gender equality strategy - … · we looked at six country case studies (ethiopia, bangladesh,...

GENDER EQUALITY STRATEGY

WEE Taxonomy Methodology

DRAFT & CONFIDENTIAL

© Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation | 2

METHODOLOGY OVERVIEW

MethodologyWe asked ourselves, how do countries tend to progress towards women’s economic

empowerment? To answer this, we utilized four methodologies:

1 wage gap, labor force participation rate, professional/technical jobs, leadership positions at work, and ownership of informal firms

1. Correlation analysis across 95 countries that identified 9 elements most strongly linked to five

indicators1 of Women’s Economic Empowerment.

2. Following expert interviews, we expanded this to 13 elements

2. We examined at the strength and availability of causal evidence and identified seven

strongest elements from the original 13

3. We looked at six country case studies (Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Thailand and the

Indian state of Himachal Pradesh) to both test our taxonomy and to identify broad based

accelerators (women’s movements, social norm change, public-private partnerships) that enabled

progress, that may not have shown up in a correlation analysis.

This resulted in our global theory of change, of what we believe the world needs to do to

make progress towards women’s economic empowerment.

4

Element Indicators Data Sources Year

Equality and

Security

Mobility Composite of 1) women allowed to travel outside of home, 2) women allowed

to travel outside of country, 3) equal access to public spaces for women

• OECD

• World Bank

2014

Education Composite of 1) adult literacy rate, 2) secondary enrollment, and 3) tertiary

enrollment (ratio of F / M)

• UNESCO 2013, latest

data available

Delayed marriage % of women married between the ages of 15 – 19 • UN FP2020 2014, latest

data available

Family planning Composite of 1) % of unmet need for contraception, married women and 2)

% modern contraceptive prevalence rate, all women

• UN FP2020 2014

Opportunity

and Inclusion

Property and assets Composite of 1) widow/widower equal inheritance, 2) daughter/son equal

inheritance, 3) F/M equal rights to land, 4) F/M equal rights to non-land assets

• World Bank (Women,

Business and Law)

2014, latest

available data

Digital inclusion Composite of the ratio of F/M usage of 1) internet and 2) mobile cell phone

usage

• ITU 2013, latest

data available

Financial inclusion Composite of 1) account at a financial institution, 2) loan from a financial

institution, 3) mobile money payment (ratio of F / M)

• Findex 2011, latest

data available

Fundamental

Enablers

Employment law Composite of laws guaranteeing: 1) paid parental leave, 2) equal wages for

equal work, 3) non-discrimination in hiring, 4) same job for returning mothers

• World Bank (WBL)

• World Policy Analysis

2016, latest

available data

Unpaid care Ratio of M/F time devoted to unpaid care work • OECD 2014

Outcome EE outcome composite

Composite of ratios 1) F/M professional jobs, 2) F/M labor force

participation, 3) F/M wages, 4) F/M leadership positions, 5) F/M informal

firm ownership1

• World Bank, WEF,

ILO, and IFC

2014, latest

data available


Indicators used to conduct the correlation analysisAs these indicators were being used to test and validate the transformation pathway, we selected those with broad and consistent availability across

countries to enable a robust correlation analysis, not because they are necessarily the ideal set of WEE indicators

1 Defined as the ratio of informal female-owned enterprises to male-owned enterprises in the informal (but non-agricultural) sector for each country. It serves as a proxy metric for WEE in the informal sector.



HOW ELEMENTS WERE PRIORITIZED

6© Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation |

CORRELATION ANALYSIS IDENTIFIED SPECIFIC ELEMENTS THAT ARE MOST

CLOSELY LINKED TO WEE OUTCOMES

Drawing on data across 95 countries (93% of the world’s women), a correlation analysis reveals that key EE indicators are most closely linked with: ▪ Delayed marriage▪ Family planning▪ Education levels ▪ Financial inclusion ▪ Digital inclusion ▪ Property and assets▪ Mobility in public ▪ Employment equality

rights ▪ Unpaid care work

Correlations between gender equality and WEE indicators across 95 countries

Perceived wage

gap for similar work

Leadership

positions at work Elements

Per capita GDP 0.02 0.19

Urbanization -0.10 0.26

Sex ratio at birth -0.15 -0.03

Delayed marriage 0.10 -0.54

Violence against women --0.02 -0.22

Family planning1 0.09 -0.35

Maternal mortality 0.03 -0.24

Education level -0.01 0.46

Financial inclusion 0.08 0.56

Digital inclusion

Property and assets2

Political

representation

-0.05 0.32

Unpaid care work 0.37 0.45

0.05 0.52

Correlation coefficient (r)

Moderate relationship

0.33 ≤ r <0.67 or -0.67 < r ≤ -0.33, statistically

significant with p-value < 0.1

Slight relationship

-0.33 < r <0.33 statistically significant p-value < 0.1

Relationship not significant

p-value ≥ 0.1

Source: MGI Power of Parity, 2015 (note: highly limited globally comparable data is available for public mobility, skills training, job accessibility, and social welfare

programs; these elements have been prioritized on the basis of expert insight and compelling evidence in the literature)

0.25

0.23

0.19

Professional and

technical jobs

0.12

0.17

0.20

-0.33

-0.45

-0.43

-0.18

0.41

0.38

0.08

0.50

0.34

0.50

0.38

0.41

Female labor force

participation rate

-0.20

-0.16

-0.19

-0.09

0.03

0.10

0.23

0.05

0.36

0.49

0.62

0.41

0.38

0.44

0.27

0.53

0.45

0.32

Mobility3

Employment equality4

1 Composite of unmet need for contraception and modern contraceptive prevalence rate (mCPR); 2 Equal inheritance rights for widows and daughters, and ability to secure land and non-land assets; 3

Equal rights for women to access public spaces, leave the home, and leave the country; 4 Equal rights codified into the law for hiring, pay, parental leave, and protection for returning mothers

Ownership of

informal firms

-0.07

0.15

0.03

-0.40

-0.16

-0.26

-0.18

0.39

0.38

0.18

0.28

0.33

0.45

0.47

0.15

Countries tend to follow a three-step path as they progress towards better WEE outcomes for women

Source: McKinsey Global Institute, Power of Parity

<50% 50-70% 70-80% 80-90% >90%Color coding for each value:NOTE: Each row represents one country across indicators – 95 countries included in analysis

Methodology note: The analysis is based upon the same dataset as the 95 countries also reviewed in the McKinsey Power of Parity report. Across each of the 10 indicators, countries were color coded and ranked based on the following thresholds: Red: <50%, Orange: 50-70%, Yellow: 70-80%, Light Green: 80-90%, Green: >90%. The two exceptions are Delayed Marriage (% of marriages between the age of 15-19) and Family Planning (composite of % of married women with an unmet need for contraception and mCPR), where the thresholds were reversed as higher percentages of adolescent marriages and unmet needs for contraception indicate that economic outcomes in the country are worse for women. Additionally, color coding thresholds were scaled for education, digital inclusion, financial inclusion, and outcome indicators to account for the differences in standard deviation between individual country outcomes

1 Consists of 5 indicators: wage gap, labor force participation rate, professional/technical jobs, leadership positions at work, and ownership of informal firms

Equality and Security Opportunity and Inclusion Fundamental Enablers

Mobility EducationDelayed Marriage

Family Planning

Property and Assets

Digital Inclusion

Financial Inclusion

Employment Law

Unpaid Care

Outcome

Composite of 5 EE1 metrics

Equality and Security Opportunity and Inclusion Fundamental Enablers

Region Mobility EducationDelayed Marriage

Family Planning

Property and Assets

Digital Inclusion

Financial Inclusion

Employment Law

Unpaid Care

Middle East & North Africa

Sub-Saharan Africa

South Asia

East Asia

Central Asia

Latin America

West Europe

NA & Oceania

3-Step path tends to hold across individual regions

Source: McKinsey Global Institute, Power of Parity

NOTE: Each row represents one country across indicators – 95 countries included in analysis

▪ MENA is an exception to the step pathway, due to relatively higher GDP/capita but religiously-motivated restrictions on property/assets and mobility

▪ Higher than expected WEE outcomes in Sub-Saharan Africa are largely due to very high FLPR driven by high levels of subsistence agriculture and some positive

deviation in a few countries (Burkina Faso, Malawi, Nigeria) that have relatively low wage gaps

1 Consists of 5 indicators: wage gap, labor force participation, professional/technical jobs, and leadership positions at work , ownership of informal firms

Outcome

Composite of

5 EE1 metrics

<50% 50-70% 70-80% 80-90% >90%Color coding for each value:


ELEMENT PRIORITIZATION: KEY TAKEAWAYS AND IMPLICATIONS

Objectives

Purpose of the Element Deep

Dives

1. Determine how to

prioritize elements

within each step of the

staircase

2. Serve as additional

validation for each

element to be included

on the staircase

3. Inform the hypothesis

selection

4. Serve as an input into

detailed build-out of

the prioritized

hypothesis

Key takeaways and implications for BMGF

How the findings of the element deep dives inform our thinking on the 3-step pathway (Deliverable #2) and in

hypothesis development (Deliverable #3)

▪ The correlation analyses, expert interviews, and academic literature scans were used to determine which

elements appeared on the staircase and their sequence on the staircase (which step they were placed

onto). However, it is also critical to understand how elements should be prioritized within steps

▪ Conducting deep dives on each element through detailed reviews of existing literature, we found the

following elements to be highest priority (based on the visible strength of their effect on WEE outcomes, their

link to other elements, and the weight of the evidence supporting those claims)

– Step 1: Education, Family Planning, and Delayed Marriage

– Step 2: Access to Formal/Informal Work Opportunities, Financial Inclusion, and Property and Assets

