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Insubordination and the development of pragmatic categories: Evidence from non-subordinating uses of subordination markers in Spanish Pedro Gras (UOC & KUL) (In collaboration with Maria Estellés , Universitat de València)

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Page 1: Insubordination and the development of pragmatic categories: Evidence from non-subordinating uses of subordination markers in Spanish Pedro Gras (UOC &

Insubordination and the development of pragmatic categories:Evidence from non-subordinating uses of subordination markers in Spanish

Pedro Gras (UOC & KUL) (In collaboration with Maria Estellés , Universitat de València)

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0. Introduction

The problem:In Present day Spanish (PDS), as in many other languages, sentences that cointain subordination markers can stand on their own.

Some Hispanic Linguists have suggested a path leading from subordination to syntactic independence:a) Fernández Ramírez (1937)

(1) Se comporta como si estuviera loca

She behaves as if she was crazy

(2) - Ha entrado en clase gritando

She came in the class shouting

- Como si estuviera loca

As if she was crazy ( Her behaviour is inappropiate)

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0. Introduction

The problem:Some Hispanic Linguists have suggested a path leading from subordination to syntactic independence:

b) Montolío (1999) y Schwenter (1999)

(3) Si la tienes delante, ¿por qué me pides la sal?

If you have it in front of you, why are you asking me for the salt?

(4) - ¿Me pasas la sal?

Can you pass me the salt?

- ¡Si la tienes delante!

If you have it in front of you! ( What you said was inappropiate)

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0. Introduction

The problem:Some Hispanic Linguists have suggested a path leading from subordination to syntactic independence:

c) Iglesias Recuero (2000):

(5) Fíjate si será tonto ese chico que se ha metido con su jefe

Look if this guy will be silly that he messed with his boss

(6) - Ese chico se ha metido con su jefe.

That guy messed with his boss.

- ¡Si será tonto!

If he will be silly (He’s such and ass!)

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0. Introduction

The problem:Some Hispanic Linguists have suggested a path leading from subordination to syntactic independence:d) Garachana (2008):

(7) Encima de que tiene un hijo encantador, se queja

In top of that (s)he has a wonderful son, (s)he complaints

‘Even though (s)he has a wonderful son, (s)he complaints’

(8) - Siempre se está quejando

(S)he is always complaining

- ¡Encima de que tiene un hijo encantador!

In top of that she has a wonderful son

`But she has a wonderful son!’ ( She should not complain)

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0. Introduction

The problem:This phenomenon has been identified in several unrelated languages:

a) Japanese independent conditionals (Ohori, 1995; Fujii, 2004)

b) Independent infinitival clauses in different Indoeuropean languages (Nikolaeva, 2007)

c) Independent declaratives with embedded yes/no question complementizers in Czech (Fried, 2009, 2010)

d) Independent complement and conditional clauses in Germanic languages (Verstreaete, D’Hertefelt & Van Linden, 2012; Verstraete & D’Hertefelt, in prep.; D’Hertefelt, Verstraete & Van Linden, this conf.)

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0. Introduction

The problem:Evans (2007) coins the term insubordination to refer to “«the conventionalized main clause use of what, on prima facie grounds, appear to be formally subordinate clauses» (Evans, 2007: 367)

From a synchronic point of view, Evans proposes a crosslinguistic functional typology of insubordinated clauses.

From a diachronic point of view, Evans hypothesizes a chain:Subordination > ellipsis ot the main clause > conventionalization of the ellipsis > reanalysis as a main clause

Page 8: Insubordination and the development of pragmatic categories: Evidence from non-subordinating uses of subordination markers in Spanish Pedro Gras (UOC &

0. Introduction

The problem:Evans (2007) coins the term insubordination to refer to “«the conventionalized main clause use of what, on prima facie grounds, appear to be formally subordinate clauses» (Evans, 2007: 367)

From a synchronic point of view, Evans proposes a crosslinguistic functional typology of insubordinated clauses.

From a diachronic point of view, Evans hypothesizes a chain:Subordination > ellipsis ot the main clause > conventionalization of the ellipsis > reanalysis as a main clause

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0. Introduction

The problem:Evans’ diachronic hypothesis has not been tested on historical data.

The goal of this paper is to test insubordination hypothesis on a Spanish “insubordinated” construction: “a ver si + clause”.

