NAME- TUNEER MUKHERJEE STUDENT NO. 997996370 HIS 382 H5F FALL 2013 December 8, 2013

HIS 382 – Nationalism in Modern South Asia Assignment IV – Final Essay

Professor – Dr.Suvadip Sinha Words- 4067

'Hindutva 2014'- Modern Hindu Nationalism and Electoral Politics in India

The term Hindutva derives its origins from the ideological pamphlet “Hindutva: Who Is a

Hindu".1 The pamphlet written by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was used to propagate

"Hinduness" or the "quality of being Hindu" as described in the book Women, States, and

Nationalism.2 Establishing Hinduism as a political identity was something that Savarkar had first

proposed and even he would not have expected this idea to later evolve into something as big as

it is today. An excerpt from the revised 5th edition of the pamphlet, "Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu",

states that,"we Hindus are bound together not only by the tie of the love we bear to a common

fatherland and by the common blood that courses through our veins and keeps our hearts

throbbing and our affections warm, but also by the tie of the common homage we pay to our

great civilization - our Hindu culture".3 His concept of a Hindu nation would be criticized in the

future and it was not an idea that would be extolled easily.As early as 1950, Jean A.Curran

mentioned Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in an article in the Far Eastern Survey and

termed it 'Militant Hinduism'.4

1 Savarkar , V.D. “Essentials of Hindutva”. Web. <http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en/essentials_of_hindutva.v001.pdf>.2 Tetreault, Mary Ann, and Sita Ranchod-Nilsson. Women, States, and Nationalism. London: Routledge, 2004. 104. Print.3 Savarkar , V.D. “Essentials of Hindutva”. Web. <http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en/essentials_of_hindutva.v001.pdf>.4 Curran Jr., Jean A. "The RSS: Militant Hinduism." Far Eastern Survey- Institute of Pacific Relations . 19.10 (1950): 93-98. Web. 24 Oct. 2013. (< http://www.jstor.org/stable/3023941 >)

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Even in its early days, violence dominated the image of Hindu nationalism. Nathuram Godse, the

sole assassinator of Mahatma Gandhi was an ex-member of the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha.5

It is believed that because Gandhi took a soft stance on violence committed by Muslims on

Hindus during the fragile period of partition, many right wing Hindu nationalists including

Savarkar conspired to help Godse assassinate Gandhi. Even though RSS and Savarkar would be

later exonerated from the assassination of Gandhi, the initial image the newly independent Indian

population had of Hindu nationalism was not a favorable one.6 Additionally, the RSS was

banned consequently in the aftermath of Gandhi's assassination. This ban would later be revoked

when investigators could find no evidence that the RSS was organizationally involved, had

formally sponsored or even had any knowledge of Godse's plot.7

In today's India, the concept of Hindu nationalism is enforced by a group of organizations called

the 'Sangh Parivar'. The word parivar which means family consists of organizations that believe

in the same ideology of 'Hinduness' or Hindutva. This includes the Vishwa Hindu Parishad

(VHP), the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Bajrang

Dal and the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP).8 These organizations together have

redefined Hindu Nationalism in India, in both good and bad ways. But, there is a general feeling

among scholars that the non-secular character of these organizations has always overshadowed

the better aspects of these organizations' ideology. The next general elections scheduled to be

held in 2014 is around the corner and a swarm of corruption scandals, bad government polices

5 http://www.hindu.com/2004/08/18/stories/2004081805151100.htm6 Curran Jr., Jean A. "The RSS: Militant Hinduism." Far Eastern Survey- Institute of Pacific Relations . 19.10 (1950): 93-98. Web. 24 Oct. 2013. (< http://www.jstor.org/stable/3023941 >) 7 Curran Jr., Jean A. "The RSS: Militant Hinduism." Far Eastern Survey- Institute of Pacific Relations . 19.10 (1950): 93-98. Web. 24 Oct. 2013. (< http://www.jstor.org/stable/3023941 >) 8 Saha, Santosh Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World: Critical Social and Political Issues . Lexington, MA: Lexington Press 2004. Print

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along with a stagnant economy has seriously crippled the ruling Indian National Congress (INC)

led government. This atmosphere of anti-incumbency has been seized upon by opposition

parties; the most prominent winner from this situation is the BJP led coalition of political parties

that advocate a Hindu nationalist agenda. Thus, after ten years of serving as national opposition,

the opportunity and time is ripe for BJP to resume its leadership of the Indian masses.