– Step 3: Alleviation of Unpaid Care Work

▪ The elements with the strongest WEE effect sizes are clustered in step 1 (education, family planning, and

delayed marriage), and are all inherently focused on adolescent girls, pointing toward a potential hypothesis

around focusing on adolescent and young women


ELEMENTS ARE PRIORITIZED WITHIN EACH STEP BASED ON STRENGTH

OF EFFECT ON WEE OUTCOMES AND STRENGTH OF EVIDENCE

▪ Clear evidence that demonstrates the element has a

transformative effect on multiple WEE outcomes

▪ Clear evidence of strong links to multiple other

elements on staircase or health impacts

▪ Clear evidence that demonstrates the element has a

strong, positive effect on 2+ WEE outcomes

▪ Clear evidence of strong links to multiple other

elements on staircase

▪ Clear evidence of a positive effect on 2+ WEE

outcomes (or strong effects on at least 1 outcome)

▪ Clear evidence of direct links to multiple other

elements on staircase

▪ Mixed but overall positive evidence that the element

has an effect on at least 1 WEE outcomes

▪ Possible evidence of links to >1 staircase elements

Strength of effect on WEE outcomes

Ratings Description

▪ A large set of Randomized Control Trials (RCTs) and robust cross-

country correlations analyses / natural experiments

▪ Results have been clearly replicated across all geographies

(SSA, South Asia, LATAM) and multiple settings (urban, rural)

▪ Multiple RCTs or robust cross-country correlation analyses, natural

experiments, and several compelling case studies

▪ Results have been clearly replicated across all geographies

(SSA, South Asia, LATAM) and multiple settings (urban, rural)

▪ Limited RCTs available but evidence base includes 3+ compelling

case studies and some cross-country correlation analyses

▪ Results have been replicated across some but not all major

developing world geographies

▪ Element has been largely untested, except for 2-3 isolated case

studies/programs and correlation analyses, but is still promising on

conceptual grounds

Strength of evidence

DescriptionRatings

▪ None/mixed evidence that demonstrates a positive

effect for any WEE outcome

▪ Intervention has been completely untested, except for

potentially 1 isolated case study/program but is still promising on

conceptual grounds

▪ Each element was rated for the strength of effect on WEE outcomes and the strength of the evidence base

▪ The ratings for strength of effect on WEE outcomes can be found on the pages to follow while the strength

of evidence ratings can be found on the individual element deep dive pages in the appendix


OVERALL RATIONALE FOR PRIORITIZING ELEMENTS WITHIN EACH STEPS

TE

P 1

Education ▪ Transformative effects on 2 WEE outcomes (wage gap, agency) and very close ties to other elements (FP, Marriage)

▪ Variety of credible evidence including natural experiments, controlled trials, cross-country correlation analysis

Delayed marriage

▪ Strong effects on 4 WEE outcomes (wage gap, poverty, LFPR, agency) and close ties to other elements (Ed, Marriage)

▪ Variety of credible evidence including multiple controlled trials, natural experiments, and simulationsFamily planning

▪ Strong effects on 3 WEE outcomes (wage gap, LFPR, agency) and very close ties to other elements (Education, FP)

▪ Variety of credible evidence including natural experiments, cross-country correlation analysis demonstrating the effect

Legal rights for women to

work

▪ Limited positive evidence of an effect on WEE outcomes but no clearly documented links with other elements

▪ Only a few, non-comparable case studies available outside of a correlation analysis, difficult to make causal inferences

Mobility and safety in public ▪ Limited and mixed evidence of an effect on WEE outcomes and but some links to other elements (GBV, Education)

▪ Very limited evidence available (a couple anecdotal, non-comparable case studies) difficult to make causal inferences

ST

EP

2

Property and assets

▪ Transformative effects on 2 WEE outcomes (LFPR, agency) and very close ties to other elements (Ed, FP, Marriage)

▪ Limited cross-country correlations available but compelling selection of natural experiments with limited RCTs

Financial inclusion▪ Strong effects on 3 WEE outcomes (poverty, income, LFPR, agency) and close ties to other elements (Ed, health)

▪ A large set of Randomized Control Trials (RCTs) available across multiple geographies, types of programs

Digital inclusion

▪ Very strong effects on 2 WEE outcomes (LFPR, agency) and close ties to other elements (health, GBV)

▪ Availability of credible case studies, natural experiments and cross-country correlation analyses, but no controlled trials

Access to formal/informal

work opportunities

▪ Positive effects on 2 WEE outcomes (access to markets, agency) and ties to other elements (Ed, financial inclusion)

▪ Very limited evidence available (no robust controlled trials) and outcomes are only measured through self-reporting

Vocational and skills

training

▪ Mixed but occasionally positive evidence that the element has an effect on WEE outcomes (LFPR, wages)

▪ A large set of individually evaluated programs across multiple geographies, including a large set of controlled trials

ST

EP

3

Alleviation of unpaid care

work

▪ Transformative effects on multiple WEE outcomes (wage gap, LFPR) and close ties to other elements (FP, decent work)


Policies to promote

workplace equality

▪ Strong effects on 1 WEE outcome (LFPR) but limited connection to other WEE outcomes or elements

▪ Very limited high-quality evidence (RCTs, natural experiments) in priority geographies outside of correlations/case studies

Social and workplace

protection programs

▪ Positive effects on 2 WEE outcomes (Wages, poverty) and ties to other elements (health, family welfare)

▪ Limited RCTs available but compelling selection of natural experiments and cross-country correlation analyses

Element

Strength of

effect

Strength of

evidence Rationale for prioritization


Strength of

evidence

WITHIN STEP 1, EDUCATION, DELAYED MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY

PLANNING HAVE THE STRONGEST EFFECTS ON WEE OUTCOMES

STEP 1

Education

Mobility in

public

Legal rights

for women

to work

Hig

hes

t p

rio

rity

ele

me

nts

Oth

er

ele

me

nts

▪ Higher levels of education increase access to higher-quality jobs and the formal sector, resulting in substantial wage

increases (~10% increase in annual wages for each additional year of schooling)

▪ Women who complete secondary education are significantly more likely to have autonomy over personal decisions

around wealth and assets and share decision-making within the household (25% less likely to be deprived of agency)

▪ Higher levels of education are associated with delayed marriage and delayed childbirth, increased political

participation, and lower incidence of HIV/AIDS and maternal mortality


Delayed

marriage

▪ Delaying marriage increases the quantity and quality of economic opportunities available to young women (delayed

marriage could result in 5-15% increase in labor force participation, 0.25-1.7% increase in women’s earnings)

▪ Young wives typically have limited bargaining power with spouses (14% less likely to influence budgeting decisions)

▪ Delayed marriage is linked to higher educational attainment, delayed childbirth, and better health (e.g., HIV reduction)

▪ Variety of credible evidence including natural experiments, cross-country correlation analysis demonstrating the effect

▪ Equality in basic legal rights is associated with increased earning potential for women (wage gaps are 20% lower in

countries with equal rights)

▪ Sweeping legal changes were associated with higher LFPR (10% increase in LFPR in Namibia after 6 legal reforms)

▪ Individual changes to job rights were less effective (Taiwan lifting hourly restrictions showed limited change to LFPR)

▪ Only a few, non-comparable case studies available outside of a basic correlation analysis and no links to other elements

Elements with the strongest effect

on WEE within each stepWeaker effect Stronger effect

▪ Women experience high-levels of harassment in public (e.g., 80% of women in Karachi) which may restrict work options

▪ Mobility-linked infrastructure projects increase female labor supply by similar rates to men (51% v. 49% in Bangladesh)

▪ Very limited evidence available (anecdotal, non-comparable case studies) but some links to other elements (GBV, Ed)

Family

planning

▪ Young mothers work less hours for less pay than adult mothers (20 – 90% lower wages, 6x more likely to live in poverty)

▪ Women who have less children and space their births are 10-20% more likely to participate in the labor force (non-farm)

▪ Younger mothers are half as likely to manage their own money, and need permission to make financial transactions

▪ Delayed childbirth is heavily linked to education, early marriage, and GBV, and has meaningful intergenerational effects

▪ Variety of credible evidence including multiple controlled trials, natural experiments, and simulations

See Appendix for detailed assessment

Strength

of effect Summary of evidence


Strength of

evidence

WITHIN STEP 2, ACCESS TO WORK, FINANCIAL INCLUSION, AND

PROPERTY AND ASSETS HAVE THE STRONGEST EFFECTS ON WEE

STEP 2

Hig

hes

t p

rio

rity

ele

me

nts

Oth

er

ele

me

nts


on WEE within each step

Weaker effect Stronger effect


Strength


Financial

inclusion

▪ Women-led households are 9% less likely to live in poverty or extreme poverty when given digital banking products

▪ Women-owned businesses experience 20-40% increase in investments and profits when attached to a bank account

▪ Opening of savings accounts results in greater decision making power, and higher spending on female-oriented goods

▪ Financial inclusion is linked to higher spending on children’s education, preventative healthcare and nutrition

▪ A large set of RCTs available across multiple geographies, types of programs

Property

and assets

▪ Equal property/inheritance rights are highly associated with better labor participation rates (LFPR was 50% higher in

countries with equal rights, countries who changed their laws saw 10-15% increases in LFPR)

▪ Women who own assets are more likely to participate in household decisions (40% more likely to make employment

decisions, 220% more likely to decide how to use earnings)

▪ Property and asset control is linked to improved food security, increased family health, and lower rates of GBV

▪ Availability of credible case studies, natural experiments and cross-country correlation analyses, but no controlled trials

Digital

inclusion

▪ Women self-report that digital inclusion increases access to markets (e.g., 64% of working women found mobile phones

improved access to business/employment opportunities) and perceptions of agency (but limited controlled trials/studies)

▪ Limited early pilots show links to improved education, financial inclusion, and perceptions of safety

▪ Very limited evidence available (no robust controlled trials) and outcomes are only measured through self-reporting

Vocational

and skills

training

▪ Most programs see minimal gains in jobs/wages, and gains often disappear when measured over longer time horizons

▪ If programs are high-quality, demand-focused, and account for specific constraints that women face they have the potential

to increase employment (~50% in 2-3 years) and wages (70 – 130% in 2-3 years)

▪ Life skills (e.g., resilience training), soft-skills (e.g., teamwork, communication) and business management skills (e.g.,

accounting, marketing) potentially all have positive impacts on wages/employment, but rely on effective program design

▪ A large set of individually evaluated programs across multiple geographies, including a large set of controlled trials

Access to

formal and

informal

work

▪ Rural employment guarantee programs in India were twice as likely to provide jobs to women rather than men