(1) Voy a escribirle a ver si se apunta a la cena

I am going to write to him to see if the joins the dinner

(2) Tengo muchas ganas de que venga a la cena. A ver si viene

I am looking forward to him coming to the dinner. I hope that he will come

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Outline

1. A ver si constructions: an overview

2. Data and methodology

3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructions

4. Concluding remarks

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1. A ver si constructions. An overview

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1. A ver si constructions. An overview

• Despite its frequency in Spoken Spanish, a ver si constructions have received little attention (Beinhauer, 1978; Steel, 1985; Montolío, 1999; Santos Río, 2003; Fuentes, 2009).

• A ver si constructions can be divided into two groups: dependent purposive clauses (1) and independent clauses (2) (Gras, 2011; Montolío, 2006; Zabalegui, 2010).

(1) Voy a escribirle a ver si se apunta a la cena

I am going to write to him to see if the joins the dinner

(2) Tengo muchas ganas de que venga a la cena. A ver si viene

I am looking forward to him coming to the dinner. I hope that he will come

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1. A ver si constructions. An overview• Dependent purposive clauses are not fully fixed,

have a controlled interpretation and have a rather compositional meaning:

(1) a. Voy a escribirle a ver si se apunta a la cena

I am going to write to him to see if the joins the dinner

b. Voy a escribirle para ver si se apunta a la cena

c. Voy a escribirle para comprobar si se apunta

d. Voy a escribirle a ver si se apunta a la cena (o no)

• Independent clauses do not allow for synonymic substitution, are speaker deictic centered, and have a rather idiomatic meaning:

(2) b. * Para ver si se apunta

c. * Para comprobar si se apunta

d. * A ver si se apunta (o no)

e. Haber si se apunta

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1. A ver si constructions. An overviewThe communicative functions of independent a ver si constructions can be restricted to three basic modal meanings encode different speaker attitudes toward the propositional content (Gras, 2011): verification (a), desiderative (b) and counter-expectation (c).

 a. A ver si viene ('I am going to check whether he is coming or not')

b. A ver si viene ('I hope that he comes')

c. A ver si viene ('Contrary to my expectations, he could come')

These modal meanings can serve different speech acts depending on contextual grounds.a. A ver si apruebo (‘I hope I’ll pass’) Wish

b. A ver si te comes las patatas (‘Eat your potatoes’) Command

c. A ver si vamos a la playa (‘Let’s go to the beach’) Commissive

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1. A ver si constructions. An overview

 

Two research questions :

 

a) Do independent a ver si constructions emerge from dependent ones?

b) If that be the case, which mechanisms are involved in its development?

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2. Data and methodology

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2. Data and methodology

 

Two periods of time considered:

a) 1976-2012: (CREA, COLAm, Val.Es.Co ) source to determine the current meanings of a ver si.

b) Origins-1975.- (CORDE) source to collect examples and statistics to help clarify the origins and development of the meanings determined in a).

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2. Data and methodology

Data extracted from the CORDE database has been imported to an online database:

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2. Data and methodology

• Each example is catalogued according to different criteria:

• 1st level: characteristics of the whole construction

• 2nd level: characteristics of the main clause (if any)

• 3rd level: characteristics of the a ver si clause

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructions

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsThe CORDE 2065 examples from 1253 to 1975

 

Dependent clauses are found since origins (13th century); independent clauses appear in the 16th century.

The general evolution of meaning can be traced as follows:

Meaning changes experienced by the construction are compatible with the IITSC (Traugott and Dasher, 2002)

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsDependent constructions

 1st. example 2nd half of the 13th century. Only 4 examples between 1253 and 1299, all of them being

purposive and most of them conveying a meaning of verification. non osen estar delante a ver si dades sus derechos a sancta eglesia (1255. Anónimo Normativa sobre diezmos)

they don’t dare to stand to see if you give their rights to Holy Church (Anonimous)

Both meanings emerge from the meaning of the individual components of a ver si

VER ‘see’ > verification (metaphoric extension) the preferred contexts during the 13th century

A VER SI frequently co-occurs with verbs of movement, especially ir ‘go’: 21 out of 27 instances (78%.)

