fulani

The veterinary medicine of Fulani pastoralists

Nel Otting October 2001

Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 3 1. Indigenous knowledge systems ................................................................................................................ 5

Indigenous knowledge systems ................................................................................................................ 5 Traditional healthcare systems ................................................................................................................. 6 Traditional veterinary medicine................................................................................................................ 8

2. The Fulani pastoralists.............................................................................................................................. 9 The Fulani ................................................................................................................................................ 9 Geography and migration ....................................................................................................................... 10 The Fulani and their cattle...................................................................................................................... 11

3. Health and disease among the Fulani .................................................................................................... 13 Ethnic identity and illness causation ...................................................................................................... 13 Therapies ................................................................................................................................................ 14

4. Health and disease among cattle............................................................................................................. 16 4. Health and disease among cattle............................................................................................................. 16

Cattle diseases ........................................................................................................................................ 16 Illness causation ..................................................................................................................................... 17 Therapies ................................................................................................................................................ 18

5. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................ 21 Bibliography............................................................................................................................................... 22

Introduction In west European countries, cattle farmers have met with many difficulties in recent years. The problems started in England when it became clear that cattle fodder, supplemented with bone-dust of sheep, had led to cases of mad cow disease or bovine spongiform encephalitis (BSE). In the Netherlands, pig-breeders were struck by a crisis because of the plague epidemic and many farms had to be cleared. The last crisis in cattle-breeding is still fresh in our memories. Foot and mouth disease (FMD) was diagnosed on a large scale in England, and in the eastern part of our country animals were afflicted too. In August the Volkskrant reported on another viral disease among pigs, the post-weaning multi-systemic wasting syndrome (PMWS), which has become more prevalent lately. After these crises it seems as if veterinary healthcare in Western Europe has only one remedy in cases of contagious diseases: the mass destruction of the afflicted animals together with the neighbouring healthy cattle. Extermination of cattle in cases of FMD is not necessary with respect to public healthcare, and is in sharp contrast to other medical practices in these countries. Human lives are saved at any cost, no matter how unbearable the treatment or how degraded the quality of life may be. Pets, like dogs and cats, also receive high-standard healthcare from specialised vets, and in the Netherlands we can even call for an animal ambulance to take away a wounded bird. These contrasting healthcare practices must be incomprehensible for people living in non-western societies. It is interesting to explore how cattle-breeders in other parts of the world deal with animals that are afflicted by diseases. This document is written as a part of the course Sub-Sahara Africa II for third year students of CA/SNWS. After being employed in the field of biomedical research for many years, I became interested in medical anthropology in particular. After reading some monographs it became clear to me how important cattle are in the socio-economic life of many Africans. I thus decided to choose a subject for this paper in the field of cattle diseases. The aim of this study, which is based on a survey in the literature, is twofold: First, in communities where socio-economic life is centred around cattle, the mass destruction of sick and healthy animals in cases of disease can not be an option. Therefore I would like to explore how cattle-breeders in Africa deal with illnesses affecting their cattle and what measures of prevention they take. Second, I want to compare human and veterinary healthcare practices and determine whether these are as contrasting as they appear in Western countries. The focus of this study is the veterinary healthcare among Fulani communities, the nomadic pastoralists that dwell with their cattle herds in the 4000 km wide savannah belts of west Africa. The study of veterinary healthcare practices of local people, such as the Fulani, is referred to as ethno-veterinary medicine. Together with the human healthcare practices it is part of the ‘indigenous knowledge’ of traditional communities. In the

first chapter of this document I will deal with ‘indigenous knowledge systems’, which is a relatively new field of scientific interest. Furthermore, I will elaborate on traditional human and veterinary healthcare systems as part of the indigenous knowledge. In chapter 2 a general description of Fulani groups is given. In this chapter the emphasis is on adaptation of the Fulani to their environment, and on their pastoral practices. Common anthropological concepts, such as religion and kinship are not included in the description. The only suitable anthropological study on the Fulani that would provide information on these subjects was written by de St. Croix in 1945. In this paper I considered it irrelevant to elaborate on aspects of social life among Fulani as it was described more than 50 years ago. How the Fulani respond to human health problems is determined by their cultural identity and this will be explained further in chapter 3, while ethno-veterinary practices of Fulani pastoralists will be discussed in chapter 4. Healing methods will be discussed in these chapters, as well as notions about the causes of illness and about healers. Answers to the research questions and concluding remarks are presented in chapter 5.

1. Indigenous knowledge systems

Ethnoveterinary medicine can be defined as the study of beliefs, knowledge, skills, methods and practices pertaining to the health of animals. Traditional human medicine as well as ethnoveterinary medicine are parts of ‘Indigenous Knowledge systems’, a field of study that has a recent history. The three fields of interest will be discussed subsequently in the next sections.

