PROUDLY PRESENTS

JAKARTAMODEL UNITED NATIONS 2015

Study Guide

UNSCUnited Nations Security Council

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Welcome Letter

Dear Delegates,

It is with great excitement that we welcome you to the United Nations Security

Council of Jakarta Model United Nations 2015. Directing this special council will be two

directors who are no strangers to the MUN scene, but are still feel honoured to direct the

council.

First of all, let us introduce ourselves. Abdul Razak is a third-year undergraduate

studying International Relations at the Universitas Padjadjaran. Razak started Model United

Nations in his second year of study and since then actively participates as delegate and often

as director in many other conferences. Razak served as the Director of International Court of

Justice in Asia-Pacific Model United Nations Conference 2014 in Brisbane, Australia and

Director of Historical Security Council in Singapore Model United Nations 2015. Jakarta

MUN 2015 will be his seventh times chairing.

Zain Azzaino is a second-year undergraduate majoring in Civil Engineering at

Universitas Indonesia. Zain won Diplomacy Award in Harvard World Model United Nations

2015 in Seoul, South Korea. Aside from being a delegate, Zain has also chaired in several

Model United Nations, including previous Indonesia and Jakarta MUNs. We hope that our

experiences will be beneficial to the dynamics of debate in our council.

This document will provide you with a study guide as your reference for the debate in

our council. However, this study guide is not intended to cover all information regarding the

issue, but rather provide a good starting point of your further research upon the Ukrainian

Crisis. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact us. We are eager to address

any concerns you may have before, during, and after the conference. We look forward to

meeting all of you on our fruitful sessions.

Sincerely,

Abdul Razak and Zain Azzaino

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Table of Contents

Welcome Letter .......................................................................................................................... 1

Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... 2

Introduction to the Committee ................................................................................................... 3

Introduction to Topic Area......................................................................................................... 5

History of the Problem ............................................................................................................... 5

Current Situation ........................................................................................................................ 7

Past International Actions .......................................................................................................... 9

Proposed Solutions................................................................................................................... 11

Bloc Positions .......................................................................................................................... 13

Questions A Resolution Must Answer ..................................................................................... 14

Closing Statement .................................................................................................................... 15

Bibliography ............................................................................................................................ 16

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Introduction to the Committee

The United Nations Charter established six main organs of the UN, which is United

Nations General Assembly, Economic and Social Council, International Court of Justice,

Trusteeship Council, Secretariat, and United Nations Security Council (United Nations,

1945). Historically, the Security Council held its first session on 17 January 1946 at Church

House, London. Since its first session, the UNSC has taken permanent residence at the

United Nations Headquarter in New York City, United States of America (United Nations

Security Council, t.thn.).

The Security Council originally consisted of 11 members which are five permanent

members consist of United States of America, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the

Republic of China, France, and United Kingdom, and six non-permanent members which

consist of two members from Latin America, one member from Commonwealth of Nations,

one member from Eastern Europe, one member from Middle East, and one member from

Western Europe. These six non-permanent members were elected by the United Nations

General Assembly for two-year terms (United Nations Security Council, t.thn.).

An amendment is adopted in 1965 to increase the number of non-permanent members

to achieve equitable representation among regions. The new amendment regulates that ten

non-permanent members consist of three members from Africa, two members from Asia-

Pacific, one member from Eastern Europe, two members from Latin America, and two

members from Western Europe and Others. Five of ten non-permanent members are elected

each year by the United Nations General Assembly for two-year terms. Another change

occurred for the membership of United Nations Security Council in 1971 when People’s

Republic of China replaced Republic of China and in 1991 when Russian Federation replaced

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as the permanent members of the United Nations

Security Council (The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2015).

Under article 24 of the Charter, United Nations Security Council has primary

responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Unlike other organs of

the United Nations which only may make recommendations to member states, to carry its

responsibility, Security Council has the power to make decisions that member states are

obligated to implement its decisions which is stated on article 25 of the Charter. For the

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performance of its functions, the United Nations Security Council may establish such

subsidiary organs (United Nations, 1945).

