, l'acte par lequel Ie maitre imagier, en les marquant, ouvre les yeux: c'est la ce qu'on nomme l"Ouverture des yeux selon Ie Factuel' (ji no kaigen). Ensuite, les moines, avec la 'formule de l'CEil de Buddha' (butsugen no shingon),57 [a leur tour] ouvrent les yeux, puis, avec la 'formule de Dainichi,'58 font se realiser [dans l'icone] la totalite des merites du Buddha: c'est Ia ce qu'on appelle l"Ouverture des yeux selon Ie Principe' (ri no kaigen).

C'est un autre grand fondateur, Nichiren (1222-1282), ap6tre, quant a lui, de la foi au "Lotus de la Loi Merveilleuse,"59 qui a explique de la fa<.;:on la plus pertinente pourquoi il ne saurait y avoir de kaigen en l'absence d'un element verbal dans lequel il reconna'it la voix du Buddha elle-meme-litteralement, sa "Voix brahmique," jap. bonnon6°-telle que l'exprime en sa perfection Ie discours sacre du "Sutra du Lotus" :

Le Buddha a Trente-deux marques [auspicieuses]. Toutes sont des elements corporels. De celle placee au plus bas, qui est la 'Roue a mille rais,'61 jusqu'a la derniere, qui est la 'Protuberance sincipitale,'62 trente et une peuvent etre vues et constituent des elements 'resistants'65 : aussi est-il possible de les peindre et de les sculpter. La seule marque de la 'Voix brahmique' ne peut etre vue, et constitue un element 'non-resistant' : on ne peut donc la peindre ni la sculpter. Apres Ie nirviir;a du Buddha, il y eut deux [formes d']images, sculptee et peinte. Elles n'avaient que trente et une marques: la 'Voix brahmique' leur faisait defaut. C'est pourquoi elles n'etaient. point Ie Buddha. [On peut dire] encore [que] l'element de l'esprit leur manquait. ... Que


si, devant des buddha figures sous ces deux [formes d']image. J

sculptee et peinte, on pose un [texte de] sidra (l'auteur va precis S!

ensuite qu'il ne peut s'agir que du 'Lotus de IaLoi Merveilleuse~)r elle se trouvera entierement poutvue des Trente-deui marques ...

La position de l'Esoterisme Shingon sur Ie kaigen est egale_ ment tres interessante a rappeler. Elle est intimement liee a sa . conception fondamentale de l'''accomplissement de la buddheite . dans Ie corps" (sokushinj'obutsu-gi)64 et de la sacralite absolue des elements materiels, qui constituent, au meme titre que l'element de la conscience, Ie corps d'Essence du Pan-buddha. Pour lui }"'Ouverture des yeux" n'est rien de plus qU'un moyen destin~ . a faciliter l'acces du profane a une comprehension superieure : penetre qu'il est de l'esprit de discrimination-et la critique vise aussi, a travers lui de doctes bouddhistes des ecoles non esoteriques--ce me me profane ne consent a voir dans les icones sculptees ou peintes que des supports confectionnes en materiaux perissables qui ne peuvent en aucun cas etre reconnus comme identiques au "Vrai corps du Buddha" (shinjitsu buttai) dont l'attribut fondamental est la Permanence. La verite est, au contraire, que, de toutes les choses du monde phenomenal, jusqu'au mineral et au vegetal, il n'en est aucune qui ne soit Ie corps d'Essence du Grand Vairocana. En consequence, les icones peintes et sculptees qui representent les buddha, bodhisattva et autres Veneres doivent etre, elles aussi, tenues pour les vrais corps de ces buddha, bodhisattva, etc., tels qu'ils se trouvent dans Ie "Palais du Plan d'Essence" (hokkaigu) du Grand Vairocana, figure expressive de la Realite absolue.

Tant au Kayasan, maison mere de la secte Shingon et gardien des "Interpretations anciennes" (kogi) qu'a Negoro, siege de l'ecole des "Interpretations nouvelles" (shingi) , 65 fut en honneur aux XlIIe-XIVe siecles, dans les recueils pedagogiques de controverses sous forme de questions et reponses,66 ce theme dit "[de la question] des images peintes" (saie-gyozo) ou de "la nature d'Essence des peintures et des bois [sculptes]" (emokuhi5nen).67

Si Ie kaigen,quelle que soit l'interpretation qu'on en donne, a pour effet de consacrer l'ic6ne dans ses fonctionscultuelles, cela n'empeche pas que chaque ceremonie, chaque acte religieux


d'unecertaine complexite qui sera ulterieurement effectue devant elIe devra com porter d'une quelconque maniere un element rituel-mental, verbal et, tout particulierement dans I'Esoterisme et les liturgies ayant subi son influence, corporel, c'est-adire, essentidlement, manue168~perant une reactivation de la realite agissante du Venere represente.

Bien que cette realite, comme on l'a deja dit, ne puisse etre dissociee de l'esprit du pratiquant-pour l'Esoterisme, il faut aller jusqu'a dire qU'elle en emane et s'y resorbe,69 car cet esprit n'est autre, en realite que celui du Pan-buddha dans l'attente de sa relevation a lui-meme-Ies textes canoniques et liturgiques emploient des expressions qui "invitent en les sollicitant" (shosho), "sollicitent en les exhortant" (kanjo) les buddha et autres Veneres afin qu'ils viennent, "descendent" (gorinlgofufO dans l'aire de realisation de l'Eveil et de mise en train d'action salvatrice que devient Ie monde durant Ie rite. A l'issue de celui-ci, ils seront respectueusement pries de "s'en retourner" (kigen) dans leur "pays~u leur 'terre'-originel(le)" (hongoku, hondo), ce qui, dans Ie langage de l'Esoterisme, signifie l'etat de calme indifferencie, prealable a toute expression manifestationnelle, OU se tient foncierement Ie Grand Vairocana. 71

11 se peut qu'on reproche a l'expose qui precede de s'etre laisse prendre au piege signale en commenc;ant : celui d'avoir insuffisamment distingue, dans l'immense his to ire du developpement des ecoles bouddhiques, lei. variete et l'evolution des points de vue et des pratiques. Le cadre limite de cette etude no us y a, sans aucun doute, plus ou moins obliges.

Je crois neanmoins qu'a travers cette variete et cette evolution telles que nousles avons aperc;ues, se degage une evidence, qui est que les personnages du pantheon bouddhique, buddha, bodhisattva et autres Veneres, a defaut de constituer des realites surnaturelles autonomes, qui seraient presentes par elles-memes dans leurs icanes, paraissent devoir etre credites d'une existence qu'on a propose de definir plus haut comme de caractere "relationnel" et qui a, Ie plus souvent, ce trait complementaire d'etre intermittente dans ses manifestations.

74 JIABS VOL. 11 NO, 2

Paul Mus, qui voyait dans ce que--cl.'un terme emprunt' au geographe Jules Sion-il appelait "l'Asie des Moussons," u e substrat commun, ante rieur au devdoppement diversifie den grandes cultures "litterees"-au premier rang desquelles I~ chinoise et l'indienne-decelait les vestiges de ce substrat dans les vieux cultes chtoniens ici et l~ attestes, et ,se declarait frappe par la concordance entre tel trait de ces antIques cultes loc'aux et tel autre d'une religion tres complexe et a vocation universelle comme Ie bouddhisme.72 "Dans l'Asie des Moussons, disait-il73 les dieux sont des etres que l'on evoque," etde redire Ia cho~e en parlant du "soliS-sol religieux" de cette Asie comme d'un "substrat de petits dieux evocatoires."

Deux points a propos desquels il s'interrogeait et sur lesqueis nous Ie retrouvons, concernent precisement ces traits caracteristiques d'un mode d'existence que nous avons defini chez nos personnages comme "relationnel" et "intermittent." II decrit Ie corps du dieu "cache dans la pierre, sous une forme invisible sans doute, mais anthropomorphique." Seion l'explication que propose Ie schemaanimiste, explique-t-il, ce corps invisible "sort et vient doubler celui de l'officiant." Mais il ajoute que, au niveau qu'il envisage, "la pensee [ ... J semble moins precise, ou plutot dIe est autre. L'identification de la pierre-genie et de l'officiant [. , .J n'est pas un transfert, mais une bi-presence. La pierre ne cesse pas d'etre Ie dieu, mais celui-ci, simultanement, et pour un temps, est aussi l'officiant. II n'y a pas contradiction, car c'est son etre informe et permanent que conserve Ie dieu-pierre dans la pierre, tan dis que c'est une personnalite d'un autre ordre, projetee sur un autre plan, corporel et temporaire, que lui offre (l'officiant). , .. "74

Un peu plus haut, l'auteur se posait cette question qui n'est pas non plus sans nous concerner : "En dehors de tels instants d'incorporation magique, Ie dieu reste-t-il immateriel? II semble bien que non et qu'il ait admis a date ancienne des supports permanents, materiels, mais non anthropomorphiques."75

Si cette question me parait particulierement interessante, c'est qU'elle rejoint une interrogation que je me suis posee a propos du probleme qui suit: Ie Manshuin, grand monastere dela secte Tendai a Kyoto, conserve une peinture de fant6me, datant de l'epoque de Meiji, qui est sans doute l'une des plus effrayantes qu'on puisse voir: la longue silhouette emaciee, au


regard lourd de tristesse et de redoutables resolutions, a la bouche ratatinee d'ou tombe sur Ie menton un affreux reste de dents cariees, s'eleve, ala fois terreuse et diaphane, d'un support dont elle parait se detacher, car l'artiste l'a figuree plus grande, si l'on peut dire, que Ie tableau, la faisant deborder de son encadrement, en bas et en haut, sur la soierie de la monture. Cette peinture passe pour extremement malefique, et c'est pourquoi elle a ete, en fin de compte, confiee au Manshuin. Elle me fut montree en 1957 par Ie regrette savant abbe Yamaguchi Roen, qui m'expliqua que 'Tame en avait ete retiree," autrement dit, qu'on y avait opere une sorte de "fermeture des yeux," et que, chaque annee, lors de la fete des morts, on l'y reintroduisait, procedant ainsi a une maniere de kaigen, la rendant ainsi receptive a un rite d'offrande et d'apaisement a l'issue duquel, aussitot, on reeffectuait, pour jusqu'a l'annee suivante, Ie retrait de l'ame. Le point fort du rite etait la lecture du petit "Sutra du cceur de la Perfection de Sapience" (Prajnaparamita-hrdayasutra; jap.Hannya-shingyo)16 dont la vertu contre les mauvaises pensees et les malefices est tenue pour puissamment efficace, car, prechant la totale et reciproque identite du Sensible et de la Vacuite, de la Vacuite et du Sensible, il ramene Ie relationnel, qui se meut sur Ie plan de la "verite mondaine" ou "vulgaire," au plan de la "verite vraie," ou il s'abolit dans la Vacuite. On etait inevitablement amene a se demander, la aussi, ce que devenait, entre ces moments annuels d'actualisation dans l'image, cette "arne" ou, plutot, en termes de stricte doctrine bouddhique, cette "charge karmique" douloureuse et, de toute evidence, intensement remplie d'animosite, mais qui se trouvait empechee d'affleurer a l'existence active.

]'ai, a plusieurs reprises ci-dessus, pour definir Ie mode de realite ou d'existence qui caracterise nos personnages du pantheon bouddhique, employe de maniere conjointe les deux qualificatifsde "relationnel" et d"'intermittent." Cela ne peut etonner dans la mesure ou Ie phenomene de l'actualisation d'un Venere dans et hors de son icone nollS apparait comme Ie resuItat d'une action renvoyee au pratiquant sous la forme d'un effet benefique (de meme qU'a l'inverse, la manifestation d'un spectre vengeur du type de celui qui vient d'etre decrit est a


tenir pour l"'effet-retour" de quelque forfait anterieur) ou, encore, comme Ie temoin d'une relation karmique de nature bilaterale ; il n'a done d'autre extension dans Ie temps que celle de eet effet lui-meme : des lors que ce dernier vient a son terme . il se resorbe. '

Mais dans certains grands sanctuaires OU les pelerins affluent en un courant ininterrompu-on renverra a l'exemple du texte cite plus haut, p. 66-tels ceux des "Trente-trois saintes places [de Kannon] dansles provinces de l'Ouest" (Saikoku sanjusanbanreisho) , projection locale de la doctrine du "Sutra du Lotus de la Loi Merveilleuse" relative aux trente-trois corps metamorphiques du bodhisattva, la presence agissante du Venere fondamental du lieu est pen;;ue comme une realite permanente ; on pourrait dire qU'elle est constamment "soutenue a l'existence" par la pensee des fideles et qu'il n'y a plus pour elle de resorption possible. Ira-t-on jusqu'a parler a ce sujet d'une creation continue, produit d'un karman collectif?

NOTES ET COMMENTAIRES

1. ]'ai deja brievement aborde ce sujet dans des conferences a l'Ecole pratique des hautes etudes en 1968 (voir Annuaire de l'Ecole IVe section, 1968-1969, p. 546). II a, par ailleurs, en ce qui concerne Ie bouddhisme du Petit Vehicule et les pratiques suivies a Ceylan et en Asie du Sud-Est, fait I'objet d'une importante communication de M. Paul Levy ("Culte rendu au Bouddha present dans ses statues") au 2e Colloque d'histoire des religions organise par la Societe Ernest Renan (Theme : le Dieu personnel) en 1977 (pub!. C.I.E.E.I.S.T., Orsay, meme annee, p. 93-105).

2. II ne s'agit ici que des sectes du bouddhisme traditionnel. Les "sectes" (en un sens proche de celui OU nous I'entendons couramment) modernes posent des problemes sensiblement differents. Pour une bibliographie generale, voir I'Histoire des Religions, I, de l'Encyclopedie de la Pleiade (Bouddhisme indien par Andre Bareau, Bouddhisme chinois par Paul Demieville, Bouddhisme japonais par Gaston Renondeau et Bernard Frank) et, aussi, la reedition, largement remaniee, du grand ouvrage publie sous la direction de Rene de Berval en 1959, Presence du Bouddhisme, Gallimard "Bibliotheque illustree des Histoires," (1988).

3. Voir B. Frank, College de France, Ler;on inaugurale, 1980, p. 21 ; Annuaire 1980-1981, p. 572-574; 1984-1985, p. 690; 1986-1987, passim ; et Essais et Conferences, "L'interet pour les religions japonaises dans la France du XIXe siecle et les collections d'Emile Guimet," P.U.F., 1986, p .. 26-29.

4. La tradition bouddhique japonaise s'etait attachee a une chronologie


qui assignait a la vie du Bouddha les dates de 1027 a 949 avant notre ere et qui determina les principes du millenarisme local (voir Ie resume donne dans Illes Histoires qui sont maintenantdu passe, UNESCO, Connaissance de [,Orient, Gallimard, p. 217-219). L'epoque qui tend aujourd'hui aetre retenue est la seconde moiti¢ du Ve siecle.

5. L'interpretation de dharma P3lr "Ordre des choses" est due a Jean Filliozat (L'Inde classique, II, Bibl. de l'Ecole franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient, Paris et HanoI, 1953, p. 519). CelIe de sa7[lbhoghakiiya par "corps commimiel" a ete donnee par Paul Mus, Baraburjur, Avant-propos, HanoI, 1935, reimpr. Arno Press, New York, 1978, p. 264.

6. Monographie de base dans Hobogirin, Dict. encycloprfdique du bouddhisme d'apres les sources chinoises et japonaises, II, Tokyo, Maison francojaponaise, 1930, s. v. busshin.

7. II la donne entre guillemets, sous forme d'une citation (Histoire de l'Extreme-Orient, Paris, 1929, I, p. 123), mais ometd'en preciserla provenance.

8. Tres bon expose du probleme tel que les Japonais se Ie sont pose dans "Une quaestio disputata de la secte Tendai," contribution de Jean-Noel Robert aux Melanges ofJerts a M. Charles Haguenauer en l'honneur de son quatrevingtieme anniversaire, College de France, Bib!. de l'Institut des hautes etudes japonaises, Paris, 1980, p. 489-496.

9. Voir David Seyfort Ruegg, "Sur Ies rapports entre Ie bouddhisme etle 'substrat religieux' indien et tibetain,"Journal asiatique, 1964, 1, p. 77 sq.

10. B.F., Annuaire du College de France, 1979-1980, p. 642-657 ; 1981-1982, p. 598-608.

11. C'est Ie nirviir:ta que Ie Grand Vehicule appelle aprati~thita Uap. mufusho). Voir Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary, II, p. 48, qui renvoie a Sylvain Levi, Sutriila7[lkiira, Trad. iii.3, n. 4; Mochizuki, Bukkyo-daijiten, II, p. 1838-1839, S.v. shishu no nehan.

12. Parce que les dieux, eux, ne peuvent etre consideres-pour emprunter Ie mot d'Etienne Lamotte qui va etre cite ci-dessous--comme des "etres de raison," leur existence releve du donne empirique, au meme titre, comme on l'a dit, que les hommes et les autres etres trans migrants : ils ont Ie meme degre de realite et d'irrealite, selon Ie plan sur Iequel on se place, que l'ensemble de ceux-ci. Dans la perspective relativiste qui est celle du monde du karman et de la transmigration, il est evident que Ie bouddhisme admet qu'il y ait des etres divins, demoniaques, etc. : une preuve en est que, pour certains, la question se pose serieusement de savoir s'ils en sont ou n'en sont pas: ainsi les demons qui torturent les damnes chez Ie roi Yama sont-ils des etres ou des fantasmes produits par Ie karman des damnes eux-memes? On se reportera a Paul Mus, La Lumiere sur les Six Voies, Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie, 1939, p. 209-211: "Les gardes infernaux sont-ils des etres?" Sur Ie meme probleme, voir La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu, reed. Bruxelles, 1971, II, p. 152-154, et Lin Li-kouang, L'Aide-memoire de la Vraie Loi, Musee Guimet, Bibl. d'Etudes, LIV, Paris, 1949, p. 14-16.

13. II est--c'est bien connu-Ie traducteur du monumental Traite de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse (Mahiiprajiiiipiiramitii-siistra, ou mieux, -upadda ; jap. Daichidoron) attribuea Nagarjuna et de divers autres ouvrages fondamentaux


se rapportant a ia doctrine de la Vacuite. On se reportera a la notice hio-bibli _ graphique d~taillee qui vient de lui etre consacree par Hubert Durt dans ~ Bulletin de l'Ecole franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient LXXIV, 1985, 28 p. e

14. T'oung Pao, vol. XLVIII, liv. 1-3 (1960), p. 9 .. 15. Cf Le Bouddhisme dans son essence et son developpement, Bibl. historique

Payot, Paris, 1952, p. 128. ' 16. Dans La chute de l'arhat, conference-res tee, semble-t-il, inedite_

donnee au College de France, 16 mars 1951. 17. On constate-mais nous ne pouvons guere insister sur ce point qui

se situe en dehors de notre propos--que l'irruption de la pleine conscience de la Vacuite dans Ie relationnel a pour effet de faire eclater I'irrealite de ce dernier et, done, de Ie deconstruire. C'est pourquoi un sutra comme celui de L'Enseignement de Vimalakirti (traduit sous ce titre par Etienne Lamotte Bibl. du Museon, Ll, Louvain, 1962; jap. Yuimagyo) , qui est l'un des texte~ majeurs ou se trouve prechee cette notion et OU est, notamment, exposee a sa lumiere l'inanite de la maladie, etait tenu pour doue d'une efficace haute_ ment curative: celebre est l'histoire de la guerison du grand ministre Fujiwara no Kamatari, en 656, du fait de sa predication par une nonne venue de Coree (voir De Visser, Ancient Buddhism in Japan, II, Leyde, 1935, p. 596). C'est sur Ie meme principe qu'est fondee la puissante valeur apotropaYque reconnue au "Sutra du cceur de la Perfection de Sapience" (if. ci-dessus, p. 75 et n. 76).

