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Social Identities, Volume 3, Num ber 2, 1997 265

1350 4630/97/020265 10 1997 Journals Oxford Ltd

Specificities

Latin American Intellectuals and Collective Identity

JEAN FRANCO

Columbia University

Discussions of identity today run into problems because of the anti-

foundationalism of much contemporary thinking. Notions of an individual

sovereign subject have been undermined by psychoanalysis as well as by post-

structuralism (Deleuze and Guatarri, 1977); if the individu al is no longer a stable

subject, then collective identity can no longer be based on the organicist

assumptions that formerly dominated the classic discussions of Latin American

identity, from Domingo Sarmiento to Octavio Paz. Further, the notion that

memory is a form of continuity which, in turn, helps constitute identity would

seem to be undermined by recent experiences of military governments and post-

dictatorial regim es which have deliberately set out to counter any attempt to

establish a continuity with the period before the military takeovers. Finally the

displacement of the literary intelligen tsia from its hegem onic position by the

technocrats has marginalised the one group that, in the past, took it upon

themselves to imagine the nation. This marginalisation has been intensified by

the market forces that have undermined the legitim ation narratives which had

justified the literary intelligentsia as a disinterested group that, precisely because

of their disinterestedness, could claim to represent truth. Thus, in her recent

book, Escenas de la vida posmoderna, Beatriz Sarlo laments the fact that the claim

of modernist literature to challenge the status quo has not only been weakened,

but the public sphere of debate is itself deprived of any intellectual voice

because of the dominance of the media with their sound bites and their video

clips (Sarlo, 1994).

What makes the situation of this traditional intellectual untenable is the fact

that visual and aural cultures have become as important as print culture. During

the period of state formation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it

was print culture that differentiated the intelligen tsia from the masses of

illiterate peasantry whose orally transmitted culture was regarded simply as

anachronistic or superstitious. National identity was the central preoccupation

of the literary and humanistic intelligen tsia whose model for nationhood and

development was primarily Europe. This meant educating the masses in civic

behaviour and, should this not prove possible because of inferior racial

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266 Jean Franco

characteristics, improving the populace by immigration policies. The replacement

of schools run by the church with secular schools was crucial in this process.

Secular schooling signified, in the words of Jorge Salessi (1995), a central system

that monitored and inspected study programmes and emphasised the study of

national history, geography and patriotic myth. But pedagogy did not stop here.

The Latin American intelligen tsia was also concerned with stressing its

difference without which no sense of national identity seemed possible. Hence

the impossible task of constituting an ideal identity without racial hybridity, or

alternatively, as in the case of Mart, salvaging the spontaneity and vigour of thesubaltern classes. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the ideal of the

intelligentsia was Rods Prospero, the benign teacher, described at thebeginning of his essay, Ariel, surrounded by his young disciples and discoursing

in lofty terms on the ideal characteristics of the Latin nations as opposed to the

materialism of North America.

National identity narratives, of course, were extremely varied. They were

expressed in poetry (Martin Fierro), in numerous allegorical novels in which the

male (and often orphaned) hero set out on a quest for the self and the identity

of his nation (Sommer, 1991), in essays and travel documents. But if they have

one common characteristic it is that they explicitly or implicitly rely on an

analogy between individual and nation, with the understanding that individual

is male. Though the patria was a madre patria, the intelligen tsia was keen to

define itself and the nation as virile, and where weakness was detected this was

attributed to the low elements of society the underclass, women and

homosexuals, and the racial Other. Of these excluded elements, race was

perhaps the most important, particularly as Latin American intellectuals were

influenced by European racial theories and the supposed superiority of the

Anglo-Saxon race. Their responses to these theories were many and varied

in some cases they proposed making the continent whiter. Since the idea of the

nation was linked to a common ethnicity of the inhabitants, racial mixing and

hybridity were seen as negative characteristics, obstacles to modernity. Of

course, among the popular classes collective identities and nations had a

different meaning. Here identity was more often forged around religious figures

and popular legend. Thus, for instance, in Venezuela Bolvar became a mythicalhero born of a black woman (Salas de Lecuna, 1987).

Even in the nineteenth century, however, identity was sometimes seen as

precarious. Machado de Assiss short story, The Mirror, written just after the

abolition of slavery and the declaration of the Republic, describes a young

lieutenant who is left alone on his estate after the slaves have run away. He is

a lost soul until the moment he puts on his uniform and his image once again

looks back at him from the mirror. As William Rowe and Vivien Schelling point

out, it is at this moment of social change that the mirror (and the imagined

identity) become necessary. The uniform, the symbol of the state, confers

identity, providing coherence and unity where there were simply undefined

features (Rowe and Schelling, 1991, p. 162). Machado de Assis, however, was

ahead of his time. For most of the intelligen tsia the collective identity of the

nation was an ideal state to be achieved in the future. Yet this led to an aporia.

