gendered impact of rubber plantation in lashio district

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z Gendered Impact of Rubber Plantation in Lashio District, Northern Shan State, Myanmar 2018

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Page 1: Gendered Impact of Rubber Plantation in Lashio District

z

Gendered Impact of Rubber Plantation in Lashio

District, Northern Shan State, Myanmar

2018

Page 2: Gendered Impact of Rubber Plantation in Lashio District

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Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................................... i

1. Background of the Study .................................................................................................................... 1

2. Objectives of Study ............................................................................................................................. 2

3. Data Collection Method ...................................................................................................................... 2

3.1 Primary Data Collection ............................................................................................................. 2

3.2 Secondary Data Collection ......................................................................................................... 4

4 Profile of Villages ................................................................................................................................ 6

4.1 Villages along large-scale rubber plantations created by economic concessions .................. 6

4.2 Village along rubber plantations developed by local farmers................................................. 7

5 Key Findings ...................................................................................................................................... 10

5.1 Changing Livelihoods and Implications for Gender Roles ................................................... 10

5.2 Impacts of Changing Livelihoods on Gender Relations ........................................................ 11

6 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 12

7 Recommendations ............................................................................................................................. 13

7.1 Recommendations for Policy Makers...................................................................................... 13

7.2 Recommendation for Development Initiatives ....................................................................... 13

7.3 Recommendation for Future Researchers .............................................................................. 13

Annex ......................................................................................................................................................... 14

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Abstract

Good land governance is critical to the sustainable development of Myanmar because its economy

is agriculture-dependent. Owing to the former government’s export-oriented mechanism, the

Myanmar government implement the industrial agricultural export goals of its 30-year master plan

(2000-01 to 2030-31). Moreover, it aims to have 145,000 hectares under rubber plantations in the

Shan State by 2031 with the global demand for rubber. Therefore, Northern Shan State has seen a

boom in rubber plantations since 2005.

This study explored the gender impacts of mushrooming rubber plantations by comparing changes

in: (1) an area where a company has established rubber by usurping upland plots from subsistence

farmers and (2) an area where local farmers grow rubber themselves. It used qualitative and

quantitative research methods.

In general, the proliferation of rubber plantations has diversified income sources resulting in

increased household cash income in both areas. However, many local people now eat less, because

they have lost access to forest resources and upland plots. They now rely more on cash crops,

which require considerable investments. Farmers use wage labor and migration as a coping

strategy. More men than women (nearly twice the number of women) are migrating, leading to

labor shortage in households and increased de-facto female-headed households. More women are

taking up daily wage jobs near their villages and have to bear an increased burden, managing both

productive and reproductive activities. However, they are also now more visible in decision-

making although less visible than men because cultural practices still dictate authority within

households. Women are also unhappier because of the diminished access to food, loss of land, and

greater workload following the increase in rubber plantations.

Keywords: Rubber plantation, Livelihood change, Migration, Wage labor, Women, Productive

activities, Reproductive activities, Household decision making, Unhappier

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1. Background of the Study In Myanmar, one of the members of Greater Mekong Sub-Region (GMS), cross-border

investments in resource extraction opened up due to the partial liberalization of foreign investment

and trade laws from the late 1980s. One report estimated US$36 billion of Foreign Direct

Investment (FDI) from 1988 to 2010, and FDI of almost US$20 billion in 2011. Of this, US$10.2

billion went to the oil and gas sector, US$8.2 billion to the energy sector, and US$1.4 billion to

the mining sector [Central Statistical Organization (CSO), 2012]. The main regional investors in

Myanmar are China and Thailand, accounting for over half the investment, followed by South

Korea and Hong Kong (ibid). The governments of lower Mekong countries are interested in

attracting investments mostly in agricultural sectors. Therefore, cross-border agricultural

investment in the Mekong basin has been increased under the Greater Mekong Sub-Region

Economic Cooperation Program since the 1990s.