18. Hexagramme XXXI, Hian ("Attraction mutuelle"). On se reportera a la traduction de Legge (Sacred Books of the East, XVI, The Yi king, Oxford, 1882, p. 123-124, et Appendice I, section 2, p. 238); decryptement a la japonaise, in serie Kokuyaku Kanbun-taisei, Ekikyo, p. 200.

19. Du moins Ie taoYsme populaire et tardif, tel qu'en temoigne Ie petit manuel de morale retributive intitule Taishang ganying pian, qui fut etudie et traduit par nos sinologues du XIXe siecle sous Ie titre de "Livre des recompenses et des peines."

20. Voir les Histoires qui sont maintenant du passe, op. cit., p. 233. 21. Expose dans Lamotte, Traite de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse, I, Bibl. du

Museon, vol. 18, 1944, p. 271 sq. 22. L'etude classique sur la question est celle de Paul Mus, Le Buddha

Pare, deuxieme partie de ses "Etudes indiennes et indochinoises" (Bulletin de rEcole franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient, XXVIII, 1928, tire a part doublement pagine, de 7 a 134 et de 153 a 278).

23. Pour l'ensemble de la question, voir HobOgirin, III, Paris, 1937, S.v. butsuz8.

24 . .A propos du prodige de Sarpkasya, voir Alfred Foucher, notamment Ie resume donne dans La vie du Bouddha d'apres les textes et les monuments de l'Inde, Bib!. historique, Payot, Paris, 1949, p. 274-277 et 374-375.

25. En ce qui concerne l'artjaponais, on renverra, pour un bon exemple, ala peinture de l'epoque de Kamakura (XIIle-XIVe s.) conservee au Kuonji, de la serie Butsuden-zu ("Illustrations de la vie du Buddha"), publiee dans Ie catalogue de l'exposition tenue au Musee National de Kyoto en 1970 (voir Nihon no setsuwaga, "Narrative Paintings of] apan," Benrida, 1961, p1.8).

26. Datang xiyuji Gap. Daito saiiki-ki) , V, TaishO-d., Ll, p. 898 a. Pour une


version japonaise du recit contenue dans Ie Konjaku-monogatari shu, grand recueil d'anecdotes de la fin du XIe siecle ou du debut du XIIe , VI, 5, voir nos Histoires qui sont maintenant du passe, p. 77 sq. et 233 sq. Sur la tradition relative it la translation de l'image jusqu'au sanctuaire de Sakyamuni (Sh~kado) du Seiryoji, it Kyoto, et sur la statue conservee dans ce sanctuaire, qui est une ceuvre de la fin du x e siecle, rare temoin de la sculpture chinoise sur bois de ce temps, ainsi que sur tous les objets places a l'interieur-visceres en tissu, etc.-voir Artibus Asiae, XIX, 1, 1956, p. 5-55, G. Henderson et L. Hurvitz, "The Buddha of Seiryoji, New Finds and New Theory," et id., Supplt XIX, 1959, AC. Soper, Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China, p. 88-89 et p. 259-265, appendice : "The Sandalwood 'First Image'."

27. Le Buddha Pare, p. 104/250. P. Mus utilise la traduction de Stanislas Julien, Memoires sur les contrees occidentales . .. , mais nous traduisons ici un peu differemment, preferant, pour la fin du passage, l'interpretation de Samuel Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Londres, 1906, vol. 1, p. 235-236, corroboree par celle de specialistes japonais.

28. Ibid., p. 102/248. 29. Hobogirin, s.v. butsuzo, p. 211b-212a, renvoi a Taishi5-d., XXVIII, p.

782 b. Voir, a propos de ce passage, la remarque de Jeannine Auboyer dans Le Trone et son symbolisme dans l'Inde ancienne, Musee Guimet, Bibl. d'Etudes, LV, 1949, p. 155-156.

30. J'emprunte a P. Mus l'expression "corps substitue, corps de substitution," qu'il a utilisee dans Baraburj,ur, p. 214 sq., ainsi que dans son petit article "La Tombe Vivante, Esquisse d'une serie ethnographique naturelle," parue dans La Terre et la Vie, nO 4, juillet-aout 1937, p. 124 a. II est a remarquer des a present qu'elle constitue en termes inverses l'equivalent du japonais migawan (infra, p. 68 et n. 43).

31. Une conception largement en usage dans les cultes funeraires de l'Asie orientale veut que des objets ayant appartenu a un absent et, plus encore, des appartenances physiques telIes que cheveux ou rognures d'ongles, puissent etre traites en substitut de sa personne entiere. Certaine tradition rapporte qu'un stupa fut construit, de vivant meme du Buddha, sur de tels cheveux et rognures d'ongles que Ie Maitre avait donnes aux deux marchands Trapu~a et BhalIika qui l'avaient honore apres l'Eveil. La meme pratique est connue au J apon, oU--Dn I'a vu pendant la derniere guerre-Ies soldats, avant de partir, remettaient a leur familIe de tels depots appeles a emplacer leur corps s'il ne pouvait etre retrouve.

Qu'il s'agisse de substituts de cette sorte ou, plus normalement, de cendres et d'eclats d'os laisses par Ie feu de Ia cremation, ces substituts, souligne P. Mus avec la plus extreme insistance, ne sont pas a tenir pour des temoins de mort, mais pour les gages et Ies supports d'une vie desormais cachee, et qui continue. A qui sait voir au-dela de Ia simple apparence, ils la reverent: "Qui voit les reliques, voit Ie Jina (= 'Ie Victorieux,' c'estca-dire Ie Buddha)." Dans des chroniques cinghalaises, elles sont nommement designees comme "la vie" (jivita) du stupa. Ce point de vue est neanmoins a nuancer par un autre: c'est que Ie stupa, "doue d'un sens suffisant par sa forme seule," constitue deja, par lui-meme, un "corps architecturaI,"substitut de la personne, ala fois disparue


et ainsi presente, du Bienheureux et que l'addition des reliques ne peut fourn' . . ~

qu'un "complement a cette valeur propre": "Le depot couronne Ie sym~ boIisme, il ne Ie cree pas" (Baraburjur, p. 77, p. 2lO-214, 285 et passim; "La Tombe Vivante," p. 124b). .

Ce qui vaut pour Ies stupa vaut aussi pour ces autres "corps substitues" que sont les statues,tres souvent, comme on sait, evidees, garnies de reliques de sutra, de textes de formules ou de vceux, voire d'autres. statues, de taill~ miniaturisee, ainsi que, comme on Ie dit ci-dessous d'objets symboliques.

32. La pratique d'installer, anatomiquement bien a sa place dans Une statue, un dispositif de visceres fournissant les bases d'une vie magique, tel celui que presente Ie buddha du Shakado du Seiryoji (ci-dessus, n. 26), a, comme l'a montre avec beaucoup de pertinence Hubert Delahaye ("Les antecedents magiques des statues chinoises," (Revue d'Esthetique, nouvelle serie nO 5, 1983, p. 45-53, en particulier, p. 48), ses vraisemblables origines jusqu~ dans la Chine des Zhou et des Han anterieurs. Le bouddhisme chinois parait n'avoir, en cette matiere, fait que tirer parti, pour en enrichir sa propre tradition, de conceptions qui tiraient leur source de l'heritage local.

33. Sutra de Perfection de Sapience de la conduite de la Voie" Gap. Dagyahannyakya, X, TaishO-d. VIII, p. 476 b) et "Sutra de la Grande Perfection de Sapience" Gap. DaimyOdokya, VI, ibid., p. 507 a) qui sont des traductions en chinois, respectivement faites vers 178-179 et 225 de notre ere, du "Sutra de, la Perfection de Sapience en Huit mille lignes" (A~tasahasrzkii prajnaparamitasutra), Ie plus ancien texte connu, en lnde meme, de la litterature representative de cet important courant de pensee du Grand Vehicule (voir E. Conze, The Prajnaparamita Literature, Tokyo, Reiyukai, 1976, p. 1-3 et 45 sq.).

Le Habagirin, S.v. butsula, loc. cit., p. 214 a (l'auteur de ['article est Paul Demieville, qui revient sur Ie passage dans sa contribution "L'iconoclasme antibouddhique en Chine," Melanges d'histoire des religions offerts a Henn-Charles Puech, College de France et E.P.H.E., Ve section, 1974, p. 21), observe que cette partie du texte fait dHaut dans la recension sanskrite du sutra qui a ete conservee et publiee. C'est plutat Ie contraire qui eut ete etonnant, car Ie bouddhisme indien ne possede ni la notion ni Ie mot qui pourraient correspondre a une "arne" (chin. shen, prononciation au Japon, jin, shin; vernaculaire : tamashii-on pourrait traduire aussi par "esprits vitaux"). II faut se rappeler que cette notion et les mots qui la recouvrent, si familiers en Chine, de puis toujours, qu'on ne pouvait y concevoir de s'en passer, ont ete introduits dans Ie bouddhisme chino is des ses debuts--c'est-a-dire des la fin du ler siecle de notre ere-pour designer un principe trans migrant de caractere immortel appele a porter Ie fardeau de la retribution des actes. On se reportera ace sujet aux precieuses remarques faites par Kenneth Ch'en dans un compte rendu du Harvard Journ. of Asiat. Studies, XX,juin 1957, p. 378, et dans son livre Buddhism in China, Princeton, 1972, p. 46 et 111-112. II est a relever que, des 1906, Ie savant japonais Tsumaki N aoyoshi avait attire I'attention sur ce probleme tres important dans son etude Reikon-ron, "La question des ames."

34. II s'agit d'un recit du Konjaku-monogatari shu, IV, 28 (Nihon koten-bung. taikei, 1. p. 314---315). Pour sa traduction integrale et des indications sur ses

VACUITE ET CORPS ACTUALISE 81

sources, voir mesHistoires quisont main tenant dupasse, voir p. 68-69 et 227-229. 35. Autrement dit AvalokiteSvara (voir ci-dessus, p. 58). 36. Xuanzang lui-me me parle simplement ici de jeune. C'est son bio

graphe qui precise Ie detail. II est connu que l'abstinence des cereales est une pratique dietetique des taolstes.

37. Voir Annuaire du College de France, 1984-1985, p. 684-685. Texte dans Taish8-d. XIX, p.658a.

38. Designation abregee de VajrapaI).i Gap. Kongoshu), "Celui qui tient Ie foudre en main," a l'origine un simple genie gardien du Buddha, devenu par la suite et, tout particulierement dans la tradition esoterique, une figure importante, en raison des con,notations du terme vajralkongo, ala fois "foudre," "diamant" et pure nature d'Eveil qualifiee d'''adamantine.''

39. J'emprunte ce terme, qui serre de tres pres la realite decrite ici, a jean-Pierre Vernant, "D~ la presentification de l'invisible a l'imitation de l'apparence" (Rencontres de l'Ecole du Louvre, "Image et Signification," fevrier 1983).

40. Toganoo Myoe-shonin yuikun (Nihon koten-bung, taikei, Kana-hOgo shu, p. 69). Traduction de Frederic Girard, "Les Enseignements du maitre Myoe de Togano-o," dans Melanges offerts a M. Charles Haguenauer . .. , op. cit., p. 515. On pourra com parer ce que dit Honen (1133-1212), fondateur de la "secte de la Terre Pure" : "Parce que Ie Buddha en corps de naissance se trouve dans ce Venere fondamental (honzon-il s'agit ici de l'image d'Amida qui preside Ie lieu de priere), vous devez penser que tout ce qui se reflete dans les augustes yeux du Venere fondamental se reflete sur-Ie-champ dans les augustes yeux du Corps de naissance; vous devez penser que toutes les paroles qui s'entendent dans les augustes oreilles du Venere fondamental s'entendent sur-Ie-champ dans les augustes oreilles du Corps de naissance. Si vous pensez ainsi, les merites acquis a vous tenir face au Venere fondamental seront chose merveilleuse" (Ryukan-risshi no montei no densho-seru o-kotoba, V, Showa-shinshu Honen-shOnin zenshu, p. 757).

4l. ShasekishU, II, 6 (Nihon koten-bung, taikei, p. 113). Traduction de Hartmut 0. Rotermund, "Collection de sable et de pierres," UNESCO, Connaissance de l'Orient, p. 92.

42. Le traducteur a rendu par "en personne" Ie terme shOjin ("corps de naissance," lu aussi, on l'a vu, ikimi et pouvant alors etre traduit par "corps vivant," if. supra, p. 61), qui designe ici les manifestations sous forme de figures "en chair et en os," plus frequentes et, tout edifiantes qU'elles soient, quand me me moins stupefiantes que celles qui se produisent par l'intermediaire d'une icone (ex. Konjaku-mon, XVII, 8, Nihon koten bung taikei, III, p. 514, et Histoires qu(sont maintenant du passe, p. 130: "Petit moine jizo, c'etait, en verite, Ie bodhisattva jizo sous forme d'un corps vivant. Mais, a cause de la lourdeur de nos peches a nous, il nous a tot abandonnes, il s'en est retourne vers la Terre Pure").

43. Si Ie migawari peut etre un Venere "en corps vivant" ou, comme on y insiste ici, une statue, c'est aussi-telle est la forme, a la fois pratique et simplifiee,qu'a assumee couramment la croyance dans l'usage japonais-une tablette de bois marquee du nom, de la formule et/ou de l'image du personnage protecteur, dont il est dit que, souvent, elle se fend a I'instant precis OU Ie


fideJe echappe au malheur qui devait I'atteindre (accident, etc.) . . La croyance a son paralleIe et, sans doute, son origine-Ia question est

a creuser-en Chine, OU elle est connue par des designations exactement sembIabIes. II y a lieu d'attendre avec Ie plus grand interet l'impression de la communication de Kristofer Schipper au Colloque pluridisciplinaire franco_ japonais tenu au College de France les 7-11 octobre 19S5, "Le rituel du 'corps de remplacement' (tishen ou dairen) en Chine."

44. Voir Hubert Delahaye, article cite, p. 45-50. 45. Exemples: Konjaku-mon., XVI, 4 (Nihon koten-bung. taikei III, p. 426-

428, Histoires qui sont maintenant du passe, p. 126-130 et 280-281), qui relate comment, pour sauver un moine mourant de faim, une statue de Kannon se mua en un cadavre de sanglier, dont Ie moine decoupa et mangea les cuisses. II apparut ensuite, a la grande honte du malheureux, que les cuisses avaient ete taillees sur I'image elle-meme. En fin de compte, pour temoigner de ce que Ie moine avait dit vrai, "les cuisses se recompleterent comme auparavant." Telle est l'origine du nom du monastere, Nariaiji, ou "mon. du Kannon reconstitue," qui existe toujours et est compte comme Ie 2Se des "Trente-trois sanctuaires des provinces de l'Ouest."

-Shasekishu, II, 3, (Nihon koten-bung. taikei, p. 94-96, Collection de sable et de pierres, p. 75-76), qui rapporte l'histoire d'une servante profondement attachee a la pratique de la recitation du nom d'Amida et qui, pour I'avoir repetee a contretemps aux yeux de sa maitresse, fut marquee par celle-ci au visage d'une piece de metal chauffee au rouge. Il se revela peu apres que Ie stigmate n'etait pas sur sa joue, mais sur celle de l'image doree d'Amida qui se trouvait dans l'oratoire de la maltresse.

Citons, parmi les sanctuaires connus encore aujourd'hui pour leur tradition de migawari, celui du Konnyaku-Emma, au quartier de Koishikawa a Tokyo, qui venere une image du roi Yama fameuse pour avoir rendu Ia vue a une pauvresse en lui faisant don d'un de ses yeux ; celui de l'Emmeiji a Kamakura, dont Ie "Jizo nu" (Hadaka-Jiza) est dit avoir pris Ia place d'une femme contrainte a se montrer devetue en public, etc.

46. Shirya-saran, III (Haen, VI-12-S). 47. Voir ci-dessus, p. 59. 48. Daidenpain hongan-shanin gyoden (Chasha, III-IV) (Zoku-Gunshoruij·u,

CCXV et Gunsho-kaidai, IV, 1, p. 95-96; Kokubun Taha-bukkya sasho, Denki, I, p. 180-181 ; Kagya-daishi denki shirya zenshu, Denki, p. 77-78).

49. Kokubun Taha-buh. sasho, p. 182 -K.-d. denki shiro zenshu, loco cit., p. 7S-79 (et, en outre, p. 159, 295-298, avec une illustration de caractere plus statique que celle presentee ici ; meme recueiI, vol. Shirya, p. 652 et 666). La source en date de 1322 n'est autre que Ie Genka shakusho ("Biographies de moines composees durant l'ere Genka"), V, 12 (Shinteizaho Kokushi-taikei, XXXI, p. 92, et Kokuyaku Issaikya, nouv, ed., 87, p. 122), qui donne une version tres succincte du recit, ou il est dit que Ies assaillants "ne virent pas [Kaku] Ban," et qu'il y avait Ia seulement deux images de Fudo. Discutant entre eux, ils se dirent: "L'une des images est surement Ban." II n'est pas precise ce qu'ils firent apres. Le recueil d'anecdotes SenjilshiJ, traditionnellement attribue au fameux moine poete Saigyo (111S-1190), qui etait age d'un peu plus de 20


ans a l'epoque OU eut lieu l'attaque contre Kakuban, donne, au contraire, des details sur la suite de l'affaire et precise que Ie statue que frappa l'agresseur en croyant que c'etait Kakuban, etait, "lorsqu'illa tata, un peu chaude" (VII,

. 8; ed. Kojima Takayuki et Asami Kazuhiko, Tokyo, 1985, p. 215). Si Ie Senjiisho etait vraiment l'ceuvre de Saigy6, une attestation aussi ancienne de la tradition serait d'un interet capital, mais l'ceuvre est, en fait, bien plus tardive: elle semble posterieure a 1265 pour ce qui est de sa premiere redaction et, peut-etre, a 1439 pour ce qui est de son etat definitif (voir Kojima et Asami, op. cit., p. 325-326).

50. L'une des editions citees ci-dessus a une variante : "Comme il pen;ait les augustes genoux des statues des deux Fudo, les statues, toutes deux ensemble, laisserent couler du sang" (K.-d. denki shiryo zenshu, Denki, p. 79).

51. Aussi ce Fud6 est-il appele par ailleurs Migawari Fudo, ibid. 52. Nihonshoki, regne de l'empereur Tenchi, xe annee, 10e mois (Nihon

kotenbung, taikei, II, p. 378-379 ; Aston, Nihongi, Chronicles of Japan, Trans. and Proceed. of the Japan Society, Londres, 1896, II, p. 297). Exemple suivant, regne de l'imperatrice Jito, XIe annee, 7e mois (Nihon K.-b. taikei, ibid., p. 532-533 ; Aston, p. 423). II est a remarquer que, dans les deux cas, ces ceremonies de dedicaces d'icones ont ete faites en tant qu'ceuvres pies, a la veille des deces des souverains.