Indigenous knowledge systems Indigenous knowledge is the local wisdom that is unique to a given culture or society. This kind of knowledge is in sharp contrast to scientific knowledge that was generated in the international network of universities and other research institutes. It has evolved from people’s adaptation to their natural environment, in which they seek optimal use of resources. Local knowledge is gathered by experimentation and innovations and is passed down from one generation to the next, usually through oral tradition. Different situations require different approaches to solve problems, which makes indigenous knowledge very dynamic. Social factors, such as age and gender, determine the tasks of people within their society, the type of information they have access to and their decision making. For example, elders or healing specialists may have a remarkable knowledge about medicinal plants. Women have knowledge that pertains to their social role, which makes indigenous knowledge often gender related (Thrupp 1989; Gamser and Appleton 1995). Local knowledge has long been regarded as non-relevant, based on superstition and of interest only to social anthropologists. After decades of development projects, often with disappointing results, professionals during the early 1980s have began to value the knowledge of local people about their environment. Moreover, development according to the ‘transfer of technology’ approach has led to over-exploitation, sometimes with devastating effects on natural resources and wildlife. Alternative approaches, aiming at sustainability in development, were needed. Agricultural researchers started to explore and understand the detailed botanical knowledge of local farmers, recognised it as a method for sustainability, and applied it in projects (Fujisaka 1995; Slikkerveer 1995). Indigenous knowledge is the basis for local decision making, not only in agriculture, but also in other fields of community life, such as healthcare, food preparation, animal husbandry and natural resource management. In working together with local people and using their wisdom and skills in rural development, it is important to explore, understand and document these knowledge systems. In the last two decades institutions have been founded, dedicated to research and documentation of local knowledge. In 1987 the Centre for Indigenous Knowledge for Agriculture and Rural Development (CIKARD) was established at Iowa State University. The aim of this organisation is interdisciplinary research, documentation and preservation of

indigenous wisdom and training of development practitioners (Warren and McKiernan 1995). Another example is the Leiden Ethnosystems and Development Programme (LEAD) that started in 1986. The focus of LEAD projects is on local perceptions, practices, skills and ideas, with underlying cosmologies, all summarised in the concept of ‘ethnosystems’. LEAD includes research in sectors such as agriculture, education and socialisation, artisan skills, animal husbandry and healthcare, and the latter will be discussed in the next section (Slikkerveer and Dechering 1995).

Traditional healthcare systems Poor health, illness and death have an impact on community life. The incapability of a sick person to perform his daily tasks has effects, not only on the sufferer, but also on dependent relatives. Therefore communities will respond to health problems by developing a medical system, a set of measures to maintain or to restore good health. Medical or healthcare systems show considerable variation, due to differences in ecological, social and ideological contexts. As a consequence it is very difficult to define properly the concept ‘medical system’. Stanley Yoder (1982: 7-11) summarises definitions proposed by various scholars, among them the proposal of Frederick Dunn:

The pattern of social institutions and cultural traditions that evolves from deliberate behaviour to enhance health, whether or not the outcome of particular items of behaviour is ill health.

This definition is appealing because, in my opinion, it can be applied to ‘modern’ biomedical healthcare systems as well. Some non-western medical systems have a long written history, such as Chinese medicine and Indian ayurveda. Medical systems of societies with a recent literacy were explored and described by missionary doctors and anthropologists, very often of western descent. These published descriptions have led to the new discipline of ‘ethnomedicine’ which is defined by Hughes (Foster 1983) as the research of:

Those beliefs and practices relating to disease, which are the products of indigenous cultural development and are not explicitly derived from the framework of modern medicine.

In other words: ethnomedicine is the study of medical systems, other than those belonging to the complex of modern biomedicine. For discussion and comparison of ethnomedical data, Foster (1983:18-22) distinguishes three organising principles or categories, which are 1: causality concepts or aetiology, 2: therapists and 3: therapies or treatment. In Western biomedicine diseases are thought to have biological causes, like micro-organisms. In ethnomedical accounts however, other causes of illness are taken into consideration, for instance, angry deities in cases of violation of