For a nations identity was also its difference from other nations, a difference

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Latin American Intellectuals and Collective Identity 267

that was displayed in its popular culture while modernity was the property of

advanced nations with whom Latin America aspired to catch up by

transforming the people (by whitening or education) and thus sacrificing their

specificity.

The analogy between the individual and the nation was extremely persistent

and tended to reflect the intellectual fashions of the times: the geographical

determ inism of the nineteenth century gave rise to a concept of the nation

whose characteristics were geographically determined. In the 1930s

psychological theories predominated. In all cases the task of the intelligentsia

was that of devisin g a cure, a cure that differed according to whether one

regarded the nation as a body prone to sickness and infection or as a psyche

suffering trauma and complexes. The former view was common in the

nineteenth century when the corruption of the body (tuberculosis and syphilis )

was associated with the corruption of the nation. An essay by the Bolivian,

Alcides Arguedas, had the title Pueblo enfermo (1909). Corrupt individuals also

became allegories for corrupt nations in more recent writing, for instance, in

Carlos Fuentes The Death of Artemio Cruz (1962) and Mario Vargas Llosas

Conversacin en la Catedral (1970). The body/nation analogy turned into a sinisterparody when the military governments that came to power in the Southern

Cone began to refer to the left as microbes and bacteria that had invaded the

social body.

Psychological diagnoses of the nation predominated in the 1940s and 1950s.

Thus Samuel Ramos would claim that Mexico suffered from an inferiority

complex (El perfil del hombre y de la cultura en Mxico, 1934), Eduardo Malleawould differentiate between the deep Argentina, which was the true Argentina,

and the surface Argentina (Historia de una pasin argentina, 1937). Probably themost famous of these analyses of national character which were designed to

provide the remedies for backwardness or underdevelopment was Octavio

Pazs The Labyrinth of Solitude, published in 1950. The essay begins with a

chapter on the pachuco, the Mexican inhabitant of the United States. The pachuco

puzzled Octavio Paz because he was neither Mexican nor North American and

in fact appears as a clown or caricature. Paz still wants a national identity that

is not hybrid or ambiguous. Nevertheless, in his essay he attacks Mexican

machismo and the defensiveness of the Mexican who, except in the fiesta, is

unable to open himself to the outside world. Openness is regarded by the

Mexican as feminine and weak, associated with the degraded Malinche (the

indigenou s woman who was Cortess mistress and interpreter) who in modern

Mexico had came to symbolise treachery malinchismo being the synonym of

betrayal. How Mexicans might be able to change their character and become

more open to the Other is a problem that remains unresolved in Pazs book.

Roger Bartra who wrote an interesting survey of the myths of nationalism

concluded, not surprisingly, that Mexican character is an artificial entity that

exists mainly in books and speeches: Mexican national character only has a

literary and mythological existence; which does not mean that it is not powerful

or important (Bartra, 1987).

The exhaustion of organicist theories of national identity became obvious

when they began to be parodied by writers such as Jos Donoso, Garci

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268 Jean Franco

Marquez and Manuel Puig. Garci Marquezs The Funeral of Mama Grande,for instance, exaggerates to the point of absurdity, the analogy between the

despotic body and territory. Mama Grande is an enormously fat virgin (la madre

patria) on whose territorial body is inscribed law, custom, wealth and kinship

relations. Her death and funeral mark the end of a particular regim e

inaugurated during the colonial period, one dominated by the aberrant

Catholicism of the periphery. This had encouraged carnivalesque oral culture

and machismo in which social relations were face to face encounters. After the

death of M ama Grande, it is clear that this personalist government would be

replaced by a more remote and abstract system headed by a distant president

nobody recognises and by imported laws and constitution. The storyteller is

anxious to preserve the memory of Mama Grandes funeral precisely because it

also marks the end of a storytelling epoch. The Funeral of Mama Grande thus

narrates the nation as a transition from oral to print culture, while also

reminding us that magical realism evolved from uneven development: if what

differentiated nations were traditional customs and practices then the

homogenising thrust of modernisation would take away any claim to specificity.

The problem then becomes whether there is any way to preserve national

specificity without sacrificing modernisation, a problem that was easier to solve

culturally than politically.