Preposition a ‘towards’/ ‘in order to’

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsDependent constructions: desiderative meaning

 

The origins of the independent desiderative & independent verification meaning are simultaneous: the desire for something to happen is an invited inference in most cases where verification is present:

 

ex. X checks whether or not a situation (person, object, etc). has happened (is present, works, etc.)

this ‘X’ has a preferred option Y (be it ‘yes’ or ‘no’, for instance), so the invited inference is that X hopes for the option Y when he/she verifies the situation Z.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsStage one: independent constructions

 ii. desiderative meaning

 (6) Dígote, señor, que era un puerco, e yazía sienpre so una figuera e comía sienpre de aquellos figos que caién d'ella. E vino un día a comer e falló ençima a un ximio comiendo figos. E el ximio, quando vido estar al puerco en fondón de la figuera, echól' un figo, e comiólo e sópole mejor que los qu'él fallava en tierra. E alçava la cabeça a ver si le echaría más; e el puerco (e el), estando así atendiendo al ximio, fasta que se le secaron las venas del pescueço e murió de aquello. (1253, Anonymous author, Sendebar)

 

I tell thee, sir, that it was a pig, and he always lay beneath a fig tree and continually ate figs fallen from the fig tree. One day, he went to eat and he found a monkey on top, eating figs. When the monkey saw that the pig was under the fig tree, he threw a fig to him, and [the pig] ate it, and it [the fig] tasted better than the ones he used to find on earth. And [the pig] looked up to see if he [the monkey] would throw more figs, and [the pig kept] looking at the monkey, until the veins of his neck[the pig’s] dried, and he died from that

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsStage one: independent constructions

 ii. desiderative meaning

 (6) Dígote, señor, que era un puerco, e yazía sienpre so una figuera e comía sienpre de aquellos figos que caién d'ella. E vino un día a comer e falló ençima a un ximio comiendo figos. E el ximio, quando vido estar al puerco en fondón de la figuera, echól' un figo, e comiólo e sópole mejor que los qu'él fallava en tierra. E alçava la cabeça a ver si le echaría más; e el puerco (e el), estando así atendiendo al ximio, fasta que se le secaron las venas del pescueço e murió de aquello. (1253, Anonymous author, Sendebar)

 

In (6), the pig looks up to check whether the monkey is going to throw more figs; however, additionally, the invited inference can be drawn that the pig wishes the monkey to throw more fruits, since the pig finds these thrown figs better than the ones he used to find on earth.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsStage one: independent constructions

 ii. desiderative meaning

 (6) Dígote, señor, que era un puerco, e yazía sienpre so una figuera e comía sienpre de aquellos figos que caién d'ella. E vino un día a comer e falló ençima a un ximio comiendo figos. E el ximio, quando vido estar al puerco en fondón de la figuera, echól' un figo, e comiólo e sópole mejor que los qu'él fallava en tierra. E alçava la cabeça a ver si le echaría más; e el puerco (e el), estando así atendiendo al ximio, fasta que se le secaron las venas del pescueço e murió de aquello. (1253, Anonymous author, Sendebar)

 

In (6), the pig looks up to check whether the monkey is going to throw more figs; however, additionally, the invited inference can be drawn that the pig wishes the monkey to throw more fruits, since the pig finds these thrown figs better than the ones he used to find on earth.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 i. verification meaning

From the 16th century on, examples of contexts arise where a ver si means verification but appears without any matrix clause.

 Y si te sintieres tentado […] diles: - Andad, acabamos, a ver si me engañáis o si es verdad lo que me dezís; y leerás luego los nombres destas virtudes

(1543-1548 Jorge de Montemayor, Diálogo espiritual)

And if you felt tempted […], tell them: - Go, let’s finish, a ver si I’m deceived or if what you say is true; and then you will read the names of these virtues

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 i. verification meaning

 Y si te sintieres tentado […] diles: - Andad, acabamos, a ver si me engañáis o si es verdad lo que me dezís; y leerás luego los nombres destas virtudes

(1543-1548 Jorge de Montemayor, Diálogo espiritual)

• The verb ANDAR does not mean movement anymore, • AVS clause does not seem to be related to the finality of any

previous verb. • However, the meaning of the clause is ‘verification’: the speaker

explicitly expresses two alternatives and wonders which the right one is, that is, it acts as a self-interrogation.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 i. verification meaning

 B) a ver, veamos si, teñido su pie con sangre de Cristo, se para. Pónenle a su sanctíssimo cuerpo atravesado en una cruz con tantas heridas; a ver, veamos si con eso te paras y detienes siquiera a pensar por qué le quitaron la vida y quién es a quien se la quitaron; a ver si, en el rato de esa consideración, olvidados tus enojos, pierdes la cólera y te amansas

(1603 -1607, San Juan Bautista de la Concepción, Pláticas a los religiosos).