The Myanmar government too has shifted to export-oriented mechanisms and established the

Myanmar Industry Crop Development Enterprise (MICDE) to achieve industrial agricultural

export goals of its 30-year master plan (2000-01 to 2030-31). The main aim of this enterprise is to

convert 10 million acres of wasteland, not formally owned by farmers but used by local people in

upland areas for shifting cultivation, into industrial plantations by growing agricultural crops like

rubber, oil palm, rice, pulses, and sugarcane. Of 10 million acres of such land, the government

aims to plant rubber in 1.5 million acres [Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation (MOAI)].

Accordingly, the government issued two land laws in 2012: Farmland Law and the Vacant, Fallow

and Virgin Lands Management Law.

The government has promoted large-scale industrial agricultural production throughout the

country since the early 2000s. In 2006, the northern, eastern, and southern Kachin State and

northern and eastern Shan State saw a marked increase in rubber plantation concessions (Kevin

Woods, 2012). Consequently, the major livelihood of the rural farmer, the swidden fields (shifting

cultivation), are being threatened by large-scale, industrial rubber concessions (ibid). A driver of

the rubber expansion is China’s Opium Substitution Program implemented to facilitate Chinese

investments in northern Laos and Myanmar.

The Global Witness (2014) claims that the mushrooming of large-scale agricultural plantations

can have negative effects on local people, including landlessness and increased threats to land

tenure, forests, and ecosystems. Large-scale agricultural plantations are taking over hilly upland

areas, reducing smallholders’ access to land and natural resources, threatening their livelihoods

and causing food insecurity and increased poverty and deforestation. When a gender lens is applied

to these consequences, women are revealed as more vulnerable than men because of their

reproductive roles (SIWI, 2012). Women spend considerable time on livelihood tasks like

collecting water, firewood, other forest products, and other livelihood activities since they are now

forced to travel long distances to access natural resources.

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2. Objectives of Study

The overall objective of the study is:

To explore the changes in gender roles and relations arising from livelihood changes after

the introduction of rubber plantations.

This objective can be sub-divided as:

To identify changes in livelihoods after the introduction of rubber plantations, among those

who plant rubber themselves and those who have lost lands to economic concessions for

rubber plantations;

To assess the effects of livelihood changes on gender roles within households; and

To analyze how changes in livelihood and in gender roles influenced gender relations in

households.

3. Data Collection Method

3.1 Primary Data Collection

The research methodology was designed to collect primary data from households. Key informant

interviews, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions were conducted to reflect different

perceptions on changes in livelihood conditions before, during, and after the introduction of rubber

plantations and its effects on local people from the perspective of gender analysis.

3.1.1 Household Survey

A household survey was conducted using a semi-structured questionnaire made up of open- and

closed-ended questions to obtain background information on the household, their main livelihood

and income sources, access to and control over NTFPs, social networking, and gender relations

before and after the introduction of rubber plantations.

As per the sample-size formula, 229 respondents from four villages needed to be chosen. However,

only 228 respondents (both men and women) were selected: 26 from Naung-Mo, 22 from Kaung-

Lin, 42 from Man Pein, 40 from Maing Par and 98 from Ho-Le. To select respondents for

interviews, random sampling was used by following the main road of the village. Moreover, male

and female respondents (123 males and 105 females) were alternatively chosen to get an equal

number because different groups have varied experiences and men and women have different

struggles due to rubber concessions. Some households had no women to participate in this study

for various reasons. So, the total number of male respondents is a little higher than that of women.

Sample Size

Parel’s sample size formula is used to calculate the sample size of each village:

n = N Z² P (1-P)/ (N d² + Z² P (1-P)) (Parel et al., 1973)

In which,

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n = sample size N = total number of households

Z = Standard error (at 95% confidence level, Z=1.96)

P = estimated proportion of the population (P= 0.5)

d = error limit (5%)

Using this formula, sample households for each village are shown in the following table.