taboos. Ancestors, ghosts, sorcerers and witches can also cause health-problems, and may be hired by a third party, for personal reasons. Furthermore, sickness may be the result of loss of equilibrium in the body or loss of the soul. Within this wide range of causes a subdivision can be made into naturalistic and personalistic causes. In naturalistic cases, illnesses are explained in impersonal terms, for instance when the equilibrium in the body is upset. Punishment by a deity, ancestor or sorcerer are personalistic causes and these appear to dominate in the traditional medical systems in Africa. The second organising category in research are the therapists. As in Western biomedicine, therapeutic specialists are present in traditional societies also. Shamans and priests heal people with magical power and supernatural attributes, and are found in communities where personalistic illnesses prevail. More widespread are herbal therapists, bone-setters and midwifes. In communities with the equilibrium health model, herbal therapists are consulted for treatment, often after self-diagnosis by the patient. Therapy or treatment is the third category mentioned by Foster, and treatment is also based on prevailing causality beliefs in societies. Ritual and symbolism play a role in the treatment of illnesses with personalistic causes. Naturally caused diseases are more often handled in non-magical fashions. In cases of excessive ‘heat’, for instance, the equilibrium in the body may be restored by ‘cold’ herbs, ‘cold’ sponge baths or bleeding, which is also thought to reduce ‘heat’. Medical systems deal not only with healing practices, but also with prevention of poor health. These prevention measures, just like therapists and treatment, match the notions of causality. People using biomedical healthcare systems believe that illnesses are caused by micro-organisms and so avoid contamination by regular cleaning of the body. In societies where annoyed ancestors are held to be responsible for sickness, mourning rites and remembrances are observed very strictly. Where witchcraft or sorcery is feared, people are very careful not to offend their fellowmen. In the colonial period Western medicine was introduced in African countries. The primary aim was healthcare for white settlers in urban centres and in areas with mining or agriculture. During this period traditional medicine was repressed by the authorities and most healers went underground to carry out their practices in secret. After independence African countries were left with a system of medical dualism. Traditional medicine gained its former status and prevailed in rural areas. The modern western healthcare sector was situated in the cities. Young people were sent abroad for modern medical training, which was aimed at hospital practice in urban centres only. During the seventies, when the ‘basic needs approach’ was introduced in development, governments in Third World countries started to extend modern healthcare systems to rural areas. Primary health centres (PHC) for curative and preventive health, staffed by health officers, nurses and midwifes, were set up, but were often under-utilised by the population. People continued to consult their traditional healers or they went to the city for medical treatment in a hospital.

Comparable to the application of local knowledge in development projects, the importance of community involvement in PHC programmes was recognised and formalised in 1978. Traditional healers could contribute to PHC because of their skills and their influence in their local communities. In many countries community health workers, chosen by local people and respected as healers, were trained for primary healthcare tasks (Buschkens1990: 3-7).

Traditional veterinary medicine Animals are also struck by illnesses and this may have social-economic consequences for animal keepers. Wherever societies held domesticated animals they have developed veterinary skills to keep their livestock healthy. The aetiologies, beliefs, diagnoses, treatments and preventive measures are, as in human medical systems, culture specific and part of the indigenous knowledge. Aspects of modern veterinary healthcare may be incorporated in sustainable agricultural development projects. However, development support in the field of animal healthcare should be culturally acceptable and applicable in the ecological context. For effective co-operation it is important to study local notions of diseases and treatments of traditional livestock owners. In the last three decades this has led to the study of ethnoveterinary medicine, which is now a recognised field of academic interest. It is also known as veterinary anthropology. Before that time veterinary practices were described in studies of other disciplines, such as ethnography or medicine. Western medicines are expensive and not always available to the individual cattle owner once the donor support has ended. The use of local resources in treatment of animals is often equally effective and much cheaper than western equivalents. This is another reason that local knowledge and practices should be conserved, documented and applied (Mathias-Mundy and McCorkle 1989: 2-3).

2. The Fulani pastoralists In this study ethnoveterinary practices among the Fulani nomadic herders are explored. The Fulani are fair-skinned people who inhabit the sub-Saharan regions of west Africa. This 4000 km long area stretches from the Senegal valley to lake Chad in the north-eastern part of Nigeria. This study is based on a survey in the literature; fieldwork was not conducted. Therefore a general description of Fulani people in this vast area is given without emphasis on one particular group or locality.

The Fulani The Fulani are known as the people who speak Fulfulde. They call themselves Fulbe, however, other populations in Nigeria know them as Fulani. The British call them Ful or Fulani, while the French refer to them as Peul. Other names used in Africa are the Toucouleur or Fulata. Accurate censuses are not available, although in 1989 it was estimated that over ten million nomadic Fulani lived in Nigeria alone. Gordon (2000: 289) mentions that 8 to 15 million Fulani people live in 15 different countries in the 4000 km long sub Saharan region. Although features of self identity are quite similar in this large area, the Fulani are differentiated with respect to economic and social life. They classify themselves into two main groups, the first being the town-Fulani; groups of Muslim clerics who were responsible for revolutions in past centuries. These urban Fulani are often employed in commerce, administration and education. More relevant in this document is the other group, the cattle- or bush Fulani. This group is subdivided into sedentary and nomadic cattle holders. In this last group of highly mobile Fulani, the households are generally composed of multiple dwellings occupied by an agnate group, with spouses and children. The bloodlines are well preserved and members refuse to integrate in host societies. Endogamy is practised and marriage among first cousins is preferred. In contrast to urban Fulani, the pastoralists are mostly non-Muslim and non-literate (Adebayo 1991: 1-2). The origin of Fulani is uncertain, partly due to the non-literacy of these populations. The myths of origin is one feature that is shared by all Fulani, nomadic as well as settled, and they subscribe to the story of migration from ‘the East’. Anthropologists and historians, however, have revealed that almost all peoples in west-Africa claim descent from the ancient civilisations in Egypt and the fertile crescent. The age of these traditions is unknown and, concerning the Fulani, can hardly be older than Islam in west Africa. There are many indications for strong Islamic influences in these myths of origin (Adebayo 1991: 3). More is known about the history of the Fulani in the last millennium. They have spread from a putative homeland in the Sene-gambia, eastwards into the

savannah zones of west Africa, which are presented in Figure 1. This migration is mainly determined by ecological factors and will be described in the next section.