The Security Council shall call upon the parties of any dispute which the continuance

of it is likely to endanger international peace and security to settle that dispute by negotiation,

enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, or other peaceful means

(United Nations, 1945). To do so, the Security Council may set forth principles for such an

agreement, undertake investigation and mediation, dispatch a mission, appoint special

envoys, or request the Secretary-General of the United Nations to use his good offices

(United Nations Security Council, t.thn.).

Beyond this, the Security Council may decide what measures are to be employed and

call upon all member states to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial

interruption of economic relations and severance of diplomatic relations. Should the Security

Council believe that such measures are inadequate, it may take air, sea, and land forces to

demonstrate, blockade, or other operations (United Nations, 1945).

Furthermore, when a dispute leads to hostilities, the Security Council’s primary

concern shall be to bring them to an end as soon as possible. In that case, the council may

issue ceasefire directives and dispatch peacekeeping forces to help reduce tensions, separate

opposing forces, and establish a calm for the purpose of maintaining international peace and

security (United Nations Security Council, t.thn.).

Each member of Security Council shall have one vote. Decisions of the Security

Council on procedural matters shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine members and

decisions of the council on all other matters shall be made by an affirmative vote of nine

members including the concurring votes of the permanent members (United Nations, 1945).

This right of the permanent members is usually known as the right to veto which does not

exist in any other council of the United Nations.

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Introduction to Topic Area

The Ukraine Crisis, at its simplest, is a conflict between the pro-Russian and pro-

European supporters. While it began as demonstrations supporting either European or

Russian integration, it quickly escalated and became an armed conflict between the Ukrainian

government and pro-Russian separatist forces. It is a conflict that has major influences on the

international community, inciting sanctions from supporters of both sides and causing harm

to the global economy. As a result of its overreaching effects, the Security Council has

decided to hold a session to discuss solutions towards resolving the Ukraine Crisis and

maintaining internal peace and security.

The Ukraine Crisis itself can be divided into three periods: the Euromaidan and

Ukrainian Revolution, the Crimean Crisis, and the current War in Donbass. All three periods

are characterized with huge political instability and armed conflict. This study guide will

examine all the events within each period and reactions of each period to the international

community.

History of the Problem

A. 1991 and Below

The Crimea is a strategic region within Ukraine. Thus, the Ukrainian Crisis is not the

very first time Ukraine and Russian Federation engaged in tensions over this territory. Crimea

was under the control of Russia Empire in 1783 to protect Russian in the region of the

Ottoman Empire, a reason which is currently also used by Vladimir Putin, President of

Russian Federation. This acquisition gave Russia access to establish a naval base that would

become home to the Russian Black Sea Fleet. This base was a major factor in a war between

Russia and Ottoman Empire which won by Russia (Spencer, 2014).

After the Bolshevik Revolution that established Union of Soviet Socialist Republic,

Crimea became an independent state within the Soviet Union. It maintained this independent

status until World War II when it was merged into Russia. It remained part of Russia, until

Nikita Khrushchev, Soviet Premier, returned it to Ukraine in 1954. When the Cold War

ended, Soviet Union collapsed, and Ukraine is independent in 1991, Ukraine found itself in

the possession of this highly significant region. In this post-Soviet era, Crimea get unique

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status which is to have a high level of regional autonomy, such as to have its own legislative

body, constitution, and government (BBC, 2015).

B. Euromaidan and Ukrainian Revolution

In November 2013, Ukraine’s President, Viktor Yanukovych, with his country

barrelling toward economic catastrophe, faced a choice. He could make a long-term deal with

the European Union to bolster integration and trade or he could take a loan from Russia and

move his a country toward a planned Eurasian Union with Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia.

After internal consideration, Yanukovych decided to take a loan from Russia (Yuhas, 2014).

The decision has a large consequence. It sparked protest on Kiev’s Independence

Square, aka the Euromaidan. Thousand joined to fight the Yanukovych’s government which

deemed corrupt. A dramatic turning point in the protests came on 30 November 2013, when

Yanukovych sent in the Berkut Special Forces at 4 a.m. to clear the several hundred students

and others occupying the square. The brutal attack, caught on several lives camera, showed

the masked and helmeted Special Forces laying into the students and beating them bloody

(Diuk, 2014).