Table 1. Sample Size of Each Village

Selected

Village

Total households Sample households

(formula)

Sampled households

Naung-Mo 28 26 26

Kaung-Lin 26 24 22

Man Pein 43 39 42

Maing Par 42 38 40

Ho Le 140 102 98

These villages have rubber plantations older than seven years invested in by companies and/or

small farmers. Villagers in Naung-Mo, Kaung-Lin, Man Pein and Maing Par villages lost the land

they cultivated and the land they used for firewood plantation, without any benefits. Therefore, the

study chose 26 respondents from Naung-Mo 22 from Kaung-Lin, 42 from Man Pein, and 40 from

Maing Par. From Ho-Le, the study chose 98 respondents to focus on the perspectives of farmers

who planted rubber on their own land.

3.1.2 In-Depth Interviews

To explore detailed information on changes in livelihood patterns, each member’s response to

those changes, and gender role changes in households before and after rubber plantation

introduction, in-depth interviews were conducted. At least two households in each village were

chosen by the snowball method and all members of selected households in an age range of 15 to

65 years were interviewed separately. The criteria for selecting households included (1) it must

not be a new household and (2) the couple must be able to shed light on the situation before and

after rubber plantations. Twenty-four respondents (12 women and 12 men) were interviewed from

12 households of five villages.

3.1.3 Focus Group Discussion

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Specific working groups were organized taking into consideration gender and age. Equal numbers

of each category were inducted for diverse opinions to analyze the impact of rubber plantations on

villages, using tools like resource map and village histogram. Six-eight respondents were chosen

from each village.

3.1.4 Key Informant Interview

Village heads of all villages and government officials were interviewed to explore additional

information on the impact of rubber plantations on social (gender roles) and economic

(livelihoods) aspects in the study area and local attitudes.

Three government officers (one township agricultural officer, one district officer of the Settlement

and Land Record Department, and one township officer from the administrative office) and five

heads of five villages were contacted to arrange meetings for information about procedures, rules,

and regulations on establishing rubber plantations for private companies, protecting the rights of

the local community, developing infrastructure in the area, job opportunities, and the engagement

of local people in plantation work. The leader of each village provided information on the impact

of rubber plantations on the livelihoods and roles of women and men within households.

3.2 Secondary Data Collection

Secondary data was collected from relevant government websites, published articles, books,

reports, papers, journals, and other literature. Basic information about villages, like demographics

were obtained from the district administration office. From the Settlement and Land Record

Department, different types of land-utilization patterns were collected. The Department of

Agriculture (DOA) provided the statistical data on the total area of rubber and other crop

plantations.

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Figure 1. Research Design

Research Problem

Research Objective

Research Design

Conceptual Framework

Selection of Study Area

Sampling Design

Literature Review

Research Question

Data Collection

Secondary Data

-Research Papers

-Published Articles

-Government Data

-Relevant Websites

Primary Data

-Household Survey

-Key Informant Interview

-Focus Group Discussion

-In-Depth Interview

Data Processing and Analysis

Results and Discussion

Conclusion and Recommendations

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4 Profile of Villages

4.1 Villages along large-scale rubber plantations created by economic concessions

Among the villages studied, the socio-economic characteristics of Naung-Mo, Kaung-Lin, Man-

Pein, and Maing-Par are nearly the same. They each have large-scale rubber plantations nearby,

developed by companies and militia. These plantations are often established by taking upland areas

from local farmers without any compensation. Local farmers lose cultivatable land, grazing land,

and forest land when their main livelihood is agriculture. So, they are forced to change their

livelihoods. Gendered division of labor within households changed, resulting in changes in the

relations between men and women. This is because women take responsibility for financial

management within households. These four small villages were combined as one group for data

analysis. Hereafter, these villages will be named as Area 1 for clarity when comparing village

types.

4.1.1 Naung-Mo

Naung-Mo village is included in the Waine-Htain village tract on the Lashio-Maine-Yaw road.