▪ A rise in formal garment jobs increased LFPR by 44 percentage points and wages by 4.5% per year for 5 years

▪ 1% increases in demand for labor is associated with agency increases within the household (e.g., spending)

▪ Access to work is also linked to increased children’s education, delayed marriage, and delayed childbirth

▪ Limited cross-country correlations available but compelling selection of natural experiments and some RCTs


WITHIN STEP 3, ALLEVIATION OF UNPAID CARE WORK HAS THE

STRONGEST EFFECTS ON WEE OUTCOMES

Alleviation

of unpaid

care work

Hig

hes

t p

rio

rity

ele

me

nts

Oth

er

ele

me

nts


on WEE within each stepWeaker effect Stronger effect


▪ Women are more likely to take on part-time job or leave the labor force with higher unpaid care burdens (10% decrease

in unpaid care increases share of women to men in the workforce by 12.5%)

▪ Rural electrification in South Africa, which eliminates time women spend collecting wood for cooking (2 working days per

week on average), increases employment by 13.5%

▪ Women are 2x – 5x more likely to cite family responsibilities as a reason for choosing informal vs. formal work

▪ In countries where the unpaid care burden is >2x f/m, the pay gap is ~65% (drops to 40% if the care burden is >5x)

▪ Alleviation of unpaid care work is linked to better family planning outcomes and higher school completion rates


Strength of

evidenceSTEP 3

Strength


Policies to

promote

workplace

equality

▪ Gender equality legislation is linked to increased labor force participation and reductions in employment gaps (half of

countries that passed legislation saw a 5 point increase in LFPR in the subsequent 5 years and the median gap in

countries without legal restrictions is 15 points lower)

▪ At least 10% of the narrowing of the gender employment gap in OECD countries over the past 30 years can be attributed

to a reduction in the extent of discrimination (which includes workplace policies)

▪ Some regulations can have unintended consequences (e.g., long maternity leave leading to decrease in skills)

▪ Labor regulations have a negligible impact on women in informal labor (who are majority of workers in SSA and India)

▪ Very limited high-quality evidence (RCTs, natural experiments) in priority geographies outside of correlations/case studies

Social and

workplace

protection

programs

▪ A suite of workplace protections increased overall wages by 22% and real monthly wages by 16% for female domestic

workers in South Africa

▪ Women are less likely to receive pensions, which correlates to a higher likelihood of being in poverty (11 percentage

points lower than men, largest difference in North Africa – 55 percentage points)

▪ In areas where non-contributory pension programs have been implemented, the poverty gap would be 40% and 81% larger

respectively, if the pension plans were not in place

▪ Girls living with a grandmother who receive a pension results in better nutritional outcomes (enough to bridge half the

gap between the size of children in the United States and in South Africa)

▪ Limited RCTs available but compelling selection of natural experiments and cross-country correlation analyses



COUNTRY CASE STUDIES

▪ Country case studies

– Ethiopia case study

– Bangladesh case study

– Bolivia case study

– Brazil case study

– Himachal Pradesh case study

– Thailand case study (work in progress)

▪ Appendix


• Large scale demand for jobs, either by public or private

sectors


CASE STUDIES SHOW IMPORTANCE OF DEMAND FOR WOMEN’S LABOR,

FAMILY PLANNING, EDUCATION, AND WOMEN’S MOVEMENTSCommon factors for what worked Key takeaways

Decent work opportunities create incentives for girls

and women to stay in school and delay marriage

• Concurrent government support for progressive family

planning and education programs

• Channels and avenues for women’s voice (women’s

movements, grassroots campaigns, political

leadership, advocacy organizations, and/or external

pressure)

• Protection of and access to productive assets (land,

inheritance, bank loans)

• No set pathway shown in country case studies Further data and evidence gathering seen as a potential

public good for the community on ‘what works’

Ensuring access to property & assets may increase

agency, including control over use of household earnings,

which could have knock on effects (increased education,

nutrition) for women and their families

Leveraging voice of women’s movements lends opportunity

to reshape gender norms and sustain momentum on

gender issues in country-level contexts

Family planning and education are crucial during

adolescence and young adulthood, suggesting the

importance of focusing on this life stage


ETHIOPIA IMPROVED PERCEPTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS, FEMALE LABOR

FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES, AND REDUCED CHILD MARRIAGE (1995-2005)Overall transformation summary:

▪ In 1999, Ethiopia lagged behind most of the world and Sub-Saharan Africa in major women’s economic empowerment indicators with a 24-point

gender gap in primary school enrollment, a median marriage age of 16, and a 20-point gender gap in labor force participation

▪ National legal reforms around property ownership, marriage, and the right to work, spurred by effective local advocacy groups, led to increases in

women’s labor force participation, changes in women’s perceptions about ownership rights, and reductions in rates of child marriage

▪ By the late 2000’s, once all of the country’s regions had implemented similar reforms, Ethiopia had made strides in reducing the gap in women’s

economic participation, even as it continued to lag behind in health and educational attainment outcomes

Accelerators

▪ Women’s movements & organizations

–to draft legislation and drive passage

▪ Model reform city/region

▪ Public awareness campaigns

▪ Social norm changeWomen have the fundamental enablers for economic participation

Education Delayed marriageFamily planningLegal rights for

women to work

Mobility and

safety in public

Women have access and control over income and assets

Women have equality & security as economic actors

Alleviation of unpaid

care work

Policies to promote

workplace equality


protection programs

Property and

assetsDigital inclusion

Decent work

opportunities

Vocational & life

skills acquisition

Financial

inclusion

Focus areas of transformation

Elements advanced prior to case study period


ETHIOPIA TRANSFORMED OVER A DECADE THROUGH FAMILY LAW REFORMS

SOURCE: Hallward-Driemer and Gajigo, "Strengthening Economic Rights and Women's Occupational Choice," World Bank (2013); Kumar and Quisumbing, "Policy

Reform towards Gender Equality in Ethiopia" (2010); Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia, “Urban Bi-annual Employment Unemployment Survey" (2004);

“World Bank Summary Gender Profile,” 1999, (http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTAFRREGTOPGENDER/Resources/ethiopia.pdf)

▪ Following a decade of political and military strife, in 1995, the federal government ratified a

new constitution which included a basic endorsement of the equal rights of women under the law

▪ Building on that momentum, a number of human rights groups emerged and notably, the Ethiopian

Women Lawyers Association (EWLA) advocated for more specific legal reforms that would codify

the equal rights of women in marriage, property and asset ownership, and the workforce,

putting forth legislation as early as 1996

▪ Though parliament delayed, in 2000 Ethiopia finally passed reforms, in which:

– Men were barred from preventing a woman from pursuing a profession

– Women were given the right to own and administer property

– The legal age of marriage was increased from 15 to 18

– Civil courts were designated as the legitimate referees of divorce cases

▪ Due to decentralized Ethiopian governance, only the two “chartered cities” (Addis Ababa and Dire

Dawa) were affected, but three other “regions” (Amhara, Oromiya, Tigray) soon followed with similar

legislation

▪ After reforms were enacted, the government partnered with NGO’s to lead awareness-raising

campaigns that educated the public through newspaper, radio, and community forum events

▪ After years of internal debate and lobbying efforts by EWLA and others, the remaining

Ethiopian regions passed laws that were very similar to those passed at the federal level and

by 2011, the reforms had taken effect nation-wide

▪ Though there was initially resistance to legal changes at the local level (where customary legal

traditions hold), ultimately, reforms proceeded through grassroots lobbying efforts

▪ Changes to the law were complemented by an extensive land registration effort in 2003 that

sought to certify female ownership of land and also served to raise awareness around the family law

reforms

▪ Effects of the law were strongest for young and single women primarily because older and

married women are subject to established norms of marriage that were not addressed via the legal

reform

How the transformation happened Women’s economic empowerment outcomes1

▪ Increase in labor force participation

– Of all non-home based work, women’s share of the total was 24

percentage points higher in reform regions than non-reform regions2

– Of all year-round work, women’s share was 28 percentage points higher

in reform regions than non-reform regions2

▪ Strongest impact on young and single women

– Of the 24 percentage point difference in share of non-home based work

between reform and non-reform regions, young women (<27) were

responsible for ~60% of the increase

– Of the 28 percentage point difference between reform and non-reform

regions in women’s share of year-round work, single women were

responsible for ~90% of the increase

– The effects of the reforms on older women and married women were not

statistically significant

▪ Changed perceptions about property ownership

– Women surveyed post reform were ~2x more likely (than pre-reform)

to believe that they would divide assets equally in the case of divorce

– Women exposed to the land registration program were 20% more likely

than those not exposed to believe they would divide assets equally

in the case of divorce

▪ Reduction of child marriage

– Girls in areas that underwent reform got married, on average, 1-2.4 years

later than girls in non-reform areas

– The average marriage age in reform areas increased from ~16 to ~18.4

between 2000 and 2005

– Improvement has been continuous: as of 2012, just 8% of Ethiopian girls

between 15-18 were married by age 15, compared with ~30% of women

between the ages of 30-39 who had been married by age 15

1 Staggered implementation across geographies enables evaluation of the effects of reforms while controlling for other changes at the time through a difference-in-difference estimator

2 Data are not population summary statistics, but the results of regression analysis from a representative sample


▪ Late-reforming regions drew on the evidence and legal legwork of early-reforming regions

– Late-reforming regions adopted policies that were extremely similar to those in early reforming

regions, suggesting a demonstration effect of the early regions paving the way

ETHIOPIA’S SUCCESS WAS DUE TO THREE KEY ACCELERATORS

Accelerator Description

Strong local

advocacy

organizations

Public awareness

campaigns about

rights

Model reform

cites/states

initiating action

▪ The Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA) had a catalytic effect1 in advocating for

reform at both the federal and regional level

– The organization produced draft legislation that was introduced in 1996 and ultimately became the

foundation for the 2000 federal reforms (and subsequent regional efforts)

– EWLA brought women’s issues to the forefront of public debate through vigorous public

campaigning, behind-the-scenes lobbying, and the promotion of women candidates for parliament