Although the literary intelligen tsia was primarily interested in national

identity, it was also active in promoting the concept of Latin American identity,

especially in answer to the United States promotion of Pan-Americanism and

Europes (especially Frances) cultural hegemony. Latin American identity

became a burning issue in the wake of the Spanish-American war in which the

United States emerged as the great power of the Americas. Jos Enrique Rodsdefence of Latin anti-materialism and spiritual values as against US materialism,

and Jose Martis defence of our America against imported ideas, though very

different, held considerable appeal to generations of the intelligentsia. During

the 1960s, when the idea of a Third World became broadly used, Latin America

rediscovered an identity based not on the supposedly common characteristics

of the Latin but as part of a formerly colonised world attempting to throw off

the cultural effects of conquest and enslavement. Roberto Fernndez RetamarsCaliban (1970) and Enrique Dussels Philosophy of Liberation (1985) recast Latin

American identity in opposition to imperialism and uneven development.

Caliban argued that a common experien ce of oppression bonded the peoples of

the Third World. Like Shakespeares character, Caliban, Third World peoples

had been forced to speak in the tongue of the dominant power whose shackles

they were now ready to throw off. Although Fernndez Retamars argumentabstains from organicist analogies and recognises the crucial link of discourse

and power, it was also a political intervention on behalf of Cubas cultural

policies which, nevertheless, were regarded with scepticism by many

intellectuals. Censorship and the imprisonment of critics did not seem a

promising basis for Third World solidarity.

Enrique Dussels Philosophy of Liberation, as the title suggests, is an attempt

to create a specifically Latin American philosophy that took into account its

peripheral status. Thus he writes,

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Latin American Intellectuals and Collective Identity 269

The present work claims to be an outline of what would have to be the

first theoretical, provisional philosophical framework of such a discourse.

That is, it is necessary not only not to hide but actually to start from the

centre / periphery, dominator / dominated, totality / exteriority dis-

symmetry, and from there to rethink everything that has been thought

until now. And what is more, it is necessary to think what has never been

thought: the process of the liberation of dependent and peripheral

countries.

Following Fanon, both Retamar and Dussel postulate Latin American and

Third World oppression as defining group identity in the common struggle for

liberation. Just as for Marx, workers acquired their identity through their

relation to a mode of production, so the inhabitants of the Third World acquire

their identities through their relation to uneven development.

The intelligen tsia not only provided blueprints for national and continental

identity but also claimed to represent the virtual nation, the nation not yet a

reality. The locus classicus is Pablo Nerudas Canto General (1950) and more

especially the meditation on The Heights of Machu Picchu which describes how

he overcame his personal existential crisis in a shamanistic encounter with the

pre-Columbian dead. The poet is then resurrected as a plural subject, a we that

encompasses the entire history of the oppressed who now for the first time

speak through the poets words and mouth. In a very powerful section of the

poem, the poet imagines a city built by workers, thus making true Latin

American identity a class identity which, nevertheless, could only be fully

attained in the future.

The diverse literature which I have somewhat schematically surveyed rests1

on certain common assumptions that are no longer generally accepted

organicist notions of society, the common identity of oppressed peoples, the

notion of the writer as representative of an as yet unrealised collectivity. It is

perhaps unnecessary to stress that the ideal commonality that they envision is

never shadowed by gender and racial divisions for the story they tell is

invariably the story of the white or mestizo male. Ironically it was the military

governments that came into power in the late 1960s and early 1970s in the

Southern Cone that displayed the vicious underside of the national identity

story. The nation was patriarchal, authoritarian, and unified only because

dissid ent and alien elements were expelled from the polis and exterminated.

It is probably true to say that the military governm ents, by depriving large

sectors of the population of citizenship, forced a re-examination of collective

identity paradigms that had been exclusionary. Julieta Kirkwoods pathbreaking

document, Ser poltica en Chile (1986), was a critique not only of militarygovernments but of the gender politics of traditional parties which had deprived

women of full citizenship. Movements such as that of the Madres de la Plaza de

Mayo in Argentina or of the families of the disappeared in Chile staged protests

in public places that were associated with citizenship and constitutionality, thus

exposing precisely the vacating of the public sphere. 2

W ith redemocratisation in the Southern Cone, the ending of civil war in

Central America, and the crisis of the institutional party in Mexico, there has

been a wholesale re-examination of nation and national identity. To begin with,

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270 Jean Franco

as Xavier Alb has pointed out, the nation-state is not the sole theatre of action.There are nations over the state for instance, the indigenous nations such as

the Aymara whose organisations transcend the boundaries of the nation-state

(Alb, 1993). There are also states over the nation the internationalorganisations like the World Bank which dictates economic policies and the

United Nations which makes recommendations on issues such as human rights.