This village has only Shan people with 28 households and a population of 165. It is divided into

lowland (44%), dryland (30%), housing (21%), religious and funeral (2%), and common (3%)

areas. The main livelihood is agriculture. The large-scale rubber plantation near the village is

cultivated by Sein-Wutt-Hmone Company. It covers 11,860 ha. The introduction of the plantation

resulted in loss of shifting cultivation area. The resulting difficulties forced the villages to come

up with various responses to survive. They had to develop new lowlands in a place far from their

village and change their cropping pattern to earn more cash. Most villagers changed their

livelihoods; 28% of the total population migrated to other countries like China and Thailand. Some

chose China due to high wages and lesser distance from their homes. Some chose Thailand because

of language similarities.

4.1.2 Kaung-Lin

This village is also located in Waine-Htain village tract on the road to Maine-Yaw. It has 26

households and a population of 94 belonging to the Shan ethnic group. The land-use pattern is

lowland (42%), dryland (25%), housing (25%), religious and funeral (4%), and common (4%)

areas. The main livelihood is agriculture but the village lost its shifting cultivation land after the

introduction of the large-scale rubber plantation (11,860 ha) which has investment from Sein-

Wutt-Hmone Company. Then, they had to develop new lowlands in another place far from the

village and change their cropping pattern to make more cash. Like in Naung-Mo, 31% of the total

population migrated to countries like China and Thailand. Women migrants outnumbered men.

Their choice of country was determined by similar reasons as in Naung-Mo.

4.1.3 Man Pein

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Main-Piane is also on the road to Maine-Yaw. It has 43 households and a population of 201 Shan

ethnic people. Agriculture is the main livelihood. So, 30% of total land is lowland, 40% is dryland,

22% housing area, 2.7% religious and funeral area, and 6% common land. There are 667.75 ha of

rubber plantations with investments from various businessmen. Man-Pan militia owns 61%,

General Myint Hlaing 24%, Sein-Wutt-Hmone Company 3%, Ye-Kabar Company 3%, and three

Chinese/Shan ethnic businessmen own the remaining 9%. These businessmen initially grabbed

village land with the support of the military to cultivate Jatropha curcas (Kyat-su). Then, they

shifted to rubber. The villagers lost their upland area and had to develop a new lowland area in a

place far from their village and change their cropping pattern. As much as 35% of the total

population migrated to Thailand which offered the benefit of similar language.

4.1.4 Maing-Par

Maing-Par is included in the Man-Pein village tract on the road to Maine-Yaw. It has 42

households and a population, of Shan people, of 202. The main livelihood activity is agriculture.

Lowland area makes up 20%, dryland 42%, housing 13.33%, religious and funeral 8%, and

common land 16.67%. The large rubber plantations near the village have investments from various

businessmen. The Man-Pan militia has invested in 161.88 ha and Sein-Wutt-Hmone Company in

60.71 ha. As in Man- Pein, land was initially grabbed with military assistance to cultivate Kyat-

su. Then, it was used for rubber plantations. Villagers who lost their upland area had to develop

new lowland far from village and change their cropping pattern. Of the total population, 62%

migrated to other countries like Thailand because of similarity of language.

4.2 Village along rubber plantations developed by local farmers

4.2.1 Ho-Le

Ho-Le is a large village, nearly resembling a small town, close to the China border and on the road

to the border trade area. Therefore, most villager trade and their standard of living is better than

the other four villages. Half the village is covered by housing area, 15% is covered by religious

and funeral area, 10% by common land (market, school, and playground) and the remaining 25%

by cultivated lowland and dryland. It has 299 households and a population of 1,181.

Established over 100 years ago, this village, according to in-depth interviews, then had only three

Kachin households that cultivated paddy. Over time, more Kachin people moved from hilly areas

and began living here. So, the land surrounding the village was managed under Kachin customary

law. Kokang people migrated here and have now become the major ethnicity. Therefore, 81% of

the total population is Kokang (or Chinese migrants from Yunan), 16% is Kachin and 3% are

Burmese migrants from central Burma.

They cultivate rubber on all their owned land and bought land as well. On the other hand, all upland

area which was used for paddy are changed into plantation area. So, they had to develop new

upland far from the village and change their cropping pattern to make more cash. Moreover, all of

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the grazing land area and other degraded forest area are also changed into rubber plantation.