The electoral effort in BJP is being led by the charismatic Narendra Modi, who within a couple

of months of declaring of his candidacy for the prime ministerial post, has redefined the way

Hindutva is perceived in India. The way he has galvanized the primary support base for the BJP

and complimented that by showcasing himself as a strong minded politician has attracted a lot of

first time voters in his favor. Additionally, the recent results of the Indian state assembly

elections along with Modi's current impact on Indian politics at the national level is crucial in

determining the current standing of Hindutva in India. Therefore, in the context of current

electoral politics in India and the BJP and Narenda Modi's track record with communalism and

violence, this essay asks and answers how relevant Hindu Nationalism and its associated policies

are in the eyes of today's Indian voter and what role Narendra Modi will play in the revival of

Hindutva in the run-up to the Indian general elections of 2014.

While exploring the multi-faceted and nature of the term Hindutva in the context of today's India,

this essay also explores some key issues surrounding Hindu nationalism in the country. The most

important of these is the communal nature of this ideology and how it has influenced communal

violence in India in the past, focusing especially on events during the dark decade between 1992

and 2002 with particular focus on Ayodhya and Godhra respectively. The essay also discusses

the differences in the Bharatiya Janata Party's approach to politics while it is in power compared

to when sits in the opposition. A closer look is taken at the relevance of policies like; repulsion

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of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, Uniform Civil Code and the construction of a temple at

'Ramjanmabhoomi' in today's political landscape. The candidacy of controversial leaders like

L.K.Advani and Narendra Modi as Prime Minister is also discussed. It also attempts to discuss

the political impact that other organizations inside the 'Sangh Parivar' have had on BJP and on its

political and electoral fortunes. Additionally, this essay will briefly delve into the anti-Congress

(INC) atmosphere in India and explore the factors which have propelled BJP to a favorable

position to win power at the federal level after the 2014 elections.

The communal violence that is characterized with Hindu nationalism and more importantly the

BJP must be discussed first, to get a better picture of why Hindu nationalism in India is regarded

the way it is. The earlier incidents of communal violence in post-independent India were usually

isolated ones and were caused by regional tensions. It was only in the late 1980's and early

1990's when Hindu nationalists grew in stature, did we see something substantial that was

communal in nature. The Ramjanmabhoomi and the Babri Masjid demolition is best explained

by Paul Brass in the opening commentary of his book, The Production of Hindu-Muslim

Violence in Contemporary India, when he says that, "Forty five years after Independence, the

world was presented with another image of India, that of violent mobs of Hindus descending

upon the old, mainly Hindu religious town of Ayodhya to climb upon a five-hundred-year-old

mosque to destroy it".9 In his book, Brass mentions how the communal atmosphere in India was

propagated by right-wing Hindu Nationalist parties, all of which were part of the 'Sangh Parivar'.

He openly states that, "All the organizations in the RSS family of militant Hindu organizations

adhere to a broader ideology of Hindutva, of Hindu nationalism that theoretically exists

9 Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003. Print.

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Independently of Hindu-Muslim antagonisms, but in practice has thrived only when that

opposition is explicitly or implicitly present."10 In the immediate aftermath of the Babri Masjid

demolition, communal riots between Hindus and Muslims broke out in all parts of India.11

These riots which led to deaths of a lot of innocent Muslims were seen as a precursor to anti-

Indian feelings among the Muslim population in India, and were later attributed as the reason

behind the 1993 Bombay bomb blasts.

Another such incident that shook the secular fabric in India was the Gujarat pogrom of 2002. The

BJP was in charge of both the state government and the national government at that time.