Source: Burgess, "A Hidden History: Women's Activism in Ethiopia" Journal of International Women's Studies (2013); Dessalegn Rahmato, "Civil Society in Organizations in Ethiopia" (2002);

Kumar and Quisumbing, "Policy Reform toward Gender Equality in Ethiopia: Little by Little the Egg Begins to Walk" (2015)

▪ Attempts to empower women to avail themselves of their rights were strengthened by effective

awareness-raising efforts and legal aid programs

– The EWLA (and other NGO’s) engaged in community awareness-raising campaigns to improve

women’s understanding of their rights, and offered legal aid programs to the poor and very poor

– Additional research from Kumar and Quisumbing (2015) shows that women who participated in the

land registration program were more likely to understand their divorce and inheritance rights,

suggesting that complementary programs can have a “booster” effect on awareness

1 Though the role of any individual organization in policy reform cannot be quantified, numerous academic reviews cite the pivotal role that the EWLA played. Rahmato (2002), for example,

notes that "It is to the credit of EWLA that the reform of the Family Law became a public issue and that the government felt compelled to revisit the legislation" (p. 112)


Tigray

Amhara

Afar

Dire Dawa

Harari People

SomaliOromiaSouthern

Nations,

Nationalities

and People

Gambela

People

Addis Ababa

Benishangul-

Gumuz

REFORM PROCEEDED IN TWO WAVES, EVENTUALLY

REACHING EVERY STATE

Code revised

between 2000-2005

Code revised

after 2005

0 85170 340 510 680kilometers

N

Source: Hallward-Driemeier, M. & Gajigo, O. (2010), Strengthening Economic Rights and Women's Occupational Choice: The Impact of

Reforming Ethiopia's Family Law, World Bank Mimeo. Washington DC: World Bank

▪ After the federal

government enacted

legislation in 2000 that

initiated reform in Addis

Abbab and Dire Dawa,

three other regions

(Oromia, Amhara, and

Tigray) quickly followed

suit

▪ Several years later, the

remaining regions passed

legislation that was

extremely similar to that of

the “early reformers”


CONTENTS








▪ Appendix


GARMENT FACTORY JOBS IN BANGLADESH IMPROVED FEMALE LPR AND

INCREASED EDUCATION, MARRIAGE AGE, AND FAMILY PLANNING (1980-2013)

Overall transformation summary:

▪ Uniquely permissive regulatory/labor environment led to rapid rise in export-oriented ready-made-garment industry starting in the late 1970s which created

a significant demand specifically for women’s labor (particularly for women with some education)

▪ Availability of and exposure to factory jobs created an environment where the opportunity cost for early marriage and child-birth increased and – enabled

by access to primary education and family planning - young girls have become more likely to stay in school, women have become more likely to work

outside the home, and young women have become more likely to delay marriage/childbearing, facilitating the transition from step 1 towards step 2

▪ Given that the garment industry has historically had few protections and women have worked the lowest level jobs, the next major horizon is improving the

decency of work in the industry, and, with growing collectivization efforts and support from international organizations, progress has begun

Accelerators

▪ Private sector job creation –

targeting the female workforce,

specifically in a rapidly growing,

highly visible sector

▪ Social norm change

▪ Partnership with international

organizations Women have the fundamental enablers for economic participation

Education Delayed

marriageFamily planning

Legal rights for

women to work

Mobility and

safety in public




care work

Policies to promote

workplace equality


protection programs

Property and

assets

Digital

inclusion

Decent work

opportunities

Vocational &

life skills

acquisition

Financial

inclusion




SINCE THE 1980S, BANGLADESH HAS SEEN A TRANSFORMATION IN THE

DEMAND FOR WOMEN’S LABOR THAT HAS IMPROVED WEE OUTCOMES

▪ Favorable trade environment and supportive government policies (e.g., export processing zones) for textile

exporting led to explosive growth in garment industry starting in the late ‘70s:

– Has grown an average of 17% per year since inception and now accounts for over 75% of export

earnings

▪ Garment industry has been heavily concentrated in young women, who generally work for very low wages,

creating demand for women’s labor outside the home

– Women represent 80-85% of the industry’s 4 million workers (~15% of women aged 16-30), and are

mostly concentrated in sewing tasks that have been traditionally viewed as work done by women

– Middle 50% of workers range in age from 19-28 years of age, and have generally found work through

informal networks and word of mouth, often in response to financial strains on the family

▪ Demand for women’s labor has raised the opportunity cost for being married and having children at a young

age in a setting where women have traditionally not worked outside the home:

– Education is rewarded in garment factories (i.e., wages are 3.7% higher for each year of education, basic

literacy and numeracy is often tested upon hiring), creating incentives for parents to keep young girls in

school

– To best take advantage of relatively lucrative garment factory jobs, young women have been delaying

marriage and childbirth, particularly if they are exposed to those jobs between the ages of 10 and 23

▪ Gains have been enabled by:

– Expanded primary education, including free education up to 8th grade for rural girls, and girls’ rates of

enrollment, completion, and attendance is higher than boys’

– Large government-run family planning program led to only 13% of women having unmet needs for

contraception, and national contraceptive prevalence rates double that of neighbors

– Lack of significant legal barriers to women’s mobility and employment

▪ Now moving towards a much-needed decent work agenda, partially spurred by high-profile factory disasters

– 2013 legal change lowered threshold for unionization, increased min. wage, mandated factory inspection

– Women now make up two-thirds of factory level union leaders

How the transformation progressed Women’s economic empowerment outcomes

▪ Improved performance on key elements:

– Average number of children per woman fell

from 5.9 in 1983 to 2.3 in 2009

▫ Proximity to factories is associated with 29%

lower rates of early childbearing

– Achieved gender parity in school enrollment

15 years ahead of MDG deadline, with

exposure to factory jobs accounting for a 14.8

percentage point increase in enrollment for

girls

▫ Each year living near a garment factory

leads to an increase in educational

attainment of 0.22 years for girls

– Average age of marriage for girls increased

from 14.6 in 1980 to 17.0 in 2005

▫ Proximity to factories is associated with 28%

lower rates of early marriage

▪ Women’s economic participation improved

substantially:

– LFPR grew from 14% in 1990 to 58% in 2014

– Women’s wage employment increased 4.3%

per year from 2000-2005

– Women living near factories are 15% more

likely to have worked outside the home

Sources: World Bank, MGI Power of Parity analysis, International Labour Organization, Heath and Mobarak, “Manufacturing growth and the lives of Bangladeshi women”. Journal of Development Economics (2015), Streatfield and Kamal, “Population and family planning in Bangladesh”. J Pak Med Assoc

(2013), Joarder, et al, “Post-MFA Performance of Bangladesh Apparel Sector”. International Review of Business Research Papers (2010), Hossain, “Exports, Equity, and Empowerment: The Effects of Readymade Garments Manufacturing Employment on Gender Equality in

Bangladesh”. World Development Report (2012), Ardt, et al, “Report of Primary Education in Bangladesh, Challenges and Successes”, SAARC (2005), Rahman and Islam, “Female labour force participation in Bangladesh, trends, drivers, and barriers”. ILO (2013), Wallace, “Most

Bangladeshi garment workers are women, but their union leaders weren’t. Until now.” PRI (2015), Greenhouse, “Under pressure, Bangladesh Adopts New Labor Law”. New York Times (2013), Amin, et al, “Transition to Adulthood of Female Garment-factory Workers in Bangladesh”.

Studies in Family Planning (2001), Absar, "Problems surrounding wages: the ready made garments sector in Bangladesh". Labour and Management in Development Journal (2001), Progress of the World's Women (2015-2016)


BANGLADESH'S SUCCESS WAS ACCELERATED BY PRIVATE SECTOR JOB

CREATION AND PRESSURE FROM INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS Accelerator Description

Private sector

job creation

specifically

targeting

women

workers

Pressure from

international

organizations

▪ The garment industry in Bangladesh was primed for growth, and employment of women was specifically

targeted, creating highly visible demand for women’s labor:

– Favorable trade conditions for textile exporting enabled the industry to expand rapidly and attain high

significance within the Bangladeshi economy, creating visible demand for women’s labor at scale

– Garment industry work viewed as culturally appropriate for women to undertake, and young women with few

other options are willing to work for low wages

▫ Provided an accessible, stable form of work for outside the home attainable for many women

▪ Demand for women’s labor from the garment industry meaningfully increased opportunity cost of early

marriage and childbirth for young women

– Diverted women at critical life stage towards increased education, delay of marriage, and reduction in overall

fertility in order to secure valuable factory jobs

– Increased women’s labor force participation, rate of wage employment substantially

▪ International organizations used high profile disasters to pressure government and companies to improve

working conditions:

– Significant pressure from media (e.g., New York Times), international organizations (e.g., Human Rights

Watch, UN), and governments (e.g., EU, USA) have led to acceleration of decent work agenda

▪ Government enacted new labor laws in 2013 that decreased barriers to unionization (requirement for 30%

workers reduced to 10%), mandated hiring of additional inspectors, and increased minimum wages by 77%

▪ Private sector companies created the Bangladesh Accord on Fire and Building Safety in collaboration with

local and international unions, workers’ solidarity movements, and NGOs

– Accord is legally enforceable via binding arbitration in companies’ home countries to ensure that workers have

means of recourse in the event of labor violationsSources: World Bank, MGI Power of Parity analysis, International Labour Organization, Heath and Mobarak, “Manufacturing growth and the lives of Bangladeshi women”. Journal of Development Economics (2015), Streatfield and Kamal, “Population and family planning in Bangladesh”. J Pak Med Assoc

(2013), Joarder, et al, “Post-MFA Performance of Bangladesh Apparel Sector”. International Review of Business Research Papers (2010), Hossain, “Exports, Equity, and Empowerment: The Effects of Readymade Garments Manufacturing Employment on Gender Equality in

Bangladesh”. World Development Report (2012), Ardt, et al, “Report of Primary Education in Bangladesh, Challenges and Successes”, SAARC (2005), Rahman and Islam, “Female labour force participation in Bangladesh, trends, drivers, and barriers”. ILO (2013), Wallace, “Most

Bangladeshi garment workers are women, but their union leaders weren’t. Until now.” PRI (2015), Greenhouse, “Under pressure, Bangladesh Adopts New Labor Law”. New York Times (2013), Amin, et al, “Transition to Adulthood of Female Garment-factory Workers in Bangladesh”.

