jamat pakistan ipcs article 1

8/7/2019 Jamat Pakistan IPCS article 1

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Jamat-e-Islami Pakistan: Leadership and

Policies

Arshi Saleem Hashmi

Senior Research Analyst, Institute of Regional Studies, Islamabad

From a student of Sociology to Islamic Studies, a comrade of National

Student Federation (NSF) a progressive left wing group to Jamiat-e-

Tulaba activist (JeI student group), Syed Munnawar Hasan is the new

Amir of JeI. Considered to be a hardliner in the party, it is fair to say

that he has a life from one extreme to another. The JeI leadership is

not dynastic; the party has always held elections to choose its office

holders. Nobody can seek leadership; instead a politburo of sorts

(Shura) proposes three candidates from whom the party members

(Arkan) then choose their Ameer for a four-year term. There is no limit

on the number of terms an individual can serve. The party is

egalitarian in that most of its top leadership comes from lower or

middle class rural or small town families.

Issues confronting the Party

JeI is an ideological party but that does not mean that there is

complete harmony within the party, the party is clearly divided

between the ideologues and pragmatists though both believing in

Maududism, they have different approaches towards achieving the

goals. The conflict between pragmatic and ideologicalMududismhas

developed lot of discrepancy among the followers of JeI all over the

world. Due to this there are often conflict of ideas and confusion

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among the followers of Maududi with individual ideology and with

institutional ideology.

Another important issue within the party is ethnicity, though JeI would

never accept this, but Punjabis are more in numbers than other ethnic

groups, there are Pashtuns and then Muhajirs (Urdu speaking migrants

from India). Election of Munawar Hasan as chief of JeI Pakistan,

surpassing many senior clerics was a step to reconcile with the Muhajir

members and vote- bank as JeI is facing tough competition with MQM

in urban Sindh particularly in Karachi.

Likely Political Focus and Strategies

Given the fact that the current leadership is quite inflexible vis--vis

the West and its policies particularly in Afghanistan and Pakistan, there

will be hard-line approach on part of the Jamat-e-Islami in future. An

indication is the recent initiative by JeI and JUIF and other religious

parties in Pakistan who agreed to adopt joint strategy against US

intervention in the country but the awaited announcement for revival

of MMA has not been made. However, a lot has to be sorted out before

another MMA alliance takes shape .The Sunni Itehad is not happy with

the orthodox polices of the JUIF and JeI. It believes that

fundamentalism and terrorism would re-emerge in the country with the

reunion of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), as its last regime in the

NWFP provided safe heavens to the Taliban and al Qaeda-linked

terrorists.

Jamats Politics & Policies: Implications for

national/regional politics

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When it comes to Kashmir, JeI is adamant on its decades old policy of

no compromise on the future of Kashmir, they see Kashmir as part of

Pakistan and the issue has highest status in their priority. It seems that

JeI is least bothered about the changing political scenario in the region

and still believes in Kashmir jihad. According to Syed Munawar

Hasan, the era of the US would be over soon as it was facing a

humiliating defeat in Afghanistan. He believes that the real threat to

Pakistan came from Americanisation and Altafization (MQM), and not

Talibanisation. JeI Pakistan described the U.S.s new Afghan policy as

a declaration of war against the tribesmen in Pakistans tribal region.

It seems that JeI Pakistan will remain a small group comprising

pragmatist and ideologues of Maududism. 2008 elections were clear

indication of the frustration of the people of Pakistan with the religious

right but there is another dimension to look at it, people have very

short memory and now that the secular, progressive government

of PPP is not doing enough for the people, they might again turn

towards the Islamists. Within a short span of two years, public opinion

is once again changing and JeI is shrewd enough to make the most outof it.

Like in the past , the religious parties particularly JeI would in some

way or other remain in close alliance with the military if not overtly

than an understanding would be there to work for the military as

military now does not want to come in front criticizing the working of

the government. That is why both the religious parties and Judiciary

are encouraged to keep a check on the political government.

Nevertheless, we should not underestimate JeIs street power and

mosque to mosque network. Its presence in the universities and

neighborhood are unmatched for mass mobilization.

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On issues of regional and international politics JeI will continue to

remain active through its vast network in Pakistan, India, and

Bangladesh and Kashmir. However, on domestic front, the rivalry with

the MQM would hamper any hope for JeI to monopolize the politics of

urban Sindh. JeI is desperate to expand its political influence which is

fast fading away; there will be more show of street power against

governments inability to provide basic needs to people, against drone

attacks, against occupation of Afghanistan and against US facilitated

India-Pakistan normalization of relations. In desperation to achieve

political influence, the JeI might come under Nawaz Sharif flag. Hence

prospects of a new alliance emerging from Raiwand (Lahore) led by

Sharifs do exist but of course depend on a numbers of others factors as

well. Nawaz Sharif though not in favor of anti India policy might

publically make an alliance with the Jel and JUIF against the present

government to ensure maximum benefit in the next elections. The pro-

Taliban slogan may not help them this time but anti-US stance would

surely fetch them many votes.

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jamat pakistan ipcs article 1

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