The pogrom of 2002 also gave birth to the controversial character of Narendra Modi, which he

yet is to be completely absolved of. Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi in his book Pogrom in Gujarat:

Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India, states that, "A pogrom is an event driven

by words and images, as much by the associations and invocations that precede it as by those that

accompany it."12 He mentions how state machinery did nothing to prevent the riots in the

aftermath of Godhra and goes on to say that, "Hindu residents of Ahmedabad at the time of the

pogrom explained to me that in their view, the Modi government obviously had no other choice

than to allow the eruption to take its course. Otherwise, it would have been dealing in

“politics.”"13 This along with the conviction of important minsters like Maya Kodnani and Amit

Shah does point out to the fact that in some way or the other Narendra Modi knew about the

10 Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003. Print.11 Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003. Print.12 Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis. Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press,, 2012. Print.13 Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis. Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press,, 2012. Print.

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conspiracy being hatched in Gujarat.14 The Gujarat riots according to Ghassem made the

Muslims in the state of Gujarat support BJP even more. In the words of one interlocutor, "They

will stab you from the front not from the back" when comparing the BJP to INC.15 But that does

not absolve the Modi government from its failure to protect Muslim civilians in the state at that

time.

11 years after the Gujarat pogrom, the three time Gujarat Chief Minister has emerged as the most

popular politician in India. The way Gujarat has developed economically has even surprised the

best critics of Modi and with the general elections around the corner, he is the leading candidate

to be India's next prime minister. The Economic and Political Weekly article sums it up best,

"Soon after the organized killings of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 helped Narendra Modi win the

assembly election that year, which the BJP was expecting to lose prior to the riots, there was a

sudden and perceptible change in the way he projected himself. Aggressive Hindutva was put on

the public relations back-burner and those who insisted on the continued focus on Hindutva –

like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Pravin Togadia and influential sections of the Rashtriya

Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – were unceremoniously sidelined. This is not to suggest that Modi

abandoned aggressive Hindutva, but it was to remain invisible, at least below the radar of public

perception and mainstream media. An organized publicity campaign was launched to foreground

“development”."16

The fact that their own leaders have such controversial backgrounds and are at times directly

involved in these incidents hasn't helped their cause either. This is not the first time that Hindu

nationalists have projected such a candidate with a controversial background. L.K Advani, its 14 http://www.deccanchronicle.com/131125/commentary-columnists/commentary/rss-still-mood-love15 Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis. Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press,, 2012. Print.16 "Selling Modi." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.16 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/editorials/selling-modi.html>.

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last prime ministerial candidate for the 2009 general elections also has a dark past that is linked

to the destruction of the Babri Masjid in 1992. When Narendra Modi was projected at the prime

ministerial candidate, Mr.Advani was fundamentally opposed to any such move, even though his

own personal credentials are not particularly secular.17 The Liberhan commission that was

entrusted with the task of investigating the actual culprits behind the demolition of the Babri

mosque came out with its report in 2009.18 This report was subject of a lot of controversy when it

was tabled in the Parliament especially because senior BJP leaders were accused of being

involved in the larger conspiracy.19 Justice M S Liberhan termed Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L K

Advani, and Murli Manohar Joshi as pseudo-moderates, saying they were individuals who were

pretending to keep a distance from the Ram Janmabhoomi campaign when they were actually

aware of the whole conspiracy.20 The report also stated that, "They have violated the trust of the

people. There can be no greater betrayal or crime in a democracy and this Commission has no

hesitation in condemning these pseudo-moderates for their sins of omission".21 Thus given these

revelations it is clear that the BJP has no qualms in projecting leaders with controversial

backgrounds. The last three prime ministerial candidates of the BJP for general elections in

2014,2009 and 2004, namely Narendra Modi, L K Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee respectively

have all been accused of helping and conspiring communal acts, if not directly being involved in

them.

But the question that intrigues everyone is that, why in spite of such incidents of communal

violence not only has the BJP survived, but has prospered inside India. This in my opinion can

17 http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-09-12/india/42007408_1_parliamentary-board-l-k-advani-narendra-modi18 The Liberhan Commission Report, 2009; http://docs.indiatimes.com/liberhan/liberhan.pdf 19 http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB12590632445046220520 http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009-11-25/india/28097016_1_liberhan-commission-report-justice-liberhan-report-lists21 The Liberhan Commission Report, 2009; http://docs.indiatimes.com/liberhan/liberhan.pdf

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be attributed to multiple factors, but the most significant one of these is the absence of a credible

opposition to the Congress party in India. The niche of pan-India national opposition party that is

there to be filled has been diligently occupied by the BJP. Furthermore, one needs to distinguish

between the different political appearances of BJP in order to a get better idea as to how the

concept of Hindutva has developed over time politically. Especially by comparing BJP's policies

when they are in power and when they are in opposition.