Geography and migration Two main ecological zones, the forest belt and the savannah, are present in the western part of Africa, south of the Saharan dessert. The savannah belt is subdivided from north to south in the Sahel, the Sudan and the Guinea savannahs. The Sahel with its low annual rainfall of 400 mm and its prolonged dry seasons has semi-dessert vegetation, consisting of drought-resistant trees and patches of grass. Nevertheless camels and even cattle can feed on these tussocky grasses. The Sudan vegetation is richer because rainfall is about 900 mm a year and more green pastures are available. The Guinea belt is often referred to as the high savannah. It is a belt of high grassland interspersed with woods. The rainfall is high and sustained, with well-marked rainy and dry seasons. The tsetse fly risk, however, increases with the amount of rain in the savannah belts.

Climatic studies have shown that from the eleventh to the fourteenth century the Sahel was very wet, and the Fulani have moved eastwards into the Sudan and Sahel. When the Sahel was struck by desiccation in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, migration along the Sudan belt increased, to obtain pastures and water for livestock. The presence of Fulani in Hausa-land, in southern Nigeria, was recorded as early as the thirteenth century (Adebayo 1991:12-14). The direction of migration was determined not only by ecological conditions. It is said that the dispersal of Fulani in northern Nigeria in later centuries was assisted by the Jihad. Another factor was the presence of sedentary indigenous populations. Fulani pastoralists were dependent on permission of these farmers and horticulturists to feed their cattle crop residues. Nowadays in Nigeria an increasing number of Fulani camps have attached themselves, seasonally or permanently, to villages of horticultural ethnic groups. In colonial times ecological changes resulting from large scale cultivation and river basin development also had an effect on migration patterns. The location of cattle herding is also regulated by governments. Initiatives have been taken to control epidemic cattle diseases and areas are demarcated solely for grazing, agriculture or forestry (Frantz 1978:100-03).

The Fulani and their cattle Often used in Anthropological writings on African pastoralists is the concept of ‘cattle complex’, which was introduced in 1926 by Herskovitch, the founder of African studies in the United States. Referring to east African areas, he defined the cattle complex as a strong attachment to, love for and identification with cattle. This affection leads to a dislike of killing them, except for ritual purposes. Cattle are seen as the most prominent measure of power and prestige, and are considered as wealth for social rather than economical reasons. For example, cattle are widely used as brides payment in African societies. Also for pastoral Fulani, cattle are more important than anything else. Next to cattle they often keep sheep and goats. They trace their association with cattle to the intervention of a spirit. In a Fulani myth it is told that a herding boy, after he encountered that spirit, was told that he should follow its instructions, otherwise his animals would revert then to wild state and leave him. It is said that this has resulted in the extreme care of the Fulani for their cows. The acquiring of animals and ensuring their well-being is a means to an end and an end in itself. It is a means in the sense that cattle are used to the satisfaction of basic needs, such as food, clothing and transportation. Owning cattle enables a man to marry and set up his own household. Cattle are an end in themselves in the sense that all activities, conversations and thoughts are centred around cattle. They are loved by the Fulani for their beauty and other special traits (van Raay 1974: 2-3: Adebayo 1991). Fulani cattle are increasingly owned by individuals or families rather than by clans or lineages. To maintain social status a Fulani herder keeps as many animals as possible and selective breeding is rare. The low standard of living of

the nomadic Fulani is a reflection of their grazing methods, which are based on small herds, grazed in unfenced areas, and guarded by men on foot. Ranching methods, proposed by governments, are not widely accepted by the Fulani. They are averse to ranching because of the low man/animal ratio and necessary inputs like fencing, supplementary food and bush-control. The Fulani rely on their knowledge of the their natural environment in herding their cattle. As herding professionals the Fulani often take care of the animals owned by people of other ethnic groups. In western Nigeria they herd animals of Yoruba cattle owners, which leads to social-economic relationships between both groups. The Yoruba distribute their cattle among two or three Fulani, to insure against diseases and to keep herds of manageable size. The Fulani are paid for these services in milk, first offspring of animals or in the meat when an animal dies (Oyeleye 1981). Milk is a main source of subsistence of nomadic and semi-nomadic Fulani. It is consumed or exchanged for grains. Women in particular do the milking, processing and marketing of the milk. A change in household economy has been observed in studies on settled Fulani groups in Nigeria (Water Bayers 1986). Although women are still in charge of dairying, men and boys do the milking and thus control the milk off-take. The cereals are more and more purchased by males with money on livestock. According to Frantz (1978: 104), Islamic conversion has contributed to the withdrawal of adult women from milking and marketing tasks. Herding of cattle is a men’s job and the extent to which the herd thrives is seen as a reflection of the cattle-keeper’s abilities. Women are not involved in herding practices, but in decisions of cattle sales and purchases, their opinion is taken into consideration. Animals belonging to a woman can not be sold without her permission. In sales of cattle belonging to the husband, the wife can give her opinion too, because selling of productive animals may reduce her milk supply. The decision about the amount of milk that is extracted from the cow and how much is left for the calf is made by the person who does the milking. Women say that they would extract more milk, but still leave enough for the calves, while men believe that the calves, in that case, would suffer. These different viewpoints are related to the production aims of both sexes. The men are primarily interested in calf survival and in increase of the herd’s size. Women emphasise a higher proportion of milk extraction as a production aim (Water-Bayers 1986). The close contact of Fulani with their herds and the general attention paid daily to the animals appearances is an important way to detect early signs of health problems. The most common diseases among cattle in west Africa are described in chapter 4.