Le plus fameux exemple de kaigen a l'epoque ancienne et qui est souvent indique a tort comme Ie premier de l'histoire du Japon, est celui qui eut lieu pour !'inauguration du Vairocana colossal du Todaiji en 752 en presence de l'empereur Sh6mu, de l'imperatrice K6ken et de toute la cour. Le pinceau servant a l'''Ouverture des yeux" fut tenu par Ie maitre indien Bodhisena Qap. Bodai) qui etait arrive dans l'archipel en 736 via la Chine. Certaine tradition veut qu'il soit encore conserve au Tresor Imperial du Sh6s6in, OU il serait a reconnaitre dans celui dont s'est servi, ainsi que l'atteste une inscription, l'empereur Goshirakawa, en 1188, pour Ie kaigen d'une seconde statue, destinee a rem placer la premiere, disparue dans un incendie (Shi5soi-ten mokuroku, "Special Exhibition of the Shoso-in Treasures," Musee national de Nara, 1967, nO 1; TodaUi-ten, "Exhibition of Todaiji Treasures," 1980, Ire planche en couleurs).

53. Le rite est connu du brahmanisme sous Ie nom me me d"'ouverture des yeux" (nayanonmzlana). Louis Renou (L'Inde classique, I, Paris, 1949, p. 573) Ie decrit ainsi : "On revet d'une couleur vive Ie globe oculaire, ou bien on y insere un morceau d'or, tandis qu'il est procede a un hommage aux dieux, a une offrande dans Ie feu, a une 'purification du joyau,' etc." Paul Levy releve l'analogie de la pratique avec Ie "rite essentiel de I'ouverture de la bouche et des yeux" du culte funeraire egyptien (p. 95-96de son importante communication mentionnee ci-dessus, n. 1) et renVoie, a ce propos, aux travaux d'Alexandre Moret et de Jacques Vandier.

On trouve dans des sutra du bouddhisme esoterique traduits en chinois (ainsi, dans Ie "Sutra du roi de Science Ucchu~ma a la grande puissance majestueuse," jap. Daiiriki Ususama-myoo kyo, II, Taishi5-d., XXI, p. 148 c, et dans Ie "Tantra-sutra du Recueillement sur l'installation des images de tous les tathagata," jap. Issainyorai anzo-sanmai giki-kyo, ibid., p. 934 c, Ie premier


traduit en 732 et Ie second, en 980) l'indication de la necessite de l'operation du kaigen (appeIe, par Ie premier, d'un terme synonyme, kaimoku).

Je n'ai pas encore trouve d'exemple d'une pratique effective du kaigen dans Ie bouddhisme chinois, auquel il y a pourtant tout lieu de penser que Ie bouddhisme japonais l'a emprunte. H. Delahaye n'en mentionne aucun, tout en insistant (art. cite,p. 47) sur l'importance qu'a Ie rite pour donner vie aux statues, et il rap pelle a juste titre qu'il y a dans la litterature chinoise, notam_ ment celIe relative a la peinture, de nombreux textes relatant des histoires de dragons ou d'oiseaux qui s'envolerent apres qu'un habile artiste leur eut dessine la pupille. Ce genre de recits sont egalement bien connus de la tradition picturale et calIigraphique japonaise.

54. Ainsi, dans Ie "Vocabulaire des termestechniques de l'art bouddhique" (Bukkyo-bijutsu yogoshil), de Nakano Genzo, Tokyo, 1983, p. 2l.

55. Jap. nyukon, autrement dit tamashii wo ireru koto. Un dicton bien connu signifiant "oublier l'essentieI," se presente sous deux formes qui montrent l'equivalence des expressions: Hotoke tsukurite me wo akenu et Hotoke wo tsukutte tamashii wo irezu, "Fabriquer un buddha et omettre de lui ouvrir les yeux ~ de lui mettre l'ame" (P. Ehmann, Die Sprichworter und Bildlichen Ausdrucke der Japanischen Spmche, Tokyo, 1927, p. 83).

L'operarion inverse, dite de la "Fermeture des yeux" (heigen--on trouvera ce terme, moins connu, atteste dans Ie Nichiren-shu daijiten, p. 900 d) et qui est designee, paralleIement, comme Ie "fait de retirer l'ame" (tamashii wo nuku koto), est accomplie quand on veut momentanement desacraliser une ic6ne afin de la reparer. Nous verrons plus loin, p. 75, qU'elle peut avoir aussi pour but d'6ter sa puissance active a une image chargee d'une volonte malefique.

56. Voir ci-dessus,p. 7l. Texte dans Hyakushijukajo-mondo (Wago toroku, 22), ShOwa-shinshu Honen-shonin zenshu, p. 648.

57. Butsugen, "CEil de buddha" (skt. Buddhalocana) est la personnification feminine, maternelle, de la sapience de buddha. On l'appelIe encore Butsumo, "Mere de buddha" (voir Hobogirin, III, p. 205-207).

58. C'est-a-dire Ie Pan-buddha, Ie Grand Vairocana ; voir ci-dessus, p. 57. 59. Voir p. 54. Ce texte, intitule "Sur l'Ouverture des yeux des deux

sortes d'images, sculptee et peinte" (litteralt. : "en bois et en peinture"), Mokuenizo kaigen no koto, date de Bun. ei, X (1273). On Ie trouvera dans ShOwa-teibon Nichirenshonin zenshu, I, p. 791-794. Dans un autre, egalement fort interessant, qui est une Iettre a son disciple Shijo Kingo, de Kenji, II (1276), se referant peut-etre a ce vieux texte de la "Perfection de sapience" reIatif a I'inexistence de I"'ame" dans I'image, que nous avons cite plus haut (p. 66 et n. 33), il dit "Si I'on [peut] mettre en de telIes peintures et bois [sculptes] cette 'arne' (shin, tamashii) qu'on appelle konpaku (Ie vieux couple chinois de l'3.me spirituelle et de !'ame charnelle), c'est par la [seule] puissance du Sutra du Lotus de Ia Loi" (mime ed., II, p. 1183).

60. La voix du Buddha est comparee a celIe du plus eminent des dieux, Brahma. Voir Hobogirin, II, p. 133-135; Lamotte, TraiN de la Grande Vatu de Sagesse, I, p. 279, OU eIle est enumeree comme la 28edes Trente-deux marques auspicieuses.

6l. Symbole de la mise en train de Ia predication bouddhique (ci-dessus,

.. V ACUITE ET CORPS ACTUALISE 85

p. 63), c'est, en meme temps, dans la tradition indienne, une marque solaire et royale.

62. Voir ci-dessus, p. 64. 63. A propos de ce terme, voir La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de

vasubandhu, op. cit., I, p. 24-25. 64. Sur cette conception, telle qU'elle a ete exprimee par Kukai (774-

835), fondateur de la secte Shingon, on renverra a Tajima Ryujun, Les deux . Grands marpj,alas et la doctrine de la secte Shingon, Bull. de la Maisonfra7ico-japonaise, Nouv. ser., VI, Tokyo, 1959, p. 248 sq.

66. Rongi, rondai (voir Mikkyo-jiten de Sawa Ryuken, p. 728), du type de ceuxqui ont ete etudies, pour ce qui est de la secte Tendai, par J.-N. Robert (supra, n. 8).

67. Mikkyo-jiten, ci-dessus cite, p. 72 (kaigen-sahO), 139 (gilzo-silhai), 250 (saie-gyozo), 52 (emoku-hOnen) ; Mikkyo-daijiten, en particulier, II, p. ·745. Le texte de base sur Ie point de l'emoku-hOnen se trouve dans les "Triples questions sur cent sujets relatives au Grand Commentaire [sur Ie Sutra du Grand Vairocana]" (Daisho kyakujo daisanjil), de Shaken (1307-1392), moine de Negoro, IV, 35e question, TaishO-d., LXXIX, p. 652-653.

68. Entendons par la les mudra, ou' "sceaux" (jap. in), qui consistent en positions significatives des mains et des doigts (a propos desquelles, voir la n. 71).

69. Citons ce qU'ecrivait G. Tucci dans son beau livre-ed. de Londres, 1961, p. 105, The Theory and Practice of the Ma'T}rJ,ala, "Les images que voit Ie mystique emanent du centre de son propre cceur, emplissent l'espace puis se reabsorbent en lui ... "

70. En lecture japonaise vernaculaire : kudari-nozomu, kudari-omomuku. 71. Voir, entre autres, Ie Dainichikyo, ou "Sutra du Grand Vairocana,"

Fascic. VII (supplementaire), chap. 2 et 3 (TaishO-.d., XVIII, p. 46 c, 49a) : mantra qui sont les "moyens d'invitation" (kanjo no shingon, shOshO no shingon) des buddha et des bodhisattva.

Voir aussi, Ie "Sutra aide-memoire donnant un abrege du yoga du Summum du Diamant" (a propos duquel on se reportera a l'Annuaire du College de France, 1983-1984, p. 661), IV (TaishO-d., ibid., p. 251 a, 253 b-c ; Kokuyakuiss., Mikkyo-bu, I, p. 321 et 330), OU l'on trouvera les diverstermes cites ici.

On pourra voiraussi la place qui est accordee aux temps d'invitation ou de "reception" des buddha, bodhisattva et divinites diverses dans Ie deroulement d'un rituel esoterique, en se reportant a Si-do-in-dzou (= Shido inzu), La symbolique des mudras, reimpression (Paris, 1985) d'im vieil ouvrage de Horiu Toki publie en 1899 par Ie Musee Guimet, p. 67 et 142-143.

72. "L'Inde vue de l'Est," Cultes indiens et indigenes au Champa, Conference au Musee Louis Finot, HanOI, 1934, p. 6 sq.

73. Cours au College de France, 17 novembre 1964.' 74. Cultes .. " p. 11-12. 75. Ibid., p. 10. 76. Ce celebre petit sutra, dont Ie texte sanskrit est conserve (on Ie

t:rouvera, avec sa traduction anglaise et un commentaire dans Ie livre d'Edward Conze, Buddhist Wisdom Books-The Diamond Sutra, The Heart Sutra, Londres,


1958, p. 83-107), a fait l'objet de nombreuses versions chinoises, dont celIe de Xuanzang, qui est, de toutes, de tres loin la plus connue et qui est utilisee quotidiennement dans les liturgies des sectes Tendai, Shingon et Zen. Ceux qui ont vu Ie film Kwaidan et ceux qui ont lu Ie conte 'de Lafcadio Hearn dout il est tire, se rappelleront peut-etre que c'est ce siitra Hannya-shingyo qui, telIe une cuirasse rendant invisible, avait ete calligraphie sur Ie corps du musicieu Hoichi, sans oublier aucun endroit, sauf-helas!-les oreilles ..

* * *

NOTE COMPLEMENTAIRE

A la suite de la publication de cet article, Madame Kuo Liying, chercheur travaillant au College de France, a bien voulu me faire savoir qu'elle avait trouve quelques exemples montrant que la pratique de l"'ouverture de l'oeil" est effectivement attestee dans les sources chinoises.

L'encyclopedie bouddhique Fayuan zhulin (jap. Hoan jurin), achevee en 668, expose, dans son fascicule C (TaishO-d., LUI, p. 1027 a), que l'empereur Taizong des Tang fit edifier un temple pour la Grande imperatrice Mu et que, apres l'achevement de celui-ci, il s'y rendit en personne et marqua (litteralement, "ponctua," chin. dian,jap. ten) la pupille de l'oeil du Buddha. Une version plus tardive du recit, contenue dans la chronique generale Fazu tangji (jap. Bussa toki), (1269-1271), fase. XXXIX (Taisho-d., XLIX, p. 364 b), precise l'annee ou eut lieu ce rite, 634, et emploie l'expression : "ouvrit lui-meme l'oeil du Buddha" (zi kai fa yan, jap. mizukara butsugen wo hiraku).

Un autre recit contenu dans Ie Fozu tongki, fase. XXXVI (Taisho-d., loe. cit., p. 340 b), rapporte comment, a une epoque bien anterieure, en 363, sous les Jin orientaux, Ie fameux peintre Gu Kaizhi avait marque la pupille d'une statue de Vimalaklrti.

D'autre part, ajoute Madame Kuo, dans Ie taolsme ainsi que dans Ie religion populaire chinoise, Ie rite d"'ouverture" occupe une place assez importante. Le premier ne se contente pas d'une simple "ouverture" des yeux ; cette "ouverture" est pratiquee sur to us les membres du corps de la statue (renvoi a Ofuchi Jinji, Chilgokujin no shukyo girei, Tokyo, 1983, p. 368-369). Chez les taolstes d'aujourd'hui, une "ouverture de la lumiere" (kaiguang) est egalement faite sur Ie "corps de l'ame" (hunshen) (ibid., p. 566 s.). Pour la religion populaire, voir encore Ie meme ouvrage, p. 1075-1083.

Ch'an Commentaries on the Heart Sidra: Preliminary Inferences on the Permutation of Chinese B uddhisrn

by John R. McRae

1. The Acquisition of the Heart Sutra by Chinese Buddhists

The Prajiia-paramita-hrdaya is a Chinese text. True, the words themselves were translated from an Indian original, and there. do exist Sanskrit manuscripts to establish this authentic South Asian pedigree. There are even Chinese transcriptions of the sounds of the Sanskrit text, an extremely unusual occurrence that testifies to the use of this short scripture for the instruction of Sanskrit and its understanding as having incantational efficacy.1 However, the earliest information we have about the text is all from Chinese sources, which imply that it was abstracted from the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sidra (Kumarajlva's translation of the 2S,OOO-line version of the Perfection of Wisdom) in China rather than translated as an independent work. Also, the great translator Hsuan-tsang is even said to have acquired the text-presumably the Chinese version-in China prior to his journey to India. Hence it is less accurate to talk about the Heart Sidra's passive transmission from India as its active acquisition and use in China.

And how the Chinese did use this text! The tradition of exegesis on the Heart Sidra is absolutely exceptional in the history of Chinese Buddhism. The elegant brevity and multivalent profundity of the text have made it a favorite subject of commentators from the middle of the seventh century up until the present day, and there is no other single text-nor any single group of scriptures-that has been interpreted by such a long and virtually unbroken list of illustrious authorities. Commentarial

87


literature does not always lend itself to quick analysis and Summary, and elucidating the issues raised in a single text often requires consultation of a bewildering var~ety of subcommen_ taries and other works. Hence both traditional and modern readers have tended to look more readily to independent essays, tracts, and sermons to help them determine the doctrinal contour of an individual figure's teachings. Given the relative lack o~ complexity of t~~ Heart Sidra itself, h~wever, and especially gIVen the amenabIlIty of the text to a WIde range of doctrinal interpretations and religious milieux, differences between its various commentaries can be unusually revealing as to some of the major changes in the identity and role of Buddhism in Chinese history.

A. Chinese Translations of the Heart Sutra Hsuan-tsanga (602-64) translated the Heart Sidra into

Chinese in 649, just a few years after his return from India. 2

There were at least eight other translations, from the late seventh century until sometime during the Sung; five of these were of the long version of the sidra, which is no doubt later than the more widely known short version. 3 The intriguing question is whether there were any translations of what we now know as the Heart Sidra before Hsuan-tsang, and specifically, whether it was translated as an independent work by Kumarajlva. Tao-an'sb catalogue of Buddhist literature lists two similar titles that later came to be identified as referring to the Heart Sidra, for both of which the translator is listed as unknown.4 In two later catalogues one of these titles is attributed to Chih-ch'ienc of the Wu dynasty,S while an eighth-century catalogue attributes the other to Kumarajlva. 6 A Sui dynasty catalogue lists both titles as deriving from the Ta p'ind (see next paragraph) which here may refer to translations of the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sidra by Kuinarajlva and others.7

In fact, the bulk of both the Hsuan-tsang and Kumarajlva translations of the Heart Sidra is found in Kumarajlva's Mo-ho po-jo po-lo-mi ching,e also known as the Ta-p'in, and in Hsuantsang's translation of the Ta po-jo ching/ i.e., their translations of the Paiicavirrtfatisahasrika, the 25,000-line version of the Perfection of Wisdom Sidra. 8 Hence the original effort of translation

COMMENTARIES ON THE HEART S UTRA 89

was Kumarajlva's. Indeed, his students were quite aware of the important doctrinal ramifications of the lines "form is emptiness, emptiness is form," as is shown explicitly in the writings of Seng-chaog (374-414).9 However, since the Heart Sidra is not included in contemporary lists of Kumarajlva's works it was probably not translated by him as an independent work. Although the earliest titles for this short text (assuming that they apply to the text in question) identify it as an incantation text, I know of no references to its now-famous concluding mantra nor any commentaries to the text prior to the appearance of the Hsuan-tsang translation. lo

Our information about Hsuan-tsang's acquisition of the text corroborates its existence in China prior to his pilgrimage to India. 11 However, given the slight but significant differences in the titles found in the catalogues, it is still possible that Kumarajiva's translation only attained its final form following the appearance of Hsuan-tsang's translation. This fits very well with the chronology outlined by Conze that would place the accretion of tantric ideas into the prajiia-paramita literature around the year 600. 12 Incidentally, there is evidence in the Tibetan Tun-huang materials for the existence of a Chinese version of the text that is no longer extant. 13

B. The Heart Sutra in Tang Dynasty Buddhism What was the predominant understanding of the Heart Sidra

at the time of its translation? Although we tend to think of this text as delineating the "heart" or quintessence of the perfection of wisdom doctrine, this is apparently not the original meaning of the title. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that in China during the seventh and eighth centuries the Heart Sutra was appreciated, not as an exquisite encapsulation of Buddhist doctrine, but as a dhiirar/i text to be used in ritual incantation. This evidence, which has been uncovered by Fukui Fumimasa,h deserves our close attention because of its important ramifications for our understanding of the text in both the Indian and Chinese contexts.

Fukui has shown that most Tang dynasty references to the Heart Sutra cite it as the To hsin ching, i where to is the last character of the transliteration of prajiia-paramita. Other titles given to the

90 ]IABS VOL. 11 NO.2

text in Tun-huang manuscripts are: Po-jo to hsin ching) To hsin po-fo ching,k Kuan-yin to hsin ching,l Po-lo-mi-to hsin ching"m and Mi-to hsin ching. n Similar appellations occur in scriptural catalogues from Tang China and N ara Japan andin a miscellany of materials extending into the Ch'ing. 14 There also exist several other Chinese Buddhist scriptures that have titles ending in the characters hsin chingo or "Heart Sutra," as well as the occasional use in these texts of terms such as hsin chouP (lit., "heart mantra" or "mind mantra").15 Fukui makes the very cogent suggestion that the term hrdaya or "heart" in the title of the Po-jo [toJ hsin ching and similar texts refers not the the "heart" or quintessence of the Buddhist dharma, but rather to dharar;i as the quintessential Buddhist practice. 16 Thus the doctrinal content of the Heart Sidra was of importance primarily insofar as it lent power to the spiritual and ritual efficacy of the incantation.