The BJP even after vehemently propagating for issues like a Uniform Civil Code, nullification of

Article 370 of the Indian Constitution and building of a Ram Temple at the Ramjanmabhoomi in

Ayodhya throughout the years, remained reclusive from all these issues when they came to

power for six years from 1998 to 2004.

The Uniform Civil Code is something that can be traced back to the days of the formation of the

Indian constitution. Such legislation would have truly outlined the secular character of India, but

such a measure was never taken up fearing backlash from the sizeable Muslim minority in

India.22 Jan Sangh, the predecessor to BJP had strongly supported a Uniform Civil Code during

the formulation of the constitution. Their view was that if Hindus are to have a civil code, the

same applies to Muslims and Christians as well. While, other personal laws have undergone

reform, the Muslim personal law has not.23 One such notable conflict in regard to Muslim

personal law was the Shah Bano case, when Muslim personal law came into conflict with an

order from the Supreme Court.24 The Prime Minister of India at that time, Rajiv Gandhi nullified

the judgment by passing the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986

22 Article 44, Constitution of India/Part IV23 Noorani, Abdul Gafoor. The Muslims of India : a documentary record. 2003. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print.24 Noorani, Abdul Gafoor. The Muslims of India: a documentary record. 2003. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print.

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through the Indian parliament where his party held two-thirds of the majority.25 This was done to

mollify the large Muslim minority in the country who regarded the Supreme Court verdict to be

in direct opposition to what the Quran says. In a subsequent move, to appease the country's

Hindu voters, Rajiv Gandhi also ordered the gates of the disputed Babri mosque to be opened to

allow Hindus to worship there.26 This decision of his, led to the subsequent 'Ramjanmabhoomi'

movement, where Hindus from all around India were called upon to help the 'Sangh Parivar' in

establishing a Ram Temple in Ayodhya on the disputed site of the Babri Masjid.27 While the

demand for a Uniform Civil Code has died down in recent times, the agitation for a Ram Temple

still remains strong. Even though a recent rhetoric by BJP's prime ministerial candidate

suggested otherwise when he announced in a rally that if he comes to power "he will build toilets

before temples".28 Surprisingly enough, a similar attitude was maintained by the Atal Bihari

Vajpayee led NDA government, due to pressure from its coalition partners and in the fear of

Muslim backlash. The government did not go ahead with any temple construction on the

disputed site. One issue though which has found mention in the election campaign leading up to

2014, is Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.Article 370 of the Indian constitution grants

special autonomous powers to state of Jammu and Kashmir, a region which is matter of dispute

between India, Pakistan and China. Narendra Modi in one of his election rallies in Jammu said,

"As per Constitution, the debate will go on whether Article 370 will end or continue, at least

there should be debate whether Article 370 has benefitted J&K or not."29 This is a clear dilution

of the stand BJP has taken in the past where it has spoken in favor of abrogating Article 370

25 Noorani, Abdul Gafoor. The Muslims of India: a documentary record. 2003. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print.26 http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?22487827 Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India . Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003. Print.28 http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/make-toilets-before-temples-narendra-modi-tells-students-in-delhi-42688029 http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/at-narendra-modi-s-jammu-rally-bjp-dilutes-stand-on-article-370-453127

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altogether.30 This again was something that the NDA government did enforce while in power

given the limitations of its coalition government.