3. Health and disease among the Fulani

An aim of this study is the comparison of ethno-veterinary medicine and human healthcare among the Fulani. The veterinary practices will be discussed in the next chapter. In this chapter I focus on to human healthcare of the Fulani, based on a compelling article by Gordon (2000). This author has explored how cultural identity determines how the Fulani think about the illnesses they suffer. In the last decade, Gordon has conducted fieldwork mainly in suburban centres in Guinea, but he emphasises the cultural similarities between urban and rural Fulani, due to constant visiting for family obligations and festivals, even over international boundaries. Although he speaks of a ‘Fulani identity’, the question remains as to whether his findings hold for the Fulani groups in other regions throughout the 4000 km long savannah belt. In the exploration of health and illness among Fulani I strive to follow Foster’s subdivision into concepts of causation, therapists and therapies.

Ethnic identity and illness causation Illnesses are prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa, and the questions of the meaning and the cause of health problems are matters of considerable debate among the Fulani. According to them, common illnesses that are part of everyday life come from nature, and this refers to a naturalistic aetiology. Personalistic views on illness causation are observed also. Some exceptional disorders are recognised by Fulani as diseases caused by devils or diseases by intentional poisoning. The Fulani believe that the seasonal rains and humidity are the basis of their illnesses and they are convinced that they are more susceptible than other ethnic groups. Their original home, they believe, is the Sahel or the Sahara and they are acclimatised to zones drier than the savannah belts. Pivotal in views on illness is the concept of Bhuuri, which is not an illness in the sense that it has symptoms. Bhuuri is more the possibility of illness, that mounts and accumulates in the body every time people are exposed to rains and humidity. Fulani think that they are predisposed to Bhuuri and related diseases and therefore it has become a marker for their ethnic identity. Examples of bhuuri-related disorders are skin problems, boils and painful joints, but the most prominent disease is malaria. In biomedical terms malaria is caused by Plasmodium, the protozoan parasite that lives in the bloodstream and liver of infected people. This parasite is transmitted by Anopheles mosquitoes that breed in stagnant waters in ponds, swamps and even in pots and cans. Malaria is endemic in Guinea and 81% of the Fulani that Gordon has interviewed had malaria in the past year. Malaria is the Fulani disease par excellence, and other ethnic groups also identify the light-skinned and delicately built pastoralists with this health problem. Neighbouring Malinke and Sousou, for example, who have darker skins and more robust

bodies, are said to suffer less. In Gambia the Fulani are even considered to be the carriers of the parasite. Malaria is regarded as inevitable for the Fulani, due to their environment and their diet. Some say that malaria is caused by dairy products, the main food of the Fulani pastoralists, because cows eat grasses that are full of rains. Patients often have jaundice and yellow urine and stools. Therefore it is often thought that yellow foods lead to malaria also, for instance, when mangoes are eaten on the arrival of the rains. Bhuuri is the basis of all illnesses and a special group of bhuuri-derived health problems are those that ‘move down the body’. These bhuuri mnhuuru illnesses manifest themselves below the waist and include constipation, haemorrhoids, hernias, urinary tract infections, infertility and impotence. Characteristic of bhuuri mnhuuru diseases is their shamefulness. Illnesses above the waist have their origin in being a Fulani, in the occupation of pastoralist. In contrast, diseases below the waist are the result of not acting like a Fulani. Examples are having food or sex outside the cultural norms, or being out of control otherwise. Foods that are considered to cause bhuuri mnhuuru problems are imported rice, meat and fish. Hernias are shameful in particular because they are seen as evidence of sexual misconduct, and despairing sufferers strive to avoid discovery by others. Simple disorders, like diarrhoea and flatulence may lead to severe embarrassment, because they are regarded as signs of lost control. It is better to spend the whole day in the bush than let others observe (or smell for that matter) that one has lost control over the lower bowels. Women are considered unpredictable by nature and as not being able to control body functions. Cliteridectomy is used to make them ‘less excitable’. Women’s infertility is another very shameful condition. In short, diseases are strongly connected with ideas of pride and shame among Fulani, and it is often said that it is better to die than be ashamed.