Even so, the concise yet profound nature of the Heart Sutra made it a convenient vehicle for the explanation of the Buddhist teachings, and the text was so frequently appropriated for use in doctrinal exposition that it came to be understood primarily as an exquisite statement of the Buddhist teachings. 17 This process of scholastic appropriation began with Hsuan-tsang's disciple Tz'u-enq (or Ta-sheng Chi,r frequently referred to asK'uei-chis;

632-82), who wrote the first of a series of Yogacara commentaries. 18 No doubt the most influential commentary in the East Asian tradition was that by Fa-tsangt (643-712), which is cited by a large number of later authors regardless of their affinities with his Hua-yen philosophy.19 Advocates of Tien-t'ai doctrine also compiled their own glosses on the text. 20 In addition to the large number of commentaries by members of the Ch'an school, which I will discuss below, there are also one or two texts that defy sectarian identification. 21 Given the nature of the text, it is perhaps not surprising that there are no Chinese commentaries based primarily on Pure Land theory.22

With regard to the Ch'an commentaries, if the impact of _ the scholastic commentaries was to appropriate what was originally a dharar;i text as a vehicle of doctrinal exposition, Ch'an commentators at virtually the same time sought to appropriate the text for interpretation in terms of the "contemplation of the mind" (kuan-hsinu or k'an-hsin V). Although to a certain extent the Heart Sutra may have been identified with Hsuan-tsang per-

COMMENTARIES ON THE HEART SUTRA 91

sonally, it was nonetheless an appropriate choice for use by Ch'an authorities because of its lack of manifestly sectarian identity. The evident doctrinal affinities of the Heart Siltra with the Madhyamika tradition were well in accord with the emphasis in early Ch'an· on the prajiia-paramita, but in the late seventh- and early eighth-century China this emphasis was devoid of any particular sectarian implications. .

II. Ch'an-related Commentaries on the Heart Siitra: The Tang-Sung Series

vVe are fortunate in possessing a number of commentaries on the Heart Siltra written by members of the Ch'an tradition. These commentaries derive from different eras of Ch'an, and they fall into two distinct series: one beginning shortly after the appearance of Hsuan-tsang's translation and ending in the Sung, and another beginning with the founding of the Ming dynasty and proceeding through the Ch'ing. The following discussion of the Tang-Sung series will focus on how various elements of the Ch'an hermeneutic deriving from different stages in the development of Chinese Ch'an were interposed into and superimposed onto a commentarial tradition.

The Tang-Sung series of Ch'an-related Heart Siltra commentaries consists of the following works:

l. A complex of three Tun-huang manuscripts, one anonymous, one bearing an obviously fictitious or untraceable attribution (its author is usually identified as a monk who died before Hsuan-tsang translated the Heart Sidra), and one written by Chih-sheriw (609-702), who is remembered in Ch'an as a student of Hung-jenX (600-74) and as the precursor of two important early Ch'an lineages from Szechwan.23

2. A Tun-huang text written in 727 by Ching-chuehY (683-ca. 750), an important author belonging to the early Ch'an faction now known as the Northern school. When Ching-chueh wrote his Chu to hsin po-jo chingZ24 he was already an accomplished author, having written a now-lost commentary on the Diamond Siltra and one of the two earliest proto-historical accounts of the development of Chinese Ch'an, the Leng-ch'ieh shih-tzu chiaa

("Records of the Masters and Disciples of the Lar}ka[vatara


Sutra]").25 Taken together, the Chih-shen complex of manuscripts and Ching-chueh's commentary display increasing evidence of the growing early Ch'an hermeneutic. ~

3. A very widely used commentary by Nan-yang Huichungab (d. 775), who was invited to Ch'ang-an in 762 and became famous as a successor to the so-called Sixth Patriarch of the orthodox Ch'an tradition, Hui-neng. ac (Since Hui-neng died in 713, this relationship was probably not based on any direct contact between the two men.) Hui-chung's commentary installed early Ch'an ideology into the tradition of commentary on the Heart Sutra in a fashion that would remain acceptable to the Ch'an tradition through the Sung. During the Edo Period in Japan, and possibly as early as the Southern Sung, Huichung's text was circulated within a set of three Ch'an commentaries on the Heart Sutra. 26

4. A set of verses attributed to Bodhidharma, the legendary founder of Ch'an, an attribution that is patently absurd for chronological reasons. The verses themselves are a very sensitively written product of the early ninth century or SO.27

5. A commentary attributed to Ta-tien Pao-t'ungad (732-824), whose biography is largely obscure.28 This is a unique text that seems to have been largely ignored in Ch'an studies. Although internal evidence reveals that it must have been altered or emended sometime after Ta-tien's death, it seems to derive from the golden age of classical Ch'an in the middle or latter part of the ninth century.

6. Two Sung dynasty commentaries, by Fu-jung Tao-k'aiae

and Tz'u-shou Huai-shenaf (d. 1131). These were widely distributed along with Hui-chung's contribution as the "three commentaries" on the Heart Sutra. These two texts are relatively unimaginative, a fact that may indicate the basic incompatibility of the Sung dynasty approach to Ch'an with the enterprise of textual exegesis. 29

7. A text that was written by a Chinese monk most famous for his missionary activities in Japan.30 The monk in question was Lan-ch'i Tao-lungag (Rankei D6ryii; 1213-78), who was one of the earliest and most important transmitters of Sung dynasty Ch'an to Japan. Although there may be methodological dangers involved in the use of this text to represent the Chinese tradition, I believe that Tao-lung's Heart Sutra commentary-in contrast

COMMENTARIESONTHEHEARTSUTRA 93

to the two listed in item 6--is an exquisite example of the application of the Sung dynasty "high Ch'an" approach to the use of religious texts.

Briefly put, this Tang-Sung series manifests two major characteristics: first, the gradual interpolation of distinctive early Ch'an terminology and ideas into the interpretation of the text, and second, the superimposition on this interpretive foundation of the "encounter dialogue" style of Ch'an repartee. Due to limitations of space, I will only point out the highlights of these two developments, but two basic implications should be obvious: (a) that the early Ch'an interpretive structure was surprisingly long-lasting and (b) that the addition of classical Ch'an elements in fact reveals the fundamental disinclination of the Ch'an tradition to engage in textual exegesis.

A. Proto-Ch'an: The Chih-shen Complex of Commentaries An examination of the Chih-shen complex of commentaries

reveals usages that are characteristic of or even unique to early eh'an texts. For example, the most striking feature of the anonymous manuscript is its inclusion of the following verses:

Well [should you] view the mind (k'an-hsin ah), view the mind correctly;

view the mind in the locus of the mind. The mind does not perceive the locus of nonbeing (wu_so ai ).

View the mind, and the mind will become peaceful of itself.

This locus is both emptiness and form; the five skandhas are provisionally called a person. There is no mind that can concentrate thoughtslet it flow and achieve truth by itself.

Form and mind are fundamentally empty and serene; a false endeavor is the discrimination of feelings. Moving but not obstructing the principle; in accord with words but completely without names. 31

The terms "view the mind" and "locus of nonbeing" are litmus test indicators of Northern school doctrine from around the beginning of the eighth century, and the attitude that the


mind should be allowed to "flow and achieve truth by itself' is also found in early texts. Although the distinction is not maintained throughout these three commentaries, notice that in the passage just introduced the terms "form" and "mind" (se aj and hsinak) are substituted for the scriptural pair of "form" and "emptiness" (se and k'unga1 ).

The Chih-shen commentary uses several phrases and terms characteristic of certain later texts, but it is also unaware of a number of early Ch'an concepts. Ching-chueh's commentary understandably contains a greater proportion of these distinctive terms and concepts.

B. The Pinnacle of Early Ch'an: Hui-chung's Commentary The commentary by Hui-chung contains a statement of the

most mature phase of early Ch'an, written just as the acrimonious divisiveness that had arisen in the middle of the eighth century was being resolved but before the encounter dialogue style of classical Ch'an practice had become predominant. The maturity of this message can be seen in the way in which Huichung places hsin, "mind," at the very center of his interpretation. This emphasis on mind isa direct extension of the early Ch'an interest in the "contemplation of the mind."

The following is Hui-chung's explanation of the sidra's denial of the existence of suffering, accumulation, extinction, and the path (the Chinese rendition of the four noble truths). Huichung's first explanation is from the perspective of cultivation:

Since the mind has that for which it seeks and attaches itself to dharmas, therefore it is called "truth." To energetically cultivate realization with the mind unceasingly thirsting for it is called the "truth of suffering." To extensively examine the sutras and treatises, greedily seeking the wondrous principle, is called the "truth of accumulation." To eradicate the various false thoughts, so that one seeks permanent tranquility, is called the "truth of extinction." To distantly transcend troubling disturbances, devotedly cultivating the principle of the Buddhas, is called the "truth of the path."32

Hui-chung's second explanation, which follows immediately on the first, is from the perspective of the realized sage:


[To understand that] the mind is fundamentally pure and numinous, with no need for recourse to cultivating realization, is called the "truth of suffering." [To understand that] the [Buddha]-nature incorporates the myriad dharmas-and how could one depend on seeking-is called the "truth of accumulation." [To understand that] false thoughts are not generated (wu-sheng,am "birthless") and fundamentally of themselves permanently serene is called the "truth of extinction." [To understand that] serenity is permanently nondual, with false and true not confused, is called the "truth of the path." ... If you comprehend that there is no mind (wu hsinan), then how can the four truths exist? Therefore it is said, "no suffering, accumulation, .extinction, and path."33

I should emphasize that Hui-chung's explanation of these passages is not simply a free and unlearned interpretation of the text. Early Ch'an texts frequently utilize a process known as "contemplative analysis" (kuan-hsin shihao ) , in which traditional terminology and concepts are drastically and creatively reinterpreted so as to pertain to the early Ch'an practice of the contemplation of the mind. This was an~xtremely important process in the generation of early Ch'an religious ideology, since it allowed Ch'an to play and experiment with its received terminological and doctrinal tradition and to produce its own new conceptual paradigms, appropriating that tradition to serve its own approach to Buddhism. This style of total reinterpretation may indeed be linked with a decline in the understanding of conventional Indian Buddhist doctrine in China insofar as it indicates a growing emphasis on individual practice rather than doctrinal systems, but it.should not be interpreted in simplistic terms as a lack of understanding.

It is interesting that the most popular Ch'an commentary on the Heart Sidra is the one that places the strongest emphasis on the concept of mind, as well as offering the mOst thought -provoking comments on the identity of form and emptiness. Instead of concentrating on these terms themselves, as did earlier Ch'an commentaries, Hui-chung resolutely shifts the focus to the mind and its attendant dharmas. There is here no distinction between epistemology and ontology: Form and emptiness are but two modes of manifestation and nonmanifestation that occur depending on whether the mind either "arises" (ch'iap) or is imperceptible.34


We should also observe Hui-chung's frequent use of reflectively paired perspectives. At one point, Hui-chung understands sunyatii as the seamless reality inherent in all things, the awareness of which is obliterated by deluded thinking: "When the mind arises there is form, and when the mind is imperceptible there is emptiness." However, Hui-chung immediately reverses his terms when describing the situation of ordinary unenlightened people, using "emptiness" to refer to the unreality of the world as it is seen by foolish sentient beings. This emptiness, this foolish misapprehension of reality, disappears at the moment of enlightenment: "When the mind is taken as existent there is emptiness, and when the mind is taken as nonexistent

. there is being."35 This tendency to alternate between two different interpre

tations of the same term or concept is characteristic of early Ch'an texts. As in the redefinition of the four noble truths, Hui-chung defines reality from the perspectives of both the unenlightened but earnest practitioner and the confirmed sage. This may be considered, in fact, as Ch'an's unique extrapolation from the dyad of form and emptiness in the Heart Sutra. The key to enlightenment, and thus the essential distinction between the two perspectives, is the ability to "counterilluminate" the mind-source so as to understand its crucial role and to achieve the essential "nonarising" or "nonactivation" (i.e., the absence of intentionalized mentation) of the mind.

C. Ta-tien's Commentary and the Classical Ch'an Hermeneutic One of the truly exceptional Heart Sutra commentaries still

extant is that attributed to Ta-tien Pao-t'ung. Ta-tien was a student of Shih-t'ou Hsi-ch'ienaq (700-90), who along with Matsu Tao-iar is one of the figures most closely associated with the efflorescence of classical Ch'an. Very little is known about his biography, but Ta-tien is remembered for his contacts with the literatus Han Yii. aS36 Internal evidence suggests that Ta-tien's Heart Sutra commentary was edited sometime during the middle or latter part of the ninth century.37

The following passage provides a hint at the transition that took place during the eighth and ninth centuries from early to classical Ch'an:


Form and emptiness are of a single type.38 From the buddhas above to the insects below, each and every [sentient being] is fundamentally completely emptiness. The eyes are unable to see form--'-they can only see true emptiness. The ears are unable to hear form~they can only hear true emptiness. Although divisible into eighty-four thousand [different experiences], all perceptive and cognitive activity (chien-wen chueh-chihat) derives from the six senses. Form and emptiness are not different: this is the wondrous principle of true emptiness ....

If you wish to eradicate birth and death, then just illuminate and destroy from a single sensory capacity. You will be instantly empty and serene, you will instantly receive your self from before the eon of emptiness.39 Serene but constantly illuminating, illuminating but constantly serene. 40 Serene but without anything that is serene, you only perceive emptiness. Empty yet without anything that is empty, the eighty-four thousand sensory efforts and false thoughts suddenly end in a sirigle moment. Persons are empty, and dharmas are empty, The path of words is cut off, and the locus of mental activity is extinguished. To make the thoughts move is to be in opposition; to evaluate it is to be in error. If you can penetrate to the bottom of this without depending on anything, you will instantly receive [this understanding]. There are no persons and no buddhas. 41

The basic doctrinal thrust of classical Ch'an was Ma-tsu's insistence that every human action was a function of the Buddha-nature, and this passage from Ta-tien's commentary takes a similar tack in absolutizing the activities of the senses. Eyes and ears do not perceive mere form and sound (their respective categories of phenomenal reality); instead, they see and hear only true emptiness. Any sensory capacity may be used as the vehicle of enlightenment, as long as one "illuminates and destroys," i.e., illuminates so as to eliminate any dualistic distinctions, from that one perspective.42 Ta-tien's' commentary is explicitly subitist regarding the experience of enlightenment: "Empty yet without anything that is empty, the eighty-four thousand sensory efforts and false thoughts suddenly end in a single moment." This is the early Ch'an agenda rendered more extreme by the innovations of Ma-tsu and his followers.

This commentary is also remarkable for its inclusion of encounter dialogue material and its use of poetically evocative explanations. My favorite is the reference to"solitary brilliance


illuminating alone, like an autumn moon."43 Another intriguing line is its inclusion of a variant of a saying most frequently associated with Mao Tse-tung: "If one wantsJo travel a thousand li, au a single step comes first. "44 The commentary also contains a line from the 1 chingaV used by Liang suaw and Han-yu to express identity of the sage and the common man: "to develop one's nature to perfection through the understanding of Principle" (ch'iung-li chin-hsingaX). This line had already been noticed by Kumarajiva's students, but it also occurs in the sayings of Nan-ch'uan P'u-yuanay (748-834) and Tsung-mi'saz Yuan jen lun. ba45 Another passage that incorporates encounter dialogue phraseology is the following:

Sentient beings do not believe that this mind is the Buddha, but the buddhas have many types of expedient means by which to point at sentient beings and make them see their own fundamental natures. How blue, the emerald-green bamboo--it is entirely true suchness; you must see true suchness for yourself. How profuse, the yellow flowers-they are universally prajiiii; you must see prajiiii for yourself. [The monk] Chia-shanbb said, "There is nowhere that the Tao is not." He also said, "To see form is to see the mind. Sentient beings only see form and do not see the mind." If you are able to penetrate this to the ultimate, then while walking along, thinking of this and that, things will force themselves together (?) and you will suddenly see it for yourself. This is called "seeing the [Buddha]-nature" (chienhsingbc).46

In other words, this commentary gives doctrinal explanations based on a combination of early and classical Ch'an teachings, with occasional elaborations done in the rhetoric of classical Ch'an encounter dialogue.

D. Lan-ch'i Tao-lung's Commentary and Sung dynasty Ch'an The Heart Sidra commentary by Lan-ch'i Tao-lung (Rankei

Doryu) carries on the emphasis on the mind that appeared so strongly in Hui-chung's commentary. Indeed, it is surprising how Tao-lung reaches back into his own tradition for terms and explanations reminiscent of early Ch'an. This may have been the conscious effort of a man teaching what he must have felt


was a relatively ill-prepared Japanese audience. The most intriguing feature of Tao-lung's commentary is

the very consistent structure of his remarks on the text: After virtually every com pound or phrase in the sidra, Tao-lung begins with a primary definition. Usually, these definitions are reasonably faithful to the original meaning of the scripture. After weaving in other ideas suggested by the definition, the gloss almost always ends with what can only be called a "capping phrase" in idiosyncratically Ch'an language. Although lacking in the sense of dialogue with the sages of the hallowed past, Tao-lung's proclivity to conclude each gloss with an inexplicably pithy comment is reminiscent of the approach taken in works such as the famous Pi-yen lubd ("Blue Cliff Records"). Thus both the presence of such comments in encounter dialogue language and their location within the text reveal the impact of Sung dynasty Ch'an rhetorical conventions on this commentary.

Tao-lung's style is readily apparent in his interpretations of the lines from the sidra equating form and emptiness, which also reveal his continued emphasis on the centrality of mind. The "capping phrases" are given in italics:

Sariputra (She-li-tzube),

The universal sameness of body and mind is called She. Wisdom and sagacity and called li. The myriad dharmas are generated by the mind, hence it is said tzu. Where is the location of the generation of great wisdom? The rabbit pushes the wheel through the waves of the Milky Way.

form does not differ from emptiness, Form is originally generated from emptiness. The deluded

person sees form as being outside of true emptiness. Form arises from the mind. [The enlightened person] comprehends that the mind is originally without the characteristic of form. If you revert to the senses you will understand; if you follow their illuminations you will not. Let them have heads of ash and faces of dirt!

emptiness does not differ from form. Emptiness is manifested dependent on form; form reverts

to emptiness. Therefore, form and mind are without anything on which they rely. Therefore, if you are enlightened to the emptiness of the mind you will naturally [realize] the emptiness of they myriad dharmas. What would you say, then, about true emptiness? Carp on the mountain, thatch under water.


Form is emptiness, Form is the function (yungbf) of emptiness; emptiness is the

essence (t'ibg) of form. The myriad waves do no~ transcend the water. [Tao-lung] shouted a single shout, saying "Guest and host are distinct!"

emptiness is form. Emptiness is the essence of form; form is the function of

emptiness. [Tao~lung] scolded, saying "The matter begins from the repetition! "47

The doctrinal niceties in this passage are overwhelmed by Tao-lung's concluding remarks. Are we to understand them as explications of the expository statements they follow? Or is Taolung merely trying to get us to stop trying to understand form and emptiness with our rational minds? Further study may indicate that Tao-lung's use of two radically different types of expression-one explanatory, one performative-is related to the reflexive pairing of the perspectives of the practitioner and the sage that occurs in Hui-chung's text. Even if this turns out to be the case, Tao-lung's commentary has a disjointed quality because of its use of such different types of material. Tao-lung felt the need to explain Buddhism to his Japanese audience in the traditional Ch'an fashion, but at the same time he could not but recreate for them the spirit of Sung dynasty Ch'an as he knew it.