Even though the Vajpayee government was under pressure from elements within the 'Sangh

Parivar', it was impossible for the BJP to push items like building the Ram Janmabhoomi

Mandir, repealing Article 370 which gave a special status to the state of Kashmir, or enacting a

uniform civil code, owing to its dependence on coalition support. The discontent expressed by

some right-wing hard-liners were so much that on 17th January 2000, there were reports that

these elements were planning to restart Jan Sangh, the precursor to the BJP, due to their

dissatisfaction with the Vajpayee government.31 Former president of the Jan Sangh, Balraj

Modhak had even written a letter to the then RSS chief Rajendra Singh for support.32 The RSS at

that time routinely criticized the government for its free-market policies at the expense of

swadeshi economics and even termed the BJP under A B Vajpayee as the B-team of the

Congress.33 Thus we can see that there are internal divisions between the 'Sangh Parivar' as well.

The November 2nd 2013 issue of the Economic and Political Weekly carried the article 'Divided

Sangh', in which it mentions deep divisions between the state units of RSS and BJP.34 The article

further mentions that it is Narendra Modi's elevation as the prime ministerial candidate that has

for the time being brought the 'Sangh Parivar' together in the interest of a larger Hindutva

platform for the 2014 elections.35 But the fact remains that the BJP is the moderate face of Hindu

nationalism in India, mainly because of its status as a national political party. The party has to

30 http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/at-narendra-modi-s-jammu-rally-bjp-dilutes-stand-on-article-370-45312731 http://expressindia.indianexpress.com/ie/daily/20000118/ina18037.html32 http://expressindia.indianexpress.com/ie/daily/20000118/ina18037.html33 http://expressindia.indianexpress.com/ie/daily/20000118/ina18037.html34 "Divided Sangh." Economic and Political Weekly. XLVIII.44 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/editorials/divided-sangh.html>.35 "Divided Sangh." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.44 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/editorials/divided-sangh.html>.

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deal with its coalition partners and it prefers to take a more moderate stand on issues due to the

fear that it may lose a portion of its voter base if it pursues a policy that is deemed extreme in

nature. Other organizations like the RSS and VHP prefer a more hard-liner approach to Hindutva

and thus have actually done more harm than good to BJP's political prospects. In recent times

many senior party leaders like L.K.Advani, Arun Jaitley, Sushma Swaraj and Ananth Kumar

were noticeably skeptical about the idea of a parikrama in Ayodhya and faced flak from other

members of the 'Sangh Parivar' due to this.36

The 2014 general elections will be surely the largest electoral procedure ever held in the world

and the youth of 21st century India are sure to dish out some surprising results as they did in

the state assembly elections held in India in the latter half of 2013. The right-wing Hindu

nationalists under the leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won the elections in three

out of four states, while ended up being the single largest party in one state. These elections also

saw the spectacular debut of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which brought home its anti-

corruption agenda and pro-people movement by bagging second place in the prestigious Delhi

Assembly elections.37 These elections if considered a pre-cursor to the 2014 general elections

scheduled to be held in India, points to a shift in electoral fortunes in favor of the BJP. The party

that rode the last wave of nationalism in 1998 to come to power is looking for something similar

to replicate its success in the upcoming elections as well. Furthermore, buoyed with these state

assembly election results, the future of Hindutva in India finally looks bright after serving as

national opposition for a decade. The wider coalition of political parties called NDA (National

Democratic Alliance), headed by the BJP has also lost a crucial ally in the form of the Janata Dal

36 http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/vhp-rally-ayodhya-ram-mandir-rift-in-sangh-parivar-chaurasi-kos-parikrama/1/304591.html37 http://eciresults.ap.nic.in/

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(United) abbreviated as JDU.38 This can be attributed solely to the declaration of Narendra Modi

as the prime ministerial candidate. In the absence of wider consensus for the policies broadcasted

by NDA, Mr.Modi has been that charismatic leader that has been entrusted with the job of

getting the BJP the required support it needs to displace the INC from the pedestal of federal

politics in India.