Eventually, Yanukovych fled to Russia. On 22 February 2014, Ukrainian MPs have

voted to oust President Viktor Yanukovych and hold early presidential election on 25 May

2014. This also result in the release of Yulia Tymoshenko, a prominent opposition leader

from detention. Therefore, the opposition is now in effective control of the capital Kiev. This

decision was passed by 328 MPs which is called constitutional majority, thus it is binding and

enter into force with immediate effect. Yanukovych gave response by described that events as

a coup. He insisted that he was the lawfully elected president. He claimed that MPs had been

beaten, pelted with stones, and intimidated (BBC, 2014).

The Euromaidan protests have frequently been portrayed as a battle between the pro-

European West and the pro-Russian East, a legacy of Ukraine’s own history of Russian

domination. Given that Crimea has a modern history intrinsically linked with Russia, contains

largest population of ethnic Russians within Ukraine, and harbours a significant portion of

Russia’s navy in Sevastopol, Crimea is clearly an important place in that narrative (Taylor,

2014).

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C. Anti-Maiden and Russian Intervention

Although the Euromaidan movement was successful in ousting Yanukovych, the

Maiden movement has never had the majority support in the Eastern and Southern regions of

Ukraine. Many people were scared and outraged with the exaggerated pictures they saw on

television of violent clashes in Kiev, armed paramilitary groups including many far right

elements controlling the streets, attack on Lenin’s monuments, and the far right Svoboda

party included into the new government. Many people in the east and south regions of

Ukraine call it the Kiev Junta and disapprove of its actions. They demand a better economic

condition of Ukraine, and to achieve that, they believe that the government shall nationalise

enterprise and rewards their labour. Many of them believe that the only way to recover

Ukraine’s economic crisis is by enhance cooperation with Russia (Ishchenko, 2014).

During the night of 27/28 February 2014, a military operation began in Crimea with

the aim in of Russia taking military control of the peninsula to secure Russian in Crimea as a

response to the coup in Kiev. This was carried out by units of the Black Sea Fleet with other

Russian army units transported onto the peninsula from Russian territory. At the start of the

operation, the Russian and Ukranian forces in Crimea were numerically relatively closely

balanced wuth 14.600 Ukranian Soldiers and 15.000 Russians. However, Russians Soldiers

was far superior in terms of maritime and air capabilities as well as in terms of their quality of

eqiupment and level of training (Wilk, 2014).

Current Situation

Following the annexation of Crimea and the Anti Maiden movements, the new area of

conflict within Ukraine is within the Donbass region. The War in Donbass, or War in Eastern

Ukraine, is an armed conflict between the Ukrainian government and the separatist forces of

the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republic. The War in Donbass is currently

the greatest area of conflict within Ukraine and thus requires thorough scrutiny from the

Security Council, as the conflict still continues in the present time.

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A. Start of the War in Donbass

The War in Donbass began with demonstrations from pro-Russian groups in Donetsk

and Luhansk. These demonstrations escalated and occupied important government buildings

within their respective regions, the Donetsk Regional State Administration building and the

Luhansk Security Service of Ukraine building. Eventually, both areas proclaimed

independence as the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic. From

there, they quickly began to expand and take control of strategic infrastructures within the

Donbass region. By 14 April, 2014, they had taken control of many government buildings

within the Donbass oblast (Hills, et al., 2014).

For the Security Council, the importance of the start of the War in Donbass mainly

lies within the suspicious origins of the two self-proclaimed republics. Many of the separatist

fighters are Russian citizens and the prime ministers of both republics were originally

Russian citizens (Kramer, 2014). The origins of the weapons of both republics during the

conflict are also both unknown. Ukrainian media have announced that the separatist fighter

uses their equipment with extreme proficiency, on a level that is beyond the ability of

volunteers and requires military experience (Walsh, et al., 2014). Many countries, including

USA and UK, have also continuously stated the involvement of Russia. However, the

connection between the military strength of the Donetsk and Luhansk’s People Republic and

Russia was never verified by the Russian Federation during the beginning of the War in

Donbass.