Engaging though it may be, Tao-lung's text highlights the fundamental incompatibility between the commentarial enterprise and the dominant thrust of Sung dynasty Ch'an. His capping phrases are an attempt to enter into dialogue with the text, not to explain it, and this particular Indian sidra cannot talk back to him. The Ch'an tradition was never interested in scriptural exegesis in its own right, and once the early Ch'an appropriation and reinterpretation of the Heart Siltra was completed by Hui-chung, there was little more that the Ch'an tradition could derive from within the text. Indeed, the emergence of Ch'an was in part a reaction against the scholastic tradition, and the snippets of encounter dialogue material apparent in the commentaries by Ta-tien and Tao-lung are not intrinsically related to the content of the text. That we have so few Ch'anrelated Heart Siltra commentaries dating from the Sung dynasty is no doubt an indication that the primary orientation of the


"high Ch'an" of the Sung was fundamentally at odds with the goals and methods of textual exegesis.

Ill. Ming T'ai-tsu and the Ming-Ch'ing series of Heart Sutra Commentaries

The second series of Heart Sidra commentaries begins from a fundamentally different perspective from that of the T'angSung series. The catalyst that made this series of commentaries possible was the complex approach toward Buddhism taken by the founder of the Ming, Emperor Tai-tsubh (r. 1368-98). Although his government placed severe .and in some ways arbitrary institutional restrictions on Buddhism, T'ai-tsu himself promoted the emergence of a syncretic approach to the three teachings of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism. In addition, he showed a personal interest at least initially favoring Buddhism as an ideology of governance, in part by sponsoring the compilation of new commentaries on a selection of basic Buddhist scriptures (in 1377-79) and by providing an imperial preface for the Heart Sutra. 48

Even long after T'ai-tsu's death, when changes in Ming society had rendered many of his institutional innovations impracticable, his legacy was felt in the efforts taken by scholars and officials in order to recreate the pristine order they perceived in the early years of the dynasty. The Heart Sutra thus continued to be a focus of interest by both lay and ordained Buddhists throughout the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, to the extent that the number of commentaries on the Heart Sutra written during these dynasties is several times that of previous eras.49

More important than the numerical popularity of the Heart Sutra is that this text appealed to a much wider assortment of commentators. Quite a few of the Ming commentaries use this short scripture as a vehicle for the presentation of theories concerning the unity of the Three Teachings. Among these are a short work by the iconoclastic and even antisocial Confucian Li Chihbi (1527-1602), who became a Buddhist monk in 1588 only as a social expedient, and a much longer work by the great syncretist Lin Chao-enbj (1517-98).50 Lin Chao-en's work is in-

102 JIABS VOL. 11 NO.2·

triguing in the image it reveals of the Confucian academy, with questions and answers between Lin and his students.

Several of the Ming works, by both monks and laymen, include comments based on the idiosyncraticallyCh'an style of encounter dialogue, much as in the manner of Ta-tien Pao-t'ung of the T'ang. As a group, however, they return to a more straightforward hermeneutical approach of simply attempting to explain the text according to their own interpretations. Underlying the greater apparent faithfulness to the meaning of the scripture itself is a much deeper ideological agenda: The legacy of Sung dynasty Ch'an has not been lost entirely, but the followers of Ch'an during the Ming dynasty used a different assemblage of literary sources and felt a new imperative to synthesize and restate the very basics of the Buddhist religion. For example, Ming dynasty commentaries are much more inclined than those of earlier periods to cite the Platform Sidra, and Hsi Ch'ao'sbk late fourth century Fengja yao b1 or "Essentials of the Faith" was published together with the Heart Sidra and other texts during the Ming.

Not surprisingly, the interpretations found in these Ming commentaries also refer very frequently to the texts and ideas of Confucianism and Taoism. Indeed, the very popularity of the text in such a wide range of contexts is related to the increased emphasis on mind by Ming intellectuals in generalWang Yang-mingbm (1472-1528) is of course the primary example. What we refer to in English as the Heart Sidra the Chinese took to be the "scripture of the mind," the quintessential Buddhist statement regarding the mind.

IV. Wider Ramifications

The analysis given above of the Tang-Sung series of commentaries on the Heart Sidra entails conclusions pertaining to the transformation of Ch'an Buddhism that took place during the eighth and ninth centuries. In general, these commentaries reveal the gradual imposition of early Ch'an terminology and ideas onto the understanding of the text, followed by the superimposition of encounter dialogue language deriving from the classical and Sung dynasty periods of Chinese Ch'an. Con-


sidering the overall growth of the Ch'an tradition, this seems to be a perfectly natural progression.

The most intriguing by-product of this research is the apparent interest of Hui-chung and other commentators in working within a conceptual framework of mind and form rather than form and emptiness. Some years ago Robert Gimello described the shift from the apophatic style of Madhyamika dialectic to

. the kataphatic discourse of the Chinese Tathagatagarbha tradition during the early seventh century,S I and here we may have discovered the intimation of a further development along similar lines. That is, rather than manipulate the array of implications deriving from the description of the world as either form or emptiness, the Chinese tradition became more interested in probing the identity of the enlightened sage. Also, the assertion that the mind perceives true emptiness rather than the differentiated stuff of phenomenal reality clearly implies the quest for a unitary world view that Charles Hartman has shown to be so apparent in the writings of the Confucian literatus Han Yii. Finally, there is also an exciting possibility that the formulation of this unitary world view was in some sense a preamble to major epistemic changes to come, particularly the fragmentation of imagery and the collapse in confidence regarding the possibilities of objective description that are apparent in late Tang poetry.52

Although a detailed examination of the Ming-Ch'ing series of Heart Sutra commentaries lies beyond the scope of this preliminary report, even this brief survey demonstrates the palpable discontinuity between this and the Tang-Sung series of texts. In conclusion, I would like to comment on the implications of the distinctions between these two series of commentaries for the general issue of the role of Buddhism in Chinese history.

Too often scholars focus on the Sui-Tang schools as repre..: senting the peak of Chinese Buddhism, with the religion's fate from the Sung onward depicted in terms of a virtually undifferentiated "decline." There are several obvious reasons for this impression of a Sui-Tang pinnacle and ensuing decline: The widespread acceptance of the Naito hypothesis, which takes the transformation of Chinese society during the Tang as a major watershed in Chinese history, has led scholars to homologize the various religious developments of the post-Tang dynasties


under the general rubric of popular religion. Since Buddhism flourished within the medieval culture of the T'ang and earlier dynasties, it is natural that scholars would ,think that it would assume the alternate state, i.e., decline, in the premodern culture of the Sung and beyond. And the very term "popular religion" carries the connotation that Buddhism was no longer a vital part of elite culture.

The judgment that post-T'ang Buddhism was in decline, or at least largely irrelevant,is in part the legacy of the emphasis of orthodox Chinese scholarship on the Confucian tradition, which revels in the Neo-Confucian "renaissance" that began in the Sung.53 Another factor has been Japanese scholarship on Chinese Buddhism. Certainly the centuries of study of the Nara schools of Japanese Buddhism have led to built-in interpretive dispositions. In addition, the fact of Ennin's presence in China during one of the worst persecutions of Buddhism there may have helped fix the notion of the post-Tang decline in the Japanese mind.54

In addition to these modern issues, there may be two other factors involved in the commonly held notion of the general decline of Buddhism after the Tang: first, the nonsystematic nature of the Ch'an religious enterprise, and second, the longrange influence of the agenda set by Emperor T'ai-tsu of the Ming. In the first place, it is self-contradictory to accept the Ch'an school as the most intrinsically "Chinese" Buddhist school, whatever that generalization is supposed to mean, and at the same time to assert that the pinnacle of Chinese Buddhism occurred with the climax in systematic Buddhology by the SuiT'ang schools. Systematic statements of religious philosophy are spectacular achievements easily and rightly susceptible to study and admiration, but they were not the sine qua non of Chinese Buddhism. Rather than conceiving of Chinese Buddism as peaking during the T'ang and being replaced by Neo-Confucianism during the Sung, we should recognize that some aspects of Chinese Buddhism peaked at the very same time as the emergence of other important cultural and intellectual trends. Rather than a simplistic periodization of Buddhist and Neo-Confucian ages, I believe we have achieved a level of sophistication such that we can talk more meaningfully of major overlapping trends and processes.


Second, I suspect that Chinese Buddhism during the twentieth century is still living out the effects of Ming T'ai-tsu's institutional restructuring anddoctrinai homogenization of

. Buddhism, which sometimes makes it hard for us to see the distinctions inherent in the older forms of the tradition. The pedagogical agenda of late Ming Buddhism involved an effort to return to the basics, to reach the populace with easily understood explanations of the heart of Buddhism. It was also an avowedly syncretic agenda, which obscured the doctrinal and sectarian (or, if you will, lineage) distinctions of the past. Neither the absence of doctrinal systematization nor the presence of syncretism is necessarily synonymous with decline or a lack of creativity, let alone with a loss of significance of Buddhism itself in Chinese !=ulture. We should be able to search for the distinctions apparent in earlier groups, trends, and movements without immediately succumbing to an overly rigid definition of Buddhist "schools," but neither should we conclude that the absence of discretely defined schools indicates disintegration and decline.

NOTES

This preliminary research report, which was written while the author was a postdoctoral fellow at the John King Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University, is based on a presentation given at the American Academy of Religion annual meeting in Atlanta in November, 1986; a longer and more detailed study will be published at a later date. The author would like to thank Donald Lopez for the invitation that led to the AAR presentation, Jan Nattier for her extensive input concerning the content and wording of this paper, and David Eckel and the members of the Buddhist Studies Forum at Harvard for their very helpful comments and suggestions.

1. See notes 11 and 30 below. 2. See the Po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching,bn T8.848c, and Mochizuki Shinko,

Mochizuki Bukkyo daijiten, (10 vols.; Tokyo: Sekaiseiten kanko kyokai, 1933-36), 5: 4265c-67b. Mochizuki, p. 4266a, says the translation was done in the fifth month of 649 at Mount Chung-nan's Ts'ui-wei kung. bo

3. The pilgrim and translator I-chingbp (often written I-tsing; 635-713) is also supposed to have translated the text (see Mochizuki 5: 4266a--c), and Bodhiruci (or Dharmaruci) and Sik~ananda each prepared translations of the text incorporating changes made on behalf of Empress Wu. These were done in 693 and sometime during the years 695-710, respectively. (This is according to Shiio Benkyo, Bukkyo kyoten gaisetsu [Introduction to the Buddhist scrip-


tures], [Tokyo: Koshisha shobO, 1933], p. 147. Shiio's reference to Bodhiruci [or Dharmaruci] may be an erroneous citation of a much later reference to a translation by Paramartha or Bodhiruci; see note 30 below.) In 738 the Magadhan monk Fa-yiiehbq (*Dharmacandra; 653-743), working in Ch'ang_ an, produced the first translation of the long version of the Heart Sidra; see T8.849a~b. (The restorations of this and other translators' names, which may not be reliable, are from Edward Conze, The Prajiiaparamita Literature [The Hague: Mouton & Co.-'S-Gravenhage, 1960], p. 29.) Other translations of the long version, which vary enough to suggest further development of the Sanskrit text itself, were done in 790 (by pojobr [Prajiia], who Conze reports was from Kafiristan and studied in Kashmir and at Nalanda, and Li-yenbS; see T8.849b-50a), 855 (by Fa-ch'eng,bt from the Tibetan; see T8.850b-51a), 861 (by Chih-hui Lunbu [*Prajiiacakra]; see T8.850a-b), and sometime during the Sung dynasty (by Shih-hubv [*Danapala], who was from O<;l<;liyana and began his translation work in China in 982; see T8.852b-c). The translations by Hsiian-tsang and Fa-ch'eng were in widespread use at Tun-huang, where Fa-ch'eng (Tib. Chos-grub) was a very prominent monk who translated various texts from Chinese to Tibetan and vice versa.

4. See the Ch'u san-tsang chi-chibw 4 (T55.31b), which lists the Mo-ho po-jo po-lo-mi shen-chou i chuanbx ("Divine Incantation of the Great Perfection of Wisdom in one fascicle") and Po-jo po-lo-mi shen-chou i-chuan. The latter is glossed as being a variant of the first. Since the extant Sanskrit versions of the Heart Sutra do not identify it as a sutra, it is noteworthy that neither of these texts is labelled ching, by "sutra."

5. These are the Li-tai san-pao chibz 4 and 5 (T49.55c and 58b) and Ta-T'ang nei-tien luca 2 (T55.229a). Here the title actually reads [Mo-ho] po-jo po-lo-mi chou ching i chuancb ("Sutra of the Incantation of the [Great] Perfection of Wisdom in one fascicle").

6. The title of the translation attributed to Kumarajlva is Mo-ho po-jo po-lo-mi ta ming-chou chingCC ("Great Wisdom Incantation of the Great Perfection of Wisdom"); see T8.847e. This title, which is slightly different from the found'in earlier catalogues, occurs in the K'ai-yilan shih-chiao lucd 4 (T55.512b) among Kumarajlva's works.

7. See the Chung-ching mu_luce 2 by Fa-chingcf (T55.123b). The titles used here are similar to those found in the Ch'u san-tsang chi-chi, except for the addition of ching, "sutra." There is some implicit support in Tz'u-en's commentary (mentioned in n. 18 below) for the interpretation that the Heart Sidra was abstracted from the larger text.

8. As indicated in Shiio, p. 146, see Kumarajiva's Ta-p'in, T8.223c, 283a-85c, and 286a-87a (the latter two are sections that identify the perfection of wisdom in general terms with mantra), and Hsiian-tsang's Ta po-jopo-lo-mi-to ching, T7.11e. There are slight differences between the texts of the Kumarajiva's Ta-p'in, T8.223c, 283a-85c, and 286a-87a (the latter two are sections that identify the perfection of wisdom in general terms with mantra), and Hsiian-tsang's Ta po-jo po-lo-mi-to ching, T7.11c. There are slight differences between the texts of the Kumarajiva and Hsiian-tsang versions, probably indicating differences in the original Sanskrit texts.


9. See Joron kenkyu [Studies in the Chao tun], ed. Tsukamoto Zenryu (Kyoto: Hazakan, 1955), pp. 51-52, or T45.156c.

10. The only other occurrence of the Heart Sutra mantra that I have come across is in a collection of dhiira'IJi and similar material translated in 653, the To-lo-ni chi chingcg 3, TlS.S07b.

11. A preface to the Heart Sutra, which occurs at TS.S51a-b and is based on the Tun-huang manuscript Stein 700, states that Hsuan-tsang received the text in Szechwan prior to departing for India. See the translation of this preface in Leon Hurvitz, "Hsuan-tsang (602-664) and the Heart Sutra," Prajiiiiparamita and Related Systems: Studies in Honor of Edward Conze, ed. Lewis Lancaster, Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series, no. 1 (Berkeley, CA: University of California, 1977), p. 109-10. The version of the Heart Sutra contained in Stein 700 is extremely interesting, in that it is a transliteration of the Sanskrit text in Chinese characters with interlineal glosses correlating the words of the transliterated original with the Chinese of Hsuan-tsang's translation. The glosses and punctuation do not always divide the Sanskrit words correctly, but the underlying text seems to correspond to the modern version transcribed in Conze, Buddhist Wisdom Books: The Diamond Sutra; The Heart Sutra (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1955), pp. 77-107. Hurvitz, pp. 110-11, includes a rendering of the text into English with the glosses interpreted.

12. See The Prajiiiiparamitii Literature, pp. 20-24. Based on the existence of the Kumarajlva translation, on p. IS Conze identifies the Heart Sutra as having been composed before the year 400.

13. This evidence, which has some bearing on the early transmission of Buddhism to Tibet, will be dealt with in an article to be published at a later date by myself and Jan Nattier.

14. See Fukui Fumimasa, "Chugoku ni okeru Hannya shingya kan no hensen" [Changes in the Understanding of the Heart Sutra in China], TohOgaku 64 (July 19S2): 43-56, especially pp. 43-45. Essentially the same material is said to be found in Fukui's "Tashin kyo no seiritsu" [The formation of the To hsin ching], Tendai gakuhO 24 (November 1972). A more detailed statement of Fukui's argument, including a listing of the titles of Tun-huang versions of the Heart Sutra and its commentaries, may be found in the same author's "Tonka bon," pp. I-S. I would like to thank Professor Yoshizu Yoshihide of Komazawa University for sending me copies of the articles by Fukui cited in this study, as well as for showing me Fukui's recent Hannya shingyo no kenkyu (Tokyo: Shunjusha, 19S7) incorporating these same studies.

15. Fukui suggests that the abbreviation Hsin ching or "Heart Sutra" was applied to the text by its scholastic commentators, that even here there is evidence that the character to has been omitted by later editors, and that the title Po-jo hsin ching is almost entirely unattested in sources prior to the Sung. See Fukui, "Hensen," pp. 46-47. Unfortunately, Fukui fails to notice the occurrence of the title Po-jo hsin ching in Hui-li's biography of Hsuan-tsang (T50.224b). Fukui asserts that the abbreviation Hsin ching came to be generally used only from the fourteenth century onward, when the text became much more popular as a subject of written commentaries. See Fukui, "Hensen," p. 46.

16. See Fukui, "Hensen," pp. 4S-51. On p. 50, Fukui cites corroborating

108 JIABS VOL. II NO.2

opinions by M. Winternitz and P. L. Vaidya. In addition, he suggests that whereas Kumarajlvaand other translators rendered the term hrdaya in this sense with Chinese equivalents mea'ning "mantra," HSiian:tsang used the character hsin for both hrdaya and citta, thus causing the later confusion.

17. I believe that Fukui, "Hensen," p. 53, goes too far when he suggests that there were virtually no Tang and Sung interpretations of the Heart Sidra that emphasized the doctrine of emptiness over the efficacy of ,the mantra.

IS. Tz'u-en's commentary is the Po-jo hsin chingyu-tsanc\ see T33.523b-42c. There is a preface to this by Miao Shen-jungCi (632-S2),. (Po--jo hsin ching yu-tsan hsu, Z2B, 23, I, 90a--c), and a subcommentary by Shou-ch'ieng of the Sung dynasty, (Po-jo hsin ching yu-tsi:Ln k'ung-t'ung chi,ck ZI, 41,3, 25Sc-314d). Shou-ch'ien also composed a diagrammatic interpretation of the text (Po-jo hsin ching yu-tsan t'ien-kai k'o,cl ZI, 41, 3, 240a-5Sb). In addition, there are Tang Yogacara commentaries by the Korean authority W6nch'tlkCm (613-96) (Po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching tsan,en 21, 41, 4, 30Sb--2Sc) and by Ching-majCo (Po-jo hsin ching shu,cp Zl, 41,3, 213a-lSb), both of which criticize the teaching of prajiiii on the basis of the Yogacara doctrine.