 

Let’s see, let's see if, once his foot is dyed with blood of Christ, he stops. If His most holy body is shown, nailed on a cross and so badly hurt; let’s see, let's see if that makes you stop and think why was he even put to death and who is he whose life was taken away; let’s see whether, in the time of that consideration, once your anger is forgotten, you lose your anger and calm down.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 i. verification meaning

 B) a ver, veamos si, teñido su pie con sangre de Cristo, se para. Pónenle a su sanctíssimo cuerpo atravesado en una cruz con tantas heridas; a ver, veamos si con eso te paras y detienes siquiera a pensar por qué le quitaron la vida y quién es a quien se la quitaron; a ver si, en el rato de esa consideración, olvidados tus enojos, pierdes la cólera y te amansas

(1603 -1607, San Juan Bautista de la Concepción, Pláticas a los religiosos).

 

• the presence of veamos (‘let us see’) next to a ver suggests reinforcement, most likely due to a bleaching process.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 ii. desiderative meaning

Could it be considered that the purposive/verification and the desiderative meaning are developed simultaneously?

The contexts where only a desiderative meaning can be said to be present (that is, examples where there is expectation without verification) are independent examples.

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 ii. desiderative meaningConsidering that punctuation in Spanish cannot be fully trusted until the 18th century, the independent nature of a ver si prior to the 1700s has been stated only in those cases where:• semantic incompatibility exists• A ver si appears right after a coordinative conjunction.

Que, en fin, cuando estaba presente, el amor y hermosura de su presencia les llevaba los ojos y atención; y es menester que […] pasen a la divinidad y levanten los ojos a aquel divino Spíritu. Mas a ver si por aquí pudiésemos cuajar otra razón; (1605, San Juan Bautista de la Concepción (Juan García López), La llaga de amor) That, in short, when present, the love and beauty of his presence captured their eyes and attention; and it is necessary that [...] they step into the divinity and raise their eyes to that divine spirit. Yet [a ver si] we could materialize here another reason.

This co-occurrence shows, at least, hierarchic equivalence with the previous fragment (i.e., not dependency/subordination)

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 ii. desiderative meaning

There is a considerable separation between pure purposive/ verification meaning (13th century) and pure desiderative meaning (end of 16th century). The latter is, thus, strongly related to syntactic independence and develops out of the former, after three centuries co-existing with it as an II.

It can be observed in those cases where a ver si co-occurs with desiderative expressions such as Ojalá:

 D. Blas. ¡Ojalá! A ver si con eso los tontos escarmentaban. (1768, Ramón de la Cruz, Las superfluidades)

 

D. Blas: I wish! [A ver si] (‘I hope’), with that, all fools will be punished

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 iii. Counter-expectation meaning

 

The counter-expectation examples roughly convey the meaning of the speaker uttering exactly what she does not expect to happen:

 Serafín: Oye, pero que de primera.

Tuliqui ¡ A ver si te da calabazas!

Melquiades ¿A mí?

(1914. Carlos Arniches, El amigo Melquiades o Por la boca muere el pez)

Serafín: Hey, really good.

Tuliqui [A ver si] she gives you the brush off!

Melquiades ¿Me?

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 iii. Counter-expectation meaning

These examples appear later. An approximate date would be the last quarter of the 19th century, where independent examples such as (a) can be found:

(a)¡Maldita "sia" la que sufre por un hombre! FELIPE.- (Que se ha dirigido con las Chulas hacia la izquierda, sin que ni él ni ellas hayan visto a Mari-Pepa.) Conque, "chachas", ya lo sabéis, a las doce "u" a las doce y media en casa de la Inés. CHULA 1ª.- ¡Allí estaremos! FELIPE.- Pues, adiós. CHULA 2ª.- ¡A ver si faltas! FELIPE.- ¿Quién? ¿Yo? ¡Ya veréis qué noche de verbena más sonada...! (1897, José López Silva, La Revoltosa)

Damn the woman who suffers because of a man!FELIPE. - (Who has headed left with the Chulas (girls from Madrid), but neither he nor they have seen Mari-Pepa) So, "gals", you know: at twelve o'clock or at twelve thirty (I’ll see you over) at Inés’ house. 1st CHULA - We will be there!FELIPE. - Well, goodbye.2nd CHULA. – [a ver si] you miss/do not come!FELIPE. - Who? I? You'll see what a memorable night of festival...!