Further, the social cost of neoliberalism has been high and although this has

spurred the formation of movements of those excluded from economic benefits

it also has led to the desperate remedies of drug traffic, street violence, looting

and kidnapping. And finally, as I indicated at the beginning of the essay, the

very notion of collective identity becomes more arduous given that anti-

foundational thinking makes both identity and identification precarious so that

the notion of a homogenised Other to be reclaimed or excluded can no longer

be entertained.

Although the literary intelligentsia, especially those who have not succumbed

to the market, is itself pauperised and marginalised, it is too early to write it off

entirely. Despite apocalyptic warnings about the end of critical thinking, many

writers and poets while abandoning any claim to privilege situate themselves

at the margins, monitoring those places where hegem onic discourse ceases to

make sense. 3

The transformation of the notion of collective identity and of the role of the

intellectual, however, is nowhere clearer than in the recent history of the

Zapatista movement in Mexico which, in many ways, marks a transition from

armed struggle to civil society, from revolutionary rhetoric to an emphasis on

reform, from elite leadership to indigenous leadership, from a purely masculine

composition of the group to one that includes women. Although it is important4

not to idealise the movement, its very development since January 1994 is

indicative of the way armed struggle is being replaced by negotiation both in

Mexico and elsew here. When the Comit Clandestino Revolucionario Indgena5

emerged publicly as the political committee of the Ejrcito Zapatista deLiberacin National and took over civic buildings in Ocosingo, San Cristobaland other towns in Chiapas, one of their first acts was to burn municipal

archives. They addressed the communities they took over in the indigenous

languages tzeltal, tzozil, chol and tojolabal.

Much has been made of the Zapatista uses of technology faxes and

electronic mail to get their communiques to the public and also of their

consciousness of the importance of the media. The Zapatistas refused to speak

to the television monopoly, Televisa, on the grounds that they did not need

news, because television monopolies always invented the news anyway.

However, from the point of view of collective identity, the Zapatista movement

is particularly interesting in that it was not a purely ethnic movement but

included mestizos and sought alliances with other grassroots movements and

with the intelligen tsia whom it invited to its convocatoria.

Just as interesting has been the role of Subcomandante Marcos, the masked

spokesperson who clearly had literary pretensions. One of his documents,

Chiapas: the South East in Two Winds: a Storm and a Prophecy, was quite

different from political discourse (de Lella and Ezcurra, 1994). For instance, he

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Latin American Intellectuals and Collective Identity 271

used chapter headings similar to those of novels of chivalry. The heading of the

first chapter reads, which narrates how the supreme government was saddened

by the poverty of the Indians of Chiapas and how they thought it good to bless

the place with hotels, prisons, garrisons and a military airport.

Adopting the tone of a guide, Marcos inverts the usual tourist information

on historical sites, population and hotels and offers a kind of guidebook in

reverse. Only a third of the towns have paved roads, education is the worst in

the country and health care is below the national average. Fifty four per cent of

the inhabitants of Chiapas are undernourished. Among the tourist attractions he

recommends are a park administered by the army and the well-built houses that

belong to the Garrison of the 31st military zone. The ironic tour guide has its

antecedents in a devastating essay by the Argentine writer, Julio Cortzar, whichdescribes the masses of homeless outside Calcuttas railway station. Cortzar(1969) characterises this as a tourism to be recommended.

The second feature of the Zapatista communiques is the fact that they often

use revolutionary rhetoric as well as the syntax and rhetoric of the indigen ous

languages. An example of the first is their claim:

Somos herederos de los verdaderos forjadores de nuestra nacionalidad, los

desposedos somos millones y llamamos a todos nuestros hermanos a que sesumen a este llamado como el nico camino por no morir de hambre. Nosoponemos a los que mismos que se opusieron a Hidalgo o Morelos, lo que

traicionaron a Vicente Guerrero y los mismos que vendieron mas de la mitad de

nuestro suelo al extranjero invasor.

W e are the heirs of the true makers of our nation, we the dispossessed are

millions and we call on our brothers to answer this call as the only way

not to die of hunger. We are against the same people as those that

Hidalgo and Morelos fought, the same people who betrayed Vicente

Guerrero and the same who sold more than half of our soil to the

invading foreigner.