19. Fa-tsang's commentary, which was composed in 702, is the Po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching lueh-shu,cq T33.552a-55b (including a short postface by Chang Yiiehcr). There are two Sung dynasty subcommentaries to this text: The earlier is by Chung-hs{S (Po-jo hsin ching lileh-shu hsien-cheng chi,ct ZI, 41, 4, 340a-56c); the later one was written by Shih-hujCu in 1165 (Po-jo hsin ching lileh-shu lien-chu chi,cV T33.555b--6Sc). Shih-hui's subcommentary is a difficult and controversial text, which inspired the composition of a work by the late Ming and early Ch'ing dynasty figure Ch'jen Ch'ien-{W (15S2-1664). Written in 1655,Ch'ien's commentary was based on that of Fa-tsang but also referred to a work by Tu-shuncx (Po-jo hsin ching lileh-shu hsiao-ch'ao ,CY ZI, 41, 4, 357a-90d). Ch'ien's work was preceded by three other Ming dynasty Heart Sutra commentaries likewise heavily indebted to Fa-tsang: In 15S7, Hsieh Kuan-k'uangCZ compiled two works with homophonous titles, mostly following Fa-tsang and Wen-ts'aida (Po-jo hsin ching shih_i,db ZI, 41, 5, 410d-12d and 413a-21c). The latter of these two is a detailed attempt to resolve doubts arising from the numerous divergent interpretations found in earlier commentaries. In 1617, Chu Wan_lidc compiled a commentary (Po-jo hsin ching chuchieh,dd Zl, 41, 5, 435d-3Sc), drawing from Fa-tsang and others.

20. The earliest Tien-t'ai commentary is attributed, probably apocryphally, to Ming-k'uangde of the Tang; this is the Po-jo hsin ching [lileh] shu, ZI, 41,4, 32Sd-30c. The only Sung dynasty Tien-t'ai commentaries are those by Chih-yiiandf (976-1022), both of which were composed in 1017, These are the Po-jo hsin ching shu and Po-jo hsin ching shu i-mou ch'ao,dg Z 1,41, 4, 330d-34a and 334b--39d. The first of these refers to the Tang dynasty commentary attributed to Hui-ching (discussed in section IIA below). The second text is a general explanation dealing with possible misunderstandings of the first. There are Ming dynasty Tien-t'ai commentaries by Chih-hsiidh (1599-1655) (Po-jo hsin ching shih yao,di ZI, 41, 5, 470c-71d), Ta-wendj (Po-jo hsin ching cheng-yen,dk Zl, 41,5, 443b--46d), and Cheng-hsiang Ti-jud1 (Po-jo hsin ching fa-yin,dm ZI, 41,5, 452d-56d). The last of these was done in 1635.


21. One of these is attributed to a monk identified only as Deva of Central India (Po-jo hsin ching chu, ZI, 41, 4, 315a-318a). This is an undated word-by-word explanation of the text, which although clearly transcribed by a native Chinese monk could well be based on the non-formulaic oral explanations of an If.ldian master. Another interesting text is the fragment preserved at Tun-huang, the Po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching huan-yuan shu,dn T85.167b-659a, based on Stein 3019. This commentary cites the Larikiivatiira and Lotus Sutras and emphasizes the use of the text in chanting.

22. Even during the Ming dynasty, the Ch'an figures Tzu-po Chen-k'odo and Han-shan Te-ch'ingdp commented on the Heart Sutra, but not the advocate of Pure Land devotionalism Chu-hung.dq At least one such text was written in Japan by Genshindr, who is renowned for his Ojoyoshu. ds A list of other Japanese commentators on the Heart Sutra, incidentally, reads like a veritable who's who ofthatcountry's Buddhist tradition. For example, Saich6,dt Kukai,du and their successors wrote commentaries and subcommentaries on the text. (Kukai's is interesting for its use of Kumarajlva's translation, although the text actually cited by Kukai is ident~cal to Hsuan-tsang's translation.) Within the Japanese Zen tradition, Ikkyu,dV Menzan,dw Bankei,dx Hakuin,dY and Muchaku D6chudz also wrote commentaries on the text.

23. The anonymous text is represented in an untitled manuscript (both the beginning and end are missing) preserved at the Ryukoku University Library. Introduced by Ogawa Kan'ichi, this short fragment of 172 lines includes part of the preface and a substantial portion of the text. See Ogawa's "Hannya haramitta shingyo kaidai" [Explanation of the Heart of the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra], Seiiki bunka kenkyu, vol. 1, Tonko Bukkyo shiryo (Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1958), pp. 79-87. Sample plates of the manuscript are given on p. 80, while the text is printed on pp. 81-84; also see the English summary on pp. 10-13 (from the back). The second of the tbree commentaries is attri.buted to a monk named Hui-ching,ea usually identified as the Hui-chingof Chi-kuo ssueb (578-645). See the Po-jo hsin ching shu, ZI, 41,3, 206a-12d. (Fukui, "Tonk6 bon," p. 8, indicates that Stein 554, on which the Zoku zokyo edition is based, is actually entitled To hsin ching rather than Hsin ching,) Shiio, p. 154n, claims that Hui-ching was asked to lecture on the Heart Sutra in 624 and suggests that the commentary may have been based on an earlier draft of the Hsuantsang translation. However, Hui-ching's very long biography in theHSKC, T50.441d-46b, does not mention any such event in 624 (nor does it make any reference at all to the HeartSutra), and I do not know the source of Shiio's information. Since this would have been before Hsuan-tsang had even received the text or returned from India, the date given may be a misprint. The title of the third version is Po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching shu; see Yanagida Seizan, "'Shishu Sen zenji sen, Hannya shingyo so' k6," ed. Yanagida Seizan and Umehara Takeshi, Yamada Mumon roshi koki kinen shu: Hana samazama (Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1972), pp. 145-77. On pp. 152-56 Yanagida indicates that there are five manuscripts of this commentary: Pelliot 2178 and 4940, Peking Wei-52 and ch'ueh-9, and Stein 839.

24. According to Fukui, "Tonk6 bon," p. 7, this was the original title of Ching-chueh's work. Hsiang Ta'sec transcription altered this to Chu po-jo to

110 JIABS VOL. II NO.2

hsin ching, and Yanagida amended this to Chu po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching. As Fukui implies in his n. 6 (p. 24), Yanagida was presumably following the lead set by Chikusa Masaaki.

25. This is an extremely important early Ch'an text. See the annotated Japanese and French translations by Yanagida, Shoki no zenshi, l-Ryoga shiji ki-Den'hObOki, Zen nogoroku, no. 2 (Tokyo: Chikuma shobO, 1971), pp. 47-326, and Bernard Faure, La Volonte d'Orthodoxie: Genealogie et doctrine du bouddhisme Ch'an et !'ecole du Nord----d'apres l'une de ses chroniques, Ie Leng-chia shih-tzu chi (debut du 8e s.) (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Paris, 1984), pp. 470-792. An unsatisfactory English translation occurs in Zen Dawn: Early Zen Texts from Tun Huang, trans. J. C. Cleary (Boston and London: Shambala, 1986), pp. 17-78. See my review of Cleary's book in Philosophy East and West 19, no. 2 (Autumn 1986): 138-46. The work is also discussed in my The Northern School and the Formation of Early Ch'an Buddhism (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 1986), pp. 88-91.

26. The Po-jo hsin ching san chued (or Hannya shingyo sanchU) (ZI, 41, 4, 390a-96a) was reprinted in 1791; it is uncertain where and when the prior edition was done. See Ui Hakuju, "N an'yo Echu no shingyo chusho" [N an-yang Hui-chung's Commentary on the Heart Sutraj, ed. Hisamatsu Shin'ichi, Zen no ronko-Suzuki Daisetsu hakase kiju kinen ronbunshu-(Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1949), pp. 69-81.

27. See the Po-jo hsin ching sung,ee T48.365a-66c. This is a short work, with a total of 272 characters in both title and text, with 37 verses in 8-line stanzas of 5 characters per line. These verses are contained in a Sung dynasty compilation of works attributed to Bodhidharma, the Shao-shih liu menef ("Six Texts from Bodhidharma's Peak"). Since the verses use the famous line "fundamentally there is not a single thing" from the Platform Sutra, we m<;ly date them to sometime after about 800. (See T48.365c and p. 366a.) A closer examination of these verses and a comparison with other classical Ch'an verse' compositions, i.e., transmission verses, and the commentary on the Diamond Sutra attributed to Hui-neng will no doubt yield a more exact dating and a better understanding of the text in general. The use of Yogacara terminology in these verses may turn out to be an important indication of their origins.

28. The title is Po-jo hsin ching chu-chieh,eg Zl, 42, 1, 34d-35d. 29. See Ui Hakuju, "Jiju zenji Eshin no Hannya shingyo chu" [Ch'an

Master Tz'u-shou Huai-shen's Commentary on the Heart of Wisdom Sutraj, Bukkyo to bunka-Suzuki Daisetsu hakase shOju kinen ronbunshu (Tokyo: Suzuki Daisetsu hakase shoju kinenkai kan, 1960), pp. 1-6. Ui is supposed to have written an article on Fu-jung Tao-k'ai's commentary, but I have been unable to locate it. See the discussion on Sung dynasty Ch'an and textual exegesis at the end of section IID. .

30. This commentary, which is known by the title Rankei Doryu chu shin'yoeh ("Lan-ch'i Tao-lung's Commentary on the Esssentials of Mind"), occurs in his collected works, the Daikaku shui rokuei in one fascicle, following a transliteration of the Sanskrit text. See the Dai Nippon Bukkyo zensho, 95: 101-16, or Po-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin ching chu, ZI, 41, 5, 397a-99b. Comments by the editor of Tao-lung's collected works, the layman Musho,ej reveal a spirit of intense


competition with the Shingon school. In the process, it is asserted that the version of the Heart Sutra obtained by Hsuan-tsang in China prior to his journey to India was the Sanskrit version and not Kumarajlva's Chinese translation. In fact, Tao-lung's editor denies that Kumarajlva ever translated the text, suggesting instead that the pre-Hsuan-tsang translations were by ChihCh'ien and either Paramartha or Bodhiruci. In addition, he points out that since the text had been in circulation in Chinese translation for at least two hundred years, Hsiian-tsang would not have had to receive this f~om a spirit monk. See the Daikaku shui roku, p. 3a-b (l03a-b). The motivation for these and other comments must be related to the fact that Kukai's famous commentary on the Heart Sutra used theKumarajlva translation. In addition, Tao-lung's birth in Szechwan would have made him more likely to accept the account placing Hsiian-tsang's initial acquisition of the Heart Sutra there. This last point is not lost upon Tao-lung's editor; see pp. 4b--5a (l04b--5a).

31. Ogawa, pp. 83b, 84a; and 84b. The first verse has one character too many; the initial character hao,ek "well," should probably be deleted.

32. Ui, "Nan'yo EchU," p. 78. 33. Ui, "Nan'yo Echu," p. 81. 34. Ui, "Nan'yo Echu," p. 76. 35. These two quotations also occur on p. 76. 36. Dialogues between Ta-tien and Shih-t'ou and some sayings of Ta

tien's are recorded in the Ching-te ch'ilan-teng lu,el T51.312c-13a, but the only biographical information is that his residence was at Mount Ling in Ch'aochou em (Ch'ao-an hsien, Kwangtung). For the contact between him and Han Yii, see Charles Hartman, Han Yil and the Tang Search for Unity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 93-95.

37. See n. 46 below. 38. This line also occurs in the verses attributed to Bodhidharma. 39. One of the four kalpas or eons, this is the period between the total

destruction of the world system and the beginning of its regeneration. It is twenty small eons in duration.

40. The locus classicus of the famous line "serene but constantly illuminating," etc., is the P'u-sa ying-lo pen-yeh chingen 2, T24.l0 18b. See Yanagida, Shoki no Zenshi 1, p. 319. The earliest unascribed Ch'an-related occurrence I have found is in the Wu fang-pien eo (see McRae, Northern School, p. 178). A similar line, "functioning but permanently empty, empty but permanently functioning," occurs in Shen-hui'sep Hsien-tsung chieq in the Ching-te ch'ilan-teng lu, T51.459a.

41. Zl, 42, 1, 34b--c. 42. This process is described in Tao-lung'S commentary as "reverting"

to the source of the senses, rather than following the myriad details that they illuminate; see his gloss on "form does not differ from emptiness" quoted in the next section. This also parallels the long-standing wisdom within the Buddhist meditation tradition that any sensory capacity could serve as the proper subject of contemplation.

43. P.35a. 44. See p. 34c; the original line, which is worded somewhat differently,


is from the Lao-tzu 64. 45. See the commentary, p. 34b, and Hartman, pp. 190-93, who traces

the line through K'ung Ying_taer (574-648) to Tsung-mi. Hartman, p. 193, suggests that Tsung-mi's "insistence on reserving this phrase for the highest expression of the Buddhist faith may testify to the strength of its Buddhist connotation during this period."

46. P. 34b. Where I have "many types" of expedient means, the text has "many active"; I am emending to tungeS to to chung.et The translation "things will force themselves together" is tentative; the text contains a character I am assuming is a variant of tsa,eu "to pressure." Also, the extent of the quotation from Chia-shan is unclear, and its attribution to him may be an editorial error. Chia-shan Shan-huiev (805-81), who figures prominently in the Tsu-t'ang chiew and Ching-te Ch'uan-teng lu, was a fourth-generation successor of Shih-t'ou's through Yao-shan Wei-yen ex (744-827). It may be that his name was inadvertently added to the Heart Sidra commentary sometime after its compilation, since the saying attributed to him here is identified with Ma-tsu and his successors Kuei-shan Ling-yuey (771-853) and Yang-shan Hui-ch{Z (807-83). If this were the case, there is no reason to assume the commentary was altered in any significant way after Ta-tien's death.

47. Pp. 6b-7a (l06b-7a). The last phrase might also be read "from the [opening] politenesses!]"

48. See Fukui Fumimasa, "Min Taiso no Hannya shingyo rikai" [Ming Tai-tsu's understanding of the Heart Sutra], Makio Ryokai hakase shoju kinen ronshu: Chugoku no shukyo-shiso to kagaku (Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1984), pp. 399-408. Fukui cites a number of sources, including Kuo Ming [Guo Ming], Ming-Ch'ing Fo-chiao [Buddhism during the Ming and Ch'ing] (Fukkien, China: Fu-chien jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1982).

49. Fukui, "Min Taiso," p. 399, points out that there were about ten Heart Sutra commentaries written during the T'ang, less than ten during the Sung, and over thirty during the Ming. About a dozen of the Ming commentaries display overt Ch'an influence. I know of only one commentary written during the Yuan; unfortunately, it is no longer extant.

50. Li Chih's commentary is titled Po-jo hsin ching chien-shih fa or Po-jo hsin ching t'i-kang,fb Zl, 41, 5, 424b-25a. Less than 800 characters long, this text lacks any distinctive content. Lin Chao-en actually wrote two works on the Heart Sutra: the Po-jo hsin ching shih-lUeh/c 21,41,5, 425b-29c, and the Hsin ching kai-lun/d 21,41,5, 429d-35a. The former is a general commentary and the latter a line-by-line exegesis. On Li Chih, see Hok-Iam Chan, Li Chih 1527-1602 in Contemporary Chinese Historiography: New Light on His Life and Works (White Plains, NY: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1980), especially pp. 89-90. Also see Judith A. Berling, The Syncretic Religion of Lin Chao-en (N ew York: Columbia University Press, 1980), not only for its excellent treatment of Lin but also with regard to Li Chih (see pp. 52-54).

51. Robert M. Gimello, "Apophatic and kataphatic discourse in Mahayana: A Chinese view," Philosophy East and West 26, no. 2 (April 1976): 117-36.

52. I am referring here to work in progress by Michael Fuller at Harvard,


which draws in turn on the writings of Stephen Owen. 53. I am currently finishing a study of Hu Shih's researches on Shen-hui,

which did as much to inform the modern stereotype of the role of Ch'an in the decline.of Chinese Buddhism as to establish the field of Ch'an studies.

54. I do not intend this as a blanket criticism of Japanese scholars, nor would, I suggest any hesitation to use the fruits of their efforts. On the contrary, given the relative dearth of serious modern Chinese scholarship on East Asian Buddhism it is scholarship led by the Japanese and by those who have studied at the feet of Japanese teachers that is taking us beyond the most problematic views of Chinese Buddhist history.

Character Glossary a 1:~

b 11:1* e "§' Sl d A «'0 e ~~i1Ji=5i.J;,Hi~~

f A i1Ji ~ t!l! g i~~ h :fi#xm

~{;,~

J i1Ji=5 Ie;-~ k ~{.'i1Ji=5~ I ~ 1§-~ Ie;-~ m i~m~~~ n ~~{;.~

o .c.'~ p Ie;- JL q ~.r&l. r A~~ s l1i~ t i±it u ~{;.

v ~{;.

w ~~ x U.'2. y iiJ:W z d:%{;'~=5~ aa m 11m M )i ~2 ab i$j~~.~

ae ~fig

ad Afij'il~

ae ~~~* af ~~~1¥ ag IV! j~ lIt Pi ah ~IL-ai ~PfT aj §.

ak .c.' al '2: am ~~ an :IIlt'L ao ~9{;~ ap ;g aq fl~~1f;~

ar ,~(ft l~-

as ~'ff},

at FlMWt.D au ~ av ~~, aw ~iffii ax iRl!r§ 11 ay f$j~'iW~

az *re ba f.ijl: )..~,iij

bb W: III be Fl1t bd ~ Miff<:


be -@"tlf+ bf ffi bg ~ bh ±..~~

bi * tl' bj Hn,~ bk Mi if;j bI ~d~ bm :E~8Fl

bn Ai :g: if:t m ~ ~~ {; t~ bo '#1.1;':~§

bp ~iil bq i±~ br f.Jj ii bs flIg-bt i±!W. bu 'M'~$" bv ~~ bw t'Jj= it at * bx($ n:-off by g bz fIt it ==: w ~e ea 7::. @ r*J ~ F,ft:

eb rr~ ~off ee 1::. 8j:j rr g cd 1m it $ ~ fiR ee .~~§F,ft:

cf d:g eg ~mJt*~. eh #liif ei 83($ :;;. ej :;t:-'f ek At 'Fa] aC cl T:;a7:8 em [~iP'IJ

en ii co ~IS ep t;li eq ilia fiIf. er i}fH)l

es jrfJ 1f;

et ilF2; fiji' ~ IE %c eu ~ijjw'

ev ffi~ f;lf i! ¥t: ~r.:: ew EiSt 1;ii ex alll~

ey ffi~ f;lf 'I, i'~' ez ~ ~~7t da 't:i" db $~ / w~

de nl fJ?J~. dd ~M de 8j:j~

df 'M'~ dg tffi ~E ~ ¥~. dh ·~lLll

di w~ dj -k'/:. dk if §f1l dl iEm~~D

dm~~

dn 11 il9: ~ do ~tB~or dp ~g LJJ~~ m dq I*i;: dr iWffi ds if 1:.~* dt rarii du ~i£t

dv -r* dw iIDLlJ dx ~Ii dy 8~ dz ~~@.'iB.

ea ~i" eb ff:~4

ee 1011::. ed =1£ ee );~

ef ~J/' ¥ ~/.1.~ F9


eg ~f~ eh f,!fl i~@:~ii{;~ el 7c ~ 16 i! ijt eJ m<~-t ek iff el "* {!gi i~ tJt ijt em I!II Hi . en @: M~ ~ ti>; i; * fP eo Ii 1=i i~ epf$.~

eq ~#~t er II +,~i! es ~$~

et % ffl eu t13 ev W: l LJ ,g: ·m ew tll.'"¥:lt ex ~ l LJ1tf iit ey i'P.i tl! m 1tJ ez jIjJ 111 ~ ~

fa ~$ fb #E~ fc $ffi6 fd J:m~~

II. REVIEWS

An Introduction to Buddhism, by Jikido Takasaki. Translated by Rolf W. Giebel, Tokyo: The Toho Gakkai, 1987.376 p.