B. Russian Military Intervention in the War in Donbass

and Minsk Protocol Before the official intervention of Russia, Russian soldiers have already been detected

within the region. Finally, on 27 August, 2014, two columns of Russian tanks entered

Ukrainian territory and engaged Ukrainian forces (Griffin, 2014). From there, Russian

involvement quickly began to escalate. Russian forces quickly took control of Southeastern

city of Novazovsk and Ilovaisk and began to commit several questionable actions, including

the deportation of Ukrainian citizens and destruction of houses in Novazovsk, as well as the

assault of Ukrainian forces after their surrender (Walker, et al., 2014).

The time period of August and September was when Russian forces began to expand

its area of operations within the region. While there was a ceasefire agreement, called the

Minsk Protocol, between Ukraine and Russia in September, the Russian government

eventually denied its existence. The ceasefire eventually collapsed due to several violations

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shortly after. It is important to note that during this entire period of conflict, Russian officials

have denied reports of military operations between Ukraine.

From September until the end of the year 2014, Russian involvement continued to

escalate. On 7 November, the Russian military began to send more forces into Ukraine,

including tanks, howitzer cannons, and 30 trucks of troops. Due to the influx of Russian

support, the Russian separatist began to have technical superiority over the Ukrainian army

(Giles, 2014). As a result, despite several close defeats, the separatist forces continued to take

control of several cities within the Donbass region. However, even with multiple reports of

Russian troops and Warfare on Ukrainian territory, the Russian government continues to

deny involvement within the conflict.

C. Recent Status of the War in Donbass

Even on the onset of 2015, the War in Donbass continues to intensify, as additional

Russian troops, along with tanks, crosses the Ukrainian border in January 2015 (Lacqua, et

al., 2015). The most intense point in conflict was at the Donetsk International Airport.

Eventually, near the end of January, Ukrainian forces in the Donetsk International Airport

were defeated by the Donetsk People’s Republic (Kramer & Lyman, 2015). Following this

victory, separatist forces continued to expand their area of control, which continued until

February with the introduction of a new ceasefire called Minsk II.

Although the Minsk II was officially signed by the leaders of Ukraine and Russia,

fighting continued within several areas. After several more minor violations of the ceasefire

in March and April, there was a major violation in 3 June after the separatist forces launched

an attack on the city of Marinka (Burridge, 2015). This attack included both heavy artillery

and tanks and may indicate a future escalation of the conflict again, even after the ceasefire.

However, a complete collapse of the Minsk II ceasefire has yet to start as of 20 June.

Past International Actions

A. Recent Status of the War in Donbass

In 15 March 2014, Russian Federation vetoed a United Nations Security Council

resolution that declared a planned Sunday (16 March 2014) referendum in Crimea is illegal.

Russian Federation is the only member states of the United Nations Security Council that

vote against this draft resolution. People’s Republic of China, Russian Federation’s ally on

the council, is the only one who vote abstained. Vitaly Churkin, Russian Ambassador to the

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United Nations, explained his vote that Russian Federation will respect the result of Sunday

referendum as a form of recognizing Crimean people’s right of self-determination (Sengupta,

2014). With this veto, United Nations Security Council did not adopted any resolution in

2014 regarding Crimean crisis.

B. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 68/262

In this resolution, the General Assembly affirms its commitment to the sovereignty,

political independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally

recognized borders. This resolution also clearly stated that it underscores that the referendum

which held on 16 March 2014 in Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol

having no validity and can not form the basis for any alteration of the status of the

Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Therefore, the General Assembly calls upon all states,

international organizations, and specialize agencies not to recognize any alternation of the

status of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (United Nations General Assembly, 2014).

This resolution was adopted on 28 March 2014 with 100 vote yes, 11 vote against, 58

vote abstain, and remaining 24 did not vote. 11 member states that vote against are Armenia,

Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, North Korea, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Venezuela,

and Zimbabwe. Vitaly Churckin, Russian Federation’s Ambassador to the United Nations

considers the vote a victory. He said that the result is rather satisfying for us as we have won

a moral and a political victory by showing that Russian Federation is not isolated by the fact

that almost half of the members of the United Nations refused to support this resolution. In

the other hand, Ukraine’s Foreign Minister, Andriy Deshchytsia said that the adoption of this

resolution means that the world is united and Russian Federation is isolated (Dolgov, 2014).