Now while it is true that this statement implies an authentic and originary

nation as opposed to the usurping nation and thus clearly belongs to the older

national identity paradigms and revolutionary rhetoric, there is, as Enrique

Dussel has pointed out, a quite different Zapatista rhetoric which draws on

indigenous history.

Durante aos y aos cosechamos la muerte de los nuestros en los camposchiapanecos, nuestros hijos moran por una fuerza que desconocamos, nuestroshombres y mujeres caminaban en la larga noche de la ignorancia que una sombra

tenda sobre nuestros pasos. Los mas viejos de los viejos de nuestros pueblos noshablaron palabras que venan de muy lejos, de cuando nuestras vidas no eran, decuando nuestra voz era callada.

For years and years, we reaped the death of our people in the fields of

Chiapas, our children died for reasons we did not know , and we walked

in the long night of ignorance that a shadow spread over our steps. The

most ancient of the ancients of our peoples spoke words which came from

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272 Jean Franco

afar, from a time before our lives, from a time when our voice was

silenced.

The recurrent word in the communiques is dignidad (dignity) which the

Zapatistas consider a basic right. Witness:

Es por eso que nosostros nos levantamos ... nos vimos en esa necesidad de

hacerlo, nosotros los indgenas luchan porque se nos respete nuestra dignidad.Eso es lo que nosostros decidimos a que se nos tuviera respeto.

It is for this that we rise up ... we had to do it, we the indigenous struggle

so that our dignity may be respected.

Claiming democracy as an ancestral right, the movement has progressively

broadened its demands from reform in Chiapas to national constitutional reform

and the formation of a true civil society.

Collective identity, based on a common history of exclusion and iterated

through oral culture and written documents, depends on the cognitive mapping

of a locality which is not simply a region of refuge but a terrain marked by a

history of plunder by the nation-state exacerbated in recent years by the

deforestation and exploitation by global capitalism. But unlike autarchic

movements such as Sendero Luminoso, the Zapatistas have been far more ready

to make the transition from armed struggle to working for the transformation

of civil society. The agreem ent was commented on by Commandant Tacho, a6

top commander who led the talks for the Zapatistas. Of course, the Zapatistas

are not beyond reproach. A recent book by Carlos Tello Daz seeks toundermine their influence over sectors of the intelligen tsia by tracing the origins

of the movem ent in the guerrilla warfare of the 1970s (Diaz, 1995). And in a

recent public discussion with Subcomandante Marcos a leading Mexican

intellectual, Carlos Monsivis, expressed serious reservations about the arm edstruggle legacy of the Zapatistas while supporting this and other attempts in

M exico to form a viable civil society. Interestingly, while Subcomandante7

Marcos attempted to appeal to the intelligen tsia to support the Zapatistas in the

discussions, Carlos Monsivis emphasised the ethical responsibility of all thoseengaged in the struggle for a participatory civic space.

But there are also quite new forms of collective identity, quite different from

that of the Zapatistas, movements such as the pan-Mayan one in Guatemala

with its invention of tradition or the Afro-Colombian movements. Unlike the

Zapatistas, these seem to have come into being as new social movements

seeking spaces for collective representation within neoliberalism. And with them

there have emerged also new kinds of organic intellectuals who do not need

the mediation formerly provided by the literary intelligentsia.

The major problem for Latin America at the present time is the social cost of

neoliberalism which explains the importance of these new social actors

women, the indigenous, retirees, gay groups. The technical experts, particularly

economists and those social scientists who are there to make the system work,

have come under attack from other sectors of the intelligen tsia whose attention

has turned to ethical responsibilities in a world in which we can no longer think

in terms of fixed identities, collective or otherw ise, but in which there is an ever

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Latin American Intellectuals and Collective Identity 273

wider division between the complexity of academic thought and the majoritys

struggle for survival.

Jean Franco may be contacted at Columbia University, Latin American Studies, 116th

Street, New York, NY 10025, USA .

Notes

1. These issues are dealt with more fully in Franco (1967).

2. These have been much discussed. See, for example, Bousquet (1983) and

Vidal (1982)

3. See, for instance, Diamela Eltits testimonial of a homeless schizophrenic, El

padre mio (1989), in which she carefully refrains from the interpretive gestures

common among compilers of testimonials.

4. The following studies are helpful: Collier with Quaratiello (1994); Chomsky

et al. (1995).

5. The Guatemala peace process is another example of this.

6. For instance, The New York Times of 15 February l996 reported the completion

of an agreem ent on Indian rights between the Government and the

Zapatistas.

7. The correspondence was published by La Jornada, January l996.

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