This book is the English translation of Professor Jikido Takasaki's Bukkyo nyfimon (An Introduction to Buddhism), published in J 983, by Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai.

Professor Takasaki is a well-known Japanese scholar specializing in Buddhism. He is the author of a number of important Japanese publications. Western scholars know his A Study on the Ratnagotra-vibhiiga, published by IsMEO, Rome 1956. This is an accurate translation of the Ratnagotravibhaga with an informative introduction and very useful notes. Professor Takasaki was the efficient Secretary-General for the 31st International Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa (CISHAAN) convened at Tokyo and Kyoto in 1983.

The present book intends, as stated in the Preface to the English version, "to present to Japanese readers ... a picture in concrete terms of the characteristics of Buddhism as established in India"; it is a book "directed to the general reading public". Anyhow, owing to its nature and qualities, this book deserves also the interest of specialists in Buddhism and will be useful to them.

The book presents, in a systematized way, the "body of Buddhist doctrine in the form it assumed once it had been firmly established several hundred years after the death of the historical Buddha", and within this framework, wishes "to consider Buddhism in all its ramifications". So the author does not deal with Buddhism as it is presented in the original teachings of the founder Sakyamuni, or as it manifests itself in its evolutionary process, or as it appears in anyone of its different branches; instead, he takes Buddhism in a well advanced stage of its evolution, and studies it as it appears in that stage without limiting himself to any of its ramifications. Thanks to this procedure, the reader gains a clear idea of the richess and complexity of Buddhism, which certainly could not be given by an analysis of Buddhism in its first stage of development or in its making or in only one of its manifestations.

Following the indicated criteria Professor Takasaki adopts, as frame of reference for his exposition of the body of Buddhist doctrine, the Three Treasures of Buddhism: Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. Thanks to his masterly knowledge of Buddhism, his exposition impresses because of its clearness and completeness. In many points it enters into interesting and many times

117

118 REVIEWS

not easily accessible details and references. Chapter I is dedicated to the life of Sakyamuni and Chapter

II to The True Nature of the Buddha. Chapters III-VIII deal with Buddhist doctrine, giving information about'its principal tenets under the following titles: The Buddhist Conception of Truth; the Constituent Elements of Existence; Transmigration, Karma and Mental Defilements; The Path to Enlightenment; Mind: The Agency of Practice. Chapter IX has to do with The Precepts and the Organization of the Community. The last Chapter, X, has as its subject-matter The History of Buddhism not only in India but also outside India. This chapter will be especially useful for the specialist in Indian Buddhism, since it allows him to get, in an easy way, a clear account of the development of Buddhism in China, Japan, etc.

The book ends with two excellent indices, one General (pp. 325-351) and another of Characters which appear in the book, (pp. 352-374) giving the Chinese,J apanese and Korean readings.

The translation from Japanese into English was done by Mr. Rolf W. Giebel, who for several years studied under the tutelage of Professor Takasaki in the University of Tokyo, specializing in the field of late Indian Mahayana Buddhism. It is a clear and very readable translation.

In resume: a first-class contribution to Buddhist bibliography, which, though founded in serious scholarship, will contribute to a broader spreading of the knowledge of Buddhism.

Fernando Tola and Carmen Dragonetti

On Being Mindless: Buddhist Meditation and the Mind-Body Problem, by Paul J. Griffiths. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1986. Pp. 220. $12.95.

On Being Mindless is very far from being brainless. In its logical approach the work is well-crafted. In its expository section Pali and Sanskrit terms are avoided so as to render the concepts in clear English for a wide audience composed of upper-division students and scholars in religion and philosophy as well as the general (educated) public.

Griffiths correctly perceives that altogether to avoid philosophical judgments about Buddhism would be to do the tradition a disservice (xix). A universal rationality thesis is the

REVIEWS 119

basis f~r maki.~g trans-cultural philosophical judgments about BuddhIsm (XVll). At several points where one would hope for some development, however, the reader is informed that the philosophical adequacy of this or that view cannot be pursued (83,95). Although some readers may be thankful for being spared a "?igressio~," those ofa mor~ philosophical bent may feel that GrIffiths brmgs one to a halt Just when the exposition becomes interesting.

The main problem tackled in On Being Mindless is how to understand· "the attainment of cessation" (nirodhasamapatti, sa'f/1:jiiavedayitanirodha). "Cessation" (for short) is part of the enstacy/withdrawallisolation complex of thought as distinct from the knowledge/power/immortality complex distinguished by Griffiths (17), and is a topic addressed by most major Indian Buddhist schools. Griffiths focuses on Theravada, Vaibha~ika and Yogacara discussions. Here, I will concentrate primarily on Theravada.

A major ambiguity in Theravada tradition is explicated by asking whether "cessation" is equivalent to nirvar;a (Buddhaghosa's view) or to nirvar;a in life with substrate (Dhammapala's view). Griffiths' puzzle is: in the second case how could one emerge from "cessation" (30-31)? He offers a complex argument for the claim that the puzzle of how emergence from "cessation" is possible once one enters it is neither answered in Theravada Buddhism nor is answerable on Theravada assumptions (41). (For an alternative account of "cessation" according to which it is no monkey wrench in the Theravada fan requiring disentanglement by scholastics, see Andrew Olendzki's Interdependent Origination and Cessation, a January 1981 Ph.D. dissertation in Lancaster University, available from University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.) Griffiths' argument is summarized as follows:

(1) for the occurrence of any given event Y, there exists a necessary and sufficient condition X (2) no mental events occur in the attainment of cessation (3) all intentions are mental events (4) the necessary and sufficient cause for emergence from the attainment of cessation is the practitioner'S act of intention immediately preceding entry into that state

from which ("the usual Theravadin view") it follows that (5) the necessary and sufficient cause X, for any event Y, need not be temporally contiguous with that event

such that it follows from (1) through (5) that not (6) and/or (7) (6) every existent exists only for a short space of time


(7) for any existent X, causal efficacy can be predicated of X only while X exists

and since (6) and (7) are "both fundamen'tal postulates of Theravada metaphysics," there is a contradiction. "A different way of putting this is to say that" either A or B below obtains.

A (1) through (5) plus (7) entails

(8) the practitioner's act of intention immediately preceding entry into the attainment of cessation still exists at the time of the practitioner's emergence from that attainment

but (8) contradicts (6) or B

(1) through (6) but not (7) "leads inevitably" to (7') and (8') (7') for any existent X, causal efficacy can be predicated of X when X no longer exists if and only if there is an (in principle) specifiable causal chain connecting X to its putative effects (8') the practitioner's act of intention immediately preceding entry into the attainment of cessation is connected to emergence therefrom by an (in principle) specifiable causal chain.

On either horn of the above dilemma there are difficulties, as Griffiths points out. On A there is a contradiction. On Bone is required to say "either that the emergence of consciousness from the attainment of cessation is caused by a physical eventwhich stands in tension with Theravada dualism about mental and physical eventS--Dr that some kind of mental continuum endures within the attainment of cessation-which contradicts the standard canonical definitions of that state." (41)

This isa complex and interesting argument which is likely to occupy the attention of Buddhologists in the future. At the moment I wish to make only two points about it. In order to make the first point I must refer to the following passage (37):

Intentions, in Theravada theory of mind, just are not the kinds of existentievent which can be properly be said to have as their directly antecedent cause a purely physical event: mental events do not arise directly from the body, though there are, of course, manifold and complex kinds of interaction between the mental and the physical, interaction which is described most clearly in Theravadin analyses of the perceptual processes. The fact .that there is no suggestion in Theravadin texts that the mental event of emerging from cessation can have a purely physical cause is,

REVIEWS 121

by itself, a good indication that Theravadins are dualists in the sense that they perceive a fundamental difference between the mental and the physical. -The difference is, on one level, phenomenological: mental events and physical events simply appear different from one another and have different specifiable characteristics, but it is also, I think, metaphy~ical.

The last three sentences of the passage just quoted above are supported by footnotes 80, 81 and 82 respectively. The penultimate sentence (concluding with note 81) is what logicians call an "argument from ignorance." It makes the absence of information seem to be a virtue in saying that the absence of information points to a particular conclusion. In fact, one cannot infer that Theravadins are dualists from the putative fact, "by itself," that they do not deny that "the mental event of emerging from cessation can have a purely physical cause." This is purely a logical point. In addition, there is a question as to whether the alleged fact really is a faC!. For, as Griffiths himself points out in the footnote (Ch. One, # 81):

It is not quite true that there is no suggestion of a purely physical cause for the re-emergence of consciousness. Such may in fact be suggested by the possibility of the practitioner's death (a physical event) directly causing the re-emergence of consciousness (on which see Section 1.5). But this is not a possibility treated with much seriousness by the tradition.

Hence it is clear that Griffiths is willing to admit that there is counter-evidence to his claim.

More important than my first point that the argument above is logically unsound and factually inconclusive, however, is the second of my two points about the complex dilemma offered by Griffiths against Theravada. This point can be stated with reference to the sub-argument above (37), but it has serious implications for the complex argument in the form of a dilemma (A or B) also stated above, and perhaps for the work as a whole. This second point may be put in the form of aquestion as: what is the justification for thinking that there is a form of dualism in Theravada?

Griffiths holds that there is both a phenomenological and . a metaphysical dualism in the Theravada idea of mind. He supports this claim with note 82 which refers to the nama-rilpa ("name-form") distinction and says "opposed to nama is rupa, physical form" (160). Since the Pali term, rupa, is ambiguous, it is problematical to construe it specifically as physical form and


then to use this construal as evidence for a controversial interpretation of Theravada as dualistic. For this construal of rilpa as specifically physical form presupposes (and hence qnnot be evidence for) a dualistic view.

Despite some difficulties which make his case less than entirely convincing, Griffiths gives considerable thought to the topic of "cessation" so as to repay careful reading. His conclusion is: "In sum, we have a non-substantivist, event-based interactionist psycho-physical dualism" (112). Some passages, e.g. as in Griffiths' note 80 discussed above, do suggest that a mind-body dualism is presupposed in Sutta Pitaka Buddhism (SPB), but SPB does not univocally assert a mind-body dualism overall. To follow Griffiths on this point without reservation would be to superimpose a (basically Western) mind-body distinction over alien texts which do not accept the distinction wholesale.

The dualistic reading of Theravada philosophical psychology fits in with Griffiths' general position that "it is more difficult than it seems to dispose of mental substances, and the debates among the Indian Buddhist schools concerning the attainment of cessation make this especially clear" (113). He reads their dualism as "non-substantivist," but maintains that it ought to have been substantivist: "without a substance-based ontology, without postulating an entity of which the mental and physical events described by Buddhist theorists can be predicated ... " can one explain identity and continuity, memory, character traits, and the like (113)? One reply is that even with a substance-view it is far from obvious how these problems can be solved. Not only are there unclarities in the notion of substance (sva-bhiiva) itself, a point that was certainly not lost on the Theravadins, but in this reader's view of the development of Western philosophy the solution to the problems Griffiths. mentions has not been forthcoming even within a predominantly substance/attribute tradition.

Griffiths thinks "it is indicative of a significant intellectual weakness within the tradition that the tradition itself perceived the necessity for construction of a (mental) category which is very much like a substance: the store-consciousness" (113). That is indeed one way to see it. Another is to see the store-consciousness development as unnecessary and perhaps confused. That is, to see the idea of anattii ("non-substantiality") in SPB as coherent in its own terms, not requiring (logically) a substance-view of any sort. One may say that a substance-view is not the answer to philosophical problems of personal identity and continuity with-

REVIEWS 123

out presupposing that SPB is always preferable to later commentaries or schools. As Griffiths himself shows, the store-consciousness idea itself i~ n.ot immune from philosophical criticism (93).

Overall thIS IS an excellent work. Although there is considerably mO,~e to B~dd,?ist.medita:ion and its philosophical psychology than cessatIOn, thIS book IS one of the most careful studies of a narrowly defined area of Buddhism ever to corrie to light. Griffiths is. a ph~los?pher's philosopher and a Buddhologist's BuddhologIst. It IS dIfficult to be even one of these; Griffiths is truly both. The main text is well-written, the production standard is high, and the backmatter (translations of key passages from Abhidharmakosabhi.i~ya and AbhidharmasamuccayabhiiJya in appendices, notes, bibliography, and index) quite useful. Without hesitation this volume can therefore be rightly recommended as a significant contribution to both philosophy and Buddhology.

Frank J. Hoffman

The Twilight Language: Explorations in Buddhist Meditation and Symbolism, by Roderick S. Bucknell and Martin Stuart-Fox. London: eurzon Press, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986. xiii + 233 pages.

In spite of Buddhism's rejection of an enduring essence anywhere in the phenomenal world, Buddhists and Buddhist scholars alike seem forever to have been intent on finding in Buddhism itself just such a core-a svala~ar}a, perhaps, on the basis of which to unify the vast disparity of traditions that go under the name "Buddhist." One of the more intriguing of recent attempts to find such a svala~a'TJa-at least in terms of Buddhist meditation-is The Twilight Language, in which Roderick Bucknell and Martin Stuart-Fox employ a methodology "bringing together. .. phenomenological description of meditation, and the analysis of textual-historical data" (p. 197) in order to demonstrate that "the most advanced [Buddhist] meditation practices [were] not recorded in the Tipitaka, but [were] transmitted through a secretive, elite tradition," that "that tradition may have continued unbroken during the millenium between Gotama's death and the composing of the tantras," and that "the Vajrayana [was] a surfacing of the hitherto hidden elite transmission which Gotama had initiated" (pp. 33-34). Such a thesis, if proved, would


\

alter greatly our understanding of the relationship between two types of Buddhist meditation that often are felt to be polar opposites: Theravadin satipatthiina and tantric sadhgna. Such a methodology, if successful, could change forever the way in which Buddhist studies are conducted.

Bucknell and Stuart-Fox's argument proceeds through four relatively distinct stages.

(1) In the first stage, the authors establish the relatively uncontroversial point that there is a fundamental difference between the two types of meditation favored by Buddhists,tranquility and insight, the one being reductive and non-discursive, the other inclusive and observational. They point out that the most common early formulation of the path, as eightfold, seems to emphasize tranquility at the expense of insight, but that the limitations of tranquility and the centrality of insight have been understood by Buddhists from the outset. Comparing the nikayas' apparent paucity of discussion on insight with the obvious importance of insight to Buddhists everywhere, the authors conclude that there must have existed an "elite meditative tradition" founded by Gotama to transmit the practices of insight meditation.

(2) Having analyzed the "early" textual-historical data and found clear accounts of insight meditation wanting, the authors are faced with having to provide an account of a phenomenon that they themselves admit is ill-defined. Their solution to the historical difficulties is to apply what they call a "phenomenological" methodology, whereby actual introspection-the pFactice of meditation-is employed to arrive at descriptions the texts do not yield. On the basis of their introspection, then, the authors conclude that insight meditation must occur in five distinct stages: (a) concentration, in which there is the attempt to still the mind on a particular object, (b) thought-stream, in which, in the wake of concentration, we become aware of the fluidity and directionality of mind, (c) retracing, in which the thought-stream is traced backward, (d) observation of linking, in which the relationships among the various elements in the thought-stream are understood and (e) awareness, in which one dispassionately, directly, observes events as they unfold in the present.

(3) Having discovered introspectively the actual nature of insight meditation, the authors are able to apply what they have discovered to understanding symbolically a number of important Buddhist categories and concepts that often are taken literally. Thus, they explain the "three knowledges" acquired by the

REVIEWS 125

Buddha on the night of his enlightenment as his successive mastery of retracing (remembrance of previous lives), observation ofynking (clairvoyant vision of the arising and passing away of bemgs) and awareness (knowledge of the destruction of the asavas)'. His enlightenment or nirva1Ja, thus, "was actually the attainment of [a] condition of permanent awareness" (p. 92), while the sa'Y[lsara he transcended was simply the untamed stream of thought, the births and deaths of beings within it a symbolic way of referring to the arising and ceasing of images in the mind. Similarly, the various ariyapuggalas described in Theravada are to be classified not on the basis of the number of rebirths remaining to them, but on the basis of their progress in the fivefold path of insight; and the three marks of existents are related to understandings reached in each of the final three stages of insight practice.

(4) Finally, then, the authors analyze in some detail the fivefold symbolism employed in Buddhist tantric systems, especially in ma1Jrjalas and the system of cakras in the subtle body. They conclude that this symbolism ultimately refers to the unfolding of the five stages of insight meditation described above. Thu.s, the different "dhyani Buddhas" of a tantric ma1Jrjala, as well as the various mudras, vehicles, seed-syllables and elements associated with them, refer to different phases of insight meditation: "the ma1Jrjala does have symbolic meaning .. .it symbolizes the meditative path to enlightenment" (p. 148). By the same token, the different cakras in the subtle body refer not to "real 'psychic centres,' which can be opened if one applies the right meditative techniques" (p. 152), but-as we might now expect-to the stages of insight analyzed by the authors. Thus, the code behind the tantric "twilight language" (sa'Y[ldhii-bhii~a) that so long has perplexed scholars has been broken: it is insight that is intended by those knotty terms and symbols.

What are we to make of all this? There is much in Bucknell and Stuart-Fox's account that is interesting and provocative: their analysis of eightfold versus tenfold Theravada path-structures, their suggestions about the way in which symbolic systems are shaped to conform with pre-existing conceptual patterns and their explorations of the symbolic import of the elements of the ma1Jrjala. Also, to their credit, they are modest about the evidence that can be adduced for their theory, which they consider "no more than a hypothesis which remains open to refutation by scholars working in the field of-Buddhist studies" (p. 191). This said, it must be added that there seem to be considerable difficul-


ties at every stage of their argument, and with th~ methodology, too. I cannot enumerate allthe difficulties any more than I could spell out the argument itself in toto, but let me indicate some of the areas that appear most problematic, with regard first to Theravada, then to tantra, then to their methodology.

The first problem we encounter with the authors' analysis of Thenl.vada is perhaps the most fundamental: their beliefthat insight meditation is not really taught in the Tipitaka, and that it must, therefore, have been transmitted by an "elite meditative tradition." Now there is little doubt that in the nikiiyaS insight meditation receives less detailed treatment than tranquility and/ or the jhiinas, and certainly its practice cannot fully be understood without the instructions of a teacher who must transmit knowledge beyond what is found in the texts. Nevertheless, this hardly justifies the claim that there is in the nikiiyas a vast lacuna where· insight ought to be, since insight meditation is discussed in considerable detail in the two recensions of the Satipatthiina Sutta. Thus, there exists an overt, exoteric tradition of insight meditation to which the authors barely refer. The existence of this tradition would seem, ipso facto, to reduce the necessity or likelihood of an esoteric tradition such as the authors propose. The authors themselves admit that the existence of such a tradition is not given much weight by positive textual or historical evidence; and if the negative evidence they cite (the absence of descriptions of insight) is problematic, then evidence of any kind seems difficult to adduce. I am not denying that there may in fact have been an esoteric tradition in early Buddhism; what I am questioning is whether the authors have provided convincing evidence of such a tradition. .