Therapies The help-seeking behaviour of the Fulani, in cases of sickness, is a reflection of their ethnicity. The handling of malaria in particular is a proof of ethnic identity. The Fulani claim to be physically inferior to their neighbouring groups: however, they say to compensate for this frailty with strength of character. When struck by malaria, the Fulani men will not stay in bed, but go out to work and socialise. The women, on the other hand, express their identity by staying in bed in cases of malaria. Pride and shame play an important role in illnesses, and these emotions also regulate the sickness behaviour of the individual patient. In cases of bhuuri mnhuuru-based diseases, secrecy is more important than treatment, which results in disorders that remain untreated for many years. Hernias in particular are shameful and can grow to immense proportions. Even visits to western style

health facilities, where treatment is more anonymous, are hampered by these strong feelings of shame. Although their aetiology may be highly traditional, the Fulani have faith in modern medical practices and appear to be very up-to-date with the possibilities of hospitals and pharmaceuticals. Modern medicine is called lekki porto, the medicine of the whites, by the Fulani, and they refer to traditional practices, including medicinal plants and animist incantations as lekki bhale, the medicine of black people. In the early stages of malaria both modern drugs like Quinemax and Quineform are used in conjunction with plant medications. The Fulani claim that both kinds of medication are basically the same, but consider that modern drugs offer the possibility of more control over dosage. After the initial phase of the disease, when according to biomedical models the liver is involved, Fulani say that Western medicine is no longer of any use. When a modern health facility or private physician cannot help, the Fulani tend to go to the traditional healers, either Fulani or other ethnic affiliation, to whom they impute great powers. The medical plants applied are mostly roots, herbs and bark, collected by Fulani men who sell them in market places. Other suppliers of medical leaves in Guinea are Sousou women. Animist incantations are used to enhance the effectiveness of medical plants. Gordon states that in Guinea Fulani men tend to avoid the involvement in animist incantations because of their conversion to Islam. Fulani women, who have learned about plants from Sousou neighbours, are very skilled in the treatment of children’s illnesses. Gordon mentioned that both western style practitioners and traditional healers may be consulted by Fulani patients in Guinea. Unfortunately he didn’t elaborate on specialisms among the latter healers. The question remains whether Fulani have access to specialists such as herbalists, bone-setters, midwifes or priest healers.

4. Health and disease among cattle

Cattle diseases Not only the Western livestock industry is confronted with epidemic diseases. In sub-Saharan Africa infectious diseases also form the most common health hazard for cattle and other livestock. In the sub-humid zone of western Africa, where Fulani populations dwell, foot-and-mouth disease (FMD), rinderpest, contagious bovine pleuro-pneumonia (CBPP), and trypanosomiasis are the four principal ones. As we have learned in recent months in our own country, the transmission of the FMD virus is not restricted to contact between living animals. Clothing and equipment that has been in contact with sick animals, and even the wind can spread the disease. The FMD virus is able to change its antigens, leading to relatively short protection by vaccines (3-12 months). Rinderpest is also a viral disease and has a high mortality in newly infected areas. This disease, which is spread by direct contact between animals, had its first devastating outbreak in Africa in 1886. In the 1960s an all-African vaccination campaign was carried out in the ‘Joint Programme 15’, after which the disease was eradicated. The vaccine for rinderpest is inexpensive and provides almost lifelong protection. Nevertheless national governments were not able to perform continued vaccination and rinderpest reappeared in west Africa in the 1970s. CBPP is the result of infection with a mycoplasm and leads to more chronic health problems than FMD and rinderpest. The micro-organism is transmitted by aerosols, which are exhaled by infected cows. As the disease progresses the affected animals lose weight, their breathing becomes laboured and they do not keep up with the rest of the herd. About half of the infected animals develop severe lung lesions and have to be slaughtered. Vaccines are available and confer immunity that lasts for more than 12 months. A large part of tropical Africa is infested with the tsetsefly, the vector of trypanosomes. Infection with this protozoa may lead to either acute or chronic trypanosomiasis. It is characterised by progressive anaemia and the animals will die if they remain untreated. As well as the four diseases mentioned above, a variety of other infectious diseases are endemic in the savannah belts, such as anthrax, black leg and brucellosis. Furthermore, cattle are often afflicted by parasites like helminths and tick-born pathogens (Moulton1984). Western style veterinary activities, like vaccination and the use of antibiotics, are not in synch with the reality of the pastoral lifestyle in west African countries. National governments are limited in resources and infrastructure and are not able to provide adequate veterinary care for pastoralists, who are also constantly migrating with their herds. Vaccination campaigns in the past were often carried out in a military fashion, and were barely understood by the pastoralists. To

supply modern veterinary care, either by governments or development agencies, it is important to explore the needs of the pastoral herders in their socio-economic context. An understanding of the pastoralist’s own ideas and knowledge of animal health problems and their solutions, developed over time, should be the basis of any veterinary development programme. Prominent researchers in the study of indigenous- or ethno-veterinary medicine are Mathias-Mundy and McCorkle. In the exploration of veterinary practices among Fulani populations, I used their annotated bibliography (Mathias-Mundy and McCorkle 1989: 7-36). Contributions on Fulani veterinary care from several authors were included: however, they were based on findings in different African countries. In the next sections these countries will be mentioned, again leaving the question of whether the practices are common among Fulani in other areas. In this chapter as well, I tried to follow Fosters subdivision in causation beliefs, therapists and therapies.