Studies in Family Planning (2001), Absar, "Problems surrounding wages: the ready made garments sector in Bangladesh". Labour and Management in Development Journal (2001), Progress of the World's Women (2015-2016)


CONTENTS








▪ Appendix


IN BOLIVIA, WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IMPROVED FEMALE LABOR

PARTICIPATION, EDUCATION, AND PROPERTY OWNERSHIP (1993-2010)


▪ The transition from authoritarian military rule to democratic governance provided Bolivia a window of opportunity to re-shape the role of women in

political, civic and economic life

▪ Feminist women’s groups led the way, advocating for significant reforms to protect the rights of women and expand economic opportunity, culminating in the

creation of a new constitution in 2009, which enshrined the rights of women and encouraged gender-responsive policy-making through the creation of a

strict quota system for female representation in the legislature

▪ As a result, Bolivia has seen a significant increase in its female labor force participation rate, improvements in women’s political participation at both the

national and local levels, and overall improvements in girls’ education completion rates and delayed childbirth

Accelerators

Women have the fundamental enablers for economic participation


women to work

Mobility and

safety in public




care work

Policies to promote

workplace equalitySocial welfare programs

Property and


Decent work

opportunities

Vocational &

life skills

acquisition

Financial

inclusion

▪ Partnerships with international

organizations

▪ Political will for gender equality

▪ Women’s movements &

organizations

▪ Women’s political participation




SINCE THE 1990’S, BOLIVIA HAS SEEN CHANGES DRIVEN BY STRONG

WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS AND INTERNATIONAL PARTNERSHIPS

SOURCES: World Bank Data Bank; World Bank, "Bolivia:Challenges and constraints to gender equality and women's empowerment,"2015; United Nations, "Productive Patrimonial Assets Building and Citizenship

Programme for Women in Extreme Poverty," Case Studies from the Millenium Development Goals Achievement Fund, 2013; Government of Bolivia, "Beijing Questionnaire," 2000; UN Development

Programme, "Discussion Paper:The Dynamics of Inequality in the Best and Worst of Times, Bolivia 1997-2007, January 2010; World Economic Forum Gender Gap Project, 2006-2016; Oxfam, "Leveraging for

change: Advocating for a universal agricultural insurance scheme in Bolivia"

Women’s economic empowerment outcomes1

▪ Labor force participation

– Gaps in labor force participation have been cut by 50% over the

last 30 years – the gap was 32 points in 1990, 22 points in 2000, and

leveled off at 16 points in 2010, where it has remained1

– Between 1993 and 2009, the percent of professionals who were

women increased from 2.6% to 8.6%

▪ Progress on other WEE indicators

– Adolescent (age 15-19) fertility rate has declined from 90 births per

1,000 girls in 2000, to 70 births per 1,000 in 2015

– Girls surpassed boys in secondary school completion rates (89%

to 88%) as of 2008

– As of 2008, 84% of women believe they play an active role in

making major decisions about household purchases

▪ Success from pilot programs

– “Productive Patrimonial Assets Programme” showed, on average, 50%

increases in income for program participants and a 22% to 97%

increase in voting behavior in national and local elections while 30%

of participants ultimately ran for political office themselves

– Oxfam ran technical support for the program, and ultimately lobbied

successfully for a government commitment to cover all rural

indigenous populations within 5 years

▪ Political participation

– The share of women in the legislature has increased from 12% in

2002 to 49% in 2015 and at the local level, female representation

more than doubled (from 19% to 43%) between 2004 and 2010

– In 2011, half of the 20 ministers in the cabinet were women

– As of 2011, there was only a 4-point gap (46% to 50%) between men

and women when asked if they felt free to participate fully in the

political system

How the transformation progressed

Political Change

▪ Following an end to ~20 years military rule, during the 1980s and 90s, women’s movements

increased in prominence with a range of groups targeting different issues (e.g., some targeting

gender mainstreaming in government with others focused on rights of rural indigenous women)

▪ The women’s movements laid the foundation for government initiatives:

– Between 1997 and 2002, government policy included Bolivia’s ‘Poverty Reduction Strategy

(2001-2003)’, which recognized the ‘feminization of poverty’ as a key factor that should be

taken into account in when crafting human development policies

– In 2002, a ‘Vice Ministry for Women’ was set up to formulate government policies on behalf of

women and implement gender-mainstreaming policies

▪ Following the election of the country’s first indigenous President in 2005, indigenous

women’s organizations led the engagement and advocacy in the process to adopt the new

Bolivian constitution in 2009, which included 23 articles on women’s rights

Policy changes and pilot programs

▪ The government implemented several women’s empowerment policies:

– In 2009, existing quota law was revised to raise the required proportion of women on party

lists from 30% to 50%

– It enacted broad subsidies and conditional cash transfer programs (e.g., ‘Juana Azurduv

Voucher program’ ) to encourage use of preventive health services by pregnant women and

incentivize school attendance

– In 1996, the government passed the Bolivian Land Reform Act guaranteeing equal access to

property for men and women, and between 2006 and 2008, the government distributed

10,300 property titles to rural women

▪ The Bolivian government also partnered with several international organizations (including the

UN, Oxfam, etc.) to generate pilot programs that would empower women economically.

– Partnered with the UN to launch the “Productive Patrimonial Assets Building and Citizenship

Programme,” which targeted poor women in rural areas in a multi-pronged approach that

included seed capital, business skills training, identity-document provision, and civic education

– Oxfam partnered with the government to build the case for an agricultural insurance program

that would protect poor rural women from the effects of climate change

1 Absolute female labor force participation has remained in the 60-65% range over the last 20 years, and at nearly identical levels to Peru, Uruguay, and Colombia


BOLIVIA’S SUCCESS WAS ACCELERATED BY THREE KEY FACTORS

Accelerator

1 Rousseau, “Indigenous and Feminist Movements at the Constituent Assembly in Bolivia: Locating the Representation of Indigenous Women, 2011; 2 Ionescu, “The Role of Women in Bureaucracies: Leadership, Democracy and

Politics Economics” 2012; 3 Dijkstra, Gender Equity and Public Policies in Latin America: Opportunities and Risks in the PRS Approach, 2011; 4 UN Women, “Bolivia: Gender Based Political Violence,” 2013; 5 UNDP, Democratic

Governance: Promoting Gender Equality in Electoral Assistance: Lessons Learned in Comparative Perspective, Country Report from Bolivia, 2014.

Description

Grassroots

women’s

coalitions

▪ The process of forming a new constitution had a strong effect on bringing together a coalition of groups with

otherwise different interests and agendas

– Though normally focused on indigenous rights (and not women’s rights in particular), indigenous groups allied

closely with feminist movement groups and NGO’s to lobby for reforms within the constitutional process1

– Increased engagement and collective lobbying has been credited as being crucial in bringing about the

adoption of gender quotas within the constitution2

Women’s

political

participation

▪ There is strong evidence that increased women’s political participation in the legislature and civil society has

played a major role in expanding the rights and economic opportunities of women

– Civil society organizations were instrumental in working with the government to create an implementation

monitoring mechanism when the 2001-2003 National Gender equity plan was passed3

– An increase in the number of female politicians, in conjunction with mobilization and lobbying from the Bolivian

Association of Councilwomen and the national Political Rights for Women Action committee played a pivotal role

in passing legislation protecting women from political harassment and violence4

▪ The Women’s Coordinating office (CM), a network of domestic NGO’s has played a pivotal role in organizing

and mobilizing diverse women’s groups and leveraging the influence of international NGO’s (e.g., the UN)5

– The CM worked with a group of 19 women’s organizations and the National Assembly from 2010 to 2011 to

propose 20 laws around women’s empowerment and mobilized grassroots activity through extensive public

radio campaigns reaching 200,000 women, ultimately resulting in the passage of 5 key gender equity laws5

– It has played a role in holding politicians accountable by working directly with the parties and other women’s

groups to ensure adequate numbers of women are being included on party election lists and actively lobbying for

changes to ensure greater gender parity within the civil service as well5

Partnerships

with

international

organizations


CONTENTS








▪ Appendix


BRAZIL SERVES AS AN EXAMPLE OF POPULATION LEVEL CHANGE IN WEE

OUTCOMES, ALONGSIDE A REDUCTION IN UCW (2001-2011)

▪ Initial estimates suggest Brazil reduced women’s unpaid care work by two hours per week (~17 mins per day) between 2001 and 2011.

This decrease is correlated with the introduction of government policies that address the needs of mothers, improved female access to care

benefits and increased availability of child care.1

▪ These interventions, combined with national economic growth, policies to promote workplace equality, and increased education of women. Brazil

saw a meaningful increase in its female labor force participation rate (LFPR) from 55% in 2001 to 60% in 2011, a growth in women’s

share of the employed population from 35% to 44%, and girls now surpass boys in primary and secondary school participation.

▪ However, the recent economic downturn in Brazil, and the current male-dominated, conservative government is threatening the gender equity

advances made between 2001 and 2010, and additional interventions are needed to further reduce and redistribute UCW, and address

deep-rooted gender norms.

Accelerators

Women have the fundamental enablers for economic participation


women to work

Mobility and

safety in public



Policies to promote

workplace equalitySocial welfare programs

Property and


Decent work

opportunities

Vocational &

life skills

acquisition

Financial

inclusion

▪ Private sector job creation

▪ Public private partnerships

▪ Partnerships with international

organizations

▪ Public investment in infrastructure



care work

[1] World Development Indicators, World Bank. 1. No research available isolating the impacts of specific interventions on UCW, and evidence points to correlation, but not causation




ECONOMIC GROWTH, PROGRESSIVE POLICIES AND THE PROTECTION OF

PROPERTY & ASSETS CONTRIBUTED TO WEE GAINSWomen’s economic empowerment outcomes1How the transformation progressed

▪ Policies to promote workplace equality

– Gender equality in the labor force is part of Brazil’s constitution. This moved to

the forefront of government policies in 2003 with the creation of the Special

Secretariat for Women’s Policies and the National Plan for Women’s Policies.