Therefore, they did not bred cattle and change into small livestock breeding. Nearly 70% of the

population has migrated to China, Malaysia, and the United States of America. Kokang and some

Kachin chose China due to the high wages, greater job opportunities, and proximity to their village.

Some Kokang migrated internally to Pharkant to work in mining, and Kachin chose Malaysia as a

transit point on the journey to the United States. Livelihoods and gendered division of labor

changed, but gender relations remained unchanged. This is because the perception that men are

breadwinners remains strong in the minds of local people. In this study, this village will be referred

to as Area 2.

Table .2 General Information of Villages

Village Naung-

Mo

Kaung-Lin Man-Pein Maing-Par Ho-Le

Village Types Area 1 Area 2

Definition of area 1 & 2 Land Grabbing No Land

Grabbing

Village Tract Waine-Htain Man-Pein Ho-Le

Township Lashio Kun-Long

District Lashio

Number of HH 28 26 43 42 299

Population 165 94 201 202 1,181

Planting rubber Company, Businessman, Militia Local farmers

Social and cultural

practices

Patriarchal system Patriarchal

system

Main Livelihood Agriculture Agriculture,

Trade, Selling

Goods in

Market

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Map 1 Location of study area in Northern Shan State

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5 Key Findings

5.1 Changing Livelihoods and Implications for Gender Roles

Rubber plantations are mushrooming around Lashio District due to the 30-year master plan of the

former Myanmar Government which changed upland areas surrounding the villages near Lashio

to commercial rubber plantations. Companies, chiefly Chinese, took over land and local farmers

too took to growing rubber on their land. An analysis of two areas before and after rubber

plantations, using T-test, shows that average income in Area 1 increased from 277,252 MMK (579

USD) to 1,667,486 MMK (1,153 USD) whereas in Area 2, it increased from 791,896 MMK (1,616

USD) to 7,672,136 MMK (6,266 USD). Average cash income in both study areas increased

significantly after rubber plantations came up. A comparison of two areas shows that in study area

1, before the introduction of rubber, the main sources of income were sale of crops (84%) and

income from livestock (10%). After the introduction of rubber, 74% of household income came

from cash crops, while wage labor (12%), income from livestock (5%), non-farm income (4%),

and remittances (4%) made up the rest. Similarly, in study Area 2, before rubber plantations,

income came from non-farm sources (nearly 58%) including salary, trade, shops, cycle carrying,

hiring trucks; cash crops (39%); income from livestock (2%); and wage labor (1%). After the

introduction of rubber, income sources became cash crops (38%), remittances (29%), non-farm

sources (22%), wage labor (8%), and income from livestock (3%).

Statistical data shows that in both areas, the percentage of male involvement in agriculture was

greater than that of women. For each cash crop, the percentage of women working on planting,

weeding, and harvesting was higher than that of men. In livestock breeding, women and men had

different tasks. Due to the loss of grazing land, farmers in both areas shifted from cattle breeding

to small livestock breeding. In both areas, women’s involvement in breeding pigs and chicken

increased after the introduction of rubber; the percentage of women in total tasks is more than

80%.

In percentage terms, male migrants nearly doubled female migrants in Area 2, while they were six

times greater in Area 1. This has resulted in labor shortage in the area, causing more women to

enter into wage labor. Descriptive analysis shows that the percentage of male involvement in wage

labor in Area 1 decreased while the percentage of female engagement in wage labor doubled

because the migration rate of women in Area 2 is greater than in Area 1.

In both areas, productive and reproductive tasks mean that women are busier than men. Villagers

in Area 2 are busier than those in Area 1 because of the time consumed by rubber production.

However, more women in Area 1 feel unhappier than before because they are now busier, more so

than the women in Area 2. The availability of electricity means that in Area 2, women can save

time on reproductive tasks.