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 iii. Counter-expectation meaning

The origin of the counter-expectation meaning is more obscure than the other cases. However, data show a number of examples similar to (a):

(a) …tengo que salir otra vez. Das de comer al señorito Nicolás y al señorito Maxi; pero éste vendrá mucho más tarde que su hermano. Fíjate bien, y no salgas luego haciendo lo contrario de lo que te mando. Para principio del clérigo, pones la merluza mala que trajiste esta mañana, ¿sabes? y que está apestando... Le echas bastante sal, y después la cargas de harina todo lo que puedas y la fríes. Ponle todas las tajadas, y se las embaulará sin enterarse de si está buena o mala. Es como los tiburones, que tragan todo lo que les echan. Para postre, las nueces y el arrope, ¿sabes? Le pones en la mesa la orza, y que se harte; a ver si lo acaba. Está fermentado y no hay quien lo pase... Si el señorito Maxi viniese antes de que yo esté de vuelta, le pones de principio una de las dos chuletas de ternera, la más crecidita, y de postre le sacas las pastas que trajo el bollero esta mañana, y la carne de membrillo que yo tomo. Conque a ver si lo haces todo al revés (1885-1887, Benito Pérez Galdós, Fortunata y Jacinta)

 

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 iii. Counter-expectation meaning

The origin of the counter-expectation meaning is more obscure than the other cases. However, data show a number of examples similar to (a):

(a) I have to leave again. Prepare lunch for Master Nicholas and Master Maxi, but the latter will come much later than his brother. Pay attention, and do not end up doing the opposite of what I command you. As the first course of the clergyman, cook the bad hake you brought this morning, you know? the one that stinks already ... Use a lot of salt, then coat it with all the flour you can use and fry it. Serve all the slices, and he will swallow them without knowing whether it is good or bad. He's like a shark; he swallows everything he’s thrown. For dessert, nuts and syrup, you know? You put the keel on the table, and let him eat until he’s fed up; hopefully he will end it up. It is already fermented and no one can make it appear as good ... If Master Maxi comes before I am back, you serve first of the two veal cutlets, the most grown-up, and for dessert serve him the pastries the baker brought this morning, and the quince jelly and I volume. So [a ver si] you do everything wrong (1885-1887, Benito Pérez Galdós, Fortunata y Jacinta)

 

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3. An overview of the history of a ver si constructionsIndependent constructions

 iii. Counter-expectation meaning After a long paragraph where precise instructions are given,

the speaker challenges the servant to do things incorrectly (“Conque a ver si lo haces todo al revés”) which is –obviously– something she does not want to happen whatsoever.

Thus, a ver si introduces a clause which is presented as a sort of challenge, either to some other conversationalist’s words (or thoughts), uttered before, or to the author’s previous discourse, in an echoic way.

In both cases, the polarity of the fragment headed by a ver si is inverted, that is, the speaker expresses A but expects the opposite situation to happen.

With time, the nuance of challenge disappears, but the inverted polarity and the polyphonic character remain.

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4. Concluding remarks

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4. Concluding remarksConclusions:

a) Do independent a ver si constructions emerge from dependent ones?

Lexical meanings of “a ver si” (‘to see if’) can be said to be the sources of invited inferences:

b) I am going to check X (verification)

c) I want X to happen (desiderative)

Verification meaning seems to be the source of challenge meaning:

c) I doubt that X happens

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4. Concluding remarksConclusions:

b) If that be the case, which mechanisms are involved in its development?

Invited inference: a conversational inference arisen in certain contexts becomes the conventional meaning of the construction.

High frequency of ir ‘go’ as main predicate: ellipsis.

Subjectification: speaker anchored (wish, verification, counterexpectation).

Invited inference compatible with insubordination (Evans, 2007)

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4. Concluding remarks

Future research:

a) Independent constructions:

From a grammatical point of view, can insubordination be considered a case of grammaticalization? A single case of grammaticalization (a single polisemous construction) or several cases (three independent constructions)?

b) Recursive nature of change:

“Me dijo que a ver si quedábamos”

Lit. He told me that to see if we would meet.

‘He told me we should meet’

What is the directionality of this path (subordination > insubordination > subordination)?

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Gràcies!