Illness causation The Fulani’s point of view is that cattle are affected by diseases having only natural causes; personalistic causation plays a role only in neurological disorders. Similar disorders in animals and humans, for example, may therefore be treated differently. The animal may receive herbal medicines, while the human patient is treated with a combination of herbs and incantations. The Fulani in Senegal classify cattle illnesses in five categories, which are: 1. contagious 2. environmentally derived 3. nutritional 4. species specific 5. consequence of fate The role of micro-organisms is not recognised in contagious diseases and contamination is explained by transmission of diseases by wind or odours. In central Niger and Burkina Faso the Fulani use the concept of wilsere in cases of seasonal cattle sickness, which occurs at the beginning of the rainy season. The Fulani associate the conditions of wilsere with contaminated water and pastures, while some herders hold that flies are carriers of diseases. Wilsere includes all fatal systemic infectious and endemic diseases with a variety of symptoms. A wasting disease is the most common form, in which cattle become dirty with matted hair. They are covered with flies and stand with lowered heads. The disease lingers for several months and eventually the cow dies. Some syndromes that are grouped under wilsere may affect the gastrointestinal or respiratory tracts, while others may lead to reproductive problems and abortions. The Fulani have some knowledge of routes of infection and associate wilsere with tsetse flies, rivers and bushes. Furthermore they recognise that herds can

become habituated to local infections and that older animals are more often resistant to wilsere diseases. Localised infections and epidemic diseases are recognised as specific entities by the Fulani and do not belong to the wilsere group of syndromes. These illnesses are thought to be carried by the wind. Examples are tuberculosis and rinderpest. Mathias-Mundy and McCorkle state that magic and religion play a role in both human and veterinary medicine. In ethno-veterinary medicine, however, the psychological benefits of healing rituals are of no relevance. At best the rituals may comfort the owner of the sick animal. Examples of the application of magic and religion in the healing of animals are not provided. Some Fulani notions may relate to magic and superstition, from a Western point of view. The Fulani sometimes refer to disorders by different metaphorical names, for instance, because they are afraid that mentioning the real name will lead to an increase of incidence. The ‘doctrine of signatures’ holds that illnesses can be cured or prevented by plants that have the same features as the disease or the afflicted organ. For example, herders think that feeding of thick plants with juicy or milky saps may promote lactation in cows.

Therapies Specialised healers are available for the sick members of Fulani communities. These traditional doctors or healers often keep their medical knowledge a secret, because they rely on this expertise for their livelihood. For sick cattle no healing specialists are consulted and medical care is provided by the owners themselves. The ethno-veterinary medical information circulates freely among herders, which leads to uniformity in knowledge and practices. The slaughtering of sick animals also has contributed to the Fulani’s knowledge of the pathology of organs and to the identification of helminthic infections. The result is a much better understanding of animal health problems than of human disorders. In cases of health problems with which one is not familiar, another pastoralist may be consulted, who is more experienced with that particular disease (Ibrahim 1986). The Fulani have developed various methods, not only for the treatment, but also for prevention of health problems of their cattle. In cases of contagious diseases, for instance, they warn neighbouring livestock owners and make arrangements to use separate pastures and watering places, although they might not be aware of the existence of pathogenic micro-organisms, When FMD has struck a region, the Fulani move upwind of infected herds to prevent contamination of their cattle. Sometimes they move downwind to expose their animals, knowing that a mild case of the disease is not fatal and confers immunity. Only after the outbreak in 1970 in Britain, veterinary science in western countries discovered that the FMD virus could be transmitted by air over long distances.