– Several laws mandating gender equality have subsequently been

implemented, including:

▫ Equal remuneration for work of equal value

▫ Non-discrimination hiring based on gender

▫ Ban on sexual harassment in employment

▪ Property and assets, and financial inclusion

– Brazilian legislation does not discriminate against women around access to

land, any other property, inheritance or bank loans.

– There are also a number of programs that target and support rural women to get

access to land, credit and government services

▪ Access to decent formal and informal work

– Between 2001 and 2014, around 20 million jobs were created, over half of which

were those where employees hold social security card, and 48% were taken up

by women.

– Investment in labor inspection, and the simplification of registration costs and tax

administration for small and medium-sized firms also promoted the formalization

of jobs and enterprises.

▪ Education

– Brazil’s public educational expenditure rose from 3.5% of GDP in 2001, to 6.1%

in 2011, which improved educational attainment for men and women.

[1] World Bank Development Indicators; UNICEF State of The World’s Children Statistics; UN Women, Progress of the World’s Women, 2015-16; OECD, Country Note Brazil: Education at a Glance, 2014

▪ Initial estimates suggest Brazil reduced women’s

unpaid care work by two hours per week (~17

mins per day) between 2001 and 2011.

▪ Females surpassed males in education

enrolment and attainment by 2012, with 95% of

girls participating in primary school, 80%

participating in secondary school and 98% literacy

rates

▪ Female labor force participation increased from

55% to 60% between 2001 and 2011

▪ Female to male labor force participation rate

increased from 66.7% in 2000 to 73.3% in 2010

▪ Proportion of women with formal jobs


▪ Women’s unemployment rate decreased from

11.9% to 9%


INTRODUCTION OF CARE SERVICES AND EMPLOYMENT SKILLS

TRAINING COINCIDED WITH A REDUCTION IN UCW

Root cause Interventions Description Impact on UCW and WEE outcomes

Social norms

Targeted

individual

norms

change

education

• Education programs on gender roles

and norms for men and teen boys

• Group education classes on gender

norms, shared-decision making and

power dynamics, that accompany the

Bolsa Familia program

• LOW: effective at changing male perceptions;

small-scale and not widespread across the

country (perceptions remain very conservative)

• TBD

Policy/ social

institutions

Income

support

programs

• Bolsa Familia cash transfer

program, conditional on children

remaining in school and having

regular health check-ups

• MIXED: nationwide quantitative study showed

BP increased targeted women’s access to

prenatal care and decision-making autonomy

over domestic issues, but there are indications

that reduced productive hours worked by women

is offset by an increase in time spent doing

domestic chores1

Childcare

programs

• Free day-care programs for children

up to the age of six

• HIGH: redistributed care work, increased female

LFPR; nation-wide

Parental leave

policy

solutions

• Improved maternity (from 120 to 180

days) and paternity (from 5 to 20

days) leave policies

• MEDIUM: no quantitative link to UCW; increased

likelihood of women entering, and remaining, in

the work force, nation-wide

Economic

environment

Training/ job

placement

programs

• Skills training program for

marginalized and young female

populations

• MEDIUM: no quantitative link to UCW; improved

participant education and empowerment, and

increased female LFPR, nation-wide

Technology/

infrastructure

Large-scale

infra. changes

• Improved access to water, electricity

and cooking fuels

• Improved transport networks

• LOW: effective at reducing UCW, however

inadequate infrastructure was less of a barrier in

Brazil from 2000

“Higher incomes for women,

along with improved policies and

improved infrastructure were the

key drivers leading to reduced

female unpaid care work in

Brazil”.

Interventions leading to a reduction in female UCW Expert quotes

“Improved education of women

was a key driven in delivering

WEE outcomes in Brazil, which

in turn led women find

alternative solutions for unpaid

care work”

“Lula and Rousseff took a strong

stance on gender issues and

introduced several interventions.

These helped to reduce unpaid

care work, and start shifting

perceptions.”

Note. In April 2013 a constitutional amendment was passed to give domestic workers formal rights; the impact of this policy has not been considered in the above as it is outside of the timeframe under consideration,

Source: Rating based on available evidence, Dalberg analysis and expert interviews. [1] International Policy Centre for inclusive growth research brief, “Bolsa Familia and gender relations: national survey results”


BRAZIL’S SUCCESS WAS ACCELERATED BY THREE KEY FACTORS


Economic

growth

▪ Brazil went through a period of fast economic growth between 2001 and 2011. GDP per capita increased from USD 3,000 to

USD 13,000,1 and the country became the world’s sixth-largest economy.2 This growth led to the creation of over 20 million

formal jobs, higher employment, and increased incomes.

▪ This led to an increase in female earnings, which increased the opportunity cost of missing work and incentivized

families to look for alternative ways to manage unpaid work (domestic help, redistribution amongst family members).

Political

willpower

▪ Brazil has had a strong emphasis on addressing gender equality and women's rights since Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva became

president in 2003. He created a federal governmental body with the objective of dealing with gender equality issues, which

resulted in government bodies incorporating a gender perspective in all public policies, and created a National Plan for Women’s

Policies (NPWP). As a result, multiple steps have been taken to increase women's rights both inside and outside the

home, increase their participation in education and employment, and improve access to contraceptives.

▪ This focus on gender issues continued, and heightened, when Dilma Rousseff was elected in 2010.

Public-

private sector

partnerships

▪ The government created the Corporate Citizen Program (CCP- Programa Empresa Cidadã) to encourage large private

employers to provide improved benefits for their employees, including improved child-care options, extended maternity

leave and most recently, extended paternity leave. It is estimated that over 18,000 employers are registered with CCP, and

implementing the latest policies.

▪ Civil society organizations, such as Promundo, have also been instrumental in pressuring the Brazilian government to update

policies to further gender equality.

[1] World Bank Development Indicators; [2] BCG, Brazil: Confronting the Productivity Challenge, 2012


EVIDENCE SUGGESTS BRAZIL ACHIEVED MEANINGFUL REDUCTIONS IN

WOMEN’S UCW AND WEE OUTCOMES BETWEEN 2001 - 2011

WEE indicators2

• Females surpassed males in education enrolment

and attainment by 2012, with 95% of girls participating in

primary school, 80% participating in secondary school

and 98% literacy rates

• Female labor force participation increased from 55%

to 60% between 2001 and 2011

• Female to male labor force participation rate


• Proportion of women with formal jobs increased

from 41.5% in 1999 to 48.8% in 2009

• Women’s unemployment rate decreased from 11.9%

to 9%

Unpaid care work

Time spent on unpaid care work, men and women1

Hours per week

24.022.0

10.0 10.1

+8 mins

-2 hours

2001 2011

Women Men

[1] ] Time frame selected as there were two data points available on UCW from MenCare, State of the World’s Father Report , 2015. Additional data from Brazil’s National Household Survey (“PNAD Survey”) which defines

unpaid care work as time spent doing housework (including chores and care) between 2003 and 2013 shows a consistent decline in UCW (Dalberg analysis) [2] World Bank, World Development Indicators database; The

World Bank, Gender Equality and Economic Growth in Brazil, 2013


INGRAINED GENDER PERCEPTIONS, ECONOMIC DOWNTURN AND A

NEW GOVERNMENT POSE A RISK TO CONTINUED WEE PROGRESS

“There was a radical shift in the focus on gender equity

once Rousseff was impeached. The new government

cabinet is predominantly male and very conservative in its

values and policies.”

“Sexist perceptions are still heavily ingrained in society

across Brazil, for example President Temer praised

women for taking care of homes, nurturing families and

checking prices at supermarkets in his International

Women’s Day speech this year.”

“Brazil certainly made steps forward on gender equality

between 2000 – 2010, but this progress is currently

threatened by the economic downturn and male

dominated right-wing government now in place ”

▪ Whilst experts agree Brazil has made advances in gender equity in the last decade,

evidence suggests that these advances could be reversed in the future for three

key reasons:

– Economic downturn

▫ Brazil fell into an economic recession in mid-2014, which was the first time

the economy contracted since the 2008 global financial crisis. This caused a

shrink in the economy by ~4-5%, and an increase in unemployment.1

– Deep-rooted gender norms

▫ Traditional gender norms are deep-rooted in Brazil and the population is

largely conservative in its opinions, and many still believe care work and

household chores should be done by women

▫ For example, when asked “when jobs are scarce, men should have more

right to a job than women” and “when a mother works for pay, the children

suffer”, ~16% of Brazilians agreed, compared to ~5% of Americans2

– Conservative, male dominated government

▫ The first cabinet President Temer selected in August 2016 was 100% men,

which was the first time since the 1970’s that the Brazilian cabinet did not

include women. Two women have since been appointed to the cabinet due

to public pressure, but the cabinet remains ~90% male.

▫ Temer also cut Brazil’s ministry of women, racial equality and human rights,

and they became subsumed into the ministry of Justice.