C. Western Sanction on Russia

In response to the so-called illegal annexation of Crimea, the European Union has

imposed restrictive measures against the Russian Federation as an effort on deescalating the

crisis in Ukraine. On 6 March 2014, EU started to suspended bilateral talks with Russian

Federation on visa matters, the new EU-Russia Agreement, and preparation for G8 Summit.

On 17 March 2014, the EU imposed the first travel bans and asset freezes apply to 151

Russian officials and 37 entities are subject to a freeze of their assets in the EU (European

Union, 2014).

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Started at the exact same date, Obama, President of United States of America, signed

Executive Order 13660 that authorizes sanctions on individuals and entities responsible for

violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Following this, on 17 March

2014, President Obama issued Executive Order 13661 that declare Russian Federation’s

actions in Ukraine, including the deployment of Russian military forces undermine

democratic and threaten its peace, security, and stability of Ukraine. On 20 March 2014,

President Obama issued a new Executive Order to expand two previous executive orders to

be more specific for those individual who are Putin’s, President of Russia, Inner Circle (US

Department of State, 2014). These economic and also diplomatic sanctions, by western

countries, send a strong message to the Russian government that there are consequences for

their actions that deemed as threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Proposed Solutions

A. Recognizing Crimean Right to Self-Determination

While the majority of the conflict has transferred to the Donbass region, the

controversy of the annexation of the Crimean territory remains. Ukraine’s acting President,

Oleksander Turchinov, states that the current authorities in Crimea are illegitimate. NATO

and European Union state the annexation of Crimea as illegal and in violation of the 1994

Budapest Memorandum. On the other hand, Russia denies its actions as illegal annexation

and states its referendum as complying with international law.

In regards to the views on Crimean Right to Self-Determination, the majority of the

international community has not recognized the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol as part of

Russia. Only a few countries recognize the Crimea as federal subjects of Russia. On the other

hand, as the voting of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 68/262 show, many

countries prefer to remain neutral in this issue.

Although there have been several United Nation resolutions on the annexation of

Crimea, this issue continues to persist. Any resolutions from the Security Council regarding

the Ukrainian Crisis have yet to pass. The difficulty in passing a resolution currently lies in

the divided nature of the Security Council. Therefore, it is clear that there also needs to be an

importance on the implementation of any resolutions and on the overall approval of any

resolutions.

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B. Adjusting Sanctions

Due to their disapproval towards the actions of the Russian Federation in the

Ukrainian Crisis, many governments have applied sanctions against individuals, businesses,

and official from Russia. The beginning sanctions were led by either the United States or the

European Union. However, in response to the escalating War in Donbass, several other

countries have also begun to apply their own individual sanctions. As a result, the Russian

Federation also began to apply reciprocal sanctions, especially towards the United States and

the European Union.

While the sanctions were applied to compel the Russian Federation and Ukraine to

stop the conflict, the reciprocal sanctions from Russia makes it clear that the sanctions will

not severely affect the policies of the Russian Federation. In fact, there has been mounting

concerns in Europe that the recent sanctions, from the second half of 2014 and onward, have

been counterproductive, as they severely harm the European economy. Several major

politicians also believe that sanctions do not contribute to ending conflicts (Gaffey, 2015).

Therefore, as their effectiveness is in doubt, it may be necessary to change the

sanctions towards Russian Federation. The complete removal of all sanctions from both sides

may remove enmity and contribute towards cooperation. On the other hand, if there is are no

strides towards solutions, then the removal of sanctions will be a pointless action. In addition

to analyzing the effectiveness of the sanctions, delegates also need to examine steps towards

cooperation after adjusting any sanctions.

C. Military Intervention

The Ukrainian crisis began on the onset of 2014 and has continued until recent times.

While there have been several stops and ceasefires during the crisis, there has yet been to be a

definitive conclusion. During the entire conflict, the international community has mainly

responded with only sanctions and international non-binding resolutions. As it is becoming

increasingly apparent that there will not be a conclusion for many years if the status quo

continues, it is necessary for the Security Council to begin examining the need for military

intervention.