The Fulani cover animals that have died of black leg with thorny bushes to prevent other animals from feeding around them. These bushes, together with the cadaver remains, are burned during the dry seasons. Like various other pastoral communities, the Fulani have developed vaccination methods against infectious diseases. In cases of CBPP, a piece of infected lung is thoroughly rubbed into an incision in the noses of healthy animals. They leave this lung-tissue for three days until the wound festers. The rotting flesh is removed and the wound is cauterised after which the animals are protected against the lung disease for a year. In the past comparable methods have been used for rinderpest as well, but unfortunately these have not led to successful protection. The Fulani recognise the role of flies in the spread of trypanosomiasis. Different methods are used to remove tsetseflies and other parasites. Insects are, for example, driven away by the smoke of smudge fires that are lit beside resting animals. Removing ticks by hand from the bodies of cattle is a task of women and children in particular. Cattle are often washed with an infusion of Sesbania aculeata before traversing a tsetsebelt. For the Fulani, pharmacotherapy is one of the most important means of controlling animal diseases. In varying doses plant medicines may be used either for treatment or as prophylactics. Several of these plants have proven to be effective in experimental settings of ‘modern’ biomedicine. Herders in Nigeria often wash their hands in an infusion made of the leaves of Nelsonia campestris and Guiera senegalensis before handling drugs for treatment. The latter is known to possess anti-bacterial properties (Ibrahim 1986). In Nigeria it was also observed that the Fulani are well aware of the toxicity of certain plants and in Senegal Fulani people know plants that can cause abortions in their cows. Healthy food is essential for maintaining a good physical condition, not only for humans but for animals also. The pastoralist Fulani are experts on pastures and they judge the quality of these by soiltype, flora, fauna and current condition of the vegetation. In new areas they subsequently drive their livestock in different directions from the camp and graze them for a week. The quality of these different pastures is compared by its effects on behaviour and condition of the cattle. The Fulani have recognised the importance of minerals in diets of cattle. As a dietary supplement they sometimes feed their cattle kanwa, a traditional mineral, which they place on deserted termite hills that are also mineral rich. The cauterisation of wounds is a routine and multi-purpose technique among the Fulani. It is used to stop bleeding, to heal chronic wounds and as treatment of hoof problems. Furthermore, cauterisation prevents horn development in calves; nowadays this method is also applied in the Netherlands. Castration of bulls may be performed by open surgery or by bloodless methods, the latter preventing tetanus. The Fulani in Burkani Faso use both methods, while in Nigeria they apply open surgery and stop bleeding by filling the scrotum with a decoction of Acacia arabica pods. Techniques for temporary castration of livestock are used to synchronise breeding. Mauretanian Fulani castrate their sheep and goats temporarily by pushing the testicles towards the inguinal

channel and lodge them under the abdominal skin. In the breeding season the testicles are released and let down again. The Fulani recognise when a cow is in heat or pregnant and they are able to perform some obstetrics. They know how to reposition a foetal calf, though some individuals are more skilled than others at this delicate task. Before reaching into the cow’s vagina they cover their hands with soap and water for lubrication. Prolapsed uteri are replaced also; the vulva are sutured with two pointed sticks and tied together with vegetable fibre. Bone settings techniques are known among Fulani pastoralists, and are successful most of the time. The ends of broken bones are put together and the limb is wrapped with a cloth and put in splints made of a grassmat. All the examples of veterinary practices mentioned above are adapted to the ecological setting and local available recourses are applied. Nevertheless, Mathias-Mundy and McCorkle reported some limitations of ethnoveterinary medicine. Not all the practices are effective and sometimes they may even be dangerous; for instance, the withholding of drinking water to cattle with diarrhoea. The collection and preparation of herbal medicines can be inconvenient and time consuming, while certain plants may only be seasonally available. Ethnoveterinary therapies are often ineffective against infectious diseases like rinderpest and FMD. Diagnostics is another problem because many infectious and parasitic diseases display similar symptoms. The treating owner can only see and feel a sick animal, which is not able to describe its complaints.

5. Conclusions The Fulani pastoralists who inhabit the savannah belts of west Africa have developed systems of veterinary care that include treatment as well as preventive measures. These veterinary practices are adapted to the natural environments of the herders. Medicinal plants and other materials are easily accessible and cheap in comparison to western drugs. Many therapies are effective, such as the traditional vaccination against contagious bovine pleuropneumonia, and several plant medicines have proven to be effective in experimental settings in the West. Some infectious diseases, such as rinderpest and FMD, remain problematic and need western based vaccines or antibiotics. Western based veterinary support for African pastoralists may offer a solution, but programmes must be comprehensible for these herders and should reflect the reality of nomadic herding. Traditional veterinary healthcare, as performed by the Fulani, has something to offer to biomedical medicine in the West. Herding of cattle on green pastures instead of feeding them industrial forage with bone-dust prevents the development of bovine spongiform encephalitis. Treating animals with plant extracts against insects or removing them by hand is less a burden for the environment. Furthermore, a wealth of knowledge on medicinal plants is present among Fulani herders, which can serve as a basis for the development of new drugs. Although vaccines are available against FMD, the western livestock industry has taken other measures to eradicate this disease. For the individual farmer in our country it must have been gut wrenching to watch the slaughter of his livestock during the FMD crisis. Economic interest in the long term appeared to be more important than saving cattle. We can conclude that the livestock industry in this part of the world is based on an equivalent of the ‘cattle complex’ of Herskovitch; the ‘money complex’ is the most dominant element in our culture. Concerning my second research question, it appears that human and veterinary healthcare also contrast in Fulani societies. However, cattle are more lucky than humans in case of illness, and the sick cow can count on the affectionate care of its owner. The Fulani pastoralists are more aware of cattle diseases than of human diseases, and each herder is able to perform some veterinary tasks. Human diseases often remain untreated because they are either the inevitable result of the sufferer being a Fulani or are to shameful for the afflicted sufferer to consult a healer.

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