[1] World Bank Development Indicators; [2] World Values Survey, 2010 - 2014

1 2 3 4


CONTENTS








▪ Appendix


HIMACHAL PRADESH IMPROVED WOMEN’S LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION

RATES AND GIRLS’ EDUCATIONAL ENROLLMENT OVER THE LAST 25 YEARS

(1990-2015) Overall transformation summary:

▪ In 1990, Himachal Pradesh had one of the lowest women’s labor force participation rates in India; by 2011-12, they were the second highest in the country

▪ Strong government support for women, through urban public sector hiring, robust expenditure in healthcare, financial inclusion efforts, and gender-

targeted income smoothing for rural agricultural workers has improved women’s labor force participation

▪ Land reforms first initiated in the 1950s, and later in the 1970s have meant that almost 80% of rural households in the state own some land. Crucially,

distribution of land across social groups is more equal in Himachal Pradesh compared to the rest of India

▪ Proactive policies like tuition free education, free textbooks, and village education committees have improved the enrollment of girls aged 7-11 into

school to 99.8%, and improved overall female literacy to 88%

Accelerators

▪ Public investment in

infrastructure

▪ Women’s movements &

organizations

▪ Women’s political

participationWomen have the fundamental enablers for economic participation

Education Delayed

marriageFamily planning

Legal rights for

women to work

Mobility and

safety in public




care work

Policies to promote

workplace equality


protection programs

Property and

assets

Digital

inclusion

Decent work

opportunities

Vocational &

life skills

acquisition

Financial

inclusion

Focus areas of transformation Elements advanced prior to case study period


AVENUES FOR WOMEN’S VOICE, PUBLIC SECTOR HIRING & INVESTMENT IN

INFRASTRUCTURE LED TO INCREASED WEE OUTCOMES

WEE Outcomes

Labor force participation3

▪ Labor force participation rates for women are now

second highest out of all India states (59%),

driven primarily by high rural, agriculture-based

LFPR for women (63% vs. 27% for India)

▪ However its urban LFPR is also 1.5x higher than

Indian averages (28% in HP compared to 19% in all

of India), driven by public sector jobs

Decision rights3

The combination of these inputs have also led to

delayed marriage and control over assets within the

household

▪ 65% of married urban women and 56% of

married rural women reported participating in

household decisions

▪ Only 8.6% of women aged 20-24 were married

before the age of 18, as compared to 26.8% across

India

Household Ownership

▪ Percentage of house ownership among female

headed households is one of the highest in India

(21%)9

Health Outcomes

▪ HP performs well on many health indicators

compared to the rest of the country, 52.1% women

use a modern contraceptive method (India:

47.8%), 69.1% mothers had at least 4 ANC visits

(India: 51.2%), 69.5% children are fully immunized

India: 62%)

Activities

▪ Health: The state spends 1.57% of its GDP on health (one of the highest in the country), and has a per capita

expenditure 50% higher than Kerala. As such, it has a strong infrastructure setup: 82% villages have a sub-health

center within 3 k.ms., of which 93% have Auxiliary Nurse Midwives.6

▪ Delayed Marriage: Launched a CCT program (Beti Hai Anmol) in 2010 to reduce early marriage, consisting of a

bank account with 5K rupees in girls’ names to be accessed at age 18. This replaced an older, similarly structured

CCT launched in 1997 (Balikasamridhi Yojana). The state has one of the lowest percentage of girls married

before 18 (8.6%). 2

▪ Education: Exemption of tuition fees for girls in all institutions and setting up of Village Education

Committees with 1/3 women members enhanced enrollment and retention 3. Female literacy rate (88%) and

girls’ enrollment (99.8% ages 7-11) into school is one of the highest in India, and the state also registers one of the

lowest dropout rates4

▪ Decent jobs: Government of Himachal Pradesh (GoHP) employs nearly 1/3 of all urban workers of which 20%

are women, compared to ~10% in the rest of India; further 1/5 of urban women in HP are salaried3

▪ Average Wages: State offers one of the highest average wages to females for regular/ salaried employment both

in rural and urban7

▪ Political Participation: While only 7.35% of seats in the legislature were won by women in 2007, this share

continues to be one of the highest in the country 8

State

govern-

ment

Local

govern-

ment and

comm-

unity

▪ Local government: 50% of seats in the lowest level of government, the Panchayati Raj are reserved

for women in Himachal Pradesh—one of the first states to establish this quota4

▪ Education: Local communities are given the responsibility for monitoring school enrollment and

retention of young girls, holding individual households accountable5

▪ Community activism: Women have had a long history of activism in the state (e.g., in the early 1990s,

women's groups played a strong role in resisting commercialization of forests)3

National

govern-

ment

▪ Assisting agricultural workers: Launched a program for waged work in rural areas during agricultural

low seasons (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) to assist rural families with income smoothing—

two years after the program launch, HP went from having one of the lowest shares of work days going to

women (13%) to one of the higher shares (46%)3

1 Centre for Social Protection report on India's National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2 UNFPAs report on Special Financial Incentive Schemes for the Girl Child in India, 3 World Bank report on Social Inclusion and Sustainable

Development in HP, 4 Government of Himachal Pradesh 5 HBR Working Paper 14-099, Mangla: Bureaucratic Norms and State Capacity in India, 6 Mor, Nachiket. Designing Regional Health Systems in India A Case Study of

Himachal Pradesh, 7 NSSO 66th Round, 8 Ministry of Women and Child Development, 9 Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011,


HIMACHAL PRADESH’S SUCCESS WAS DUE TO THREE KEY FACTORSAccelerator Descriptor

Public investment

in infrastructure

▪ A substantial government commitment to women and girls can drive positive economic outcomes because

government controls a host of powerful policy levers1

– Generate incremental “decent work” job opportunities through the public sector

– Direct social service provision (health, education) towards women

– Build critical infrastructure for women (toilets in schools, water/energy in rural areas)

▪ In HP, this was enabled by substantial budget windfalls (e.g., HP received federal block grants for development

programs worth ~25% of the state’s total expenditures – 45% of total revenues)

▪ Norm of responsiveness to citizens’ concerns further accelerated success

Women’s

movements and

political

participation

▪ In general, the state has less restrictive norms around women’s mobility

▪ Community mobilization can accelerate gains from government policies and even break through entrenched

social norms if deployed appropriately

– Communities set up groups to hold individual households accountable for sending girls to school, resulting in

a 94% school attendance rate for the 5-14 age bracket

▪ But this approach is most effective in areas that 1) have a history of activism (e.g., legacy of environmental and

anti-alcoholism activism among women in HP) and 2) are likely to respond to activism (e.g., state administration is

decentralized in HP and often interacts directly with community)

▪ High rates of women’s participation in elected government and public sector jobs also likely played a role in

HP’s transformation through creating policy priorities and responsiveness to women

Widely

distributed land

ownership*

▪ Agricultural communities have higher rates of women’s labor force participation, usually as casual or self-

employed workers—owning land increases the economic value and quality of work2

▪ Higher women’s participation in agriculture, in combination with time-freeing infrastructure (e.g., easy access to

water, fuel) increases the WEE impact of agricultural income-smoothing initiatives

1 World Bank report on Social Inclusion and Sustainable Development in HP 2 Srivastava 2010, Economic and Political Weekly

*Occurred prior to case study period


CONTENTS








▪ Appendix


THAILAND (1960-2010)

• In 1960, Thailand was a low-income country, with incomes comparable to those of sub-Saharan Africa at the time. Most people lived in rural

areas and worked in agriculture. Population was growing at 3% a year threatening to dilute the benefits of economic growth.

• Today, Thailand is urbanised and industrial, with incomes per person nine times higher in real terms. Compared to Africa, average

incomes are now around four times greater.

• Rural women’s lives have improved substantially in at least three dimensions: many have higher incomes and higher living standards; most

have better health and more education than their grandmothers; and they have fewer children — and fewer unplanned births, and less child

care to attend.


Accelerators

• Private sector job creation

• Public investment in

infrastructure

• Social norm change

• Public-private partnershipsWomen have the fundamental enablers for economic participation


women to work

Mobility and

safety in public




care work

Policies to promote

workplace equality


protection programs

Property and


Decent work

opportunities

Vocational & life

skills acquisition

Financial

inclusion



THAILAND’S DEVELOPMENT CREATED NEW OPPORTUNITIES FOR YOUNG RURAL WOMEN

Education and health

Schooling greatly expands, By 2010, the great majority of rural

girls are in secondary school (83%), at the same or higher

participation than boys, the same as urban areas. More than 90%

of adult women in rural areas are literate.

Health services and improved water and sanitation led to great

declines in illness and mortality. Mortality of under-fives and

maternal mortality plummet.

Family planning

In 1970, less than 20% of rural women used contraception: by

1980 use rose to around two-thirds; by 2012 80% of rural women

were users. Fertility levels that were more than 6 per woman in the

1960s declined drastically. By 1990 the national rate was close to

natural replacement; by 2012 it was 1.8 nationally and 2.1 in rural

areas. Population growth in Thailand has almost reached a

plateau; while the rural areas have seen population loss since the

late 1990s.

Wages

Rural women have been able to find jobs off the farm, either in

local non-farm enterprises, or by migrating to provincial cities,

Bangkok or the assembly plant locations on the Eastern seaboard.

Wages have risen notably. From 1990 to 2010 the largest wage

rises in Thailand were to female workers in farming. Wage gaps

between men and women narrowed. For farming, they reached

parity.

How the transformation happenedWomen’s economic empowerment outcomes

Industrialisation began in the 1960s, as economic policy was liberalised to allow private enterprise and

foreign direct investment — mainly from Japan and other parts of Asia — in manufacturing. This took

advantage of the abundant labour that Thailand until the late 1980s.

Agriculture also grew, owing in in large part to relatively abundant unfarmed land — including forest —

that could be cleared to expand the cultivated area. In the 1960s and 1970s the state was able to tax the

export of rice, depressing returns to farmers and keeping rice cheap for the growing urban areas.

Government invested in roads, power, health, education, agricultural research, some irrigation works.

Thailand’s development in the 1960s and 1970s was aided by:

• the presence of large Chinese ethnic minority with entrepreneurial ethics and skills. They were

instrumental in constructing effective supply chains from smallholders to cities and ports for export.

Thailand added exports of cassava chips, rubber, fruits, vegetables to its longstanding rice exports;

• Japanese firms feeling the costs of rising wages at home, looking to find cheaper labour;

• US determination to prevent Thailand from becoming the next domino to fall, hence a large aid

programme that stressed roads other services for distant rural areas to combat insurgency;

• European demand for cassava chips as feed prices rose in the EU in the 1970s

In the 1960s the Population and Community Development Association, an NGO, pioneered family

planning in partnership with the Ministry of Health. It succeeded because it offered rural women family

planning services in the village, administered by local female paramedics.

By 1990 or so, the pattern of Thai development changed. Strong growth of manufacturing, agriculture

and the rural non-farm economy between 1960 and 1990 made use of abundant labour from rapid

population growth in the 1960s. But by 1990, the growth of labour slowed as population growth slows, as

family planning takes effect. Labour became scarcer.

Agriculture shed labour as the young migrated out of villages, including large numbers of young women.

Young women made up by 1990 the bulk of the manufacturing workforce. To replace missing (young)

hands, two-wheeled tractors were adopted en masse.