Although household income has increased in both areas, food intake has decreased. In Area 1, half

of both men and women respondents said that they have less food, whereas in Area 2, nearly 70%

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of females and 90% of males said they get the same food. This is because the villagers in Area 2

used to buy food from the market even before rubber was introduced, whereas Area 1 depended

on non-timber forest products (NTFP), hunting, and upland rice production for domestic

consumption. This also added to women’s unhappiness because more of their time is spent

collecting NTFP.

Monoculture plantation has also had negative effects on the surrounding environment. Changes

have been seen in the quality of water, soil, and forests. In both areas, with grazing land and areas

yielding firewood being taken over by rubber plantations, access to forest products has decreased

and chemical contamination of streams and soil erosion has increased.

In both areas, income sources have changed and household incomes have increased. However,

living standards in the area where local farmers grow rubber themselves is higher than where

farmers have had to give land to rubber plantations. In both areas, women’s involvement in

productive activities is higher than before. While the increased income has made men happier,

women are unhappy because of the increased workload.

5.2 Impacts of Changing Livelihoods on Gender Relations

With the introduction of rubber plantations, farmers in Area 1 lost their lands, especially upland,

grazing land, and forest land. Farmers have not been compensated for the lands that were grabbed

from them. Initially, village leaders and villagers had tried to negotiate with companies for their

lands. At that time, the encouragement of women was crucial in negotiations. However, no

solutions were found. Land loss brought financial difficulties for farmers. Not only men but

women too had to leave homes for work as their land under cultivation diminished. However, this

gave women some role in household decision-making and responsibility for financial

management. In Area 2, decisions on all crops were mostly made by men and women’s

participation was low at less than l0%. In making decisions on sugarcane, the percentage of

women’s involvement was 25% of total because brokers came and bought sugarcane at home and

so women met and negotiated with them to sell sugarcane. However, this was only half that of

men. This is because of strong social and cultural practices in the area. Different experiences

affected the decisions made by men and women regarding the education of girls and boys. The

percentage of improvement in children’s education was not considerably different among girls and

boys in Area 1 but women could voice their opinions, giving girls and boys equal access to

education. However, in Area 2, the percentage of improvement in women’s education was

different from that of men because of the overwhelming perception that men were breadwinners.

In both areas, however, the number of educated women was still lower than those of men.

In both areas, cultural practices are determined by patriarchy and women are denied access to

property. However, with more women engaged in productive activities, their participation in

household decisions, on sale of crops and children’s education, has increased. Women’s

participation in household decision-making is still less visible than that of men. Women in Area 1

have greater participation in household decision-making than women in Area 2 because the former

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have had to take responsibility for financial management after the introduction of rubber

plantations. Women in Area 2 are still dealing with a strong patriarchal system that retains the

perception that men are breadwinners.

6 Conclusion

With the previous government’s 30-year master plan, rubber plantations in Northern Shan State

have been increasing since 2005. Commercial rubber plantations took away farmers’ upland

subsistence farming areas. So, 76% of subsistence farmers lost the land on which they cultivated

rice, pineapple, and maize; they received no compensation in return. The expansion of rubber

plantations has also led to loss of forests and grazing land near villages, adding to the unhappiness

of villagers. Local farmers have had to change their cropping patterns and their livelihood

activities. They now grow more cash crops like corn and paddy. Generally, 60% of all crop

production tasks are performed by men. Where rubber plantations are run by local farmers, the

advent of Chinese businesses has also resulted in changes in cropping pattern for better returns on

investment. Their main crops are rubber, corn, sugarcane, and paddy.

The reliance on cash crops has made women unhappier than before because of the imbalance

between income and expenditure. The gendered division of labor in crop production means that

80% of all such work is done by men. Women’s participation in planting and harvesting each crop

has doubled since the introduction of rubber. In addition, farmers in both areas have shifted from

raising cattle to breeding small livestock since grazing lands have also been taken over. The smaller

livestock are cared for by women.