Narendra Modi is the poster boy of Hindutva in today's India. His brand of Hindutva not only

represents the ever evolving idea of Hindu Nationalism in India but today embodies the growing

clout for a strong political figure. With the 2014 elections looming in the background, there

suddenly seems to be a dearth of strong political leaders in India. The search for a leader that can

mobilize the Indian population and promote an acceptable agenda was seriously missing until the

arrival of the charismatic Gujarat Chief Minister on the national scene. Largely supported by the

Sangh Parivar, Modi in spite of his controversial role in the pogrom committed in Gujarat in

2002, has attained surprising popularity among the Indian electorate, especially among first-time

voters. An article in 'The Economic and Political Weekly' also mentions that Modi is

aggressively pursuing a “development Hindutva” platform, where development means the

agenda of big capital, and Hindutva is the political programme of reaction."39 Thus the

strongman from Gujarat is trying to amalgamate the pro-business policy of BJP with the social

policies of the 'Sangh Parivar. But is Mr. Modi the answer to the problem? The same person,

who is held liable for the 2002 pogrom in Gujarat by many, is suddenly the ‘Prince of Hindutva’.

Even though his concept of Hindutva has managed to pull in a prominent portion of the Indian

electorate, they have still a long way to go before establishing themselves as the biggest political

38 "Governed by Realpolitik." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.26-27 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/editorials/governed-realpolitik.html>.39 "Selling Modi." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.16 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/editorials/selling-modi.html>.

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party in terms of electoral results. The General Elections in India are still six months away and

one can only gauge the effects of 'Modi mania' once the results of those elections are declared.

Nevertheless, one cannot discount the effect Modi has had on national politics ever since he was

declared the prime ministerial candidate by the BJP.

Other factors that have contributed to the rise of the BJP and Narendra Modi, is the disastrous

performance of the ruling INC led coalition- UPA (United Progressive Alliance). Falling

economic growth rate coupled with inflation has led to a steep rise in prices of essential foods

and commodities. Additionally, a series of corruption scandals and graft cases have tarnished the

clean and uncorrupt image of the Manmohan Singh government.40 The failure to carry out good

governance along with paralysis of key government policies has made the Indian electorate wary

of the UPA government. Another important development was the Jan Lokpal Movement which

demanded a Citizen's Ombudsman Bill, to help investigate cases of graft against corrupt

politicians, bureaucrats, judges etc.41 The subsequent formation of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)

and its surprising performance in the 2013 Delhi Assembly elections as seen by the Economic

and Political Weekly is, "lends credence to the belief that idealism can triumph over established

political parties like the Congress and the BJP and shows that violent and unscrupulous means

are not the only way to gain electoral success."42 Thus with the anti-incumbency factor very

much stacked against the Congress, it remains to be seen if the BJP can take advantage of this

atmosphere and rejuvenate Hindutva in the country. The other scenario could be that, smaller

regional parties could spoil Modi's march to 7 Race Course Road, by capturing the anti-Congress

vote.

40 http://cag.gov.in/html/reports/civil/2010-11_19PA/Telecommunication%20Report.pdf41 http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/what-is-the-jan-lokpal-bill-why-it-s-important-96600?curl=138672952842 Ananth , V Krishna. "A Message to the Aam Aadmi Party."Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.50 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/web-exclusives/message-aam-aadmi-party.html-0>.

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What is Hindutva in reality and what purpose does it have in today’s Indian political scene? This

essay has explored the multifaceted nature of Hindu Nationalism in India, trying to capture the

best and the worst aspects of Hindutva. In period of violence that tore apart the secular fabric of

India, Hindutva has been labelled to be sectarian in nature and is held responsible for creating a

communal atmosphere in the country. From Ramjanmabhoomi to Godhra, Hindutva has been

marred by communal violence. But in the end of it all, this ideology is the only other concrete

alternative available to the Indian voter. An ideology that may divide India, but cuts across all

the boundaries established within Hinduism and unites the majority of largest democracy in the

world. This is why is it that in spite of having such controversial leaders with communal

backgrounds, the BJP is the only party that can truly be called a national party other than the

INC. Where even after a decade long period of communal violence filled with religious conflicts,

Hindutva lives on. Narendra Modi's good governance and development agenda has attracted a lot

of attention in the recent times, but it would take Mr. Modi a little more than Hindutva to

displace the Grand Old Party of India (INC). Nevertheless, Modi and BJP have captured the

nation's imagination and in spite of all the controversies associated with Hindu nationalism,

Hindutva seems to be the catchphrase leading up to 2014.

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