Further problems are raised by the authors' introspective discovery of the five stages of insight meditation. I have no quarrel with their fivefold process as a (possibly) accurate phenomenological description of what happens in general in meditation. What is problematic is the assertion that this is what Buddhist meditation really is and always has been. The existence of the exoteric tradition of insight meditation described in the Satipatthiina suttas provides rather strong evidence that insight meditation traditionally has been regarded as fourfold, depending on whether its object is the body, sensations, mind or dhammas. The Satipatthiina suttas give fairly detailed instructions on how each of these "foundations of mindfulness" is to be developed, and nowhere is anything like the authors' fivefold scheme suggested. Furthermore, the authors themselves admit (p. 59)

REVIEWS 127

that there is no textual corroboration for the stage of "retracing," and they provide no corroboration for what they call "observation of linking." Indeed, the only two of their five stages that do seem explicitly warranted by the texts are "concentration" and "awareness," which correspond to the two procedures that seem always to have been recognized by Buddhist meditators.

Still a further problem is entailed by the authors' insistence that such central Buddhist concepts as rebirth, sar(lsiira and nirvii1J,a must be understood symbolically, as representing stages of insight meditation. What is troubling about this is not the particular symbolic correspondences the authors draw, as the fact that they insist on drawing them. It is quite evident from their remarks in a number of places (especially p. 196) that they are uncomfortable with a literal reading of traditional Buddhist cosmology, and fear that it will be found irrelevant to the modern world if it is not reinterpreted symbolically. They regard the anlysis of mind in insight meditation as far more profound and compelling than a traditional cosmology, and so insist that that cosmology must merely be symbolic of the deeper process with which they are concerned. No doubt, traditional cosmology may be read symbolically, and often has been; this does not mean, however, that it never has been or should be meant literally, too-and some would argue that that literal reading provides the basic impetus and context for the practice of insight meditation itself. Thus, like so many modern interpreters of Buddhism, the authors go rather too far in insisting that Buddhists have not really believed things that Buddhists have, in fact, believed and, in most cases, continue to believe.

As noted above, Bucknell and Stuart-Fox have undertaken a detailed and fascinating exploration of tantric symbolism in that section of the book where they turn to the Vajrayana and its links to the "elite meditative tradition." They examine various lists of "dhyani Buddhas" and their correspondences with various elements,emblems, skandhas, mudriis, cakras, etc., which are, in turn, correlated with the stages of insight meditation. Unfortunately, their central contention, that the essentially fivefold symbolism of tantra represents the five stages of insight meditation, simply is· not borne out. Though they have familiarized themselves with several of the symbolic schemes found in tantra, and availed themselves of a number of authoritative secondary sources in the area, the authors show little indication of having examined the ways in which ma1J,rjalas or cakras traditionally are utilized, e.g., in the context of generation- or completion-stage


siidhana practices. An appreciation of these siirjhana contexts, in turn, should make it evident that, while a "meditation-stage" interpretation cannot be ruled out (one never can ,rule out alternative interpretations of tantric symbolism!), the symb9lism does not seem centrally concerned to reflect meditative stages, so much as an array of divine forces. And, again, even if "stage-symbolism" is appropriate in some contexts, there is no evidence that the stages symbolized are those identified by the authors.

Another difficulty posed by the authors' treatment of tantra is that in analyzing the symbolism, they insist on a particular set of relations among the five stages of insight, the five dhyani Buddhas, the five mudriis and the five elements, such that any scheme that deviates from what they consider the norm is rejected or revised. Thus, the sequencing of the dhyani Buddhas Vairocana, Ak~obqya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha and Amoghasiddhi is declared to be "symbolically meaningless" (p. 150); and Amitabha is reassigned from the fire to the water element because of his association with the thought-stream and passivity (p. 185). It is not beyond imagining that there are inconsistencies and incoherencies in tantric symbolic schemes; on the other hand, to use a fivefold insight scheme that is itself a hypothetical historical construct as the a priori on the basis of which tantric schemes are to be understood and judged, seems precipitous.

A final, perhaps minor, difficulty with the authors' discussion of tantra is that they use the term "twilight language" quite imprecisely. If we grant for the sake of argument that this is an adequate translation for sar[!dha-bha$ii, it nevertheless remains the case that the authors seem to take the term as synonymous with "tantric symbolism." There may be some sense in which this is true, but they fail to discuss the context in which twilight language most often is found: the dohas and caryiigiti of the sahajiyiis and mahiisiddhas. We are a long way from understanding all that their twilit speech connoted, but the best guesses revolve around various completion-stage siidhana practices and the pursuit of that multivalent summum bonum, mahamudrii; that twilight language symbolizes a set of practices like those discussed by the authors is not impossible, but it is less likely.

Before closing, I want to comment very briefly on Bucknell and Stuart-Fox's methodology, which, it may be recalled, combines phenomenological accounts of introspection with textualhistorical analysis. Meditation hardly has been a standard tool of modern Buddhist scholarship. Some might regret this, as the authors do, and argue that meditation may hold the answers to

REVIEWS 129

many historical and textual problems that are insoluble otherwise. This may be, but if meditation is to be a tool of Buddhist studies, I fear that it must be used with greater care than by the present authors. The experiential sample from which they are drawing never is made entirely clear, and they are rather indiscriminate in their comparisons of these experiences with those of others, citing with approbation anyone, Buddhist or non-Buddhist, who appears to share their ideas, and ignoring or explaining away accounts that seem to differ. Thus, the fivefold scheme of insight meditation that they discover comes to exercise a kind of determinative tyranny over the book, shaping all textual readings, all historical analysis. Yet, as we have seen, the fivefold scheme may reflect an accurate account of the authors' sense of what meditation is and ought to be, but it does not tally so neatly with traditional Buddhist accounts of meditation-and that is what they are purporting to explain.

Indeed, if there is a central problem in the book, it may be that Bucknell and Stuart-Fox are not careful enough to separate explanation from interpretation or history from "theology." If they merely were saying, "this is our experience of meditation, and this is how we· think Theravada and tantra ought to be interpreted by sensible modern: people," they they would have· made a valuable contribution to the ongoing process of Buddhist "theology"-indeed, I suspect that their views and modes of interpretation are shared by many. It seems to me that they are going farther, though, crossing the line into saying: "This is how it is and this is how it must have been, historically." When they cross that line, they are making assertions that they must corroborate by more than the silence of texts and their own intuitionand this they fail to do.

In spite of the problems in their arguments and methodology, we are in debt to Bucknell and Stl\art-Fox for raising a host of issues that deserve further exploration. Can introspection serve as a methodological tool for Buddhist studies? If so, under what conditions? How will conflicting introspectiye claims be adjudicated? What is the process whereby symbolic schemes come to be the way they are? Do they spring full-grown from the visionary experience, or do they reflect the manipulation of pre-existent sets of terms that must be adapted to a new context? Are Theravada and tantric meditation as radically different as so often has been supposed, or are there not, at the very least, "family resemblances"--detectable in the textual tradition-that unite them? Are there, for instance, structural parallels between


the practices of mahiimudrii and satipatthana (or, for that matter, Zen) that would allow us to detect among them a svalak$arJa of Buddhist meditation? Might this, then, not suggest that there is a clear historical continuity between the earliest and latest Buddhist meditative traditions? What positive evidence can be

. brought to bear on this process of transmission? My phrasing of these questions should make it clear that I think Bucknell and Stuart-Fox are on the right track with much of what they say, and I only hope that in future studies, either individual or joint, they will address the questions with sufficient rigor that the promises made-but not fully realized-by The Twilight Language can be fulfilled.

Roger Jackson

IN MEMORIAM

Arthur Llewellyn Basham (1914-1986)

A.L. Basham was born 24 May, 1914, in Loughton (Essex) of Welsh stock. From his father, Edward Arthur Abraham Basham, a journalist who had served as a volunteer in the Indian Army during World War I and was posted at Kasauli, he got his first impressions of India. From his mother, MariaJane, a writer of short stories and an Anglican Christian of deep conviction, he acquired a life-long interest in religions. From both of them, perhaps, he developed the love ofliterature which expressed itself in many ways to the end of his life: in the care which he took with his own writing and that of his students, in his many fine translations of passages from Sanskrit,· Pali and Tamil literature, and in his passion for poetry and novels in several languages. His interest in literature seems to have had no bounds, and certainly ranged far beyond his professional identity as his generation's greatest historian of· ancient India. He loved Bhart,hari, and Ruckert's Indian poems in German; but he was equally fond of Cervantes. He was abreast of the most recent novels, but one of his favorite works, for sheer beauty of language, was the rather obscure Urne-Bunall of Sir Thomas Browne, a seventeenth century English writer of endless vocabulary.

It is not surprising, therefore, that his first book was the proverbial slender volume of verse. Basham's Proem (1935) was the third and last in the series of The Sunday Referee Poets, each of which was a first volume of poetry brought out by Victor Neuburg's Sunday Referee as a prize for the best young poet of the year; the previous volumes were by Pamela Hansford Johnson and Dylan Thomas. This was followed by a novel of Indian immigrant life in East Anglia, The Golden Furrow (1939). Basham once said that with it he proved to himself that he could get published as a writer of fiction, and that he could not make a living at it. In the meantime he had won the Ouseley Memorial Scholarship in Oriental Languages at the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London (1938), and pursued his love ofliterature, and of India, through Sanskrit, earning the B.A. Honours I degree in IndoAryan Studies in 1941.

During the Second World War Basham served, as a conscientious objector, with the Auxiliary Fire Service at Lowestoft. After the war he returned

131


to S.O.A.S. to study ancient Indian history under L.D. Barnett, earning the Ph.D. degree in 1951. The same year saw the appearance of his first indologicaJ book (essentially his doctoral thesis): History and Doctri1Jes oj the Ajfvikas, A Vanishe~lndian Religion, published by Luzac. It was the first book-length study of the AjIvikas and remains the standard work to this day. Bired as a lecturer in the history of India at S.O.A.S. in 1948, he succeeded his mentor upon his retirement, becoming a reader in 1953 and professor in 1957. He continued there until 1965, when he acceptt'd the position of professor and head of the Department of Asian Civilisations at the Australian National University, where he remained until his retirement in 1978.

Basham's second book was the one for which he is best known: The Wonder that Was India (1954). He blamed Edgar Allen Poe for the rather florid title, whose poem "To Helen" provided the line, "The glory that was Greece, and the grandeur that was Rome," from which Basham's publisher took the titles of the first two volumes of a series on the ancient civilizations, and the pattern for the rest. Organized topically, with chapters on prehistory, history, the state, society, everyday life, religion, art, language and literature, and the heritage of India, The Wonder is a veritable encyclopedia of ancient Indian civilization, and as such has served as a basic text for an entire generation of students of Indian history and culture. It is, as Kenneth Ballhatchet has said, a masterpiece of synthesis, and its special quality lies in the spirit of generous and intelligent appreciation towards Indianculture that animates it. Appearing as it did a few years after the independence of India and Pakistan from the British Empire, it offers a kind of scholarship appropriate for the postcolonial age, whose implicit basis is sympathy and mutual respect. Shortly after publication it was reprinted in the United States by Grove Press as the first volume in the series of large paperbacks it pioneered in this country, and showed up in college bookstores all over the country. It has gone into paperback editions in England and India as well, and has been translated into French, Polish, Tamil, Sinhalese and Hindi.

Basham's other writings cover a considerable range, many of them showing the interests in pedagogy, in synthesis and in the creation of a new style of indology to replace the colonial mode that are found in The Wonder. His contributions to Theodore De Bary's Sources oj Indian Tradition are a fine example of the first; his editing of The Civilizations oj Monsoon Asia of the second; and of the third, one could mention his revision of the ancient Indian matter in Vincent Smith's Oxjord History oj India (a particularly intractable case, since Smith's point of view is so quintessentially colonial) and his editing of A Cultural History oj India, replacing Garret's Legacy oj India. His more specialized writings include the editing of the Papers on the Date oj Kan~ka, growing out of a conference he organized in 1960 on the chronology of the KU$aI).as, and shorter pieces on ancient Indian political history, religion, literature, art and medicine. Lectures on "The Formation of Classical Hinduism" that he

IN MEMORIAM 133

gave at several universities under the sponsorship of the American Council of Learned Societies in 1984-85 are being edited for publication by Kenneth G. Zysk.

Readers of this journal have reason to know of Basham's services to Asian scholarship. The International Association of Buddhist Studies chose him as its first president in 1981. His international standing in the field was honored by his election to the presidency of the 28th International Congress of Orientalists, which was held in Canberra in 1971. He was the founding president of the International Association for the Study of Traditional Asian Medicine, and participated in the organization of its first conference in 1979. The Association has established an Arthur L. Basham Medal for "outstanding studies in the social and cultural history of traditional Asian medicine." He was a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society, of which he was director in 1964-65, and of the Society of Antiquaries; Honorary Fellow of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta; Member of the Oriental Society of Australia; Honorary Fellow of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations; Foundation Fellow and VicePresident of the Australian Academy of the Humanities; Honorary President of the South Asian Studies Association of Australia and New Zealand; member of the Australian Committee for Social and Human Sciences of UNESCO; Corresponding Member of the Indian Historical Records Commission; and Vice-President of the Asian Studie.s Association of Australia. Other honors came his way, from the University of London which conferred the degree of D.Lit. on him in 1965, and from India. In 1964 Kurukshetra University made him an honorary D.Lit. In 1975 he was awarded the Dr. B.C. Law Gold Medal for Indology by the Asiatic Society, and in 1977 he was made Vidya-varidhi by the Nava Nalanda Mahavihara. Vishvabharati University, Shantiniketan, gave him the Deshikottama Award in 1985. He was especially pleased to be made the first Swami Vivekananda Professor in Oriental Studies by the Asiatic Society, in the last year of his life.

The universalism that was so striking a feature of Basham's outlook made him something of an itinerant scholar. Up to his retirement from the Australian National University he had held visiting appointments at the University of Ceylon, the University of Wisconsin, El Colegio de Mexico, the University of Pennsylvania, Banaras Hindu University, Utkal University in Bhubaneswar, the Universidad del Salvador in Buenos Aires, the University of Minnesota and Carleton College. After retiring he held a series of visitorships at the University of New Mexico, Minnesota and Carleton, the University of Toronto, Brown University and, finally, the Asiatic Society. When he served the society founded by his compatriot Sir William Jones two centuries previous, the wheel came full circle. He died on 27 January, 1986, and was buried in the Old Military Cemetery of All Saints Cathedral in Shillong.

Basham often said that the accomplishment that gave him the greatest satisfaction was the more than a hundred doctoral students he had directed,


who now occupy academic positions in universities all over India and elsewhere. rVluch of this success with students has to do with the deep love of India and of the Indian people which was so evident in .his makeup, and which drew people to him. But there were other qualities as well. Those who have had the privilege to study under him remember him 'with great and unalloyed affection for his ever-cheerful presence, the way in which he lavished his time and attention on them outside the classroom to teach and counsel, his active concern for their personal problems and his running interference with higher authority for those whose academic standing was problematic. There wasn't a mean bone in his body, but he would side with his students against the world. Administrators thought him somewhat soft; students thought of him as an uncle, as well as a guru. Something of his qualities as an exceptional teacher, it seems to me, are a part of the magic of The Wonder that Was India-through which we have all become, in some measure, his students.

Leave-taking is always painful, and Basham's many friends must feel it especially so in his case, thinking as they do that here was one of the human race's finer representatives, the embodiment of a universal sympathy that the world is much in need of. Perhaps we should leave the last word to him, in a poem of his youth that evokes the passage of time, the succession of the generations, and of being part of a process that is larger than oneself.

CHANGE Here in the swamp before the homestead was spawned from church and cottar's shed, herons the sunning adders hoisted, flies garlanded the auroch's head. Till feudal axes swept a clearing, pierced the forest and dyked the marsh, whereon the binders groan, declaring war on the manor, their voices harsh.

Uncertain centuries smite my garden, and villeins' swine impel the seed. Hammered thorns once oxen goading girder the grass, and apples feed on bones of mediaeval ganders. The slimy pavement of my pond is bedded with the woodman's grinders, immortal in the oaks beyond.

When thousand times higher alloy girders tackle the sky than grasses did, the farm forgotten by new recorders in sunlit depths from first sun hid,

IN MEMORIAM

I trust my fruit trees may be meted to fresh flowers of inverted hues, and these redundant bones, transmuted,

blow in their gardened avenues.

135

(A.L. Basham, from Proem, 1935)

Thomas R. Trautmann

CONTRIB UTORS

Dr. William L. Ames 420 Kearney St. EI Cerrito, CA 94530

Ms. Yael Bentor Uralic & Altaic Studies Goodbody 103 Indiana University Bloomington, IN 47405

Prof. Bernard Frank Instituts d'Asie, Hautes Etudes

Japonaises College de France 22, Avenue du. President Wilson Paris FRANCE

Prof. Frank J. Hoffman Dept. of Social Sciences Station 61.80 University of Montevallo Montevallo, AL 35115

136

Prof. Roger Jackson. Dept. of ReligIous Studies Fairfield University Fairfield, CT 06430

Prof. John R. McRae Dept. of Religion Case Western Reserve University Cleveland, OH 44106

Profs. Fernando Tola and Carmen Dragonetti

C.I.F. Seminario de Indologia Miiiones 2073 1428 Buenos Aires ARGENTINA

GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO JIABS

Article manuscripts, including footnotes, should not exceed approximately 30 pages in length; two clear copies should be submitted. Book reviews should not ordinarily exceed 1,000 words and items for Notes and News sho~ld not exceed 500 words. Manuscripts should be typed, doubles paced, preferably on 81/2 x 11 bond. Footnotes should be placed at the end of the manuscript. Material for publication should follow the guidelines provided by the MLA Style Sheet or any other standard handbook. Material in any major West European language will be considered for publication. Summaries in English are required if the manuscript is in a language other than English.

Italics: Italicize all foreign terms and linguistic citations, except proper names. Parentheses and Brackets: Use square brackets to enclose editorial or

explanatory material inserted in a quotation or translation. Proper names: Names of Asian origin should be given in standard transcrip

tion (see below) and in Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese, the surname should precede the given name, except where modern writers or public figures have established known preferences for the romanizations of their own names. For well-known place names, use the established forms.

Transcription - Sanskrit, Pali and Other South Asian Languages: For Sanskrit and Pali use the standard system given in A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, Appendix X; for other South Asian languages use any available standard transliteration system which is consistent and intelligible.

Chinese, Japanese, Korean: Chinese characters may be used in consultation with the Editors in the body of the text but always preceded by the appropriate romanization: for Chinese use the modified Wade-Giles system as found in the "List of Syllabic Headings" in the American edition of Mathews' Chines£'English Dictionary; for Japanese use the system of Kenkyusha's New JapaneseEnglish Dictionary, but with an apostrophe after syllable-final n before vowels; for Korean use the system given in McCure-Reischauer, "The Romanization of the Korean Language," Transactions of the Korean Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 29 (1939), 1-55.

Tibetan, Mongolian: For Tibetan use the transcription proposed by T. Wylie, "A Standard System of Tibetan Transcription," Harvard Journal of Asian Studies, 22 (1959), 261-7; for Mongolian use the appropriate system from Antoine Mostaert, Dictionnaire Ordos, 769-809.

The JIABS encourages contributors to send their articles on computer disks, accompanied by one paper copy. Please clearly label the disk with format, name(s) of relevant files, and the word-processor or program used to create the files. In addition, please translate the article to ASCII code on the same disk if possible. For more information regarding electronic contributions, write the editor.

jiabs 11-2

Documents

rp ea sukha

earlier tibetan

real entity

dental sibilant

earlier version

conceptual

rp nirudhyate

rp prahasyati