Chapter VII allows the Security Council to take action in situations where there is a

“threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression”. From Chapter VII, it is clear

that the current situation in Ukraine legally allows the Security Council to intervene.

However, after deciding whether to intervene within the Crisis, another point of importance is

the method of intervention. While it is clear that military intervention can greatly influence

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the course of any conflict, the actual effectiveness remains in doubt. In the 2011 military

intervention in Libya, the multi-state coalition, including over nineteen states and led by

France and led by the United Kingdom, quickly stopped the atrocities of the Libyan

government. However, a large contributor of the end of the fighting in Libya was the death of

the Libyan leader Muammaf Gaddafi; the military intervention was also extremely costly and

spent millions of dollars per day (Jackson, 2011). On the other hand, the NATO military

intervention in Yugoslavia in 1999 is significantly more controversial. As a result of their

intervention, while it led to the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces, it also killed other 480

citizens, destroyed important public infrastructure, and military installations (HRW, 2000).

From the effects of past military interventions, it is clear that it is also necessary to

determine the method of the intervention. An improper implementation may result in civilian

casualties and escalate the conflict, rendering its actions moot. If the Security Council decides

to intervene, it is necessary to decide whether the military interventions should be taken

multilaterally and through what type of cooperation, whether through the United Nations,

regional organizations, or a group of states.

Bloc Positions

A. Pro-Ukraine Independency

There are some countries that support the independency of Crimea as well as other

independency movements in eastern regions, such as Donetsk and Luhansk People’s

Republic from Ukraine. They mainly rely this stance on the argument of right of self-

determination of all people. This principle may be seen in accordance with UN Charter which

stated that one out of four purposes of the United Nations are to develop friendly relations

among nations based on respect for the principle of self-determination of peoples (United

Nations, 1945). This principle is shown by the right to freely determine their political status

(United Nations General Assembly, 1960). These countries further argue that the result of

referendum represent the will of the people. However, each country’s stance upon this crisis

is highly influenced by their interest. Thus, countries who usually uphold democratic

principle do not necessarily will be in favour of self-determination and vice versa.

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B. Pro-Ukraine Integration

There are several countries that support the integration of Crimea into the Russian

Federation, as well as the action of the pro-Russian forces during the War in Donbass. These

countries support the cause of integration of Crimea due to very close relations with the

Russian Federation. While the General Assembly Resolution 68/262 openly rejects the 2014

Crimean referendum, most countries within the Pro Ukraine Integration bloc recognizes he

Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol as federal subjects of Russia. Countries that support the

integration of Ukraine into Russia should carefully consider their political connections during

the course of the conference.

Questions A Resolution Must Answer

1. What can be improved from the current bilateral and regional arrangements in

addressing the conflict?

2. What mechanisms should the Security Council implement to resolve the conflict in

Ukraine?

3. How should the Security Council respond to unilateral sanctions imposed on the

conflicting parties?

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Closing Statement

After reading this study guide, delegates should have knowledge on the mandate and

powers of the Security Council, information on the general events of the Ukraine Crisis, from

the beginning to the current situation, and a selection of important questions that needs to be

answered by the end of the conference. The next step is to research your assigned nation’s

policies and official stances on these matters, review the current challenges of the topic, and

brainstorm innovative solutions that will solve the current problems while still remaining

within the policies of your nation. It will also be helpful to research more in-depth on the

underlying problems of the Ukraine Crisis. While the study provide provides a relatively

extensive summary of the Ukraine Crisis, there are still many events within the crisis that can

be examined and independently analysing these events will provide a more comprehensive

understanding of the Ukraine Crisis, which will undoubtedly prove helpful towards the

creation of any solutions.

One of the main goals of the Jakarta MUN is to foster an incredible intellectual

experience with a truly memorable life experience. To achieve this goal, we hope that all

delegates will prepare themselves for forging lifelong friendships and connections while

participating in intensive and fruitful debates. If you have any questions prior to the event,

please do not hesitate to contact us. We will always be happy to help in any way we can.

Until then, good luck and we look forward to meeting you in the event!

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