Migration is now used as a coping strategy. The percentage of male migrants is double that of

females, leading to labor shortage in farming activities. So, women fill the gap and their

engagement in wage labor increases, while that of men has decreased. In general, average

household income is higher than before, although half of the local people in Area 1 have lesser

access to food than before. This is because of reliance on forest products, access to which has been

curtailed. Women in Area 1 are unhappier than before since they are now required to spend more

time in NTFP collection. In both areas, a traditional patriarchal system prevails. However, in Area

1, the involvement of women in production work has allowed them to manage household income.

As a result, they have a greater say in decision-making within households, which has improved

education for girls. In Area 2, however, women are less visible in household decision-making

because of a stronger patriarchal system. In both areas, though, the participation of women in

household decision making is still less visible than that of men because of the influence of cultural

and social norms.

In both areas, women have entered the workforce to deal with the consequences of proliferating

rubber plantations. Women are busier with reproductive and productive work and are unhappier

than before. Women in Area 1 who reported being unhappier than before was double that in Area

2, owing to lesser access to food resulting from loss of land and inaccessibility of electricity to

reduce their workload.

Villagers in Area 2 have been able to manage their own land, so their living standard is better than

in Area 1 in terms of income, education, transportation, and access to electricity, etc. In both areas,

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women’s participation in decision-making is more visible than before because of their engagement

in productive activities. However, this is still less than that of men because of socio-cultural norms.

Restricted access to food, greater productive and reproductive workload, and loss of land resulting

from rubber concessions means that women in both areas are unhappier than before.

7 Recommendations

7.1 Recommendations for Policy Makers

With the government’s export-oriented mechanism, commercial rubber plantations took over

upland areas, where local farmers undertook subsistence farming. This was facilitated by the

definition of vacant land in land laws (2012). This definition must be revised to avoid the loss of

subsistence farming land. Cultivated land should be developed and relocated to farmers so they

have enough land to make a living.

Villagers have lost forests near their villages owing to increased rubber plantations. Existing

forests should be conserved and/or a community forest or firewood plantation established to fulfill

local firewood needs. In addition, local people should be educated about the systematic utilization

of chemicals in farming, to avoid harmful effects. Agriculture specialists can share good

agricultural practices with local people, especially the use of local species to avoid extinction of

native species.

Distance is an obstacle that women face in accessing education. To improve women’s lives,

schools should be opened near villages and/or transportation provided to access education.

7.2 Recommendation for Development Initiatives

Women’s engagement in productive activities has increased but they remain less visible in

decision-making in households. Both men and women need to be educated to ensure women’s

voices are heard within the household. Moreover, women still lag men in community development

activities and participation in village meetings. Development projects should meet women’s basic

needs to attract their active participation in community activities. To reduce women’s workload,

development projects should focus on developing infrastructure like electricity that will help save

time on reproductive tasks and conserve forests by avoiding the use of firewood for daily use.

7.3 Recommendation for Future Researchers

This study only focuses on the gender impacts of rubber plantations mushrooming due to

government policies. It looked at concessions for rubber plantations and plantations developed by

local farmers. However, Myanmar has many more kinds of plantations in accordance with different

government policies. This study recommends investigating the impact of each type of plantation

using a gender lens.

This study explores coping strategies in two types of areas to respond to the effects of increasing

rubber plantations. It does not focus on the main effects of rubber prices. So, changes in livelihoods

within communities where local people have grown rubber for a long time must be investigated in

accordance with rubber price, but from a gender perspective. This study mainly targets the socio-

economic impacts of plantations on women and men. Therefore, it recommends assessing the

environmental impact of monoculture plantation on the daily life of men and women.

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Annex Annex 1: Activities Photos

Figure (1) Rubber Plantation near Mine Par Village Figure (2) Sein Wutt Hmone Company’s Rubber plantation area

(4800 acres)

Figure (3) Household Interview Figure (4) Household Interview

Page 18: Gendered Impact of Rubber Plantation in Lashio District

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Figure (5) Focus Group Discussion with Women Group Figure (6) Focus Group Discussion with Men Group

Figure (7) Key Informant Interview Figure (8) Residence for plantation workers