With scarcer labour, productivity and wages rose. On farms, yields per hectare rise, as did returns to

workers.


Some norms allowed rural women to participate more in the economy:

• matrilocal residence, and matrilineal inheritance that signalled that women have property rights;

• that women manage households accounts; and, above all,

• that young rural women could migrate in search of work, even when unsupervised

THAILAND BENEFITTED FROM KEY MAIN ACCELERATORS


Broad-based

growth, using

factors abundant at

the time — labour

and land

Thailand grew from 1960 to 1990 by using relatively abundant land and labour.

This allowed the economy to grow, even if productivity was not particularly high in farming.

Public

investments in

education and

health; PPP in

family planning

Enabling rural

norms

Public investments in roads, agricultural research, education and health made this

possible.

A public private partnership developed one a highly successful family planning

programme


CONTENTS








▪ Appendix


DEFINITION OF ACCELERATORS AND METHODOLOGY FOR

IDENTIFYING THEM

Definition of an accelerator How the accelerators were identified

▪ To identify critical accelerators, we looked at developing countries and Indian states that have made notable

progress on women’s economic empowerment outcomes. Scanning global indices that indicate which

countries have made the greatest WEE progress over time, we identified a shortlist of case study candidates,

and narrowed them according to the following criteria:

– Translatability – the drivers of the WEE progress are replicable (e.g., while the genocide in Rwanda created

high levels of social upheaval that facilitated changes in gender norms and gender roles, this driver is not one

that could/should be actioned on in other contexts to catalyze change)

– Impact on WEE – there is visible, sustained change on our identified indicators of WEE (e.g., LFPR, wage

gap) attributable to concrete initiatives

▪ We extensively researched the chosen countries (Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Himachal Pradesh, Brazil,

Thailand) by conducting expert interviews, analysis of academic literature, primary source research (e.g., media

coverage), and statistical analysis, which enabled us to determine the accelerators that were most significant in

driving progress in the WEE outcomes

Accelerators are broad-

based enablers that

expedite progress up the

“staircase” by sparking and

amplifying interventions

across multiple elements

and/or steps of the

transformation pathway


▪ Social norm change

▪ Public-private partnerships

▪ Foreign direct investment

ACCELERATORS OPERATE THROUGH INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES

THAT SHAPE GENDER INEQUALITIES

MarketsFirms, businesses, and

corporations, as well as sites of

production, exchange, and trade

StateNational, regional, and local

government bodies

CommunitySupra-family arrangements in the

village, neighborhood, town, or

city; includes social groups &

organizations (NGOs, political

parties, women’s rights

organizations)

▪ Partnerships with international organizations

Accelerators identified in case studies

▪ Women’s political participation

▪ Private sector job creation

▪ Public awareness campaigns

Potential accelerators to explore further

▪ Women’s movements & organizations

▪ Access to markets

▪ Product / service offerings that support or

advance gender equality

▪ Social networks and social capital

▪ Youth movements

▪ Information access

▪ Influencing gatekeepers / community involvement

2

11

1

10

FamilyThe household and wider kinship

relationships

▪ Model city reform

5

9

▪ Public quota systems

▪ Data collection and data-driven state decision-

making

▪ Targeting interventions at men/boys

Institutional

structure1

1 These definitions of institutional structures are aligned with the GE Empowerment Model

3

▪ Public investment in infrastructure

4


8

7

6


ELEVEN ACCELERATORS WERE IDENTIFIED FROM THE TRANSFORMATION CASE STUDIESAccelerator Description Case studies

Private sector job creation

▪ Private sector job creation targeting the female workforce triggered through rapid growth of

industries (e.g., trade policy, FDI, deregulation) demanding women’s labor

▪ Bangladesh

▪ Brazil

▪ Thailand 1

▪ International orgs working with gov’t/local NGOs to organize, mobilize, and fund WEE programs

(e.g., skills training)

▪ Bolivia

▪ BrazilPartnerships with international

organizations 5

▪ Efforts to educate the public on important policy change (e.g., legal rights) or other key issues

(e.g., public health), often led by government or NGO/multilateral▪ Ethiopia

Public awareness campaigns9

▪ When enacting policy change, a city/state/region that can take the lead and develop a working

model for reform that can be transplanted to other cities/regions/states Model reform city/region4

▪ Ethiopia

▪ BrazilPublic Private Partnerships3 ▪ Private companies increasingly supporting, and implementing national policies or initiatives

Public investment in infrastructure6

▪ Thailand

▪ Brazil

▪ Himachal Pradesh

▪ Government investment in roads, water access, power, agricultural research, irrigation works, etc.

Direct foreign investment2▪ Thailand

▪ Investments made by a company in one country with business interests in another country, in the

form of either establishing business operations or acquiring business assets in the other country

▪ Bangladesh

▪ Increases in political participation, occasionally arising organically, but more often through the

creation of quota systems mandating minimum female political representation

▪ BoliviaWomen’s political participation10


▪ Presence of women’s movements and advocacy groups (e.g., lawyers associations) who lead

lobbying efforts and conduct grassroots reform advocacy

▪ Ethiopia

▪ BoliviaWomen’s movements & organizations8


Social norm change11▪ Existing norms may enable women increased participation in the economy, access to property

and assets for women can change perception and norms

▪ Bangladesh

▪ Thailand

▪ Ethiopia

Political will for gender equality 7

▪ Bolivia

▪ Brazil▪ Leadership support for gender equality at the central or state level


FOUR ACCELERATORS WERE IDENTIFIED AS RELEVANT FOR THE

FOUNDATION

MarketsFirms, businesses, and

corporations, as well as sites of

production, exchange, and trade

StateNational, regional, and local

government bodies

CommunitySupra-family arrangements in

the village, neighborhood, town,

or city; includes social groups &

organizations

Accelerators identified in case studies

▪ Public-private partnerships2

▪ Private sector job creation1

▪ Social norm change 10FamilyThe household and wider kinship

relationships

▪ Public investment in infrastructure5

▪ Public awareness campaigns9

Institutional

structure1

1 These definitions of institutional structures are aligned with the GE Empowerment Model

▪ Model city reform3

▪ Partnership with international organizations4

▪ Women’s movements & organizations8

▪ Women’s political participation7

▪ Political will for gender equality 6

Accelerators relevant to role

of the foundation

Role for philanthropy Potential for impact

Low High



COUNTRY CASE STUDIES REINFORCED THAT WOMEN ACHIEVE

WEE GAINS THROUGH DIFFERENT, CONTEXTUAL PATHWAYS

Elements advanced in case study period

Bangladesh (33 years, 1980 – 2013)

Garment industry and government programs

expanded women’s opportunities

Education FPDelayed

marriage

Legal

rightsMobility

Fin.

inclusion

Dig.

inclusion

Prop. &

assets

Life/voc

skillsDecent

work

Unpaid care

work

Workplace

equality

Social

protection

Ethiopia (10 years, 1995-2005)

Model cities established gender-focused laws

which later disseminated throughout the country

Education FPDelayed

marriage

Legal

rightsMobility

Fin.

inclusion

Dig.

inclusion

Prop. &

assets

Life/voc

skillsDecent

work

Unpaid care

work

Workplace

equality

Social

protection

Himachal Pradesh (25 years, 1990-2015)

Public sector hiring and land reform for women

expanded WEE outcomes

Education FPDelayed

marriage

Legal

rightsMobility

Fin.

inclusion

Dig.

inclusion

Prop. &

assets

Life/voc

skillsDecent

work

Unpaid care

work

Workplace

equality

Social

protection

Thailand (50 years, 1960-2010)

Globalization, infrastructure investments, and

family planning improved WEE

Education FPDelayed

marriage

Legal

rightsMobility

Fin.

inclusion

Dig.

inclusion

Prop. &

assets

Life/voc

skillsDecent

work

Unpaid care

work

Workplace

equality

Social

protection

Elements advanced prior of case study period

Bolivia (17 years, 1993-2010)

Women’s movements pursued gender policies

that expanded female labor force

Education FPDelayed

marriage

Legal

rightsMobility

Fin.

inclusion

Dig.

inclusion

Prop. &

assets

Life/voc

skillsDecent

work

Unpaid care

work

Workplace

equality

Social

protection

Brazil (10 years, 2001-2011)

Economic growth & political will for GE improved

broad set of WEE outcomes

Education FPDelayed

marriage

Legal

rightsMobility

Unpaid care

work

Workplace

equality

Social

protection

Fin.

inclusion

Dig.

inclusion

Prop. &

assets

Life/voc

skillsDecent

work



WEE TAXONOMY PRESENTATION SLIDES

How have countries progressed towards women’s economic empowerment?


52

Thirteen elements with strong links to Women’s Economic Empowerment

Equality and security

Opportunity and inclusion

Fundamental enablers

Alleviation of unpaid care work

Social and workforce protection

Policies to promote workplace equality

Decent work opportunities

Financial inclusion

Property and assets

Digital inclusion

Vocational and life skills acquisition

Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage

Legal rights for women to work

Mobility and safety in public

53

Three Clusters








Financial inclusion

Property and assets

Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



54

Seven elements most strongly tied to Women’s Economic Empower-ment








Financial inclusion

Property and assets

Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



55

Economic

Six Case Studies Revealed Varied Pathways

Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia

India—Himachal Pradesh







Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



56

Economic


Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia








Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



57

Economic


Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia








Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



58

Economic


Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia








Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



59

Economic


Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia








Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



60

Economic


Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia








Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



61

Economic


Thailand

Bangladesh

Bolivia

Brazil

Ethiopia








Financial inclusion

Property and assets


Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



62








Financial inclusion

Property and assets

Digital inclusion


Education

Family planning

Delayed marriage



Women’s movements and organizations

Social norm change

Public-private partnerships


Public investment in infrastructure

Women’s political participation

Accelerators ▸ ▸ ▸

63

Global Theory of Change


Social norm change






Delayed marriage

Family planning

Education

Property and assets

Financial inclusion



64


Social norm change





Elements of the Foundation’s Women’s Economic Empowerment Strategy

Self help groups



Social norm change



Property and assets

Financial inclusion


gender equality strategy - … · we looked at six country case studies (ethiopia, bangladesh,...

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